the interests of the several princes and states of europe consider'd, with respect to the succession of the crown of spain, and the titles of the several pretenders thereto examin'd defoe, daniel, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing d estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the interests of the several princes and states of europe consider'd, with respect to the succession of the crown of spain, and the titles of the several pretenders thereto examin'd defoe, daniel, ?- . [ ], p. 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't is true , our adversaries have felt the effects of the war , as well as we ; and 't is reasonable to suppose , have as little need of another , as they had real need of the peace . but what we know of that is but suppos'd ; what we feel , we are sensible and sure of . besides , the case here would exceedingly differ ; for the kingdom of spain , which perhaps were it rightly managed , is the richest as well as the largest government in the world , is a thing so valuable , that 't is presum'd there is no monarch in christendom , were he in the king of france's stead , but would push for it at the extremest hazard . and the present king of france has never given the world any reason to expect he will omit the addition of such a trophy to his glory , especially when he has so high pretensions to the claim . in this case it seems very proper to enquire a little into the present prospect of affairs , as they respect the several interests of the princes of europe , and what probable effects the decease of his catholick majesty may have , as to peace , war , and trade ; that from thence we may judge what we ought to expect from such an event . to come at a full understanding of the case in hand , 't is necessary to take a short view of the succession of the royal family of spain , and enquire who has the fairest claim , in case of the demise of the present king. the house of austria have had an undoubted possession of the crown of spain ; and charles the fifth being chosen emperor of germany , enjoy'd a sovereignty of the largest extent , perhaps that ever any one prince in the world had under his government : for he had at once the empire of germany , the kingdoms of hungary and bohemia , of spain , naples , and sicily ; all the present united provinces under the states of holland ; all flanders , with the countries of luxemburgh , franche comte , and burgundy ; the dukedom of milan , the islands of sardinia , corsica , majorca and minorca , with a boundless empire in mexico and peru ; besides a multitude of petty sovereignties , dukedoms , and principalities . all this vast dominion , the empire of germany and its dependancies excepted , descended to his son philip ; who added to it the kingdoms of england and ireland , by his marriage with queen mary ; but that unhappy match neither raising him any children , nor keeping him in any long possession of this crown , he lost it by her death ; and in the next reign , lost the low-countries also , and by that long war so impoverish'd his own kingdom , that it never recovered it to this hour . after his decease , he left his kingdoms to his son philip , and he to philip the fourth , father of the present charles the second , who has yet no children . philip the fourth left one son and two daughters ; the eldest daughter , maria teresia , was married to the present french king , and was mother to the present dauphin of france ; and in case of the death of the present king of spain , the dauphin of france is heir apparent to the crown of spain , and to all its dominions ; and , one clause excepted , has an unquestion'd title to the succession of the said kingdoms . but in answer to the succession of the dauphin , 't is objected , that at the marriage of lewis the fourteenth of france , with maria teresia of spain aforesaid , his most christian majesty , with all the princes of the blood , did by a writing under their hands and seals , ratified and exchang'd on the borders , and firm'd by their solemn oath at fonterabia , in the year , renounce and relinquish all right or title , claim and pretensions for himself or his successors , which they or any of them had or should have , by reason of any alliance from the said marriage . the spanish ministers of state who foresaw the possibility of a claim upon the crown of spain from the children of that match , took all the care imaginable to bind his most christian majesty from so much as a pretension to it , and to that end made the words of that oath as full , and the ceremony of making and exchanging it , as solemn and as publick as possible . how far his most christian majesty will think himself bound by such an oath , time must determine . i know 't is argued , that the dauphin and his sons can be no way obliged by an oath made by their father or grandfather before they were born ; and that the father could only relinquish for himself , but not for them , on whom the right of succession devolv'd long after the oath of their father : that the inheritance was a natural right to them , which their predecessors had no power to dispense with ; and therefore they are no way concern'd in the oath of renunciation , but ought to succeed , as if no such oath had been taken . though much might be said on this point , it being not the design of this paper , i shall only note this ; that whether the oath by which his most christian majesty renounced the said succession be binding to the dauphin and his sons or no ; this is certain , that it is effectually binding to the king himself , if there be any such thing as a binding force in the obligation of the most solemn and sacred oaths in the world. now if the obligation be so sacred as to the most christian king himself , 't is most certain the dauphin or his sons will never be kings of spain , if the said most christian king be so just to his obligation as not to aid and assist them in pushing at the succession . the emperor of germany , who is the next branch of the house of austria , is heir to the crown of spain in case the title of the said maria teresia be laid aside , being the immediate line of ferdinand , son to charles the v th , king of spain ; and not only so , but his issue has a claim by virtue of his marriage with margaret teresia , the second daughter of philip the iv th , by whom he had one daughter , who was married to the present duke of bavaria . it may not be amiss to answer here a question which seems very naturally to be drawn from the premises , viz. why should the spaniards make provision to bar the claim of the french by the issue of a daughter , and not the claim of the emperor whose right is also by the issue of a daughter . this is expresly answered by the preamble to that treaty in these words : estant les deux couronnes si grandes et si puissantes qu' elles ne puissent estre reunies en une seule et a fin que dez a present on previenne les occasions d'une pareille jonction , &c. donques attendues les susdites justes raisons et notamment de l'egalité qui se doit conserver leurs majestez accordent et arrestent par contract et pacte conventionnel entre elles qui aura lieu force et vigueur de la loy ferme et stable a tout jamais qui la serenissime infante d'espagne ni ses enfans et leur descendants en quel degrè ils se puissent trover voir a tout jamais ne puissent succeder es royaumes estats seigneuries et domination , &c. qui appartiennent et appartiendront a sa majesté catholique tant dedans que dehors le royaums d'espagne non obstant toutes loix ou coutumes &c. aux quelles leurs majestez derogent , &c. in english thus : the two crowns being so great and so puissant that they cannot be united into one kingdom , and that to the end that from this present all occasion of such a conjunction may be avoided , therefore upon due consideration had of the aforesaid reasons , especially that of equality , which ought to be preserved ; it is accorded between both their majesties , and by mutual covenant and contract ordained , which shall continue in the full force and vigor of a law for ever , that the most serene infanta of spain , her children , nor descendants , in what degree soever , shall never succeed in the kingdoms , signiories , or dominions , which do or shall belong to his catholick majesty , as well within as without the kingdom of spain ; notwithstanding any law or custom , which hereby their majesties do abolish . 't is plain from this branch of the contract , that a union between spain and france has been accounted by both nations an improper , if not an impracticable thing . a union with germany has been known , and is coherent enough ; but the nature and interest of the two crowns of spain and france seem to have some particular circumstances which would make a union fatal to them both ; and therefore don lewis de haro , the great minister of state for the spaniards , insisted on this article with a great deal of zeal . i confess it seems to me that don lewis de haro , the spanish minister , acted very different from the character he had in other his publick management of the affairs of spain ; for he who past for one of the greatest masters in politicks of his age , and was the only man in all the spanish court , who was thought to be a match for cardinal mazarin in the famous peace of the pyrennes , was sure very ill read in the maxims of princes , to think that a treaty of renunciation would ever be esteem'd of force enough to limit the ambition of future times , and to oblige princes who were not then born . the spaniards were never taken for a credulous nation , and how they should come to be drawn into such a folly , seems very unaccountable . no doubt cardinal mazarine , who discover'd well enough the event , suffered the spanish plenipotentiaries to go on at their own rate , and to call in the help of all the civilians in the two kingdoms , to make an instrument of renunciation , knowing well enough that titles to crowns are generally disputed by the sword , not by deeds and instruments ; and that the succession to the crown of spain , if ever it fell by the demise of the incumbents to the heirs of that marriage , would receive very little obstruction from so weak a defence as the paper of a renunciation ; for we find contracts and writings of that nature , have very little effect against a title to a crown backt with an army of men . the spanish ministers acted the parts of men of honour indeed , but not at all of politicians . why also that refin'd politician should marry the eldest daughter , where the succession should require so strict a bar , remains undetermined ; had he given the infanta to the emperor , and the younger daughter to the king of france , the debate had been prevented ; but possibly other reasons might govern him , which we cannot judge of at this distance of time ; and the infanta being married to the most christian king six years before the younger daughter was married to the emperor , that match might be made before a marriage with the emperor was in view . upon the whole , it appears by this short view of the succession of the crown of spain , that the two daughters of philip the fourth , are the immediate heirs of charles the second , the present king , in case he dies without issue ; the eldest , who marri'd the king of france , has renounced her claim for her self and her posterity ; and the next right must devolve upon the second , whose title descends to the elector of bavaria . i am also to observe that the pretence , of the children of the king of france , not being bound by the oath of their father , and therefore their succession being clear , seems fully answered thus . the renunciation was not so much a personal deed of the present king of france and the infanta of spain , as it was a mutual compact between both kingdoms pass'd by a treaty of peace , and became a law of each country , made so by a publick instrument sign'd by the nobility on each side , and agreed by a general consent of the plenipotentiaries of both parties , in the xxxiii d article of the pyrenean treaty , in these words : and to the end this peace and union , confederation and good correspondence , might , as it is desired , be so much the more firm , lasting , and indissolvible , both the said principal ministers , the cardinal duke , and the marquis earl duke , by virtue of the special power they have had for that end of the two lords and kings , have concluded and agreed in their names , the marriage of the most christian king with the serenis . infanta the lady maria teresia , eldest daughter to the catholick king , and the same day bearing the date of these presents , have made and subscrib'd a particular treaty , whereunto they refer themselves touching the mutual conditions of the said marriage , and the time of its celebration ; which treaty by it self , and capitulation of marriage , are of the same force and vigor with the present treaty of peace , as being the chiefest part thereof , and the most worthy as well as the greatest and most precious earnest of the surety of its duration . this makes it appear that the treaty of marriage was really a part of the treaty of peace , and so became a publick stipulation between the two kingdoms , and an act of the generality ; so that not the king and queen of france only personally , but the very kingdom of france did solemnly concern it self in the renunciation of an union of the crown of spain , as a thing not fit to be done , for the reasons expresly set down in the preamble quoted before . france having thus renounced the crown , and all claim to the kingdoms and dominions of spain , the second daughter comes in with her claim ; and maria teresia stands with respect to spain , as if she had dyed without issue . the second daughter of philip the fourth , was margaret teresia , married to leopold the sixth , present emperor of germany , by whom he had three sons and one daughter ; which daughter , the sons all dying young , was married to the present duke elector of bavaria , and died in , leaving him one son , to whom the crown of spain descends by a plain and direct title , founded on the renunciation agreed on by the pyrenean treaty . if the son of this princess dies without issue , the german line of the house of austria succeeds , deriv'd from ferdinand brother to charles the fifth , son of philip the first , king of spain , who left three sons , maximilian , ferdinand , and charles . maximilian succeeded his father in the empire , and left it to rodulph the second , his son ; and he dying a batchelor , matthias his second son succeeded in the empire ; and he also dying without children , ferdinand the second son of ferdinand the first , was chosen emperor , who had several children , but all died without issue ; so the family was preserv'd in charles the third son of ferdinand the first , who among fifteen children had one son , ferdinand the third of the family , but as emperor was known by the name of ferdinand the second , who was father to the emperor ferdinand the third , and he to the present emperor leopold the sixth of the family , but the first emperor of the name , whose eldest son joseph is king of hungary , and king of the romans ; whose right to the crown of spain is clear and unquestion'd , still founded upon the former renunciation . the duke of savoy has also some pretension to the crown of spain , as he is great grandson of charles emanuel , duke of savoy , by katherine , daughter to philip the second . the titles being thus discuss'd , we come to examine how the several interests of the princes of europe stand , with respect to the succession , in case his catholick majesty should dye . to begin with the princes of italy ; and first with savoy : the dukes of savoy have always upheld their fortunes by the antipathies of the powerful princes by whom they are environ'd , the emperor , spain , and france ; either of them singly have had both power and will to crush the savoyard , but neither enduring to let the other seize him , he has ever had a protector of ' the one , when he has had an invader of the other . t is true , this has often made his country the seat of the war , and his very capital city turin has been alternately garison'd by french , spaniards , and germans . the present duke is entirely in the french interests and in a fair way to leave his dominions in the french possession , having married his daughter to the hopes and fortune of france : but if he has yet any sons , it cannot be his interest to have the dutchy of milan fall into the hands of the french , who will then perfectly environ him in their own territories : princes may take this of that party , with respect to wars foreign to their own dominions ; but in their own particular cases they are always governed by their interests . if the duke of savoy has any regard to the succession of his own family he cannot but know that if the kingdom of spain falls into the hands of the french , the milanese does so also ; and he and his successors are as absolutely in the power and at the dispose of the king of france , as any governor of a province in his own countrey ; and the powerful assistance of the spaniard is for ever sunk as to him ; so that it cannot consist with the safety of the duke of savoy to have the french possess spain . 't is true , the emperor may assist him , but the grisons must be ask'd leave to admit succours through their countrey ; which though they do generally grant , yet such an aid is remote , and the motions of the germans very slow : so that indeed to have the french possess'd of spain , is to put the dukes of savoy under an absolute dependance on the power and will of the kings of france . the dukes of mantua , parma , and modena , with the republick of genoa , will be in little better condition ; for the countries of savoy , piedmont , and milan , have always been a frontier to them , to defend them from the insults of the french ; as may very well appear by the care they took this last war , to get rid of the french garison in casal . in the south and east parts of italy , the case will be little better ; for with the crown of spain the kingdoms of naples , sicily , and sardinia , become likewise french ; the first of which admits them into the heart of italy , where they may shake hands with the venetians on one side the great duke of tuscany on the other , and the ecclesiastical territories on 〈◊〉 other ; and the last gives him an entire dominion over the whole trade of the west part of the mediterranean sea. in a word , the spanish dominions in italy falling into the hands of the french , would so involve the whole country , that it would lie wholly at his mercy , and depend entirely upon his favour ; and whoever gives himself leave to consult the histories of the wars in italy , the many attempts made by the kings of france to get but a footing in that delicious country , may with ease conclude what use they would make of so advantageous a seisure as this . francis the first , was the most eager competitor with the emperor charles the fifth , for the dominion of italy ; and the princes of lombardy owe their present establishment and tranquility to the success of the emperor's forces in that great battel of pavia ; for had king francis gain'd that battel , 't is more than probable he had united all the north of italy to his crown ; and this very humour of king francis , who was a warlike and an ambitious prince , was the very reason why he was not elected emperor in the stead of charles the fifth , lest he should either slight or attempt the subduing of the petty-states of the empire ; though they mended not the matter , the very same design being afterwards formed by charles the fifth , whom they elected at that time . and thus 't is in italy now the petty princes of italy are neither willing nor able to injure france , and are very well satisfied with being screen'd behind the milanese by the spaniard and savoyard from an irruption from france . france has several times been master of a great part of italy . pepin , and charlemaign , having conquer'd the longobards , gave all the ecclesiastical-territory in italy to the chair ; and since that , italy has been often changing masters , and the popes have as often been harass'd , one while by the emperor of germany , and other while by the french and spanish power ; and to prevent the like for the future , the constant maxim of the ecclesiastical councils , has been to keep a due balance between those three powers , that neither of them may be too powerful for one another , and then he is sure the peace of italy shall not be disturb'd . in this case the ingenious puffendorff in his introduction to the history of europe , gives his opinion thus : i am apt to believe , says he , the popes would be glad the spaniards were driven out of italy , especially out of the kingdom of naples ; but it is scarce to be supposed he should be able to do it in his own strength ; and to make use of the french would be to fall out of the frying-pan into the fire ; therefore all the pope can do is to take care that spain may not encroach upon others in italy ; and there is no question but if the spaniards should attempt any such thing , france and all the other italian states would be ready to oppose their design ; neither can it be pleasing to the pope , if the king of france should get so much footing in italy , as to be able to sway matters there according to his pleasure , which the pope ought to prevent with all his might . if this be true , what then can the pope or any of the italian princes expect , if the spaniards and french should be united , and encroach upon them in one body , they would effectually drive them all out of italy whenever they pleased ? all the refuge they could have , would be the empire , which how able it would be to cope with france , in such a case , time only can determine . to me it seems more than probable , that a union of the kingdoms of france and spain would be an entire reduction of whole italy under the same power ; for there is not that part of italy which the monarch of that union would not really have some dormant pretension to , either as king of spain , or king of france , or king of naples , or duke of milan , except the territories of the republick of venice , and some of them would not be entirely free neither . the next country which is most nearly concern'd against this union , and in most danger from it , is the kingdom of portugal . as the spaniard is now a poor and effeminated nation , portugal is secured by its own strength . in the time that the power of spain was formidable to europe , philip the second no sooner invaded portugal , than he subdued it ; for there is no comparison between the forces of the two kingdoms ; and had not the spanish power been broken by other fatal losses against england and the low-countries , i suppose 't would not be improper to say portugal had remain'd a province of spain to this day . in th year ; while philip the fourth was involv'd in several troubles , as in particular the revolt of the catalonians the portuguese shook off the spanish government , and set up john duke of braganza ; and yet even this revolt had not been able to have been made good , had not the french privately assisted them under the command of duke scomberg , by whose conduct they won the famous victory of villa vitiosa ; and yet after this , had not the diversion the french made in the netherlands , made the spaniards willing to clap up a peace with portugal on any terms , the portuguese could not have held out . the sum of all is this , that portugal is not able to support it self against spain without a foreign assistance . now if spain and france unites under one power , whenever that power pleases to demand the crown of portugal , it must and will be surrendred to it . wherefore 't is the interest of portugal by all possible means to prevent this union ; what those means are , i refer to its proper head. the swiss , the grisons , and the city of geneva , are the next concern'd in this affair : i know some are apt to say , that the greatest loss the swiss are like to have on this occasion , will be want of employment , which they have always found in the wars between france and spain ; but , perhaps , it might be answered by saying , they may chance to find employment enough in defending their own countrey ; for it is not to be questioned but the king of france , who would then be lord of all the countries southward of the grisons and swiss , would be very fond of making that warlike people his subjects , both for the advantage of having a power to force them into his armies , and also of stopping the passage of the germans that way into italye , and indeed the impossibility that seems to lie on the swissers of maintaining their neutrality , makes it almost natural to believe the new monarch will attempt all feasible methods to bring them over to him , if it be only to anticipate the germans and prevent their being parties with the emperor . 't is true the swiss are a fighting people and not easily conquered , and a poor people not worth conquering ; there is nothing to be had from them but blows and barren mountains ; but yet the reasons abovesaid would , in case of such a union as we speak of , make it absolutely necessary to the french to make themselves masters of them , cost what it would . 't is confess'd some of the most powerful princes of europe have attempted the swiss in vain ; as leopold archduke of austria , whom they defeated and kill'd at the battel of sempach , anno . and charles duke of burgundy at the battel of granson was routed by the switzers , though he was a gallant soldier , and had in his army an men ; and it would be a very difficult thing for the strongest power of europe to make a conquest of them by force ; but the present king of france has found other ways to conquer , besides downright fighting , and the swiss who are a needy people , may , perhaps , be as easily divided as another nation , by the help of money especially , their government being composed of two different religions ; and each party very positive and zealous in their own . if therefore the french and spanish monarchies should unite , the swiss may find it very difficult to maintain their confederacy , either from the force or the subtilty of their great neighbour : for in case of such a union , the monarch of that empire will presently see , that to get the swiss cantons under his power , will be the first and most necessary work to employ his politicks ; for it would be the only way to secure himself from any disturbance in his entire reduction of italy . so that it must be of the last consequence to the swiss cantons , to prevent such a mighty union in europe , which seems to bring with it a necessity of involving them in a war with the most invincible power of two united monarchies ; in which war they must of necessity at last submit or be conquer'd ; for a victory obtain'd by them , could have no other tendency , than to make their terms of accord the easier ; which they must always be bound to preserve at the price of a war , whenever their potent neighbour please to impose upon them . as to trade indeed , the swiss are not much concern'd , because they trade little but among themselves , nor have no sea-port for foreign trade , nor any manufactures to export . the empire of germany is the next to be consider'd : the conjunction of france and spain seems to threaten germany with a fatal and a bloody war ; the frontiers of france and spain united , extend in length , fronting the limits of the empire , for a contiguous range of near a thousand miles , if the swiss grisons and the north-east part of italy are included , as they are of necessity to be . 't is true , the emperor of germany is not under an absolute necessity of quarrelling with this supposed empire ; but the circumstances of italy , which has so many fiefs and dependancies on the empire in it , are such , that it seems impossible , speaking of common politicks , that the french should possess the spanish dominions in italy , and not commence a war with the emperor of germany ; for the italian princes cannot subsist in italy , without being incroach'd upon in such a case ; and the only prince they can have recourse to for protection , is the emperor : possibly it may be the truest interest of the emperor to lye still at this time , and rather prosecute his wars against the turks with his utmost vigor , by which he gains an extraordinary glory as well as revenue ; and that being once happily finished , he may be the better able to cope with such an united power : for as he is now engaged in his wars in hungary , it must be own'd that the empire of germany would be in very great danger , and a very unequal match to the french upon the rhine . it is without question the present interest of the emperor to preserve his peace , because the towns which are to be restored by the present peace are not yet quitted by the french ; but that once done , the emperor might with the greater advantage preserve the peace of the empire , and transfer the war into italy , where the germans always fight cheapest , and the french dearest . the emperor's interest in this affair lies distinguish'd with respect to the several parts of the empire . the states of the lower saxony , whose troops , together with the swabian and franconian circles , compose the forces on the rhine , are maintain'd by quota's at the charge of the several princes of the empire , and the same princes are an inexhaustible magazine of men and money , and perhaps well united are invincible as to the french. in italy the germans can maintain the war three parts in five cheaper than the french , because the feudatories of the empire bear their proportion : but if the french by this conjunction unite also the italian princes , the heat of the war between the emperor and the french is most probable to lye on the frontiers of bavaria , or the lower parts of austria and bohemia , the emperor 's hereditary dominion , which indeed is the tenderest place the emperor can be touch'd in . 't is true , that germany united is a most formidable empire ; but the present condition of the empire , very much weakned by this last war , and involved in a vigorous war against the turks , is such as renders it in but an ill condition to engage in so bloody and expensive a war as this would be . 't is therefore the interest of the empire with all its might , by way of prevention , to secure the crown of spain ; that by such an addition the french greatness might be curb'd and restrain'd , and the french anticipated in all their vast and ambitious designs upon italy . the king of poland seems to be the only prince that will be easy at this union , and that only as it serves his present purpose , by diverting the french from disturbing him in the peaceable possession of his new-gotten kingdom . the disorders of his government seem to grow upon him , and the party of the prince of conti , or the cardinal primate rather , are only upheld by their expectation of succors from france , in order to dispossess the present king : now this union of france with spain , may be beneficial to the king of poland , only as it may divert the court of france from raising and encouraging rebellions and disorders in his affairs , before he is well settled in his new-gotten dominions : and yet the king of poland will not approve of this conjunction , as a friend to the french interest , nor any way , but as he would be glad of any circumstance that would divert the french from giving him disturbance in the particular settlement which he has before him . the dutch are the next state most concern'd in such a conjunction ; were it not for flanders the dutch would have no manner of concern upon them , but what respected trade only ; of which by it self . but as they now stand with respect to the several provinces of the spanish netherlands , to have those large and populous countries fall into the hands of the french , would be of the most fatal consequence to their affairs of any other event that could possibly befal them . their territory is entirely encompass'd with the flemings , legois , and germans , and that subtle government have at all times taken special care to keep off the neighbourhood of the french , and have ever so ordered the matter , that they have had some or other strong town of the spaniards to stand between them and danger ; what they are to expect from the neighbourhood of the french , they have room enough to judge from their own sad experience in , when the french broke into the bowels of their country , and like a torrent bore down all before them ; if then the spanish low-countries fall into the hands of the french , as by such a union they would immediately do , the dutch would be even besieged by the french power from the mouth of the scheld to the rhine , and have no frontier but their own towns ; and on the least breach between them and the french , their own fruitful countries which they have hitherto been so chary of , would become the seat of the war , and be impoverisht and over-run with the numerous armies of franc. in a word ; it does not seem very probable that the dutch can maintain their commonwealth , but will fall a certain prey at some time or other , to the overgrown greatness of the french monarchy ; for they have but two ways of supporting themselves , by war or peace ; the first must be precarious , and at the absolute will of the french ; and the last will be destructive to them . there is a vast difference between the charge of a war maintain'd abroad , and the desolations of a war brought home to our own doors . while the dutch maintain'd their army , and sent them into flanders to fight ; the war , though it was long and very bloody , yet was easy to them ; but to have the french army in the bowels of their country , leaves nothing but ruin and desolation behind ; witness the rage of the french armies at swamerdam in the years , and . the dutch by their hired troops are a very powerful state ; but are on the other hand the worst of any nation in the world to entertain a war in their own dominion , because they are so exceedingly dependant upon the openness and freedom of trade , which if it be once obstructed , as to be sure it must be by such a kind of a war , they are presently impoverisht . the uniting the spanish netherlands to france by this succession , would leave holland in a manner quite naked of all its defence , and exposed to the will of the french ; for if flanders be lost , all the blood and treasure spent by the whole confederacy in three long and chargeable wars , for the rescuing flanders out of the french hands , would be lost , and all the labour of the king of england and his armies would be utterly lost . the dutch are certainly exposed to the last degree , and in so much danger of being absolutely subdued in such a case , that i think they are concern'd in the highest degree , to prevent , if possible , such an union as that , which would to them be the most fatal thing in the world. we come in the next place to examine how england stands with respect to such an union ; england is not one jot less concern'd in the matter than holland ; the king of england , whose hazards in flanders may seem needless to those who understood no better , has given sufficient . testimony of his opinion how much the safety of england depends upon maintaining the frontier of flanders as a barrier for the kingdom against the insults of the french nation : and indeed , if nothing but the prodigious increase of the naval strength , which france would attain by such an union , were considered , it would be sufficient to make all the northern parts of europe join their interest against it . i noted in the article about the dutch , the naked condition they would be in with respect to a war by land ; but should the french once make themselves masters of flanders , and of some of the dutch ports and harbours in the scheld , or the maez , the addition of their naval strength would make them too great a match for all europe at sea. the present conjunction of the english and dutch fleets have not without great difficulty preserved the command of the sea during this war ; the advantages gain'd by it are visible to the meanest understanding ; and i question whether it would be possible to maintain that command in case of such a union . the present growing greatness of the french genius infus'd by vigorous councils into the spaniards , may once again make them , as they formerly were , the most powerful nation in the world , both at land and sea ; if then the french and spaniard united , should make themselves in proportion too strong at sea for the english and dutch , they may bid very fair for a universal empire over this part of the world. our interests in the west-indian colonies of america , come next into consideration . 't is absolutely necessary for the security of our plantations , whose extent is exceeding great , that no union be made between the french and spanish dominions ; otherwise the whole trade from these parts of the world , to both east and west indies , may lie at the mercy of the french : for england and holland being nations subsisting and depending wholly upon trade and foreign negoce , any union in the world , which shall be too strong for them at sea , may in the end reduce both those nations to what terms and what subjection they please . and this leads us to the other great consideration of this union , as it respects the interest of trade in the world. the interest of trade is the interest of nations : peace is the end of war , or at least ought to be so : trade is the end of peace , and gain is the end of trade . the trade of europe is principally in the hands of the english , dutch , and spaniards ; from the two former to the latter , in manufactures of their own growth and operation . the spaniards , who are a nation that make the best return in trade of any nation in the world , namely , bullion , may be said to suffer us to trade with them , rather than they to trade with us : they are a subtle , but a very slothful nation ; they buy almost all their necessary things of foreigners , they have in a manner no manufacture among them , they hardly make their own cloaths ; and in return , the growth of their countrey , as wines , oyls , and fruits , are brought back , and the overplus made up by exchange , supplied by the bullion of their west-indies . as a further demonstration of the ill husbandry of the spaniards in trade , it appears that all the trade carried on with them by the english and dutch , is carried on upon our own stocks ; and some have ventured to say , that the english effects in spain do not amount to less than millions sterl . ; which way of trade has always been the greatest ligament of the peace between the english and dutch , and the spaniard : for on the first occasion of a rupture with these countries , the immediate course the spaniard takes , is to seize upon all the english or dutch merchants , and confiscate their effects , which are always so considerable , as that those nations have no equivalent to lay hold on by way of reprisal . 't is true , they have taken their plate-ships , and sometimes plunder'd the coast-towns in the spanish west-indies , which at best would be but a small amends , to the seizure of the effects of so many merchants . nay , they are not only so ill merchants as to suffer strangers to engross their trade , but even those strangers , as if the spaniards were neither able to manage , nor fit to be trusted with business , employ all agents , factors , and servants of their own , sent over and resident among them , with the same methods : as they plant amongst the most barbarous nations of africa ; and by this method the trade of spain is so managed , that whatever it be to the spaniards themselves , 't is certainly a trade exceeding gainful to the merchants of these countries in particular . . as it occasions the consumption of their manufactures , and from thence the improvement of their stocks at home ; by which the whole countries are enrich'd , and the poor employ'd and supported . . as it makes a return of bullion , which is the greatest advantage that can accrue to trade ; for manufactures exported , and bullion return'd , make always an account of profit to the publick stock of a nation . . an increase of navigation , and encouragement to seamen ; the spaniards not only trading with us all in our own vessels , but employing our ships in their own affairs from port to port , in italy especially . in case of a union with france , 't is very probable the channel of trade to spain may be entirely alter'd : the french are a busy trading nation themselves , and are very apt to vye with the english and dutch in their manufactures : and to go no further , when 't is in their power to admit their own merchants to import their manufactures custom-free , while we shall pay per cent. 't is easy to see that our trade thither must dye . i know it will be objected here , that the chief export of english manufactures is to cadiz , for the trade by the galeons to new spain , &c. ; and that if the french should by their conjunction any way discourage that trade , it is but our opening a correspondence from jamaica to their west-indies , and we should be as great gainers , and the trade from spain by the galeons , be very much impair'd . by the treaty of commerce between the two nations , it is stipulated in particular , that the king of england shall not permit any of his subjects to trade , correspond , or sail to or with any of the subjects of his catholick majesty in the west-indies : the reason was , that the trade from hence to spain being so considerable by the way of cadiz , and the return so good , keeping it in that channel , would be the only way to maintain that beneficial negoce to advantage : whereas supplying the indies directly from england , would be very prejudicial to the particular trade of spain it self , the navigation from cadiz to the havana , and in general to the whole trade . now the most effectual method of prohibiting this trade , has appear'd to be observing the prohibition strictly at our colonies and islands in america , jamaica in particular : for did our government give the liberty to trade from jamaica to new spain directly , the spaniards are so eager to trade , that all the precaution their own government could use to prevent it , would be to no purpose : and there is this reason to be given for it ; that the sale from the english by the way of jamaica is so much cheaper than that by way of cadiz , and yet our merchants great gainers too , that the spaniards of america will run all hazards to get our goods on shore , and coming off to us in sloops and canoes , they trade super altum mare , bartering immediate money for our commodities at an extraordinary rate . the reason is plain ; because goods sent from england or holland to cadiz , there paying freight and charges , with a custom of l. per cent. to the king of spain , and afterwards reshipt on board the galeons , paying a second freight , with some indulto at their lading on board , and again at their landing in america , must of necessity be sold dearer than goods brought directly from england . now if the prohibition on our side be but removed , the trade of cadiz , as far as respects english goods , would be ruined . 't is acknowledg'd this would be very detrimental to the spanish trade ; but a trade carried on by stealth could be neither very durable , nor very considerable , and therefore could never amount to an equivalent to the loss of that great branch of our trade from england to cadiz . another answer may be given as to the damage of trade , that a powerful union between holland and england , for the augmentation of their naval strength , in order to preserve always the command of the seas , will be effectual either to prescribe the french , though they are united with the spaniard , within the ancient regulations of trade , or to prohibit their own trade to their american colonies , nay , even to take all america from them . to this i say , spain indeed , as now consider'd in the hands of the spaniards , has but an inconsiderable naval power ; but spain in the hands of the french must be otherwise consider'd . the french are a nation who improve every thing to the utmost ; they are a diligent indefatigable people ; if it be possible to recover the naval power of spain ( as no doubt it is ) , they will recover it : and what a prodigious extent of the sea will they possess by a contiguous coast from dunkirk to the streights-mouth ; ( for i must suppose portugal to be swallow'd up by them , it cannot be avoided , the pretensions to that crown are so great , and the power to oppose them so small ; ) and from the streights-mouth , a few small ports excepted , quite to loretto on the east side of italy , almost to venice : they must be a more slothful people than the spaniards , if they do not make themselves the strongest nation at sea in the world. and if they are so , no trade can be secur'd to us , but such as some particular advantage to themselves , makes it their interest to permit . in a word , it seems to me that trade in general will lie too much at the mercy of the french ever to be of any advantage to their neighbours , and i 'll instance in one particular trade , in which at present we rival that nation , viz. the newfoundland fishing . we take our fish on the banks of newfoundland , and on the coast of new england , and the french do the like ; the market is general , and equal to both nations ; if there be any advantage , 't is on the side of the english ; but if spain , which is the place where all this fish is disposed of , falls into the hands of the french , 't is but prohibiting fish , excepting in their own bottoms , and all our newfoundland colonies must sink and be deserted , and three hundred sail of ships be at once unemployed . that such a prohibition would be the consequence of such a union , is as natural as can be , and no one could blame the french neither , for we would do the same our selves . the trade to venice , to italy , and to turkey , would have like circumstances and consequences , for the french would keep the key of the mediterranean , and they would be very much to blame if they let any pass the streights mouth without paying them such a toll , as that all those trades should be managed by us under considerable disadvantage , if they were not entirely lost . to speak of the dutch , whose fishery in a great measure is the staple of their navigation , this fishery depends as much upon their st. ubies fleet for salt , as the brewers in london do upon the new-castle fleet for coals : should this union of france and spain succeed , and portugal be subdued , 't is in the power of the french to destroy all the dutch fishery , by laying a great duty on the salt at st. ubies , while their own subjects shall have it as before ; by which means the french shall bring their herrings cheaper to market , and consequently have all the trade . the instances which might be given of this nature are too many to be included in this short discourse , and too plain to need it ; a very mean capacity as to trade may make a judgment of it . from the whole i take the freedom to draw this conclusion , that such a union of two such powerful monarchies as france and spain , would be very pernicious to the trade of england and holland in general , and absolutely destructive to some branches of it in particular ; it would be hazardous to the peace and liberty of the dutch , and absolutely inconsistent with the ballance of power in europe ; it would be fatal to the princes of italy , the cantons of switzerland , and the kingdom of portugal ; 't would be very troublesome and uneasy to the empire , and would very much endanger the liberty of christendom . and if so , then it must be the interest of all the princes of europe to join their forces with the utmost vigour , and endeavour to prevent it . 't is certainly the interest of england and holland to preserve the freedom of their commerce and their empire of the seas ; and i see no event in the world that is in the least probable to deprive 'em of it but this ; no union in the world but this can put any prince or people , or confederacy in a condition so much as to dispute it with them ; france by it self cannot do it , as has appear'd this last war ; spain is in no probable circumstances for it ; but france and spain together seems to be plac'd in a scituation for the universal government of europe . 't is certainly the interest of the princes of italy , by all that is possible for them to do , to prevent this union ; and that is so plain from all the histories of those countries as to the times when the french were masters of the greatest part of italy , that it needs no other demonstration . portugal has nothing to protect her , but the difference between those two nations , as i noted of savoy , that when she is opprest by one , she may have succour from the other ; for i think it can hardly be supposed that the french king would omit uniting that small kingdom to his empire , having a kind of a right to it by a former possession . germany has various reasons to oppose this union . first , because the real right is in the emperor or duke of bavaria , or both , rather than france , if the article of the renunciation be good , as no doubt it is . now the title to the crown of spain being renounced before it was really a title , seems to take off all pretences of exception ; for the king of france did not quit a title which he had , but agreed to remain without a title which he had not ; and the renuncation was made by the two kings , not by the infanta only , but by her father too ; as appears by the particular words of the renunciation , which are as follow : placuit utrique regi pactione instar legis semper valiturâ sancire , ne unquam serenissima infans teresa , aut posteri ejus ulli , ad seros usque nepotes , quocunque gradu sint , admittantur ad successionem ullam , sive regnorum , sive principatuum , provinciarum , ditionum , dominiorum quorumcunque regis catholici , non obstante lege ulla , consuetudine aut alis jure in contrarium , cui utriusque regis authoritate plenissimè derogatur , contemplatione dictae aequalitatis , & publicae utilitatis quae inde emanatura speratur . it was consented to by both their majesties , and by them confirm'd , that neither the most serene infanta teresa , nor any of her issue or posterity , in what degree soever , be admitted to succeed in any of the kingdoms , dukedoms , provinces , or dominions of his catholick majesty , any other custom , constitution , or law to the contrary notwithstanding : so that if any such custom or constitution were , it was by authority of both kings absolutely annull'd and destroyed . and this only to adjust the dominion of both crowns , so as each of them might receive an equal benefit by it . lastly , 't is the interest of spain it self to oppose this union ; for whereas it is not an addition of france to spain , but of spain to france , it changes it from a soveraign self dependant kingdom , and one of the most powerful in the world to a province of the french empire ; to be subject to the laws and maxims of a nation , whose genius and tempers are as directly contrary to one another , as heat and moisture , as light and darkness ; 't is subjecting the spanish nation to a people for whom they have ever had a stated mortal aversion , from whom they differ in every thing that nature can contrive two opposite constitutions to partake of ; differ in complexion , differ in temper , differ in customs , in habits , in manners , in every thing but religion . to conclude ; i firmly believe that to all this may be added , that notwithstanding the french greatness and policy , 't is no difficult matter effectually to prevent this union , if his catholick majesty should dye , and that without involving europe in a new war , unless the most christian king should resent any preventive methods to such a degree , as to declare war himself against the confederates . how this may be done , is not the business of this paper ; nor is it an affair proper for a pamphlet . i doubt not but those princes which god has plac'd at the helm of government in europe , understand both the means and the time for such a work , being no more without council to direct , than without power to perform ; and to them i refer it . finis . tyrants and protectors set forth in their colours. or, the difference between good and bad magistrates; in several characters, instances and examples of both. / by j.p. price, john, citizen of london. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing p thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) tyrants and protectors set forth in their colours. or, the difference between good and bad magistrates; in several characters, instances and examples of both. / by j.p. price, john, citizen of london. [ ], p. printed for h. cripps and l. lloyd, and are to be sold at their shop in popes-head alley., london, : . j.p. = john price, an anagram of whose name ("cri in hope") appears on e v. the first leaf is blank. annotation on thomason copy: "june [ye] th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng kings and rulers -- early works to . despotism -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no tyrants and protectors set forth in their colours. or, the difference between good and bad magistrates;: in several characters, instances a price, john, citizen of london f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion tyrants and protectors set forth in their colours . or , the difference between good and bad magistrates ; in several characters , instances and examples of both . prov. . . as a roaring lion and a ranging bear , so is a wicked ruler over the poor people . chap. . . it is an abomination to kings to commit wickedness , for the throne is established by righteousness . by j. p. london , printed for h. cripps and l. lloyd , and are to be sold at their shop in popes-head alley . . to the reader . reader , a tyrants test , and a protectors pourtraiture , are worthy thy contemplation in these froward times ; in the one thou mayest read what thy condition had been through gods most righteous severity : had he not graciously interposed in the other what thy condition is , and mayst expect to be through his meer mercy so interposing . tyranny makes earth a hell , and a tyrant is a devil incarnate . just government makes heaven on earth , and good princes , gods in the likeness of men . no government is hell broke loose , where all would rule , and none be ruled ; every mans lust would be every mans law ; his wants measured by his will , and his deserts by his desires , which would render men furies in flesh ; and daily tormentors to themselves and others , and therefore any government is better then none , tyranny then anarchy , but just government banisheth the wicked from a nation , ( as it did the evil angels out of heaven ) making the remaining inhabitants to shout for joy ; here thou shalt find a tyrant tryed , and a protector pourtraitur'd , by plain characters , brief instances , and examples of both , ( which truly considered with our own concernments in both respects ) would muzzle the mouths of our muttering murmurours , and render us more sensible of our present happinesse , and thankful for it ; thou shalt not here find a censorious condemnation of the long and short parliaments , nor a flattering congratulation of all publick transactions since their date ; for although these be ad nos in respect of their events , yet are they supra nos in respect of our censures , this is my principle , this is my prayer , that wherein men have been wise , and done worthily for their countreys liberties , and the saints interest , god would remember it , and never forget it ; and that wherein they have been weak , and failed in their duty , being but flesh and blood , and men at best , though the best of men , god would forget it , & never remember it ; the demonstration of tyranny , the commendation of magistracy , the characterizing of good and bad magistrates , in their principles and practises , with the effects thereof to themselves , and their people , was the designe of my heart , had the fact answered the fancy , and the product the project . reader , if thou beest a son of sion , and a citizen of jerusalem , which is from above , the peace that is within thy gates , and the prosperity that is within thy palaces , must needs render thee sensible of thy felicity by thy freedom from tyranny , and fruition of liberty by our present government , thankful for it , and fruitful under it , except like jessurun thou art waxen fat , and kickest up the heel , hast turned thy grace into wantonness , and thy table be made a snare unto thee ; if thou beest one of them that have thus converted their fulness into folly , and their liberty into licentiousness , murmuring that moses and aaron ( i mean ) thy quondam preservers are thy present protectors , and hast forgotten the days of old , and the years of many generations , who hath sown that crop in tears , yea in blood , which thou now reapest in joy , if that liberty will not satisfie , the like whereof is not in all the world , that liberty the like whereof the generations that are past did never understand ; that liberty , a greater then which thou knowest not how to desire ( except it be to have power to tyrannize it over thy brethren dissenting from thee , as precious in the eyes of the lord as thy self , and it may be more in the truth then thy self ) not a son of belial suffered to molest thee , nor a dog to move his tongue against thee , if thou canst not in this fulness sit down with content , who will pity thee if thou risest up , and fall ? if thou wilt read and consider the difference between good and bad magistrates , thou mayest see the misery which thy fore-fathers felt , and our selves but lately feared under the one , and thy present felicity , which our fore-fathers desired , and we now enjoy under the other , the due and spiritual effects of which vision upon all our hearts , through the grace of our god in jesus christ , is the fervent prayer of thy friend , and servant , j. p. errata . page . l. . for spoil you , read spoil him . p. . l. . for violendum , r. violandum . p. . l. . r. profuseness . p. . l. . for asses r. lasses . these , besides some others , which i pray thee correct with thy pen . a tyrant , or homo homini demon . . tyranny is a complication of iniquity ; whereby men ( being gods in power ) become devils in practise , to terrifie and torture all that withstand them in their devilish dealings . a tyrant is a devil in heart , a man in shape , a lyon in power , a bear in practise , affrighting his people with his rage , and roaring and tearing them limb-meal with his teeth and ●a●ons . the tend●r merc●es of tyrants are cruel : the scripture calls them , roaring lyon● , evening wol●es , that gnaw not the bones till the morning , zeph. . . not satisfied so long as any thing is left , dealing by the people as the cruel spaniards do by the indians , of whom it is storied , that they shew them favour when they do not for their pleasure whip their nak●● bodies with ●oards , and dayly drop them with the ●at of ●u●ning ●acon : they cause the just to perish , and the wicked ●o fl●u●●sh qu●ffi●g the tears of the oppressed , making m●lody with their mis●ry and musick with their signs . the oppressed romans complain●d to pompey , nostra miseria tu es magnus , thou ar● become great by our miseries : like those miscreants in micah . . they ●at the flesh , and fl●y the skin , break the bones , and chop them in pieces as for the pot : like those american canibals , who when they take a prisoner , feed upon him alive and by degrees , cutting off from his body now a meal and then a meal , which they roast before his eyes , fearing up the wounds with a firebrand to stanch the blood , to the unutterable aggravation of his horror and torment : such a lyon ●ampant was nero , tim. . i was delivered out of the mouth of the lyon ; and the rest of those monsters of mankind , the bloody tyrants , rom●s● emperors , in the primitive persecutions ; and their romish successors , the same in cruelty , though not in profession , ext●r●ing complaints against them 〈…〉 m the people of god in the voyce of the prophet jeremiah personating sion , jer. . . nebuchadn●zzar king of babylon hath devoured me , he hath crushed me , he hath made me an empty vessel , he hath swallowed me up like a dragon , he hath filled his belly with my delicates , he hath cast me out . it is said , that the roman tyrants in the first persecutions did destroy twenty seven millions of people , and that with such cruelties as were never heard of before . one mentions a cruel tyrant , who to get monies of his miserable subjects , used to send for them first to the court ( as charls ultimus angliae did use to send for the citizens of london and others that refused to pay ship monies , &c. ) and if they did deny to pay according to his pleasure , he would first knock out one of their t●eth , and then another , until they did yield to pay the same ; as charls aforesaid by himself or ag●nts did send persons that would not pay his illegal and unjust demands to new-gate . . a tyrants regiment is without righteousnes● ; he lives by robbery with authority , making his will his warrant , and his lust his law : he is not a magistrate , but a malefactor ; not a preserver , but a persecutor of law and equity . righteousness is a ra●i●y in the court of tyrants ( except unconcerned in their own interest , ) where golden angels ( especially if their name be legion ) are their sacred oracles , from whose mouth they receive , and so give sentence accordingly , be it right or wrong , to the wresting of judgment : the bribe prospereth which way soever it turneth ; making even wise men mad by their unrighteous sentence : their right hand is full of bribes , psal. . . solomon saith , such person●trouble their own houses , prov. . . fire their nests while they think to feather them : fire shall consume the tabernacles of bribery , job . . it was an oath taken by the very heathen judges , audiam accusatorem & reum sine aff●ctibus & personarum respectione , i will hear the plaintiff and difendant with an equal mind without aff●ction or respect of persons . it is ●●corded , that olanes sat upon the fleyd skin of his father s●lanes , na●led by chambises on the tribunal . there are more th●n whispers of very sad stories of the bribery and baseness of our la●e english court and the greatest therein , taking mony on both sides , and doing just●ce on neither side ; but , as i said before , ●i●e consumes the tabernacles of bribery : wi●ness the woful desolations of that wretched family ; the husband hunted out of the world by the hand of justice , and driven from light to darkness , the wife banished from the land of her pleasures , the children in their several dispersions in several places unwelcome to all , being a burthen to all . the word of the lord is tryed : the house of the wicked shall be overthrown , prov. . brimstone shall be scattered upon his habitation , job . . . he carries death at his tongues end , the peoples welfare is at his m●er pleasure , where his word is there is power , and be his doings right or wrong who dares say unto him , what dost thou ? hi● heart is hard , his hands are heavy , and wo be to him tha●●eels their stroke . he hath long arms , and can strike at a distance ; he wants not a heart to conceive , a head to con●●ive , nor hands to execute his bloody commands : it is said , that methridates with one letter did slay fourscore thousand citizens of rome ; none must cross them in their devilish cruelty , except he will take a bear by the tooth , or a lyon by the beard . i dare not dispute , said a philosopher to adrian the emperor , with him that hath thirty legions at his command , neque in eum scribere qui potest proscribere nor write against him that can easily undo me : against his word there must be no rising up , prov . . they will ride without reins , until unhors'd with haman , and their honour of all becomes the hatred and scorn of all : his wrath is as a roaring lyon , prov. . . amazing al that are about them : as a late king of england , who ( though he had more of the nature of a fox then a l●on , yet ) would make h● courtiers tremble with his sparkling countenance , fierce , fiery , furious and ph●enzylike cursing and swearing ▪ nebuchadn●zzars rage against those three worthies in daniel , was hot●er then his oven ( for he had destroyed them in his heart , when his oven could not hurt them ) for refusing to obey his idolatrous commands : and herod by the word of his mou●h hath bloody executioners to murther poor innocent child●en in a barbarous manner . now cursed be the anger of●yrants , for it is fierce ; and their wrath , for it is cruel ; by means whereof they live undesired , they dye unlamented , as nerva , valentinian ; yea their ruine is the rejoycing of the people , as was that of nero . cum mors crudelem rapuiss●t saeva neronem credibile est mul●os romam agitasse jocos . when the wicked perish , the city shouts for joy , prov. . . absolute power tick●es tyrants ; to destroy with a word , a nod , this is their glory . caesar told met●llus , he could as easily destroy him as bid it to be done : and caligula , speaking to his consuls , i laugh ( said he ) to think that i can kill you with a nod of my head , and that this fair throat of my wives shall be presently cut if i but speak the word ▪ to have power to crucifie and power to save was pilates pleasure and delight . . he makes his people tremble before him ; he kills and saves , puts down and sets up in the haughtiness of his heart and pride of his power , persons and principles at his meer discretion . it is said of nebuchadnezzar , that having a kingdom , majesty , glory and honour , in so much that all people , nations and languages feared and trembled before him , his heart was lifted up , and his mind hardened in pride , that whom he would he slew , and whom he would he kept alive , and whom he would he set up , and whom he would he put down : you may judg of their disposition by his own , and of his by his cruel decree against daniel , who did him no wrong ; like king like courtiers , like prince like priest ; for whom will they advance but either those that are their likes , or whom they hope to make their likes ? when princes are roaring lions , zeph. . . they that are advanced judges are evening wolves , vers. . the prophets are light and treacherous , and the priests do violence to the law , vers. . what a cursed crew is here ? he doth not scatter , but gather the wicked about him , for they love their image ; regis ad exemplum , &c. hence it is that kings courts in cities and countries as they remove from place to place , are little other ways then a moving hell on earth , where the elect of satan , the most cursing , swearing , blaspheming , lascivious , proud , wanton , effeminate , base and beastly persons , are gathered together , from all the nation , people and families of the whole country , infecting all places where ever they come , rendring them ( as it were ) the very suburbs of hell : hence it was that where the prince and the prophet ( anglicè ) the * civil and ecclesiastical tyrants had their seats and their seas , the cities , towns , countries were the most debauch'd parts of the whole nation . . he will rule all , and be ruled by none ; he throws away the bonds of nature , reason and religion , and acts by his pride , pleasure and passion . no , not by god , nature , reason , law : exod. . . pharaoh said , who is the lord that i should obey his voyce , and let israel go ? i know not the lord , neither will i let israel go ▪ pride compasseth them about like a chain , violence covereth them as a garment , psal. . taking pleasure in their pride and cruelty , until their pride bring them low , prov. . . their greatness and gallantry makes them swell and look loftily : is not this great babel that i have built for the house of my kingdom , by the might of my power , and for the honour of my majesty ? said proud nebuchadnezzar : but god pluckt down his plumes , and stain'd all his glory , and sent him to school amongst wilde beasts , that he might learn better manners then to vye it thus with the great god of heaven & earth . sea the r●ign and ruine , the pride and punishment of tyrus , eze. . . because his heart was lift●d up , he said , i am a god ; but god threatened to darken his br●gh●ness , to shame his glory , and to bring him to the pit . i might instance likewise in herod , who glittering in his shining garb ( as josephus hath it ) assuming the honour of god , was ungodded , yea unman'd by the basest of vermin . the time would fail to speak to b●n●adad rabshecha , zenacherib . antiochus , nicanor , of alexander the great , of nero , of bajazet the great turkish emperor , with many others , whose pride , insolency and haughtiness brought the wheel o● gods wrath so exempla●lry upon them , that they are made ( some in sacred , and others in other histories ) perpetual monuments of gods most fearful indignation ; amongst whom may we not bring the late king of england of bleeding memory , whose stubbornness , resoluteness and unruleableness by parliaments , councels , or the wisest of his people , brought him to ruine , because they would not suffer him to command like a god without contradiction ? he acted so like a devil , murth●ring and massacring his people with fire and sword , until the wrath of the lord broke out upon him , like a lion from the thicke●s , devouring him by the hands of his own people , to the h●rror and amazement of all the princes round about : his will was his reason , and his reason his will , and both his downfall . . his commonwealth is a common woe , where his p●or subjects as in a great bridewell receive their work and their wages , their labour and their lashes , their stripes and stipends , as his meer discretion , and the will of his beadles . where a tyrant rules , the estates , lives and liberties of the people are not theirs , but his ; not at theirs , but at his commands . cato calls them , fures publicos , p●bl●q●e t●ieves ; another , latrones cum privilegio , r●bb●s by authority ; the very scabs of a nation : isai. . . he looked for judgment , but behold oppression ( or a scab , ) for righteousness , but behold a cry : like that of the poor subjects of phalaris , whose delight it was to see and hear their tortures and screeches : as john maria duke of millane , who took pleasure to throw his people to be torn in pieces by fierce mastives . with the spaniard it is sin to enquire into religion , and punishable by a perpetual cruel inquisition : with the french it is crime enough in the poor husbandman to wear good clothes of his own getting , eat good meat of his own breeding ; it is meat for his master and his attendants , too good for him . the great turk hath his bow ▪ strings to strangle his subj●cts at their pleasure , whose commands must be obeyed , though they be to require whom he pleaseth to throw themselves headlong , and break them into pieces down steep rocks and clifts , lest a worse thing ( if worse may be ) should befall them . . in stead of punishing offences he arms offenders , whereby he becomes the greatest traytor , murtherer and thief , violating the greatest trusts of the liberties , lives and livelyhoods of the people . as god hath his good angels to do his will , viz. secure and defend , protect and preserve his people ; and the devil his evil angels for contrary service : even so tyrants , which are satans first-born , have their angels or messengers , viz. whole troops , regiments , and armies , to execute their cursed commands : as herod had his armed men sent out to destroy poor innocents ; all histories recording the cruelty of tyrants , mention their numerous and armed agents , their swift m●ssengers and executioners of fury , who are commonly the scum , filth and froth of the nation : hence it was , that when the late king set up his standard against his parliament and people , the vilest , basest , and worst of the nation did flow in unto him , whereof god made a great sacrifice unto his justice and indignation by their utter ruine and destruction . . he eats up the people like bread , and drinks their blood like sweet wine , commanding all as if he made all , though he mars all , making his creators his creatures , his makers his meat , his lords his loons . all men naturally are born free , made at first to command , and not to obey ; and so lived , until from the spring of adams transgression they fell among themselves to do violence and wrong ; and foreseeing that such courses must needs tend to common destruction , they agreed by common consent to bind each other from mutual injury ; and because a mutual faith was not sufficient unto mutual peace , therefore they ordained authority by mutual consent , and betrusted some therewith to restrain by force and punishment the violation of common right , which trustees were not so made to b● their lords and masters , but d●pu●ies and commissioners to execute that justice , which else every man by the b●nd of nature and covenant must have executed for himself and for another : and why any man should have lordship or authority over others but for this common end , is not imaginable : rulers were made by the people , not the people by them ; they were made for the people , not the people for them ; they are each particular mans lord by their own consent for each mans peace , but they are servants to the whole for the good of all ; no man●s bound to the ruler in any matter of common prejudice , but he i● bound to them all in common preservation ; the whole owe not their lives to any though never ●o great on earth , the greatest oweth his li●e to the whole , and is made great by god and man for service , and not for lordship sake : wh●n such trustees turn tyrants , what are th●y but the grea●est traytors ? is not treason the betraying of just trust● ? the greater the t●ust , the greater the treason , the worse the t●aytor : what greater trust then that of governmen● ? which being once vo●un●●r●ly and plenarily betrayed , the people are ipso facto discha●g●d from their all●geance : the affi●mation , that the whol● peop●e in one body is inferior to on● single man who ever he be ▪ is high trea●on against the dignity of mankind . it was the saying of a heath●n king , i rule not my people by tyranny as if they were barbarians , but am my self liable if i do unjustly to suffer justly : and trajan the emperor , giving a naked sword to one whom he made general of his praetorian forces , said , take this drawn sword , to use for me , if i raign well ; if not , to use it against me : but a tyrant , what is he but carnivorum animal , a ravenous creature , a devourer of the people ? . he makes no more conscience of killing men , then moles , of burning their houses , then wasps nests , of destroying whole families , then litters of rots . as methridates did slay fourscore thousand citizens of rome : what need we instance the large volumes of cruel tyrants ? of their heading , hanging , burning , frying , roasting , scalding , wracking , cuting , chopp●ng , flaying , their poor innocent subjects at their pleasure , making pastime with their pains , & sports with their spoils ; witness also the rapes , robberies , murthers , burning and destroying of so many thousand persons , cities , towns , and families by the late tyrant in england , scotland , and ireland , in his late bloody wars , and massacres , raised for the utter ruine of all those that in the least withstood his tyrannical principles , and usurpations . . he holds himself accountable to none , but god alone , though he believes no more god in the heavens , then man in the moon , pretending most to that which his soul most abhors , religion and righteousness , the glory of god , and the good of the people , are most in his mouth , when his heart loaths them , and his conscience serves him to say , and unsay , to swear , and forswear , advance , and abase principles and persons , to satisfie his lusts . tyrants know no god but themselves ; who is the lord ? said pharaoh : w●o can deliver out of my hands ? said nebuchadnezzar . alexander the great commanded himself to be held a god , and apelles pictured him with a thunder-bolt , lypsius with this posie , jupiter asserui terram mihi ; tu assere coelum , let jove take heaven , so the earth be min● . with which pictures alexander was so delighted , that he commanded that none should take his pictures , but lypsius and apelles ; caligula braved his god jupiter , and threatned him , though at every clap of thunder , or flash of lightning , he would run hastily and hide himself under his bed like a wrigling worm . tullius hostilius said , that religion did but ●ffeminate mens minds , and unfit them for noble imployments , but one witneseth that even this roman king fained to himself two new gods , viz. pavorem , & pallorem , whom he carried about with him in h●s own bosom , such wretches not fearing him that made all things , are sometimes affrighted with nothing ; as ahaz that trembled at the shaking of a leaf , and manasseh who hid his head among thorns ; and thence was taken and bound in setters , chron. . . a tyrant wants not parasites that say to him as one said to the pope , tu meritò in terris diceris esse deus . thou well deservest here to be stiled a god . how did the peopl●s●-blow herod with their flatteries ? crying him up for a god , and god makes those worms to devour him ; the voice of a tyrants heart is like that of ninive , i am and there is none besides me ; or as babylon , i will ascend unto heaven , and set my nest above the stars . my r●of receives me not , 't is ayr i tread , at every step i feel my advanc'd head knock out a star in heaven , — said sejanus . attilas king of hunnes arrogantly vaunted that the stars fell before him , that the earth trembled at his presence : caligula by certain engines thundred and lightned as another jupiter , i will asc●n● above the height of the clouds , i will be like the most high , said the king of babel : cyrus caused this to be writ over his sepulchre , i could do all things . but why then did he not preserve himself from death ? zerxes was angry with the mountains , winds , rivers , the elements , if any of them crost him , as if they were men under his pay : at hellespont he caused two millions of men to be w 〈…〉 d over into greece , where a suddain tempest battering and b●ating his boat● , he caused the sea to be st●nck with three hundred stripes , and c●st a pair of setters into it , to make it know to whom it was subject . i have heard of a story of an english king , or rather a king of england , of very late dayes , ( a great hunter , that was his worthy character ) who being at newmarket for his pleasure sake , & hindered in his sport by a long rain for many days together , with very little or no fair weather , began at last to be so really fretted thereat , that he was heard to say , that no king in the world was so little beholding to god almighty as he , in that he should wait a whole month together for a day of fair weather for his recreation , and could not procure it , or words to the like wicked purpose , that one day falling fair , great joy was at court , all his troop of courtiers mounting upon their hunting horses , and he with them , and being about their game , the clouds frowned upon them , and at last a very great soaking shower of rain fell , at which the said k●●g being in a mad fretting and frenzy fit , cryed out with cursing and sweating , that the world should be drowned , and therefore in a scorn rode up upon the brow of a knap upon new-market heath ( if my memory fail me not in my information ) where he said , give me a bible , i 'le prove the world must be drowned , crying out again and again , why do you not give me a bible ? at last a bible was brought him , when he had it in his hands , he opened it , and turned and tossed it , at last making a scornful mouth , he threw it over his left shoulder in derision , and so rod● away . as for promises , vows , and covenants , these are nothing with a tyrant , he oftentimes promiseth in the word of a king , and thinks his heart unsworn , his solemn oaths , vows , and covenants , protestations , imprecations , and execrations , he slips as easily as monkies do their collers , making election of those only that serve his turn , and reprobates the rest ; so a tyrants maxim is out of lucian , sceptrorum vis tota perit , si poedere just● incipit . scepters are vain that do on justice stand ▪ that principi nihil est injustum quod fructuosum , a prince ought to account nothing unjust which is profitable ▪ that it is lawful regni causâ sceleratum esse , to do any wicked thing to procure absolute soveraignty . again , that regni causa jus violendum esse , that all laws may be violated to make way for domination ; that vbi honesta tantum dominanti lic●●● , praecario r●gnatur , where it is warrantable for the prince to do nothing but right and just things , he rules but by curtesie . who can forget those manifold imprecations of the late king in several cases together with his promises , vows , and oaths , and his common breach of all , and the just sentence of god from his own lips , so frequently upon him , and his , and the execution thereof in the sight of the world . . his court is commonly the center of wickedness , a burrough of beasts , a den of theeves , his h●ll a hell , his chamber of presence the very synagogue of satan , his chair of state , the throne of iniquity , where with his ranting r●tinue , his cursing courtiers , his cunning flatterers , his fine fools , his gaudy grandees , he satiates himself in his filthy desires , and where loosness and licentiousness , glut●ony and drunkenness , chambering and wantonness , strive and envyings , blasphemies and beastliness , profusness , prophaneness , and all kind of wickedness do ran● and reign cum privilegio regio . tyrants courts are commonly the very sourse of sin , the wel-head , the spring of the wickedness of the nation , from whence flows such bitter waters , as infect the whole countrey , like prince , like priest , like prophet , like people , like court , like countrey ; the chambers of tyrants , what are they but the very chappels of venus ? where their beds , pallets , couches , are the very altars whereon those abominable sacrifices of filthiness are so abundantly offered ; their kitchins , pantries , cellars , butteries , are stuft and fill'd with the sacrifices of bacchus , where men break their brains , as swine do their bellies with quaffing : it was said of bonosus , the drunk●n emperour , that he was born non ut vivat , sed ut bibat , not to live , but to drink : and being overcome by pr●bus , he hanged himself , upon whom it was j●sted , that a ●anke●d hung there , and not a man . darius king of persia commanded this inscription to be set over his sepulchre : i was able to hunt lustily , to drink wine soundly , to bear it out bravely . solomon saith , wine as raging , and paul fi●ly joyneth drunkards and railers together , cor. . being both commonly found in one person . and are not the courts of tyrants commonly filled with such roaring boyes as these ? whose heads and hearts are overcharged with surfeiting and drunkenness , what governours are these like to make , who are so ungoverned ? these jolly companions are ( like locusts ) all belly , where they bury their wits , their reason , their understanding ; nay , their throats are open sepulchres , where their whole families are buried alive , digging their grave with their teeth ; hence it is , that so many courtiers of the late k●ng , having their hundreds and thousands by their places , and preferments , whose glittering garbs in former days rendered them like blazing stars in the streets , drawing all eyes after them , are now creeping up and down with thin cheeks , and ragged raiments , and their poor families pining in penury , being buried before they were born , ( i mean ) through their parents pro●useness , neglecting to make due provision for their posterity : much meat , much malady : a glutton shall not want wo , luxury is attended with beggery : the apostle joyns gluttony and drunkenness , chambering and wantonness , as birds of a feather in one nest , or person ; and where do these ravens build so much , as in kings palaces , est venus in vinis , whoredom is commonly ushered in with drunkenness , hence it is that the whore hath a cup●n her hand , revel. . . when lot was drunk , he quickly staggered , reeled , stumbled , and ●●ll into the whores di●ch ; where he so besoild himself , that his name will never be clean again . what provision ( or catering ) for the flesh , ( as the word is rom. . . ) to fulfill the lusts thereof , is to be found in the courts of tyrants ? i have heard of a great duke ●● the late kings days , whose mornings drink , de die in di●m , was so tempered , and conditioned , that a gentleman of london upon a certain morning v●siting the said dukes steward ( being of his acquaintaince ) the said steward passed by with a cup in his hand , his friend asked him what ●e had there in the cup : the steward replyed i have my lords mornings draft : the gentleman desi●ed he might taste it , which accordingly he did , taking a little sup of it , the operation whereof was so , that he profest he had much to do to ●orbear incivilities upon every woman that he met , being so strangely and unexpectedly overcome therewith , that he lockt himself up within d●ors all that day , fearing least he should be overcome with fol●y . a b●lly ●illed with wine , or int●xic●●ing drinks , soam●th ●ut fil●hiness , said a father : wine is the milk of venus , said another , by which a man being once overcome he is become a child , one without strength , a fool and no man , quia non ratione sed affectu rapitur , because he is not rul'd by reason , but affection , led about by the nose even of women : thou shalt be as one of the fools in israel , said tamar fitly to her libidinous brother amnon , sam. . . what woful waste hath this sin made of the estates , persons , families , bodies and souls of many of our late courtiers ? corpus , opes , animam , famam , vim , lumina scortum debilitat , perdit , necat ; aufert , eripit orbat . take the meaning hereof from the mouth of solomon , prov. . . by means of a whorish woman a man is brought to a piece of bread , and the adulteress will hunt for the precious life . the prod●gal soon wasted his estate when he fell among harlots : the whorish woman , like the horseleech daughter , hath no other language but give , give : what pledg shall i give , said se●hem , gen. . . thy signet , thy bracelets , gen. . . ask what thou wilt , thou shalt have it , said herod to hit m●nion . this sin destroyeth kings , said solomon , prov. . . it layd waste the conscience even of david himself : the eyes of courtiers ( like davids ) how oft were they gazing after bathsheba's , looking to lust ? job would not look , that he might not think upon a maid : when the eyes are full of adultery they cannot cease to sin , saith peter , pet. . . sampsons eyes first betrayd him to lust , and therefore they were first pul'd out , and he led away captive unto gaza for gazing upon his dalilah : by these loop-holes of lust and windows of wickedness ( i mean the eyes ) the devil getteth into the very heart . one wittily upbraided a certain wanton , that he had not pupils , but punks in his eyes . a philosopher observing one to have wanton eyes , said to him , that the difference was not much whether he committed wickedness with his upper or nether parts . were not our late mincing minions called ladies of the court ( i speak not of them all ) ordinarily attired on purpose to catch the eyes of their male companions , in so much as that it was hard to say , whether the greatest part of their bodies were clothed or naked ? as if they made shambles of their shoulders , and merchandise of their flesh . i have heard of a bishop invited to one of their houses to dinner , and observing the ladies naked back and brests , said to her to this purpose , madam , it is time to shut up your shop-windows ; upon which she presently cast a vail upon her neck and shoulders , and never was observed to appear so afterwards : lust not after her beauty , neither let her take thee with her eye-lids , prov. . . some render it , neque te capiat splendoribus suis , let not her glitterings gain thee , lest she ruines thee ; flagitium & flagellum sicut acus & filum : misery succeeds iniquity , as the thred the needle ; they are linked together with chains of adamant . we need not mention the licentiousness and lusts of the persons and courts of augustus , julius , tiberius , h●l●ogabalus , caligula , commodus , domician , proculus , and others of the roman emperors , who as they exceeded in pomp , state and greatness , so this sin of wantonness and lasciviousness did reign amongst them ; for almost all princes or courts of princes in christendom have been observed to indulge , if not even to court that wasting wickedness . i have heard of a kings court not far off , where it was said to be held a kind of a piece of gallantry , and a thing in fashion , for the noble men ( falsly so called ) to know no difference between their own and their fellow-courtiers ladies , and the ladies the like in respect of other men , and no great matter of offence to the husband or wife that it should be known , because it was then the fashion ; and that it too much favored of puritanism to be confind within the bounds of matrimony . may we not well remember the english court ladies paintings , their pa●chings , their crispings , their curlings , their caps and feathers , the cocking of their beavors , their stilletto's , their man-like apparel , their slasht sleeves , their jetting , their strutting , their leg making , with the rest of their antique apparel and postures ? o how many families bodies and souls have perished by them ? how did they rejoyce to do evil ? it was their meat , drink and sport , to be merry with the devil : those light asses are said by solomon to flatter with their lips ; their lips were nets , their hands bands , their words were coards to draw men as calves to the slaughter ; her house inclineth to death , prov. . . terence calleth harlots , cruces ; quia invenes macerant & affligant . it was said of pope paul the fourth as a by-word , eum per eandem partem animam profudisse , per quam acceperat . pope john the twelfth being taken with an adulteress , was stab'd to death by her husband . alexander the great , and otho the third , lost their lives by their lusts : her paths are unto the dead , viz. where those hell●sh sodomites are giving themselves over to fornication , and going after strange flesh , shall suffer the vengeance of eternal fire : the harlot is a deep ditch , a narrow pit , prov. . . and whoredom and wine and new wine taketh away the heart , hosea . . that is , bereave a man of his noble principles of wisdom , knowledg , understanding : hence adulterers are said to be voyd of understanding , prov. . . a wound and dishonor he gets ; he s●abs his name , his family , his conscience , his body , his soul ; that sin renders men past feeling , rom. . . of a dead and dedolent disposition , ephes. . . . yea impudent and impenitent : hence it is , that neither the strange woman , nor he that goeth unto her , return again , prov. . . that is very rarely , if ever . are not these the very characters of many of our late wanton courtiers , men and women of d●baucht consciences and conversations , impudent , impenitent , ●●aring , mocking and s●●ffing at all means of recovery , wasting their precious times in plays , pastimes , masks , and such fool●●ies , spending their wits and parts in complements and courtships , rising up in the morning wreaking from their beds of lusts , no sooner up but their lustful drinks are tempered for them , then to their powdering , trimming and tiring , then to their devotion to their bellies , i mean their gluttonous dinners ; then to black-fryers , or other places , to see plays , to offer up their evening sacrifices to the devil ; then to their junkets and jollities , and then again to their beds of lusts , and thus they wheel'd about their time de die in diem : these wretched female wantons , what were they but , as one wittily said of the italian women magpies at their doors , goats in their gardens , devils in their houses , angels in the streets , and syrens in their windows , where they sit in their whorish attire , as solomon hath it , with their subtil heart , or as some render it , trussed up about the brests with their upper parts naked , prov. . . erat nudo collo , & pectore , corde tenus , &c. with their bare necks and brests ; nudato pudendo ut ad concubitum homines accenderat , which i forbear to engglish ; by means whereof how many men have been be witched ? making them become voyd of understanding , even as brutes ; nos animas etiam incarnavimus ( said one , ) as if their very souls , reason and consciences were even turned into a lump of flesh ; though these seem pleasant a while , yet the end thereof is death : lust blears the understanding , making men beleeve there is sweet sence in sinning but is it any other then as a man fast asleep , and in a sweet and pleasant dream on the top of a steep rock or clift , who starting suddenly for joy falls down and dasheth himself in pieces by his unexpected fall ? these men and women will come at last ( as some of them doubtless have upon their death-beds ) to see and say , that not only this is vanity , but vexation of spirit : when this sin hath brought home its reward , a diseased body , a p●rplexed conscience , a distressed soul , then the guilty person cries out too late , filling the ayr with doleful cries : as one said , totum vitae meae tempus perdidi quia perdite vixi , how have i lost the chief of my time , the flower of mine age , the strength of my body , the marrow of my bones , the vigor of my spirits , the whole of my estate , and eternal life for a few sinful pleasures and sensual delights ? it is said of the mole , how true i know not , that he begins to see when he is about to dye , and not before ; oculos incipit ap●rire moriendo , quos clausos habuit vivendo : those mole-ey'd minions may see too late their miserable condition ; their pleasure will be gone , their pain lasteth . principium dulce est ; sed finis amoris amarus , laeta venire venus , trist is abire solet . the pleasures of sin are but for a moment , like the crackling of thorns under a pot , much noise , l●ttle fire , much light , little heat , a blaze soon blasted , before the pots can feel the thorns : they , and their p●easure are sna●cht away together ; their sun goes down at noon day . mettals in the fire are most glaring when nearest melting : the fishes swim merrily down the streams of jordan , but fall suddenly into the dead sea , where presently they dye , and know jordan no more . what 's become of those gallant grandees , roaring roisters , with their glittering gi●ls and mad mates , the wanton wag●ails of our english courts , who fleared when they should have feared , and laughed when they should have lamented ? how soon are they put out as the fire of thorns ? psal. . . did not our english courts swarm with these lustful locusts almost in all ages , and the chiefest therein commonly chief in these sins ? edward the fourth had his holy whore ( as he was used to call her ) that came out of a nunnery at his b●ck to satisfie his lust . may not large volumes be fil'd with the historical narrations , and that according to truth , of the pride , gluttony , drunkenness , wantonness , luxury , lasciviousness of the kings and courts of this nation in their constant succession one after another , until the hand of vengeance did put a full stop hereunto by that fatal blow at white-hall gate , . they are extinct , dead , and buried ; and i wish such an immoveable stone may be layd upon the mouth of their sepulchres by our present and successive governors , that they may never rise again , that as their names , so their sin may rot and consume away ; and the eyes of this english nation may never behold such vanity at court any more , where lasciviousness and luxury were accounted meer peccadilloes , not worthy repentance or remorse . . he commonly wades through blood to his bloody throne , and having once scared his conscience by spilling the blood of a father or brother to attain the crown , he can eat the flesh , and drink the blood of millions of his people to satisfie his lusts without reluctance , and judgeth it his right to wrong whom he will . tyrants are men of blood , fierce , fiery , furious spirits , cross , curst and cruel dispositions ; the world is fill'd with volumes of their vi●lanies in this kind ; all ages and countries without exception have wofully felt the truth hereof ; in so much as if men had the use of their mental ears , as they have of their corporal , the cries of the thousands and ten thousands , millions and tens of millions of the slain and murthered by the hands of tyrants would be so great , that they would hardly hear the living for the d●●d . the turkish , spanish , roman , french , scottish , english histories , are they not stufft and cram'd with innumerable instances of the cruelty of tyrants , and their pleasure therein ? no sight pleased hannibal better then a ditch running over with mans blood . ch●rls the nineth of france , author of that bloody m●ss●cre in france , looking upon the dead carkass of the admiral that stank by long keeping unburied , uttered this wretched saying , quam suaviter olet cadaver inimici ? how sweet is the smell of an enemies carkass ? and the queen mother of scotland , beholding the dead bodies of her protestant subjects whom she had slain in battel , said , that she never saw a finer piece of tapistry in all her life . to spend time on this were to waste a candle before the sun : englands chronicles , the books of martyrs , the late bloody massacres and wars in ireland , england , scotland , are fresh and bleeding evidences of the bloodiness of tyrants . i shall not here speak of the death of prince henry , king james , the bloody massacres of the protestants in ireland , by whose commissions and commands how cruelly and deceitfully they have been carried on : god hath made inquisition for blood , he hath remembered and not forgotten the complaint of the poor ; he hath cut off saul and his bloody house according to his word , psal. . . bloody and deceitful men shall not live out half their days : they are cut off before their time ; their branches shall not be green , but shaken off as the unripe grape from the vine , and cast off as the flower of the olive , job . , . . prerogative pleaders are his orthodox preachers , that make his mouth their oracle , his dictates their doctrines , all scriptural precepts of the subjects duties the only canonical , but the duty of princes apocryphal writings . tyrants have their chaplains according to their religions , who rather preach from their masters mouths then to their ears , and principle the people according to their humors to maintain their prerogative : hence we shall find in scripture , that wicked kings had their priests and prophets of their own tempers , who did always charm the people into base slavery by their base preachings : zeph. . . when the princes in jerusalem were rearing lions , and her judges evening wolves , her prophets were treacherous , betraying the poor people by their cheating charmings into a stupid , ●ordid and silly subjection . wicked kings , princes , priests and prophets are chain'd together , jer. . . they commonly keep one court and one councel ; and as they live together in sin , so perish together commonly in punishment , jer. . you may see how these wicked priests and prophets did cling together against jeremiah , who protested against their flatteries and ●alsities , jer. . , , , . see again their cursed con●ederacy in doing evil in the sight of the lord , jer. . . ahab had a mind to make war against ramath gilead , for the enlargement of his territories ; he had no sooner signified his royal pleasure herein , but his whole kingdom of priests and prophets allarms the people to war , and promise them success in the name of the lord ; yea one of them , viz. z●dekiah the son of chenaanah , like an ape , did imitate the custom of the prophets of the lord , and makes himself iron horns , carries them unto the king , as if sent by a very special commission , and tells him , thus saith the lord , with these horns shalt thou push the syrians , until thou hast consum●d them ; but you know they all told lyes in the name of the lord : and one michaiah , that spake the truth , they buffeted and imprisoned : and was it not thus in englands courts during the rule of tyrants amongst us ? no sooner had the late king a resolution to war with the scots , his native countrymen , but all the pulpits from white-hall round the nation did allarm the people to rise up with him , promising them success in the name of the lord . were not those wicked kings , priests and prophets of the english nation link'd together as with chains of adamant , in so much that if the one be destroyed , the other must fall : hence grew that ominous proverb , no bishop no king , which fell out accordingly : how hath god destroyed those dens of lions , those magpyes nests , those black ravens that deceived the people with their rough garments ? i am no adversary to the lawful ministry ; and let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth , and my pen drop from my withered right hand , rather then i should willingly speak or write against the lords true messengers ; but meer pretenders of the lords message , when they utter only visions of their own hearts , are the abomination of my soul . . the greatness of his height causeth giddiness in his head , and at last his fall ; though his nests be among●●●e stars , the hand of justice will reach him ; and though he dwells in the clifts of the rocks , yet thence will it fetch him out . pride is unsatisfied with preferment : ambitious tyrants are still rising up above the top of their places , where they lose their footing , and perish by falling . pride maketh a man drunk with his own conceits , ushereth in his own destruction , his sails being greater then his ship , his heart then his head , his projects then his pate , he is frequently overset , and at last , himself his house , his fam●ly are overwhelm'd in misery : pharaoh , adonibezeck , agag , n●buchadnezzer , haman , herod , with several others , are experimental instances , and woful witnesses hereof . zerxes having covered the seas with his ships , was ( by a just hand of god for his prodigious pride ) forced to fly from grecia in a poor fisher-boat , where ( had not the persians that w●re with him cast themselves into the sea , to save the life of their king ) he had been devoured in the waves that regarded not his greatness . the same s●nators that accompanied proud sejanus to the senate , conducted him the same day to prison ; they that were ready to kneel down to him as their god , did ere long drag him with contempt to the goal . s●gismund king of hungary , beholding the greatness of his army , hearing of the turks advance , scornfully said to this purpose , we need not fear the turks , nor the falling of the heavens upon us , for we are able with our spears and halberts , to held them up , if they should fall ; who afterwards was shamefully beaten , and glad to fly away in a small boat to save his life . bajaret the terrour of the world , how powerful was his pride , how dreadful his downf●ll , when coapt in a cage , carried up and down therein a● a monster of men to be seen of men , dasht out his own brains against the grates thereof . pompe● and cesar strive for preheminence , and what ever was the pretended , yet the reall cause was , that the one could not endure a superiour , nor the other an equal . catholick monarchy is the white in the ●●●●t● , that tyrants aim at : non sufficit orbis , is the tyrants motto ; see their language , genesis . . let us build us a tower , whose top may reach to the heavens , and let us make us a name . see the pride and the plague , the majesty and the misery , the glory and grave of every tyrant , elegantly set out by the prophet isaiah , in his chap. . . thy pomp is brought down to the grave , and the noise of thy viols , the worm is spread under thee , and the worms cover thee ; how art thou fallen from heaven , o lucifer , son of the morning ? how art thou cut down to the ground which did weaken the nations ? for thou hast said in thy heart , i will ascend into heaven , i will exalt my throne above the stars of god , i will ascend above the heights of the clouds , i will be like the most high , yet thou shalt be brought down to hell , &c. their exaltation often proves ( like hamans ) the heightening of their gallows , or gibbet : as once a danish p●t●ntate in this nation , k. knute , caused the head of a false person to be struck off , and set upon the highest part of the tower of london , therein performing his promise to a traytor in advancing him above any lord in the land . what got most of the cesars by their tyranny ? pride , glory , and hasty preferment : nisi ut citius interficerentur , to be kill'd the sooner . what do they ordinarily but pursue their own destiny ? as the panther having a violent desire after the poysonful achonite , ( which men hang up above his reach ) who leaps and skips and mounts to catch it , but cannot come at it , and at last he wearies himself , breaks , and kills himself , and so is taken . aliena appetendo propria amisit , was the inscription written in a cup made of the duke of muscoviah's skul , taken by the tartarian in battel , all covet , all lose : the whole history of the late king is approbatum est , of this truth . . to bring him to punishment is gods will , and mans work ; with god is no respect of persons , and in executing of justice the prince and the peasant must fare alike . a tyrant betraying his trust , breaking his faith , destroying the end of his power , government , and greatness , regarding neither the law , nor common good , reigns only for himself , and his faction , and because his power is great , his will boundless , and exorbitant , committing wrongs , oppressions , murther , massacres , rap●s , adulteries , desolation and subversion of his good people , is to be seized upon , secured , and executed , as a common enimy of his countrey or people . it was the saying of an heathen poet , — victima haud ulla amplior potest magisque opima mactari jovi , quam rex iniquus — — there is no sacrifice so rich , so fat , so pleasing unto god , as tyrant slain . — to insist much upon this point , were but actum agere , so much having been lately written from able and learned pens upon occasion of the execution of the late king : beuchanon hath several histories and instances of the scottish proceedings against their wicked governours , in the year . the scotch protestants claiming promise of their queen regent for liberty of conscience , she replyed like a tyrant , that promises were not to be claimed of princes beyond what was profitable ; whereupon they told her to her face in parliament , that then they did renounce their allegiance , and so betook themselves to arm● . the holy scriptures are clear for it , numb. . . no satisfaction shall be taken for the life of the murtherer , be he what he will be , high or low , rich or poor , king or begger , the scripture makes no distinction ; if a murtherer , he must die for it : he which is guilty of death , shall surely be put to death . if god maketh no difference , who is that man that pretends himself a minister of god , an embassadour of jesus christ that dares so much prevaricate from his message , as to say , that kings and princes must be dispensed withall , and not called to an account , though they should shed the blood of their innocent people , so directly contrary to the very letter of the scripture . nero was condemned to death by the roman senate , tarquinius superbus deposed by the people of rome , the lacedemonians did ordinarily put their princes to death for breaking their trusts , and offending the laws of the commonwealth : eugenius the eighth , being the king of scotland , was put to death for his misgovernment : cum nec amicorum , nec sacerdotum admonitionibus quicquam moveretur , post tertium r●gni sui annum in coetu procerum omnibus in ejus exitium consentientibus periit , socii scelerum & flagitiorum in crucem acti , & ipsi gratum populo spectaculum prebuere . when no admonitions of friends , ministers , would serve turn for to reclaim him , they consulted and agreed together to cut him off by the hand of justice in a publick manner , and himself , and accomplices , were rendred acceptable spectacles of justice unto the people . when rehoboam shall tread in the steps of his fathers unjust exactions , and upon the complaint and petition of his people for their just rights and priviledges , he shall refuse to hear them , to ease them , but tells them , i will add to my fathers yoke , he chas●ised you with whips , but i will chastise you with scorpions : ten parts of . of his people cast him off , made war against him . what , said they , if this be the case , that we must be whipt and slasht by this proud tyrant , and at his will , and the will of his cursed courtiers , and his green-headed grandees ; away with him , what portion have we in this tyrant ? to your tents , o israel , arm , arm , let him now look to himself , king. . from the first to the twenty one ver. his grave councellors told him plainly , vers . . if thou wilt be a servant unto this people , and serve them , and speak good words to them , treat them kindly ; they will be thy servants for ever . where you may see ( i. ) that the king was made so to be their servant , and not to lord it over them . and secondly , that when kings are servants to the people , the people are th●i● ready and free , and willing servants , yea vassels unto them ; love will compel them : but when they perceive that they have no portion in him , he shall have as little in them : by how much the greater the person is that off●nds , by so much the greater is his fault , by so much the greater his punishment ought to be . and i believe that that late exemplary piece of justice at whitehall . gate upon the late tyrant , was one of the ●attest , richest , and most acceptable sacrifice that hath been offered up unto the most righteous god that loveth righteousness in this nation before that day : and that the zeal of our judges in executing petty thieves , robbers , and murtherers at tyburn , was but as the tything of mint and cummin , in comparison of that great thing of the law then done . . his light shall be put out , his sparks shall not shine . terrors shall make him afraid on every side , & his own counsel shall cast him down , his roots shall be dried up beneatlh , and above shall his branches be cut off : his remembrance shall perish from the earth : and he shall have no name in the street . his triumph is but short , and his joy but for a moment , though his excellency mount up unto the heavens , and his head reaches unto the clouds , yet shall he perish for ever like his own dung , he shall flye away as a dream , and be chased as a vision of the night ; the eye which saw him shall see him no more , neither shall his place any more behold him . solomon saith , that a violent bloody ▪ tyrant shall flee to the pit , let no man slay him : prov. . . let no man mediate for him , lest he pay down as ahab did , life for life , people for people . king. . . when tyrants perish , the righteous increase , prov. . . they swarm like b●es in a sun-shine day . when the wicked rise , good men skulk and hide their heads ; as moses fled from pharaoh , david from saul , eliah from ahab , obadiah's clients from jezabel , jeremiah from jehoiakim , joseph and the child jesus from herod , &c. but wherein they dealproudly , god is above them , he seeth their day is coming , he sits in heaven and scorneth these scorners . the most high cuts off the spirit of princes , he is terrible unto these tyrannical kings of the earth , those scourges of the world . god so subdued senacherib , as the egyptians in memory of it did set up his statue in the temple of vulcan , with this inscription : let all that behold me , learn to fear god . tyrants shall be sure sooner or later to meet with their match ; the blood-thirsty man shall not live out half his dayes . god will at last appear to their fearful destruction , to be glorious in holiness , fearful in praises , doing wonders of wrath and ruine upon bloody pharaohs , he will tear out those bowels that are fill'd and stuft with the blood of the poor , and make inquisition for their blood ; then will he remember , and not forget the complaint of the poor , h●e hath fulfill'd his threatnings against tyrants in our eyes , and ●●●ed our nation from those men of blood , that they may fall and fall in all the parts of the world and never rise up again , especially in our english nation . that god would melt all crowns , and s●epters of the potentates of the earth , into a crown & s●epter for the head , and hand of jesus christ , putting all pow●rs and authorities under his feet , making our government peace , and exactors righteousness , that violence be no more heard of in our land , nor desolation , nor destruction within ou● borders : let all the people cri in hope , amen . a protector , or homo homini deus . just government is gods ordinance for mans good ; the form thereof , mans appointment with gods approbation ; the end thereof , mans felicity and gods glory : and , a just governor is a protector of both . the institution of government is of god , the constitution of man , the governors themselves of both , viz. gods permission and mans election : jvst government is gods ordinance ; the powers that be are ordained of god , rom. . . mans sin was the cause of his subjection to all mortals , but gods mercy did institute the same to preserve him from ruine by his own wickedness ; had not man sinned , there had been a prior●ty , but not a soveraignty : there had been a reverence in the child to the father as the instrument of his production , but no subjection , because no justiciating power had been stablished , there being no need of it ; the eternal law written in every mans heart would have been every mans guide , had it not been for sin ; sin ushered in subjection as a curse at the heels of it ; gen. . . thy desire shall be to thy husband , he shall rule over thee ; her disobedience expos'd her to subjection by gods ordinance . soveraignty and subjection are gods appointment for mans good ; he is the minister of god to thee for good , rom. , sociableness , or appetitus convivendi , is the impress of nature : and the reason thereof , mutual preservation and accommodation , which cannot be without government : sin hath brought sorrow upon the world ; sin entered into the world in the van of a black and bloody regiment , sorrows , pains , aches , hunger , thir●t , shame , &c. with death through sin in the rear ; conscience of guilt brings fear of death : hence one end of society is preservation ; and because men need security from misery and ruine by one another , therefore hath god appointed government and governors among themselves for the good of all , the form of which government is le●t by god to their own discretion , who hath only confin'd them within the limits of this general rule , his glory and their felicity : forms of government are no more perpetual then persons themselves ; necessity requires government , convenience forms : were it not for government , the line and pale of every mans property would quickly be trodden down ; mens boundless appetites would be their purveyors , and their wants would be measured by their wills : confusion makes men desire order , and convenience the forms thereof : no government is the worst government ; and where none rules , none will be ruled , but all quickly ruin'd : anarchy is the worst tyranny ; better it is to be under the dominions of the great turk then the rabble rout : the forms of government are mans ordinance , so called by the apostle peter , pet. . , . no form being divine or natural in its rise or root , we find in scripture several forms allowed by god , viz. governments by patriarchs , generals , judges , high priests , and kings : in other histories we read of governments by popes , monarchs absolute and conditionate , by dukes , senators , consuls , dictators , &c. which argues no one form above another to be jure divino , but that every or any form lawful , if conducing to the peoples felicity and gods glory : the power of government wheresoever setled is fiduciary , and not inconditionate ; and whilest their trustees draw all their lines into this center , gods glory in the peoples welfare , they may walk securely upon the highest battlements of honour and dignity : but if their projects and practise be sole soveraignty , puff● up with a vain opinion of puissance and grandure , though for a time they proceed and prosper , and say within themselves , they shall see no sorrow , yet they shall find at last their buildings to totter , and the consequence tragical to themselves and scepters : for when the peoples pilot proves a pirate , not ruling , but ruining them , the hands and hearts of god and men will be swift avengers of such perfidiousness : the peoples protection is the end of government ; and therefore a just governor is the peoples protector ; and what is he ? what doth he ? he really esteemeth the publique safety the chief soveraignty ; that he is more the peoples , then the people his ; that he was made for them , not they for him ; that the state at large is the absolute chief , and the chief , so called , the states servant , which he judgeth his crown , and not his cross ; his glory , and not his shame ; carnal policy is not his study , but his peoples peace , his care and prayer . his head is full of publique principles , and his heart full of conscience thereof ; he studies the peoples right , and his own duty ; he projects their protection , peace , and plenty , as the great ends of his office ; his design is not to multiply gold and silver , he desires not the peoples coyn with their curses ; he well considers that though moneys be the sinews of war , yet the peoples aff●ctions are the joynts of peace : he renders himself unto the people matter of praise unto god for him , not of prayers unto god against him ; he strives to be the peoples pleasure , not their plague : all cannot chuse but do well when thou ●ulest well , said the senate to severus the emperor . carnal policy , which some call king-craft , is not his study ; that subtle trade , which commonly kings and great persons drive in the world : jeroboams calves were set up by this artifice , king. . when he had gotten the crown ( from rehoboam ) over the ten tribes , he consulted with himself how and which way he might fasten it upon his head , and he had his polititians very nimble about h●m 〈…〉 dvise him herein ; and forgetting how he got the c 〈…〉 ver consulting with god for his establishment , 〈…〉 way to ease the people from their ●edious trav 〈…〉 to their annual sacrifices , and sets up two golden calves , and so keeps the people at home to serve god in their devised ( called doubtless ) divine service . and the text notes , that the thing that steard him in his project , was not his defection in judgement touching the true worship of god at jerusal●m : but verse , . his heart did misgive him , that if the people should go up to jerusalem , ( within rehoboam's territories ) to offer sacrifice , they would turn again to their old king , the power , the polices , the pulpits of jerusalem , would reduce them to the old house and family of rehoboam again , but this policy of his was his ruine at last , as appears in the story . a good prince takes heed of his own heart , and councellers , and any undue way● , to establish his greatness . a christian prince well considers true piety hath the promise of exaltation , so his declining it , will be his ejection , and therefore takes heed of warping against his judgement and conscience , of offering violence to his honest and p●ons principles , through the advice of polititians to ingratiate himself with the people ; he knows that the heart of man is deceitful above all things , and therefore it concerns him to look unto it : when saul was first called to be king , he did real●y withstand it , * the burd●n of government , the meanness of his birth , parentage , and breeding came upon his heart , his personal unmeetness and unfitness for so great dignities and honours refl●cted upon his mind : but after he had once king'd it , and enjoyed the honours , man●ors , glory , retinne , and revenues of the crown , he could not bear it , to think that the crown should now be alienated from his own fam●ly ; he forgot his parentage , his pedegree , nothing but greatness and grandeur now in his eyes , and the counsels god touching the translation of the kingdom unto another family , he could not brook i● ▪ he was little in his own eyes at first , but big enough at last , sam. . . compared with chap. . ver. . as also sam. . . compared with sam. . , . simplicity will preserve , carnal policy pollutes , and destroys . solomon gives excellent counsel in this case , prov. . . the way of life is above to the wise , that he may depart from hell beneath . true wisdom is from above , and it leads to life , a crown in the next world is a crown indeed : this is but a cross to it . christian policy makes a christian prince to esteem that low counsel only worth regarding that will make a man wise in the latter end , prov. . . he thinks not here of an establishment , he minds his mortality , and 't is his wisdom to be frequently ( in meditation ) at his own suneral , making every tombe his teacher , every monument , a monitor , his bed , his grave , his sheets , his winding-sheets , vt somnus mortis , sic lectus imago sepulchri . he considers his time fl●es , his glass runs . joseph of arimathea had his s●pulcher in his garden to season his delight : true wisdom provides for suturity : this will make the evening of a man's days , as the day-breaking to everlasting glory . it provides for him malorum ademption●m bonorum adeption●m . freedom from evil , fruition of good . i have read of the custom of some countrys , that in the coronation of their kings , amongst other ceremonies , two grave stones were brought him by a mason , who did use these words to him , elige ab his saxis ex quo invictissime caesar ipse tibi tumulum me fabricare vel● . chuse , mighty sir , under which of these stones , your purpose is ere long to lay your bones . he remembers that this is not his rest , but a rest remaineth to the people of god . he that is wise will be wise for himself , that is , for his eternal interest , and takes h●ed of carnal cras●in●ss in carnal designes ; his zeal for god , his w●ys , his people , his countrey , th●se will advance good rulers , and these will preserve him & therefore he knows no councel , no cunning , no craft , that is c●o●s to these . it was a most prophane saying of a wretched cardinal , viz. that he would not part with his part in paris , for paradise : he mak●s much of wise councellers , but takes heed of cunning ones , he takes heed , lest any about him spoil you by policy , as the apostle cautioned the colossians against spoyling through philosophy , lest he being led away by their errour , ●all from their sted●astness , simplicity , and integrity : carnal counc●l ●s are not of gods counc●l , they cannot understand his mind : try the spirits , they will be soon found out . he takes he●d upon whom he confers honours , relations , family , consanguinity , meer policy , or outward respects , ●teer him not , in preferring men to honour and trust ; he honours those whom god honours : gods command to moses in this case is to this purpose , exod. . , . thou shalt provide out of all the people able men , such as fear god , men of truth , hating covetousness , and place such over them to be rulers of thousands , rulers of hundreds , rulers of fifties , rulers of tens , &c. men that are fit for places of government should be drain'd from the dregs , sifted from the bran of the ordinary sort of people : this was davids and solomons practise ; such judges jehosophat promoted , chron. . , . it was observed of the late lord ireton , both in england and in ireland , ( the very mention of whom melts the spirits of those that well knew him , ) that he took notice of good men , and of those especially that were least solicitous after preferment , and ye● most fit for it , and them he advanced and preferred before they ever knew of it . he dares not rule in the peoples ruine , nor advance himself in their downfall ; his pattern in the mount is the king of righteousness , who though lord of all , was servant unto all , and sacrificed himself for them , not them for him . his heart is set upon the peoples health , his thoughts upon their thriving ; he rejoyceth , lamenteth , is pleas'd or pain'd , he lives and dyes with them . when joseph was exalted , he was in the place of god unto the people . to preserve life , gen. . . compared with chap. . . he doth not burthen the people , but bears their burthens , as moses and the seventy elders , numb. . . when the israelites sell before their enemies , ioshua their prince , their saviour . was as sensible as if his blood did run out of their veins , iosh. . , . he took not away his peoples inheritance , but did cause them to inherit , deut. . . he spoils not his people , but saves them out of the hands of them that spoileth them , iudg. . . as those judges did : he is their deliverer from oppressors , as othniel was , iudg. . . and ehud , vers. . and gideon , iudg. . . he is gods love-token to the people , as moses , and ioshua , and chaleb , and gideon , and david , and solomon , &c. whereas tyrants are given in wrath , lev. . . he knows he is set upon a hill , yea upon a mountain , and cannot be hid . heavenly bodies enlighten not their own orb● only , but send forth their rays to them that are under them . moses being in the mount , convers'd with god , and his face did shine among the common people : his life i● a● one saith , coelum quoddam lucidissimis virtutum st●ll●● exornatum , a very heaven , sparkling with variety of virtues as with so many bright stars : the peoples eyes are upon him , and his example will be their patte●n : mobile mutatur semper cum principe vulgus ; like prince like people : common people are like a flock of cranes , as the first fly all follow ▪ princes are the peoples looking-glass ; the court and the city and the country will dress themselves according to them : men are more apt to be led by their eyes then their ears by pattern then precept : he considers gods eyes are upon him , and so are the devils ; good men look upon him with joy , wicked men look upon him with fear ; if he be a pious prince , his tripping would be their tickling , his fall their feast : he considers his burthens are great , his cares are many , his business much , his agitations various , the solemn oath of god is upon him ; all these do argue that the requisites for government are not ordinary nor few . he waits upon god , and looks up unto him for wisdom and strength . the mariners eye is upon the star , when his hand is on the stern ; so is his : if he misteers , the whole is in danger . sauls slaughter of the gibeoni●●● , sam. . . davids lust , sam. . . his pride , sam. . ● . solomons idolatry , king. ● . , , . iorams wickedness , chron. . . achaz sins , chron. . . a●●●● rebellion , king. . . brought misery to their people ; these pilots by their ill st●erage did split their vessels , and many of their people perished thereby . he judgeth his honors relative , and therefore obligatory ; having once accepted the dignity of government , he cheerfully submits to the burthens thereof . he considers , that what he hath , ( as ruler ) he hath it not from himself , and therefore not for himself ; his honours are the fruit of his painful atchievements : which do not lessen , but lengthen , not ease , but increase his burdens , fructus honos on●ris , fructus honoris onus . labours bring honours , honours labours bring . it was the saying of luther , that politici & ecclesiastici labores maximi sunt , magistrates and ministers have the greatest burdens . had we not businesses and cares , and ●ears above any private person , we should be equal to the gods , said augustus . good rulers bear the peoples incumbrances , burthens , and strifes , crowns have their car●s with good princes , their crosses , their scratches ; the sense whereof they feel more at their hearts , then their crowns on their heads . he rules by rule , and not by roat ; the word of god , the laws of men consonant therewith , are his rules of ruling , and not his own lust , esteeming it his greater glory so to be ruled , that he might serve the whole , then otherwise to rule to serve himself ; prerogative , assertors , and base flatterers , he hates in his heart . he esteems himself more obliged to god , then the people , because he hath received more from god then they ; he knows himself to be under the strickest laws , not over the meanest rulers , under the law were commanded by god to write the copie of the law of god in a book , and the jews say , that though the kings father left him a book of the law , yet was he to write a book thereof with his own hands , which he was to carry with him whithersoever he went , from deut. , , . and according to this is gods saying to joshuah , this book of the law shall not depart out of thy mouth , but thou shalt meditate therein day and night , iosh. . . a good ruler serves the lord with reverence , psal. . . he casts himself before him to do him reverence , psal. . . and as for the laws of men in their respective territories , it was platoes saying , that the prince is not above law , but the law is above the prince ; the magistrate should be a speaking law , a living law , as exemplary in obedience to the law , as he is eminent in rule over all the people under the law . it is most true , that the chief magistrate may do only that which is just , and most false , that all is just that he doth ▪ saul was as much bound not to hurt david , as david not to touch the lords anointed . to rule over the people by meer coactive power is beastly , not manly . a manly prince would rule over the wills of men by their consent : a lion , a bear , a wolf , rules over the weaker by meer power . a good ruler desires power directive , not coercive , voluntary , not violent , by counsel , not command , by consent , not compulsion : he takes no pleasure to rule in his commonwealth , as the lion in the forrest . a protector truly so called , cannot think himself wiser then all , nor above all , but to the making and executing of laws , to the government of himself and people , he will have the consultation and determination of the wise amongst them : it is gods charactar of a tyrant , sam. . , . to rule by meer power , to take the people under him , and make them his horses , his asses , his slaves , and vassals , minding altogether his own might , not the peoples right : but god's charactar of a protector is of another nature , deut. , . viz. he is such an one whose heart is not lifted up above his brethren : he is a fellow-subject to the laws , though the chief executioner thereof ; he takes no advantage from the letter of the law to gratifie himself , and grieve his people , ( as the late tyrant ) and his predecessors ; he well considers that common justice , peace , and safety are the great ends of rule and rulers , that laws themselves are no longer binding , but as relative to those great ends , that religion , reason , nature ▪ grace , all do promote the publick good : that the intent of law is nothing less then the princes roially in the peoples ruine , that the soul of the law is preferrable above the shel , the life above the letter . id●m facit ac is qui legem transgreditur qui saeva verborum praerogativa fraudulenter conira juris sententiam abutitur . he doth as bad as transgress the law who fraudulently abuseth the rigid prerogative of words , contrary to the true intentional sentence of the law . he hath a piercing eye over pretended friends and flatterers , he knows his house will be haunted with these , do what he can . many will seek the rulers favour , more then the favour of god , for there they hope to find themselves , he takes heed whom he trusts , and bless himself from his pretended friends , and prays with david to be delivered from lying lips , and a deceitful tongue , who will speak fair , congratulate his victories and happinesse , it may be present him with offerings and gifts : but as one said , timeo danaos & dona ferentes . and saith another , munera magna quidem misit , sed misit in hamo ; et piscatorem piscis amare potest ? when their words are as smooth as oyl , there is war in their hearts : it is something under his fifth rib which they aim at in their courtships and complements ; though they bring milk and honey in their lordly d●sh , yet he takes heed of security and sleep at such a time ; for they watch their opportunity to make use of their nail and hammer ; they are like cur-dogs that would suck out blood by licking , and in the end destroy without biting . a squire being sent out of spain to poyson queen elizabeth , anoynted the pummel of her saddel with poyson in a secret manner , as if he had been doing somewhat else , crying out with a loud voice , god save the queen . when gifford , hodgson , and others , had set savage on work to kill the said queen ; they first set ou● a book to perswade the english catholicks to attempt nothing against her , caveatur osculum iscarioticum : the kisses of judas are dangerous , he takes heed of poyson in a golden cup : jesuits at this day kisse and kill together familiarly officiosè occidunt , as one said of false physicians , esocietate iesu fuit qui iesum tradidit : his familiar that a●e bread with him at his table : when the kisse was nigh , the swords and staves were not far off : he knows that men that are most glosing are frequently closing with him for mischief , joab , iudas , absolom , ahitophel , are most dangerous in their kisses : there are kissing cut-throats , who can be affable to their enemies , and disguise their hatred in commendations , while they privily lay their snares , men italienated that can salute with mortal imbracements , and clapse in those arms which they hope to embrew in their dearest blood , like unto hacket hanged in queen elizabeths time , who imbracing his honest schoolmaster , bit off his nose , and did eat it down before his face : of all persons he makes not flatterers of his councel . augustus complained when varus was dead , that now he had none left that would deal faithfully and plainly with him : he bewares of confidence in unfaithful men , who will prove like the brooks of temah , job . . which swell'd in rain , and fail'd in droughts ; they will be like egypt to israel , broken reeds , whereon if he leans , they will not only fail him , but pierce and destroy him : iulius caesar was killed in the very councel-chamber by such flattering councellers , a pluribus amicis quam inimicis , by most of his pretended friends : the french proverb , when the spaniard comes to parl of a peace , then double bolt the door ; and the hollanders in former dayes would make no conditions with them , because they well knew their machiavilian heresie : fides tamdiu servanda est quamdiu expediat . i shall say no more to this , but to pray that god would preserve our faithful rulers from unfaithful men . a christian prince studies princely principles , not machivilian policies , and well remembers that he is gods servant , though his servants lord , and that he is bound to keep them free . he well knows that goodnesse is the way to greatnesse , and grace to glory , that righteousness and peace through gods ordinance are linked together with chains of adamant , that when his ways please the lord , he need not fear his friends or foes , that the throne is established by righteousnesse , ruined by wrongs , that though wickedness may build his house for a time , yet a wo from god will destroy the foundation , ier. . . that heavens friendship is his greatest security , that true piety is the best policy , to attain and maintain his power and dignity : the saints just liberty is his study , and men of persecuting principles he cannot bear . men that judg themselves bound in conscience to punish others that are not of their judgment and conscience ; men that are not very ambitious that others should know as much as themselves , and yet very zealous to have them punished , because they know not as much as themselves : iron-hearted men ; like that tyrant that would cast the men of his displeasure upon an iron bed , and if any were longer then the bed , he would have them cut off by so much the shorter , and if any were shorter , he should be stretcht out unto that length : these persons had rather that people should dissemble their opinions , then own their own . the men of my meaning are very discernable ; they are such as pretend themselves embassadors for christ , and that with great majesty and authority imposing upon all men in the name of the lord , and yet in the face of all men neglecting , nay despising his great commandment of loving the brethren . it is known to god , and my conscience , and all men that know me , know , that i am no adversary to the publique ministry , but a cordial assertor of their sacred office according to the utmost of my poor abilities against opposers ; well considering that though they may differ amongst themselves in the explication of some of the terms of their embassy ; as also , that though they work not miracles as the apostles did to confirm their doctrine , which two particulars are the greatest pretended arguments impleading their function , yet they agree in the grand import of their masters message , viz. the grace of god bringing salvation by jesus christ , and teaching men to deny all ungodliness and worldly lusts , and to live godly , righteously and soberly in this present evil world ; which is the sum of the gospel ; and that this having been already confirmed by miracles from heaven in the first establishment thereof in the world , needs no more miracles for its confirmation ▪ ( those doctrines only wanting miracles for their credit that are extra-scriptural , pretended revelations , strong perswasions and impressions upon mens hearts , having no greater authority then their own fancies , visions born in their own brain , carryed on with fury , violence , pride and passion , and most importunely prest upon the consciences of men in the name of the lord without any scripture . ) i say , these considered with the like , i am no enemy to the publ●que ministry , and do heartily congratulate good magistrates favour towards godly ministers , and the present course and hopeful endeavors of our present rulers in seeking ou● able and fit men to preach the gospel in the commonwealth ; i wish them prosperity in the name of the lord : but the men of my meaning in my humble caution , are easily known by some or all of these characters . first , men that will be of the kings religion , be he of what religion he will , and are clamorous against all that cannot weather-cock it like themselves ; men that are not okes , but o●●●rs , warping and winding this way or that way as the hand of their bountiful patrons and benefactors will wreath them ; as of old , like prince like priest , ezek. . . men may easily discern their dawbing with untempered morter . the court in former days never wanted these black parasites ; they are known by their flattering titles they give , trying if they can trade by exchanging flatteries for favours . . they mind earthly things ; watch them , you will see the center of their circumference ( be the circle never so great ) will be themselves and families , places , profits , preferments , gratuities , these are sweet venison after hunting ; pluralities , non-residence , neglecting gods flock by other persons , are little better then the unpardonable sins , but plusquam pluralities can down with themselves without straining , and the silver bell that hath the greatest sound is the fairest call for their so doing , and the still voyce of god speaking to their consciences is not heard through the noise thereof : their happiness is not so much to be envyed as their unhappiness to be pitied ; neither is the seasonable attendance of good men of this tribe about our present rulers and families in the least impleaded in these lines , nor their bounty or favour towards them , provided their attendance be not with the great neglect of those grand duties incumbent upon them by the word of god , by covenant and conscience , and that they improve their interest , opportunities and advantages with them for the common peace of all their brethren in the faith , however differing in opinion from themselves . thirdly , the men ( of my meaning ) of persecuting of principles for conscience sake , are always found defaming , vilifying and reproaching their dissenting brethren unto the rulers , by cloathing their opinions with ugly names , as dangerous , dismal , and dreadful things ( taking advantage from their impossibility through their much business to examine the truth , and to make their own eyes their judges in the case , to save them a labour by telling them in their own manner , what men hold , and how dangerous those things be , never informing ( either through their own ignorance or malice ) in what sence , with what cautions , limitations , and restrictions , they maintain , or deny , and upon what grounds and arguments , they assert their judgements , it is no hard thought to suppose ; ( for there is reason enough ) that there are men of worth , learning , excellency , and holiness , whose names and reputations suffer shipwrack by the men of this charact●r , when any knotty , painful , and laborious business , ( pertinent to their function ) in times of straits , appear necessary to be done ; the men of their quarrel are then in esteem , but when the cloud is over , and the work is done , and the sun shines again , they have then done with them , they are shut up again in darkness under their black reproaches and scandals , and if they have but the liberty of their private confines , societies , and companies , it is reward sufficient , if not too much for all their labours ; like the subtle ape that took the spaniels foot to reach the chesnut out of the fi●e , and then eats the kernel , and g●ts him gone , leaving the burnt spaniel to seek out a plaister : well , the other world will make up all . a wise prince cannot but judge such disingenuity much unworthy their function , and h●s favour . fourthly , men of persecuting principles for conscience sake , are frequently known by this charactar , viz. they bring their opinions to the scriptures , and fetch them not thence , and prefer their id est , before the scriptum est , their interpretation before the text . men that caedem scripturarum faciuut , as one saith , that murther the scriptures , yea that torture and torment them , like amboyna tyrants , to make them confess , and own such things , as were never in their meaning . the scribes and pharisees preferred their traditional interpretations before the text , and could not bear any exposition , though never so sound against their false glosses , though never so rotten , and that upon this ground , it is the general received opinion , and orthodox doctrine of all the rabbies , doctors and fathers : non tam ovum ●vo simile , one egge is not so like another as those then ; and these in our dayes . did they prefer their false gl●sses before the true text ? so do these . were they more zealous of their traditional doctrines , then of the letter of the scriptures ? so are these . were they fiery adversaries to men differing from them , though more learned , more holy , more serviceable to god and the world , then themselves ? so are these . did they stir up the people against d●ssenters from them ? so do these . did they bring forth their raylings instead of reasons ? so do these . did they strive to insnare , and catch at words and expressions without respect to the sence and meaning of good men , to make them obnoxious to men in authority ? so do these . did they falsely misrepresent them to men in place and rule ? so do these . a wise prince will beware of these men that dig for evil against their brethren , to defame them , that the ruler may disfavour them . it is solomons character of an ungodly man , to dig up evil , and whose lip● are as burning fire , who sow strife , separate chief friends , men that will pick up , dig out all that may be , and more then truth to injurie the men of their controversie . when the manichees could not answer austins arguments , they hit him in the teeth with his youthful follies , whereunto his reply was only this , quae vos reprehenditis ego damnavi , what you discommend in me , i have long since condemned : and the malicious papists did the like to beza , reprinting his wit-wanton poems on purpose to disp●●e him , and objecting his former miscarriages whereof he had repented , he replied to one that did twit him in the teeth with it , hic homo invidet mihi gratiam christi , this man en●ies me the grace of jesus christ : and thus miriam and aaron , num. . . being ●retted that god should declare his counsels to moses only , and that he should have the reputation of it , and not they , had nothing to object against him , but an old matter of several years date , viz. his marrying with an aethiopian : i shall say no more about these men , but wish all good rulers may never be troubled with such as these : white-hall formerly was very rarely without them ; their aphorisms and maxims , are dangerous . it was of old , no bishop , no king : which was more ominous then necessary , and the end of it was to engage the king to assert the bishops , and to assist them in their tyranny and executing their cruel censures by his civil sword . we have other saying● of the same sence , and for the same end , though in other expressions : viz. that the sword of the magistracy and the sword of the ministry must go together : which is a truth in a singular , but not vulgar sence ; or ( if you please ) in an english , not scottish sence , that is , to protect , ( not punish ) the people of god for keeping a good conscience . that magistratus est custos , & conservator utriusque tabulae , a true saying in a qualified sence , though many times very ill applied : the papists made lutherans , and calvenists , the bishops ; brownists , and separatists , the presbyterians ; sectaries , and hereticks ; there are still that succeed them in their ill trade , and are about an evil work , viz. making wicked anabaptists , blasphemers , arminians , socinians , pelagians , and i know not what of those whom the spirit of god through grace by the belief of the gospel hath made the blessed servants of the most high god , kings , and princes , and parliaments have been dasht in pieces at this stone by too much complyance with the men of this character . and the christian care of our late rulers , and present protector , and caution of them hitherto hath opened the mouths of many saints of different apprehensions , agreeing together as one man , with one heart and lip , in prayers and prayses to god for them and him : and i wish with all my soul , and that for the peace and happiness of my country , that that spirit , judgment , and conscience of theirs , and of him , in this respect may be redoubled upon his successours . his loftiness in place provokes loveliness in practise , the more high the more humble , and like the sun above he comforts and cherisheth those that are under him . his greatness doth better him , and not betray him into pride , and vanity , his highness is his peoples happiness , he is like an angel of god amongst them to protect and defend them , not as a lion among beasts to terrifie and torment them , he is their glory , and not their grie● , their songs and not their sighs ; when the righteous are in authority the people rejoyce , prov. . . because he is a mercy , and not a mischief unto them . his great project is rather to be beloved then feared of the people , and by doing every man right , and no man wrong , he sets up his throne in every mans heart . it is noted by the indians in america , that the christians god is a good god , who doth good , but their god ( who is the devil ) they count good when he doth them no hurt , and therefore they serve him not in love , but in fear : the lord reigns making the earth to rejoyce thereby ; and so should princes be the triumph , and not the terrour of their territories . his greatness provokes his goodness to commensure herewith in the middest of his glory ; he remembers his shame , and the deep sense of his own demerits keeps him humble under popular applause , knowing that his receipts are great , his talents many , his accounts proportionable , he is always reckoning of his reckoning day : pride , passsion , and wilfulness , incident to greatness , are his constant caution . his heighth humbles him , and his humility exalts him , his sense of his emptiness draws his heart after god for fulness . pride brings a tyrant low , but honour upholds the humble in spirit , sequitur superbos ultor , à tergo deus , vengeance follows the proud man at the heels ; the judgment of god upon pharaoh , adonibez●ck , agag , haman , h●rod , &c. are much in his heart , his religion teaches him to be pure , peaceable , gentle , easie to be entreated , he ( like christ ) seeks not his own glory , and therefore god seeks it , and keeps it for him , john . . he contends not for himself , and therefore is god for him ; under personal injuries he sits down with content , but publick wrongs rouze him up to contend ; his heart is hunted out of his earthly holds , he sees the uncertainty of earthly glory , the vanity , the non-entity of outward pomp , their impotency to help in the evil day , their impossibility to stretch to eternity : that outward greatness is but a conceited wall , prov. . . he well considers that god humbles the haughty , lifts up the lowly , as the lower the ebbe , the higher the tide ; so his humiliation shall not exceed his exaltation , he looks not so much upon his fine feathers , as his foul feet , which is ballace to his bottom , and prevents the danger of his broad-sails , in the swelling and surging seas of outward pomp and greatness , he blusheth ( not blesseth himself ) under popular applauses ; prayse● do more press him , th●n please him , and g●ate upon him then gratifie him ; the higher his head is before men , the lower his heart before god , he does worthily in euphrata , and therefore is he famous in bethleh●m : his same attends his vertue , as the shadow the body , he hath no tongue to praise himself : haec ego f●ci proves men no better then faeces , ( saith luther . ) self-brags shews mens dr●gs and dross , not their valour and ve●tue . laus proprio sordescit in ore , he that comm●nds himself , vomits out of his own mouth his own shame , nauciating the st●●acks of standers by : moses glory was not known to himself , but to those that beheld him , his face did shine , but he knew it not , his ears ( are not tickled but ) tingle , when he hears men speak of his worth and worthiness . when an elegant speech was made in the commendation of charls the fifth , by a great person , rehersing his noble and famous acts : the emperour modestly replyes ; that he accepted of the oration , because it did admonish him not so much what he had been , as what he ought to be . he remembers what he was when he sees what he is . it is sto●ied of agath●cles , who of a potters son , became king in scicily ; that he would ever be served in earthen vessels ; and of one willigis , bishop of mentz , being a wheel-wrights ▪ son , that he caused wheels to be hanged up a●d down the walls from his palace with these words over them in capital letters , willigis , willigis recole unde venris , mind thy beginning . it was good counsel given by placilla the empress to her husband theodosius : remember sir , what you were la●ely , and what you are now , this will make you mindful of your duty , and give god the glory : a man as good , as great , considers what he must be , as well as what he was , and is , he makes account of his accounts , and is frequently reckoning his reckonings ; his masters redde ration●m is much in his mind , his receipts are in his eyes , and his account current in his heart , and his quietus est , is the first-born of his desires , his even reckonings make long friendship between god and him , he is often casting up his books , lest his books should cast him up at last , which makes him diligen● , watchful , humble and low in his own thoughts , the noise of the feet of them that buried his predecessours , is much in his ears , he h●a●s the sound of his own passing bell , and in his thoughts goes to his own funeral ; he considers that as he hath had a time to be born , so he will have a time to die , and that he is every day drawing on , towards his drawing on : that his last day stands , but all the rest runs , that the mortal sythe is master of the royal scepter , and that it mows down as well the lilies of the crown , as the crown of the lilies ; he remembers that though his palace be built of hewen stone , yet his life is immured within mud-walls in a clay cottage , and earthly tabernacle , that his foundation is the dust ready to be shattered and scattered with every blast , that he is but terra friabilis , crumbling , loose earth : pride , passion , and self-will , are his constant caution . first , pride , he that saith he hath no pride , cannot want it , this made a devil of an angel , and threw him down from his throne with a vengeance . god resisteth a proud person , ( as in battail-array , ) it is god's resolu●ion ( not ) to ●ta●n ( all glory but ) the pride of all glory , and bring into contempt all the proud , ( though ) honorable of the earth , isai. . . he hath his day for the proud and lofty ; for every one that is lifted up , he shall be brought low , his lo●ty looks shall be humbled , and the lord alone shall be ex●l●ed , he pulleth down the proud , and lifteth up the lowly : he doth carefully cautelously , yea very curiously look to himself , le●t his valour , his victories , his greatness , his highner , his armies , his navies , the crowchings of his enemies , the applications of the great princes of other nations , his great houses , his revenues , his a●tendance do steal in upon him , b●leagure his heart , seize it and take it before he is aware , and carry him into captivi●y under pride and vanity , and bring him to ruine without remedy ; he well remembers that by humility , and the fear of the lord ▪ are riches , and honour , and life , prov. . . when pride cometh in , shame cometh on , but while he is humble , god is at his right hand , so that he shall not fall , if he grows proud , he will know him at a distance , yea afar off . and therfore he studies god , who pulleth down and setteth up whom he pleaseth , whose are all kingdoms , power , and glory ; and he studies himself , his dust and ashes , his heart , his lip , his life infirmities , he watcheth and prayeth against pride and vanity , which will make him humble and happy . secondly , his own passion is his own pain and sorrow : commonly princes think they may be passionate by priviledg and peevish by prerogative . moses was an excellent general , an eminent governor , and his meekness did add much to his merit : anger is little better then a short devil , and he that gives way to it , gives place to him . he that is big with wrath , breeds contention , and brings forth transgression in abundance : a furious man is a man master'd by furies , and ( as the persian kings to their concubines ) is a slave to a slave . anger may rush into the heart of wise men , but it resteth and roosteth only in the bosom of fools : the hasty man never wants woe . one counselled augustus to determine nothing rashly when he was angry , but that he should first repeat the greek alphabet : ambrose taught theodosius in that case to repeat the lords prayer . he that is slow to anger is of great understanding , but he that is hasty of spirit exalteth folly . 't is true , it 's good to be angry , and not to sin , but then a man must be angry at nothing but sin , and not as it is an offence to man , but to god , nor yet so angry as to be unfit for prayer : moses was angry at the israelites golden calf , but could pray for them ; christ at the unbelief of the pharisees , but was grieved for the hardness of their hearts . right anger is a very tender vertue , and such as by reason of mans unskilfulness may be easily corrupted , and made dangerous . the spirit of prayer , meditation , communion with god , and the spirit of frowardness , will never mingle : the spirit of prophecy came not upon elisha until his heat was over ; and his anger was charmed by the musick of a minstrel , king. . . a froward heart shall depart from god , a meek and quiet spirit is of great price with him . god deals above the thundering , tempestuous , and blustering clouds , and meets with men in the cool of the day , speaking and appearing in the still voice . he that is slow to anger is better then the mighty . u●ruly passions ( saith one ) are those turks with whom we must ever make war : those spaniards , with whom who ever made peace , gained nothing but repentance ; a deadly fewd must be between good princes and their lusts , which war in their members , fighting against their souls . a passionate person , though he be not drunk , yet is he not his own man : it 's a shame for a prince to have his lusts his lords , and his vices his vanquishers ; he that ruleth his spirit , is better then he that taketh a city , vince animos iramque tuam qui caetera vincis , victory over himself yeilds him greater glory , richer spoyls , then all other victories : here to overcome will is his glory , to be overcome his shame . thirdly , self-will is not his will , knowing that sic volo , sic jubeo , &c. is the tyrants charactar , and very incident to men in power , and their will is frequently their wo . king charls was a probatum est of this . josiah one of the most famous kings recorded in the book of god , for piety and goodness , yet he never consulting the prophets , resolutely would go to war contrary to counsel , which cost him his life , chron. . . to the great loss and lamentation of all his good people : consilii satis est in me mihi , is the saying of solomons fool , in whose eyes his own ways is right , prov. . . but he that hearkneth to counsel is wise . a person suspecting his own judgement , and taking advise of wiser then himself , seldom miscarries . a wo is pronounced to that land whose king is a child , that is , weak , wilful , and uncounselable ; as rehoboam , who was a child at forty years old , whose father was a man at twelve ; for age is no just measure of wisdom : solomon the wise chose him an excellent councel of state , whom rehoboam refused to hear , being as wilful as his father wise , being heady , high-minded , he lost ten tribes by his wilful and churlish breath . it was said of old , romani sedendo vincunt , wisdom is better then strength , prudence excelleth puissance , and counsel courage , which made agamemnon set such a price upon vlysses : where no counsel is the people fall , but in the multitude of counsellers , ( truly so called ) there is safety ; it is not titles , but truths ; not the name of counsels , and counsellers , but the proper natures of them , that will bless him , and the people under him . it is reported of xerxes , that in his expedition against greece , he called his princes together , but gave them neither freedom of speech , or councel , lest i should seem ( said he ) to follow mine own counsel i have assembled you , but do you remember , that it becomes you rather to obey , then to advise . to have a wise councel that must not advise , or a weak councel that cannot advise , is much the same in the sigh● of god , and wise men : for a prince to resolve to follow the advice of his councel , and yet to command them to give no counsel but what he tells them , he will follow , i● , as if one should promise to maintain me so long as i live , provided i live no longer then he will maintain me . he hath weighty affairs in his head , in his heart , on his hand● ; therefore all his purposes are established by wise counsel , which makes his proceedings neither unconstant , nor uncomfortable : deliberandum est diu quod statuendum est semel . he considers long ●re he resolves upon any weighty enterprise , a christian prince first of all , and above all adviseth with god , wo be to the rebellious children , that take counsel but not of me , isai. . . david had able counselle●s about him , but his chiefest were gods testimonies . psal. . . thy testimonies are my delight and my counsellers . princes have had their remembrancers , moniters , councellers , as themistocl●s , his anaxagores , alexander his aristotle , scipio his panaetius and polybbius ; but it is reported of scipio africanus that it was his custome before day to go in cellam jovis , and there to stay quasi consultans de republica jove , advising with god about his commonwealth : david in all his straits asked counsel of the lord : with good advice make war , said solomon . great matters require great advice : the souldiers rule is , non sequi non sugere bellum : neither to follow after war , nor to fly from it : and it is the christians motto : n●c temere n●c timidè . he well understands his slippery standing , that he is a man in nature , though a god in name ; that the end of all is alike to all , though no mans danger like to his : that heighth of place endangers downfall , that the pinacle of preferment is a dreadfull poynt , which causeth his caution in all his steerage . he considers that his honours are attended with dangers , his crown with cares , he knows that to keep and maintain the love of god , and the peoples good will cost him study , for it , requires skill , that the rulers duty is not soon learnt , that his work is great , his strength is small , his dangers many , his business curious , his head , his heart , his hand , with much diligence are all imployed . he is the poor means patron , the widows husband , the orphans father , the good mans pleasure , the bad mans terrour , affable in speech , facile in access , amiable in countenance , respecting no mans person , but every mans cause , thereby he becomes the desire of all . the work of the ruler is to judge the poor , that 's his duty , and his establishment . james the fourth of scotland , was for this called the poor mans king . help , o king , said the poor woman to jehoram . if thou wilt not hear and right me , why doest thou take upon thee to be king ? said the poor woman to philip king of macedony : it is a mercy to have judges . modo audeant quae sentiunt . so that they have courage to do what they judge fit to be done . a just ruler is ( as one saith of a just law ) a heart without affection , an eye without last , a mind without passion , a treasury which keepeth for every one what he hath , and distributeth to every one what he should have . such a prince shall sit firm on his throne , the hearts of his people wi●l be his life-guard , and god his protection , such an one is like god , the poor mans refuge in the time of trouble , in him the fatherless find mercy , and he will cause the widows heart to sing for joy , if her cause be just , his conscience pleads it with him , he regards not the greatness of her adversari●s , but the goodness of her cause ; he is no secret accepter of persons , job . . he hears causes without prejudicial impiety , and judiciously examines them without sinister obliquity : and sincerely determins them without sinful partiality . it was said of cato , that he was one a quo nemo unquam rem injustam petere audebat , so just as no man durst make any unjust request unto him . he esteemeth royalty without righteousness , as eminent dishonour , guilded putrifaction , glorious baseness , riches , retinue , splendor , and greatness , no better then meer pageantry , shews and shadows of nobleness , which causeth his vigilancy over his own heart , and his own family . righteousness is the way to ric●es , goodness makes men glorious . it was said by one of constantine the great , bonus deus constantinum magnum tantis t●rrenis implevit muneribus quanta optare nullus auderet , the good lord heaped so much outward happiness upon ( his faithful servant ) constantine the great , as no man ever durst to have wished more ; his glory ( like sarah's beauty ) consisteth in the hidden man , pet. . . he knows that dignitas in indigno est ornamentum in luto , that a jewel of gold in a swines ●nout , is as comely as gay clothes upon vile persons , painted sepulchres . solomons wisdom rendred him more honourable then all his glittering and golden glory : the justice , wisdom , righteousness of a pious prince , these are ornaments of grace , and crowns of glory , prov. . , . riches , honours , delights , pleasures , life , length of days , seed , and posterity , are all entailed upon piety and holiness ; outward pomp , greatness and glory suck out the goodness of the heart , ( as the ivy from the oak ) except there be curious caution ; what are they but insufficient and unsatisfactory , often provocations to vice , and hinderanc●s of vertue ? the order of nature is inverted , when vile men are exalted , psal. . . it is a foul incongruity , and of very evil consequence , vile persons are loathsom , though veild with velvets , and the children of satan though in sattin . he hath great vigilancy over his own family ; he sees who they are , and what they are : every officer , every servant he keeps , is of his own choyce or approbation : he cannot rule well in the church , much less in the nation , that ruleth not his own house well : he bewares of an achitophel , a doeg , an haman . it was said of a prince of germany , that esset al●u● si esset apud alios , he would be another man , were he with other men . he takes heed who gets the royalty o● his ear , lest he doth with him what he list . david would not know , i. e. own a wicked person , psal. . . and vers. . he that worketh deceit shall not dwell within my house , he that telleth lyes shall not tarry in my sight ; an hypocrite , an ismaelite shall not dwell wi●h him : he takes heed of proud servants ; knowing that men will be apt to mistake him in them , and think they read him in them . a wicked person in his family is as an achan in the army , a jonas in the ship . 't is his honour and wisdom to be loved and feared of his family ; which he will never be , except they be wise and honest : he that delicately bringeth up his servant , shall have him become son at the length , prov. . . solomon himself ( that sometimes knew better how to give good counsel then to take it ) entertains jeroboam , gave him great power in his house , admitted him into so much familiarity , that he let loose the bridle of domestical discipline unto him , in so much that he took state upon him as a young master in the house , and soon after turn'd traytor : see the like in abner , ishbosheths servant , who grew so haughty , that he must not be spoken to ; and so zimri , whom his lord and master elah , king. . . advanced captain over half of his charets , being thus like a begger set on horseb●ck , ●ides without reins to the ruine of his master and whole house : asperius nihil est humili dum surgit in altum . it is with a ruler in respect of evil servants , as with a creature called millipeda , the more feet it hath the flower it goeth : corrupt servants hinder the course of justice ; this reflects upon their lords . his frowns are upon evil , and his favors upon wise servants , which is solomons counsel , prov. . ● . as was pharaohs towards joseph , darius towards daniel , henry the e●ght towards cromwell , who for his wisdom and faithfulness he raised from a mean person ( son to a blacksmith ) to be master of his jewel-house , baron of okeham in rutland-shire , then knight of the garter , earl of essex , lord great chamberlain , and at last his vicar general . a wise servant may have rule over a son without dishonor to the father , and discredit to the son . amongst his servants some may be wiser , some better , some more in gods favour then others : he lets such have rule over his houshold by his commission , and suffers not the b●ambles to domineer over the ceda●s . the le●ity , luxury , idleness , wantonness of the quondam court at white-hall , together with their concomitants , were none of the l●ast on●●ns of their destruction . it is observed by one , that among all the servants , pleasures and delights which solomon had , he got him no fool or jester , which formerly princes could not be without in this nation , no not when they should be most serious . it is recorded of henry the third king of france , that in a solemn p●●cession at paris he could not be without his jest●r , who walking between the king and the cardinal , made mirth to them both : was not here sweet devotion ? the truth is , ●●eir religious actions were all in jest , their wicked in earnest : i hope no such vile and vicious persons will be ever found more in our english courts . he is the joy of the just , the delight of their souls , the breath of their nostrils : he lives beloved , he dyes desired , is buried with lamentations , his generation is blessed , and his name is had in everlasting remembrance . the death of josiah struck the heart of israel and judah , making their eyes as fountains of tears , and their mourning so gr●at , that it grew to a proverb , the mourning of hadadrimon in the valley of megiddon , zach. . . his memory shall be blessed , his name shall be heir to his life , and h●s posterity shall enjoy the fruit of his vertue , his children are blessed after him , prov. . . his righteousness is inherited by his posterity , and laid up in everlasting remembrance , and his translation shall be unto an incorruptible crown of glory , which is undefiled and fadeth not away , with the whole family of god , and the spirits of just men made perfect , where he shall receive a prepared kingdom , and dwell among those mansions , shining as the sun in the firmament , for ever , and ever . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- * kings and bishops . notes for div a e- * veraciter se excusavit de honore regni . the first and second part of the signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians (as also of some idolatrous pagans) tovvards their kings, both before and under the law, and gospel especially in this our island. expressed in and by their private and publike private loyal supplications, prayers, intercession, thanksgiving, votes, acclamations, salutations, epistles, addresses, benedictions, options of long life, health, wealth, safety, victory, peace, prosperity, all temporal, spiritual, eternal blessings, felicities to their kings persons, families, queens, children, realms, armies, officers, chearfull subjections and dutifull obedience to them: whethe [sic] good, or bad, christians, or pagans, orthodox, or heterodox, protectors, or persecutors of them. with the true reasons thereof from scripture and policy. evidenced by varieties of presidents, testimonies and authorities in al ages, ... whereunto the several forms, ceremonies, prayers, collects, benedictions and consecrations, used at the coronations of christian emperors, kings, queens (more particularly in england and scotland, not formerly published) and of the mahometan and Ægyptian kings, are annexed. by signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians, towards their kings. prynne, william, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing p estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the first and second part of the signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians (as also of some idolatrous pagans) tovvards their kings, both before and under the law, and gospel especially in this our island. expressed in and by their private and publike private loyal supplications, prayers, intercession, thanksgiving, votes, acclamations, salutations, epistles, addresses, benedictions, options of long life, health, wealth, safety, victory, peace, prosperity, all temporal, spiritual, eternal blessings, felicities to their kings persons, families, queens, children, realms, armies, officers, chearfull subjections and dutifull obedience to them: whethe [sic] good, or bad, christians, or pagans, orthodox, or heterodox, protectors, or persecutors of them. with the true reasons thereof from scripture and policy. evidenced by varieties of presidents, testimonies and authorities in al ages, ... whereunto the several forms, ceremonies, prayers, collects, benedictions and consecrations, used at the coronations of christian emperors, kings, queens (more particularly in england and scotland, not formerly published) and of the mahometan and Ægyptian kings, are annexed. by signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians, towards their kings. prynne, william, - . [ ], , [ ], , [ ] p. printed by t. childe, and l. parry, and are to be sold by edward thomas at the adam and eve in little-brittain, london : . "the second part of the signal loyalty" (also published separately as wing ( nd ed.) p ) has a separate dated title page, register and pagination. both parts have final errata leaves. imperfect; part lacks pp. - . reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng kings and rulers -- religious aspects -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the first & second part of the signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians ( as also of idolatrous pagans ) towards their kings , both before and under the law , and gospel ; especially in this our island . expressed in and by their publike private loyal supplications , prayers , intercessions , thanksgivings , votes , acclamations , salutations , epistles , addresses , benedictions , options of long life , health , wealth , safety , victory , peace , prosperity , all temporal , spiritual , eternal blessings , felicities to their kings persons , families , queens , children , realms , armies , officers , chearfull subjection and dutifull obedience to them : whethe●… good , or bad , christians , or pagans , orthodox , or heterodox , protectors , or persecutors of them . with the true reasons thereof from scripture & policy . evidenced by varieties of presidents , testimonies and authorities in al ages , worthy the knowledge , imitation and serious consideration of all christian kings and sub●…ects ( comprising both their . duties towards each other ) especially of our present degenerated , dissoyal , antimonarchical generation . whereunto the several forms , ceremonies , prayers , collects , benedictions and consecrations , used at the coronations of christian emperors , kings , queens ( more particularly in england and scotland , not formerly published ) and of the mahometan and ae●…yptian kings , are annexed . by wiliam prynne esq a bencher of lincolns inne . psal. . , . give the king thy judgements , o lord , and thy righteousnesse unto the kings son. then shall he judge thy p●…ople with righteousnesse , and thy poor with judgement . tertulliani apologia adversus gentes c. . hoc agite boni praesides , ex●…rquete animam deo supplicantem pro imperatore . hoc erit crimen ubi veritas & dei devotio est . london printed by t. childe , and l. parry , and are to be sold by edward thomas at the adam and eve in little-brittain , . the signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians , tovvards their kings : ( as also of some idolatrous pagans ) both before , under the law and gospel : expressed by their private and publike prayers , supplications , intercessions , thanksgivings , well-wishes for the health , safety , long life , prosperity , temporal , spiritual , eternal felicity of the kings and emperors under whom they lived , whether pagan or christian , bad or good , heterodox or orthodox , persecutors or protectors of them : and likewise for their royal issue , posterity , realms : and by their dutifull conscientious obedience and subjection to them ; with the true reasons thereof from scripture and policy . evidenced by presidents , and testimonies in all ages , worthy the knowledge , imitation , and serious consideration of our present degenerated disloyal , antimonarchical generation . by william prynne esq. a bencher of lincolns inne . psal. . , . give the king thy judgements , o lord , and thy righteousness unto the kings son ; then shall he judge thy people with righteousness , and thy poor with judgement . tertulliani apologia adversus gentes , c. . hoc agite boni praesides , extorquete animam deo supplicantem pro imperatore . hoc erit crimen ubi veritas & dei devotio est . london , printed by t. c. and l. p. and are to be sold by edward thomas at the adam and eve in little britain , . to his most illustrious over-long exterminated , but now happily restored soveraign , charls the second , by the miraculous grace of god , and indubitab●…e hereditary birthright and succession , of england , scotland , france and ireland king , the 〈◊〉 c●…stant pro●…ssor and defendor of the truly a●…nt , catholick and apostolick faith in the midst of manifold persecutions , ●…rovocations , sol●…ations , t●…ions , and fiery t●…yals ; the magazin of all christian and royal virtues , and miracle of gods preserving and restoring mercies . m●…st gracious soveraign , the a on●…y potentate , and king of kings , who b removeth kings , and setteth up kings , and ru●…eth in the kingdom of men to give it to whomsoever he pleaseth ; having by his own omnipotent c out-stretched arm , and successive miraculous providences , unexpectedly cut off , cast down , subverted , d●…ipated , d without hands or bloodshed , the most execrable , perfidious , trayterous murderers of your royal father king charls the first , of glorious memory , and unjust disinheriters and proscribers of your sacred majestie out of all your own hereditary kingdoms , and some forein states by violence , war , and inhumane tyranny , ( enforcing your majesty oft to cry out with the exiled kingly prophet ; e wo is me that i am constrained to dwell in mesech , and to have my habitation among the tents of kedar &c. ) who by rigorous edicts debarred your majestie not only of the charitable relief of your own protestant subjects , but likewise of the christian aid , and f evangelical tribute , ( due to all pagan as well as christian kings , by divine and common natural right ) of their daily supplications , prayers , and intercessions to god , for your personal preservation , and restitution , under severest penalties ; imposed many insupportable new yoaks of bondage on all your subjects necks , and worse than aegyptian burdens upon their galled backs , for sundry yeares , almost to their irrecoverable ruine , it pleased this g soveraign king over all the earth , h and god of the spirits of all flesh , by strange miracles of mercy , through the preparatory loyal endeavours of some of your majesties most inconsiderable faithfull subjects , upon the very first reception and reading of your majesties most gracious letters and declarations to the lords , commons , city of london , army , and navy , immediately to bow the hearts and spirits of both your houses of parliament , and all your subjects , ( yea of the very military officers , forces by land and sea , formerly raised & engaged against your majesties cause and kingship , ) as the heart of one man , ( as he i bowed the hearts of the men of judah after rebellious usurping absoloms death , in the case of exterminated king david ) so that they immediately and unanimously voted your majesties speedy return , dispatched their several letters , votes , messengers , fleet and monies to your majesty , without one dissenting voice ; to h●…sten your majesties return , and transport you with honour and sa●…ety , to enjoy your kingly authority and patrimony , contending with a most cordial aemulation , who should be first and forwardest , to bring back and conduct your majesty ( together with your princely brothers and followers ) from your long most deplorable exile , to your royal city and palace , with all possible demonstrations of their publike joy , and dutifull allegeance to your majesty , and farr greater magnificence , solemnity , triumph , and multitudes o●… conductors , than any of your most victorious royal progenitors enjoyed when they returned into england from their greatest forein conquests . and that which crowned this miracle of mercies , was its celerity and se●…son , it having both its inception and perfection within the limits of one month , and its completion on your majesties birth-day ( may . ) whereon , as you were first born a prince , you were now re-born a most glorious king , and most magnificen●…ly invested in the poss●…ssion of your royal throne at wh●…tehall , in the presence of all your majesties lords , commons , and thousands of your people there assembled , who with their united shouts , prayers , p●…aises , acclamations , benedictions , and panegyricks congratulated your maties natural and political nativity thereon , both as a man and monarch ; together with the new birth and resurrection of your three uni●… kingdoms and churches of england , scotland and ireland , and their respective dominions , being all ●…ised from the●… graves of d●…th and misery ( wherein they had for some years sp●…ce b●…re been in●…red ) and were new ●…rn as kingdoms and churches too on that joy●… d●…y , 〈◊〉 to ●…e celebrated by them in all succeeding generations ; and to have this divine motto engra●…n thereon . a the stone which the bu●…lders refused is ( this day ) become t●…e head of the corner ; this is the lords doing , and it is marvello●… in our eyes , thi●… is the day which the lord hath mad●… , wee will rejoyce and be glad therein . what the ●…gant prophet b is●…h records of god●… mira●… m●…cies towards his church and people : b●…e she 〈◊〉 , she broug●…t forth ; before her pain came , she was delivered of a man child . who hath heard such a thing ? who hath seen such things ? shall the earth be made to bring forth in one day ? or shall a nation be born at once ? for as soon as zion 〈◊〉 , she brought 〈◊〉 her childre●… ; was now verified b●…th of your m●…jesty , and you●… three whole kingdoms & churches . all brought forth and born together in this one day . wherefore , r●…yce ye with 〈◊〉 , ( with england ) and he glad with her all ye that love her ; rejoyce fo●… joy with h●…r , all ye that mourned for her . i●… hath been the antient 〈◊〉 o●… our●… rom●…sh adversaries , against our reformed protestant churches & religi●…n , that they are false and spurious , because they have no mi●…cles wr●…ght in them : and they have daily upbraided your s●…cred majesty & your followers , yea pierced your souls during your exile among them , w●…th this soul-piercing quaere , * where is now the god of the prot stants ? he can neither p●…rve nor ●…store you to ●…our crowns and king●…ms ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nounce your protestant god , ch●…ch , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 our rom●…n catholike god , church , r●…ligion , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hope nor 〈◊〉 of your rest●…on and th●…t 〈◊〉 ●…y th●… arms of your catholike ●…yes and subjec●… . but blessed and for ever 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of ou●… great god , who hath now vindicated his own glorie and o●…ncie against their 〈◊〉 , & wrought so many miracles in your maties restitution , to justifie b●…th the truth of the prote●…ant religion , churches , & your subj●…s , that all their spurious ‖ miracles and impostures wherewi●…h they abuse their over-c●…edulous proselytes , and fraught their legends even to n●…sse , are no more to be compared with them , than a glo-worm●…o ●…o the noon day sun : and their god and * rock is not as our god and ro●…k , our enemies themselves being ( now ) judges . verily , your majesty with all your protestant subjects , after such a stupendious , glorious deliverance from their la●…e usurping pharaohs , w●…rse t●…n aegyptian tax masters , burdens and servitude , have just cause to sing aloud to the god of their salvation , this triump●…ant song of moses , and the children of israel , and king david after them ; a who is l●…ke unto thee , o lord , amongst the gods ? who is like unto thee , glorious in holynesse , fearfull in prayses doing wonders ? thou str●…tchest out thyright hand , the earth swallowed them ; thou in thymercy hast led forth thy p●…ople , which thou hast redeemed . sing ye unto the lord , for he hath triumphed gloriously . b the king shall joy 〈◊〉 thy str●… o lord and in thy salvation how greatly shall he ●…joyce ? for thou hast ( now ) given him his hearts desire , thou hast not with-holden the request of his lips : for thou preventest him with the blessings of goodnesse , thou settest a crown of pure gold on his head : his glory is great in thy salvation , honor and majesty hast thou laid upon him . thou hast made him most blessed for ever , thou hast made him exceeding glad with thy countenance , for the king trusteth in the lord , and through the mercy of the most high he shall not miscarry . * blessed be the lord god of england from everlasting to everlasting ( for th●…s unexpressible mercy ) and let all the people say , amen ; praise ye the lord. yea they all now joyntly and severally apply to your majestie , the blessing and words of the q●…een of sheba to king solomon , after she beheld his transcendent wisdom , virtues , and magnificence : ( which far exceeded the report thereof , as your majesties royal wisdom and graces of all kinds much transcend their fame ) * bl●…ssed be the lord thy god , who delighted in thee , to set thee upon his throne , to be king for the lord thy god. because the lord thy god lov●…d israel ( england , scotland and ireland ) to establish them for ever , therefore made he thee king over them to do justice and judgement , yea , to restore them to their pristine liberty , peace , plenty , traffick , renown , prosperity , and make them the happiest of all subjects in the world . in the contempl●…tion of which inchoated common felicity , i humbly presume to dedicate to your majesty , this now compleated treatise of , the signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians in all ages ( and lik●…wise of pagans ) to their kings , both before and under the law and gospel ; more especially within this your first christian realm of britain , ( wherein i have most expa●…ted ) expressed both by their publike and private prayers , supplications , and intercessions unto god for their long life , health , sa●…ety , victory , prosperity , temporal , spiritual and eternal felicity ; and all sorts of blessings both on their royal persons , queens , p●…ogenies , families , government , kingdoms , armies , counsels ; by their thanksgivings to god for their advancement to their royal thrones , victories , successes , deliverances , piety , justice and gratious reigns over them ; by their loyal acclamations , salutations , addresses , panegyricks , epistles to them , and their dutiful subjection and obedience under them , which i have evidenc'd by presidents and testimonies in all ages , ( never formerly collected into one manual ) to which i have super added the antient and modern forms of the coronations of christian emperors , kings , queens , ( and of some pagans ) with the ceremonies , solemnities , prayers , collects and benedictions used at them , especially those relating to england and scotland , ( not hitherto published ) as a president for , and prologue to your majesties much desired and shortly-expected coronation . the first part of this treatise , i lately printed , in january last , for your majesties service , to inthrone you in the hearts , publike prayers and supplications of all your loyal subjects , to prepare the way for your majestyes speedy restauration to your hereditary crowns and kingdoms , which ( blessed be god ) you now actually enjoy , to their unspeakable comfort : of the accomplishment whereof without armes or blood , i had such full assurance then and since in my own apprehensions , from the observation of gods admirable providences , of your majesties opposites intollerable extravagances and infatuations , & of your subjects late dutiful inclinations tending thereunto , through the loyal endeavour of some faithfull friends to your majestie and your people , that i committed the second part of this treatise , and all that concerns your coronation , to the presse , in the beginning of april last ; before any visible appearances thereof to the eyes or thoughts of others : and i repute it an extraordinary blessing and honour from god and your majesty , that any of my paper arms and publications ( in your majesties and others apprehensions ) have been instrumental to promote this your happy , unbloody , most joyfull restitution to your throne and kingship , maugre all late ingagements , & oaths of abjuration , to debar your majestie and all the royal line for ever from them . i humbly beseech your royal majestie graciously to accept this unpolish'd work ( compiled in the midst of many publike distracting imployments ) being your highnesses peculiar by all rights and circumstances , as a publick testimony of my loyalty to your majestie , and a lasting monument of my thankfullnesse to almighty god , for hearing my many years constant prayers , and blessing my impotent paper artillery and endeavors for your majesties long-desired , and now happily accomplished investiture , not only in your royal throne , but likewise in the hearts , consciences , private and publike devotions and supplications of all your people . whom this treatise , seconded with my healths sicknesse , ( dedicated to your royal father many years past ) and your majesties most pious fr●…sh proclamation , will instruct and excite most devoutly to pray for your majesties health and happiness in their churches , chapels , families , closets , rather than heathenishly to prophane , or abuse your sacred name , in drinking your majesties health ( to the hazard of their own and their souls to boot , through drunkennesse and intemperance ) in taverns , alehouses , or at their own or others tables , as well to gods dishonor as your majesties . in fine , i shall be a daily orator to the god of your majesties and your kingdoms salvation , that all the temporal , spiritual , and eternal blessings , comprised in the several prayers , collects , benedictions , salutations , acclamations , and passages , collected in this treatise , for any christian emperors , kings , and princes , may concenter in , and be abundantly powred forth on your majesties royal person , family , kingdoms , councils , court , armies , government , people ; that so your majestie may be chronicled to all posterity ( as in truth you really demerit ) for the best , devoutest , holiest , justest , and most gratious of all christian kings that ever reigned , and your formerly disloyal , degenerated subjects , by your most righteous reign , and pious * royal example , henceforth become the most loyal , religious , free , and happiest of all subjects in the universe : which is and shall be the daily prayer of from my study in lincolns inne june . . your majesties most humble , yet faithfull and loyal subject william prynne . to the courteous and ingenuous reader . the original occasion of the collections comprised in this treatise , with the general causes of its present publication , are at large related in the first six pages ; to which i shall accumulate one special motive ( more particularly reflecting on my self ) ne●…essitating me thereunto . it hath been my portion ( as well as the (a) primitive christians before me ) to be frequently accused , and publickly slandered , as a professed enemy to the late kings person , to kingly government , and a justifier , an encourager of regicides , and exciter of subjects , to lay violent hands upon their princes sacred persons in some cases . this calumny was first raised and fixed on me by dr. heylin and bishop laud , and by their procurements , inserted into the information exhibited against me by m. noy ( then kings atturney ) in the starchamber , in june . for my histriomastix ( licensed by dr. backner houshold chaplain to archbishop abbot ) and indeavoured to be proved by some wrested inferences , and expressions of fathers , approved historians quoted by me in that book , tho●…gh i had in expresse terms therein condemned these disloyal practises & positions they aspersed me withall , as jesuitical , treasonable and rebellious ; & disclaimed them in my answer thereunto upon oath , a●… never once entring into my loyal heart , being repug●…ant to the oaths of supremacy & allegiance i had taken 〈◊〉 has a a graduate in the university of oxford , and barrester in the innes of court ; and to the principles of the * protestant religion i professed . after this i was again scandalized and traduced by some of our prelates to the late king himself , in the year . out of meer malice , who would needs strain a passage in my epistle to the high court of parliament prefixed to my antipathy , &c. or , historical collection of the execrable treasons , conspiracies , rebellions , &c. of our english , british , french , scotish and irish lordly prelates , against our kings and kingdomes , then published , against the very letter and meaning of my words , and the scope of my whole book , as the king himself then answered mine accusers upon the reading thereof , rejecting their accusation as a false and groundlesse calumny . upon the publishing of my soveraign power of parliaments and kingdomes , in the year . i was again calumniated in the self same kind , though therein i at large dicovered , censured the treachery and disloyalty of papists to their soveraigns , botb in their doctrines , and treasonable practices , which they since would charge me with ; whereupon i fully and particularly vindicated my self from this accusation afresh , in my mr. pry●…ne the member reconciled to prynne the barrester , and other treatises . having sufficiently cleared my innocency against all these reiterated aspersions , coming into the house of commons , in november , . as a member , much against my will , i did then in three several extemporary speeches in the house , upon the armies presenting their treasonable declaration from saint albans november the . demanding the king to be brought to publick justice , and the prince and duke of york to be banished and disinherited , &c. and upon the kings seisure by the army , and removal from the isle of wight , to bring him to his trial and execution ; declare my judgement at large against these their demands & proceedings , not onely as illegal and seditious , but as treasonable and perfidious in the highest degree . whereupon on the . of december . some implacable enemies to the king , endeavouring his destruction ( highly incensed against me for my zealous loyalty to preserve both his royal person and dignity from their intended violence ) falsely and maliciously published and printed a charge against the king in my name , purposely to defame me , and stop my mouth from speaking my conscience freely in the great debate then on foot , touching the satisfactoriness of the kings answer to the propositions of both houses , upon the conclusion of the personal treaty with him in the isle of wight : which false imposture i meeting with that morning going to the house , did there openly complain against it , as a malicious forgerie , the very stile , frame and expressions in it , evidencing it to be none of mine . after which i particularly disowned it in the * beginning , and refuted the whole scope of it , and the armies declaration to bring the king to justice , &c. in the end of my speech that very day dec. the . . as a meer destructive , jesuitical and popish design , by sundry arguments from scripture , policy and our laws , the manifold declarations , remonstrances of both houses , and the army officers themselves , the oaths of supremacy , allegiance , protestation , vow , solemn league . covenan●… , and other topicks : which speech i soon after published in print at the earnest request of the members , secured and secluded with me by the army , dec. , and . for their vote touching the kings concessions ; all the grounds and reasons of this vote , and answers to all objections made against it by the dissenters from it , during the whole debate , being comprised in it . hereupon this forged charge was branded by all sorts for a meer spurious brat , fit for nothing but the jakes : yet notwithstanding one william sunderson esquire ( a person i never saw nor injured to my knowledge ) hath inserted this gross imposture at large into his compleat history of the life and reign of king charls , from his cradle to his grave , printed in london , . reviving its memory afresh , and fathering it upon me as my genuine issue , p. , . and that with so much confidence , and reduplicated positive , invective asseverations ( at least ten years after its general disclaimer , as a most false and malicious forgery ) that some of my friends begin to suspect , and others now believe , report it generally to be penned and published byme , which all succeeding ages will undoubtedly credit for truth , if not now afresh disownedby me in print , & retracted by this calumniating historian : who having read my former disclaimer and refutation thereof , the very day of its publication in my printed speech , and finding it by the stile , texture and close , to be collected by some other author , out of my royal popish favourite , and other books , as he pretends therein , purposely to traduce me ; hath discovered his undemerited malice , as well as his injudiciousness & disingenuity , in fathering that bastard upon me in such a confident , scurrilous , invective manner as he hath done : for which i demand publick reparations from him , by a printed retractation and obliteration of it , out of his hist●…ry , which it doth much disparage , defile and discredit as well as himself , and the late king , whose life and death he hath recorded to posterity . his readers may observe , that a great part of his history is borrowed from mr. clement walker his history of independency ; wherein he finds his & my joint protestation , under both our hands , then published to the world and●… ●… riall ; together with the joint protestation and disswasion of all the secured and secluded members against it , in their vindication , jan. . . to which i was a subscriber : whereby his malice and want of ingenuity herein appear most plainly ; but more particularly by this , that himself immediately after this seigned charge , in the same* page of his history mentions and misreci●…es my memento , to traduce a●…d abuse me , willingly concealing the title , argument and scope thereof , which would have convicted him both of calumny , and forgery , in fathering this pretended charge against the king , upon me , and making me the prime actor in the kings trial and tragedy , when as the whole house of commons and most then living knew , i was the very first of all others , who sp●…ke , writ , and protested publickly against it , as my printed speech and memento , with other publications both before and since abundantly evidence . let the title and argument of my memento alone , and one foreiners testimony of special note concerning it ( to omit others ) display both the malice and falsity of this historians calumny . the title of it is , a brief memento to the present unparliamentary juncto , touching their present intentions and proceedings to depose and execute charles stuart their lawful king. by william prynne esquire , a member of the house of commons , and prisoner under the armies 〈◊〉 : jan. . . the subject and scope thereof was this , that ( being debarred by my imprisonment under the army from speaking to those then sitting in the house ) i sent them ten reasons in print , drawn from our laws , the declarations and remonstrances of parliament , the oaths of supremacy , allegiance , protestation , so●…emn national league and covenant , scriptures , the practice of gods own people of israel , of all protestant realms and subjects ; the relations of the late king to scotland , ireland and forein princes ; the unl●…wfullnesse , treasonableness , and dangerous consequences of the kings trial and execution , and other topicks , to disswade them from their intended charge and proceedings against him , onely to satisfie the army-officers under whose force they sate : which to . reasons , as they were highly approved by most , and never yet answered by any at home ; so they satisfied the protestant ministers , churches and states abroad , being translated into several languages . among others , * samuel bochartus ( one of the eminentest and learnedest protestant divines in france ) in his latin epistle to dr. morley ( one of the kings chaplains ) printed parisiis . sect . . de jure & potestate regum p. . having proved the unlawfulness of the trial , proceedings , sentence and execution of the king , by scripture , fathers , and other authorities , and manifested the english presbyterian ministers , and members professed opposition against and dislike thereof , subjoins , ex hoc numero prynnius , vir multis nominibus insignis & parliamenti deleg atorum unus , è carcere in quo cum pluribus aliis detenebatur , libellum composuit parliamento oblatum , ( to wit my memento ) in quo decem rationibus , eisque validissimis , contendit , eos rem illicitam attentari , ( in impeaching and proceeding capitally against the king ) reciting the heads of my ten reasons ; then concluding , haec ille , & multo plura : seriptor mire nervosus , cujus verba sunt stimuli & clavi in altum defixi : therefore that mr. saunderson should brand me for my memento , imprisonment by the army , and forcible seclusion from the house , and make it a divine judgement inflicted on me for this forged charge against the king ; though this memento was written professedly against the kings charge , trial and execution , as unlawful and uncrhistian , as bo●…hartus , a foreiner , thus signally attests , must be the extremity of malice , and calumny , subjecting him to his own friends , mr. james howels censure , in his epistle to him prefixed to this h●…story , that a false erroneou●… chronologer , is one of the worst members that can be in a common-wealth , and indeed of mankind in general ; for he wrongs , the time past , the time present , and the time to come : as he hath done , by fathering this charge upon me , and his misrelation of my censure too , p. , . after it was nulled by both houses of parliaments unanimous vote , as * causelesse and illegal ; all which i pray god to give him grace to repent and retract . having thus vindicated my innocency from his false calumnies , i shall onely recommend the confideration of the duties pressed in this treatise , to the daily practice of every reader , of what party soever , in these divided factious times . art thou a professed enemy to the exiled king and royal family , conceiving them to be enemies or opposites unto thee , thy interest ; or party ; or such who probably may prove enemies or persecutors to thee and them , if restored to their rights and powers : then pray for them under this notion , according to christs own precepts and example , mat. . . to . luke . . c. . . acts . . rom. . , . the presidents of the primitive christians here ch . . and ●…n the liturgie of our church , that it would please thee to forgive our enemies , persecutors and slanderers , and to turn their hearts . and the collect on saint stephens d●…y , grant us o lord , to learn to love our enemies , by the example of thy martyr saint stephen , who prayed for his persecutors . dost thou repute th●…m persons of little or no real affection to the protestant religion , and the sincere professo●…s therof as nedham represents them ; ) or as bad as turks , pagans o●… 〈◊〉 , and some ( i hear ) esteem them , because themselves a●…e such yet since thou art commanded by god to make supplications , prayers , and intercessions for all men , yea , for the very worst of turks , jews , idolaters , pagans , infidels , as our church doth on good fryday , that they may be converted , reformed , saved & becom members of , or nursing-fathers to the church ; ( if kings ) let them have as large a share in thy prayers , as any of these have or ought to have by gods command . and if thou esteem them as thy lawful hereditary kings pri●…ces , superiors , professing the tru●… reform●…d religion , and m●…mbers of the true visible church of christ , let them en●…oy thy daily fervent prayers , intercessions , supplications and thanksgivings to god for them , especially when they need them most , during their exiled , afflicted and distressed condition , amidst papists , and s●…ucers : and let me have a share in thy devotions for a blessing on this treatise , and me . lincolns inne jan. . . william prynne . the signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians towards their kings , in all ages , & c. what was once the false malicious calumny , cast by * pagan idolaters upon the primitive professors of christianity , living under persecuting heathen emperors , to exasperate their fury against them , as the worst of traytors , and publike enemies , unworthy to live within their dominions ; that they did neither pray , nor offer sacrifices publikely to the gods for their health and safety , nor celebrate their solemnities with that outward pomp and ostentation as others did ; is of late years become the just accusation , and treasonable impeachment of many degenerate saints , and apostate christians within our realms : who have not only totally discontinued , but finally abandoned , prohibited under pain of high treason , all publike ( if not private ) solemn prayers , supplications , intercessions and thanksgivings , not for persecuting , pagan , or popish emperors , princes , but even for their own undoubted hereditarie protestant kings and their royal posterity , in direct contradiction to gods own evangelical precepts , tim. . , , . rom. . , to . mat. . . mar. . . and not only falsified that excellent large apology which tertullian made for the transcendent loyalty of the christians in his age towards their persecuting pagan emperors , by their publike and private zealous prayers and petitions to god on their behalfs , and freedom from the least conspiracies , rebellions , attempts against their persons , crowns or dignities , of which none but those who were not christians , & gave christians the name of publike enemies were then guilty ; but quite inverted this elegant passage of his , and translated it both from the pagan and antichristian romans , on those who pretend themselves the most transcendent christians . * unde cascii , & nigri & albini ? unde qui inter duos lauros obsident caesarem ? unde qui faucibus ejus exprimendis palestricam exercent ? unde qui armati palatium irrumpunt omnibus stephanis atque partheniis audaciores ? de romanis ni fallor , id est de non christianis . atque adeo omnes illi sub ipsa usque impietatis eruptione et sacra faciebant pro salute imperatoris , et genium ejus deje●…abant , alii foris , alii intus . et utique publicorum hostium nomen christianis dabant . sed et qui nunc scelestarum pa●…tium socii aut plausores quotidie revelantur , post vindemiam parricidarum racematio superstes , quam recentissimis et ramosissimis laureis postes praestruebant ? quam elatissimis , & clarissimis lucernis vestibula enubilabant ? quam cultissimis et superbissimis thoris forum sibi dividebant , non ut gaudia publica celebrarent , sed ut vota propria jam ediscerent , et in aliena solennitate exemplum atque imaginem spei suae inaugurarent , nomen principis in corde imitantes &c and that which is most detestable , the generality both of our people and ministers under our republican tyrants , have not only wholly laid aside all publike and private prayers for their own and other christian protestant kings , against gods positive precepts , and the practice of christians , saints in all former ages , churches ; but some ministers in their very sermons themselves have ( out-of base carnal fear of men , and unchristian compliance with our late usurpers ) not da●…ed to read or mention the word king , or kings in the very texts of scripture which they have quoted , but skipped over it as dangerous or superfluous , for fear of incurring the guilt of high treason , or displeasure of some ●…ormidable new grandees : whereof i shall relate one memorable instance in perpetuam rei infamium , the principal occasion of these collections . when i was removed by bradshaw's and his whitehall associates order from my close imprisonment at taunton to pendennis castle in cornwal , without any cause , examination , hearing , and conducted thitherwards by several troops , on the first lords day in july . resting at lanceston in cornwall , i repaired to the church there ( with . troopers of major blackmores troop who conducted me ) in the morning ; where the minister of the town , * mr. hull , an antient man ( formerly in new england ) preaching upon the pet. . . a stone of stumbling and a rock of offence ; handled the common place of scandals , raising this proposition from the words : that it is the duty of all christians to be very carefull to avoyd scandals . in the prosecution whereof he prescribed certain rules , how christians might avoyd and prevent scandals : the first whereof was , chearfully to submit to all lawful powers and governours under whom they lived : particularly prescribed by the apostle peter in the , , verses , which he read thus . have your conversation honest among the gentiles , that whereas they speak against you as evil doers , they may by your good works which they shall behold , glorifie god in the day of visitation : submit your selves ( therefore ) to every ordinance of man for the lords sake ; unto governours , as unto them that are sent by him for the punishment of evil doers , and for the praise of them that do well ; for so is the will of god ; that with well doing ye may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men , &c. omitting the very first and principal clause in the text , which he durst or would not read : whether it be to the king , as supreme ; and the disjunctive or , ( unto governours : ) which not only mangled , but marred the words and sence of the place . after which he immediately added , that the self-same rule was prescribed by the apostle paul , tim. . , , . which he thus read & maimed as he did the former text . i will therefore that first of all , supplications , prayers , intercesstons and thanksgivings be made for all men ; skipping over the principal words ( for kings , and ) reading only the next words , all that are in authority , that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty , for that is good and acceptable in the sight of god our saviour . which double omission and preterition of these two chief clauses in both these quotations one after another , in this very doctrine , to avoyd scandals , did so much scandalize me , that i presently said to the soldiers fitting in the same seat with me ; this old temporizing unworthy minister in mangling and perverting both these texts one after another in this strange manner , by omitting and not reading the principal clauses in them , in the very pulpit and presence of god himself , and directions to his auditors , hath given me greater scandal and juster offence , than any minister i ever yet heard preach in all my life , not only by imitating , but exceeding the very devil himself when he tempted our saviour : for he when he tempted christ to cast himself down from the pinacle of the temple : mat. . . cited only one text to induce him to it , omitting the last words thereof . ps. . , . for it is written , he shall give his angels charge over thee ; passing over this material clause , to keep thee in all thy wayes ; and reciting only the subsequent words ; and in their hands they shall bear thee up , lest at any time thou dash thy foot against a stone . wherein the devil acted his own part only both as a tempter , lyer , prevaricator , and that in private . but this old minister ( if he deserve the title ) alleged two several texts one after another publikely to the whole congregation in the very pulpit , as the embassador of christ himself , both which he mangled and prevaricated in the prime clauses which he omitted : wherein he neither acted the part , nor discharged the duty of a faithfull minister , but devil , or diabolical prevaricator ; fearing , pleasing those anti-royallists in present power , and those who could but kill the body , more than god himself , who could cast his soul and body into hell , and had under severest penalties enjoyned all men , but ministers more especially , deut. . . &c. . . not to diminish ought from the word which he hath commanded them : not to turn from it either to the right hand or to the left , josh. . . for , if any man shall take away from the words of this book , god shall take away his part out of the book of life , and out of the holy city , and from the things that are written in this book , rev. . . all which texts this timorous wretched minister regarded not at all , dreading the menaces , commands , power of our republican grandees , more than the threats , precepts , and omnipotency of god himself . whereupon the soldiers confessed to me , that it was very ill done of the minister thus to mangle scripture , and that they were as much offended with him for it as my self . upon further discourse hereof after sermon , i told the troopers , they might now discern the sad effects of abolishing our kings and kingship , and how formidable our new republican grandees who succeeded them , were already become , not only to the common people , but also to ministers of the gospell , that some at such a great distance from them as lanceston , dreaded them more than god himself , and that in the very pulpit and house of god , not daring to read the word king , or kings , in the very texts they quoted , for fear of incurring high treason , against the new more than kingly governors , and legifers at whitehall and westminster ; who to prevent this mischief , might do well , to make an additional knack to those knacks they had formerly published against kings , and kingship , and the ingagement against them , that the words king and kings should be expunged out of these two texts of pet. . , . tim. . . and all other texts of the old and new testament , in all bibles to be henceforth printed or read within their new commonwealth ; and all old bibles prohibited , lest ministers or people should incur the guilt of high treason , by reading , or obeying these scriptures to the pr●…dice of their republike : and if others were afrayd to 〈◊〉 i●… , i would in my next letters to their president john b●…dshaw and his associates at whitehall , acquaint them with this passage , and hint thus much to them . which i did accordingly when i came to pendennis castle . upon this and other occasions , i made a collection of such scriptures and antiquities in all ages , both before , and under the law and gospel , as most clearly evidenced both the practice and duty of the saints , churches and people of god ( and of pagans too ) in making publike and private prayers for the lives , healths , prosperity of their kings , emperors , and their royal posterities , whether they were good or bad , christian or pagan , orthodox or heterodox , protectors or persecutors of christianity and the professors of it . which being a subject not particularly treated of at large by any writers i have seen or heard of , very seasonable , usefull to inform the ignorance , and reform the neglect thereof in this apostate age , wherein this christian duty hath been so long neglected , decryed , prohibited in all our three kingdoms ; i thought it not only convenient , but necessary to make them publike ; and communicate them to posterity , for the glory of god , the honor of religion , and the benefit of all christian kings , emperors , princes throughout the world . in the marshalling of these collections , i shall observe a meer chronological method , as most usefull and perspicuous , digesting all presidents and proofs pertinent to this subject into distinct chapters , beginning with those that are most antient . chap. i. the first presidents i meet with of frayers made to god for kings , are such as are recorded in scripture , before the law was given in mount sinai , or any king instituted by god among his own people of israel , of which there are . remarkable instances , seldom taken notice of , which i shall recite , explicate and apply in order as i find them . the . is that of abraham , * the father of all faithfull believers , thus registred to posterity , gen. . abraham and his wife sarah sojourning at gerar , abimelech king of gerar sent and took sarah : but god came to him by night in a dream , and said , thou art but a dead man , for the woman thou hast taken , for she is maried to an husband : and god said unto him in a dream , v. . now therefore restore the man his wife , for he is a prophet , and he shall pray for thes , and thou shalt live : and if thou restore her not , know thou , that thou shalt surely die , thou and all that are thine . therefore abimelech rose early in the morning , and called abraham , and after some expostulations with him , restored him his wife , and gave him sheep and oxen , men servants and women servants ; profering him to dwell in the land where he pleased . so abraham prayed unto god , and god healed abimelech and his wife , and his maid-servants , and they bare children for the lord had fast closed up all the wombs of the house of ; abimelech , because of sarah abrahams wife , v. , . in which history there are . observable particulars worthy our consideration : . that those who are but meer sojourners under kings in any part of their kingdoms , though not their natural born subjects ( as abraham was here at gerar under k. abimelech ) * owe local allegiance to them , and are bound to pray unto god for their health , life , prosperity , especially upon extraordinary occasions , as abraham did here ; therefore à multo fortiori , their own natural subjects and lieges , are much more obliged thereunto by the bond of duty , loyalty , and laws of god and nature . ly . that abraham , the father of all the faithfull , is the very first president recorded in sacred writ , or other history , who prayed for the person and family of the king under whom he lived and sojourned : that so ‖ his example might be obligatory and presidential to all other faithful people , servants and saints of god in all ages and places , as well gentiles as jewes , who ought to follow his steps herein . ly . that he thus prayed for abimelech and his family , though ( as most conceive ) a heathen idolatrous king , and no worshipper of the true god ; as abrahams words to abimelech v. . ( because i thought , surely the fear of god is not in this place , and they will stay me for my wives sake , and gen. . , . ) import . therefore the saints and people of god , ought to pray to god for their kings and their families , though pagans , infidels , papists , hereticks , much more then when they are worshippers , professors of the true god and religion ; yea christians and patrons of the gospel of jesus christ. ly . that abraham here prayed for abimelech , his wife , family , not of his own voluntary accord , but by special direction and command from god : therefore prayer for kings , & their families , is no human , arbitrary invention , action , which may be omitted or performed at mens pleasure ; but a divine institution , precept , duty , which must be constantly performed out of conscience , in obedience to gods command . ly . that this prayer of abraham was not confined only to king abimelechs own person , but extended to his wife , maid-servants , and posterity ; and was principally , that god would open their wombs , which he had fast closed , that they might bear children ; which they bare after abraham prayed for them unto god , v. , . that so there might be an hereditary succession of his children after him in the kingdom . therefore subjects ( especially in hereditary kingdoms ) are obliged not only to pray for their kings own persons , but also for their queens , families , the multiplication and continuance of their royal posterity , to sway the scepter , and succeed them in the throne ; even by this original president of abrahams prayer . which compared with abrahams oath and covenant to abimelech , who sware unto him by god ; that he would not lie unto , nor deal falsly with abimelech , nor with his son , nor with his sons son but according to the kindness he had done unto ; abraham , that he should do unto him , and to the land wherein he had sojourned , gen. , , , , , , . is a most pregnant argument not only of the lawfulness of subjects oaths of fealty , homage , allegiance and supremacy to their kings , their heirs and successors , but likewise of the antiquity , and inviolable obligation of such oathes , which ought to be conscienciously observed without lying , falshood , or the least violation , by all who swear them , in the sacred name of the true everlasting god. ly . that all subjects are then most principally obliged to pray for their kings and their families , when they lie under any judgements or afflictions of god for their sins , because then they most need their prayers , as a special means prescribed by god to remove his judgements , restore his favour , blessings to them , preserve , lengthen their lives , and make them fruitfull in posterity . the . president i shall insist on is this , related gen. . , . and joseph brought in jacob his father ( after his coming down into aegypt ) and set him before pharaoh , and jacob blessed pharaoh , so soon as hee came before him : after some discourse between them , at his departure from him , it is recorded again : and joseph blessed pharaoh ( the second time ) and went out from before pharaoh . now this his double blessing of pharaoh , both at his coming in to , and departing from him , was nothing else , but a double prayer to god to bestow all kinds of blessings on king pharaoh , and his posterity ; as is evident by gen. . . c. . , to . c. . , , . c. . . to the end , and ch . . , to . compared with this text. from whence it is remarkable , . that as abraham the father of the faithfull , was the first ; so jacob his grandson , the father of the . patriarks , was the d . person recorded in sacred story , who prayed for and blessed the king in whose kingdom he resided ; whose example is very presidential for all others , and worthy their imitation . ly . that jacob was no natural born subject to pharaoh , but only a stranger and sojourner in aegypt ; yet he thus blessed and prayed for him : therefore his and all other kings genuine subjects , were much more obliged by duty and allegiance to pray for and blesse them . ly . that he thus prayed for and blessed him twice , at his first accesse to , and recesse from his presence ; which should instruct all loyal saints and christian subjects frequently to blesse and pray for their kings and princes , both in their accesses to , and recesses from them , and upon all other just occasions , as well in private a●… publike . ly . that he thus blessed and prayed for pharaoh though a pagan king , und●… whom and his successors he and his posterity were assured , th●…y should be made b●…nd-men , and sorely oppr●…ssed for . years , till g●…d should rescue and bring them out of aegypt by a strong hand , gen. . , , , . exod. . . . acts . . . to teach us , that all loyal subjects , saints , christians ought to blesse , pray for , not only their godly , christian , orthodox , religious kings , who protect , preserve them in their religion , laws , liberties ; but even for their pagan , heretical kings , and such who afflict , oppresse , persecute them ; and not to curse , depose , murder , destroy , or rebell against them , mat. . , , . luke . , , . c. , . acts . . rom. . , , . c. . , , . tim. . , , . pet. . , to . contrary to the practice , tenents of the saints , subjects of this degenerate , apostate , treacherous , and perfidious age . ly . that one part of gods and mens blessing of kings , is , that they may have a numerous , continuing progeny , permanent house , and royal issue to succeed them in the throne , and reign over their nations and kingdoms , in happinesse , peace , safety , prosperity for many generations , gen. . , , . . sam. . . to the end chron. . , to . kings . , to . c. . , , . kings . . ps. . , . compared with psal. . , , . gen. . . which no doubt was one chief part of jacobs blessing of and prayer for king pharaoh ; being one principle br●…nch of the blessings he bestowed on and wished to his own sons and grandsons , when he blessed them before his death , gen. . , , , ●… . c. . . , , . whence it inevitably followe●… , that it is the property , duty of all loyal , pious saint●… , christians , people , cordially to pray for and desire god to blesse their kings with a numerous permanent royal issue and posterity to succeed them in their royal thrones , and reign over them with all peace , safety , felicity ; not to difinherit , banish , abjure , extirpate their posterities , and deprive them of their hereditary crowns ; which some now deem their saintship ; piety , honour , felicity to accomplish . the d. are the several prayers and supplications that moses made for king pharaoh , the grand oppre●…or , enthraller , afflicter of the israelites , ( when * god sent him to rescue them from their intollerable bondage ●…nder him and his officers ) to remove those very plagues which god himself inflicted on pharaoh and his aegyptians , thereby to deliver them from their vassallage and bring them out thence to the promised land : thus recorded by moses himself , exod. . . to . when the frogs came up and covered the land of aegypt ; then pharaoh called for moses and aaron , and said , intreat the lord that he may take away the frogs from me and from my people , and i will let the people go , that they may do sacrifice to the lord. and moses said to pharaoh , glory over me ; against when shall i intreat for thée and for thy servants , and for thy people , to destroy the frogs from thee , and thy houses , that they may remain in the river only ? and he said , to morrow . and moses said , be it according to thy word , that thou mayst know that there is none like unto the lord our god : and the frogs shall depart from thee , and from thy houses , and from thy servants , and from thy people , they shall remain in the river only . and moses and aaron went out from pharaoh . and moses cryed unto the lord because of the frogs which he had brought against pharaoh : and the lord did according to the word of moses , and the frogs dyed out of the houses , out of the villages , and out of the field , v. , , . moses intreated the lord , that the swarms of frogs he sent might depart from pharaoh , from his servants , and from his pople . and the lord did according to the word of moses , and he removed the frogs at pharaohs request , there remained not one . after this moses intreated the lord to remove the mighty thunder and hail he had sent , spreadiug abroad his hands unto the lord in prayer for that end , and they ceased , exod. . , , . the like he did at his intreaty , to remove the plague of locusts , exod. . , , . from these presidents and practice of moses , i shall deduce these genuine seasonable observations . . that e moses being born in egypt , and bred ●…p in pharaohs court , was rather a native subject to king pharaoh , than a mere sojourner and foreiner , as abraham and jacob were to abimelech and pharaoh ; ( though he had been absent thence about forty years ; ) it thence follows from the premises , that subjects as well as sojourners , are bound by duty and allegeance to pray for their kings and people . ly . moses was enforced to f fly out of egypt to save his life , because pharaoh sought to 〈◊〉 him for killing an egyptian , who smote and oppr●… an hebrew , one of his brethren : and this pharaoh to whom god sent him , and for whom he thus prayed four times after each other , was not only a pagan-idolater , but in all probability the kings son , or grand-son , who sought to slay him , aegypt being an her●…ditary kingdom , as isay . . and all historians record . yea both these pharaohs , with two or more of their ancestors , and their officers , did g extraordinarily oppress the israelites , ca●…sing all their male-children they could meet with to be drowned in the river , but such as the midwives preserved against their commands , afflicting them by their task-masters , heavy burdens , rigor●…us service , and hard bondage , which made their lives bitter , and caused them to sigh , groan , and cry unto the lord by reason of the bondage , who thereupon heard their cry , and saw their oppression , and remembred his covenant made with abraham , isaac , and jacob , to rescue them from their thraldom . yet notwithstanding moses prayed four times to remove the plagues god had inflicted on pharaoh , his servants and people ; and no waies endeavoured to deprive , or disinherit them either of their lives , crowns , or succession , though h a chosen servant , man , and saint of god , i commissioned , and sent by god himself to deliver the israelites from their bondage under pharaoh , and bring them out of egypt . whence i shall irrefragably infer , that the eminentest chosen saints , men and servants of god , yea all other loyal subjects ought chearfully to obey and pray for , not only their pagan , idolatrous , but persecuting and oppressing kings , and their royal posterity ; and though they may use all lawfull means to deliver themselves and fellow-subjects from their unjust tyranny , bondage , oppressions ; yet they neither lawfully can , nor ought forcibly to dethrone , disinherit them , or their posterities of their crowns , nor rebel against , or deprive them of their lives by tumultuous insurrections , assassinations , and high courts of justice . ly . that godly persecuted , oppressed subjects , may and ought to pray for the removal of those judgements which god himself inflicts upon their oppressive , persecuting kings , their servants , people , successively one after another , for those persecutions , tyrannies , oppressions , under which they groan and cry , of purpose to bring them to repentance , and deliver them from their bondage , pressures , vexations under them ; as moses did in this case of pharaoh , his officers and the egyptians for the removal of grievous plagues inflicted upon them one after another by god himself , and moses and aaron as his instruments . thus much concerning these most memorable , antient presidents , before the law and kings of israel , which none have hitherto pressed or insisted on in this kind , to my knowledge , as i have done . chap. ii. i shall in the next place proceed to presidents of gods servants and people under the law , from the first erection of the israelites into a kingdom , till our saviours nativity , intermixed with some examples of this kind in pagan idolators within that circle of time . the first prayer and president of this nature recorded in sacred story , by gods own spirit , is that which was ●…ed at the anointing and inauguration of saul , the very first king , * elected , ordained by god himself over his ow●… people of israel : when saul being chosen by lot , and fetched from among the ●…ff where he had hid himself , sam. . , . the prophet samuel said to all the people , see yee him whom the lord hath chosen , that there is none like him among all the people : and all the people thereupon shouted , and said , god save the king , or let the king live , as the hebrew phrase renders it : which no doubt they o●…t times repeated , according to the usual practice at all kings inaugurations and coronations ever since ; which probably they ●…ned from the custom of other nations round about them , who had kings and kingly government before them , as the sam. . , , . make us a king to judge us like all the nations nay , but we will have a king over us , that we also may be like all the nations ; ; compared with deut. . . and shall say , i will set a king over me like as all the nations that are about me ; more than intimate . now these words , * vivat rex , let the king live , or god save the king , , are not only a most royal , loyal salutation and acclamation of all the people , as directed to king sauls person , and inauguration ; but a direct prayer unto god for his long life , happiness , and prosperous reign over them as their king , as the words themselves , and the use of them in succeeding ages import ; compared with psal. . . ps. . , . ps. . . ps. . , . gen. . . not long after , when saul had totally routed nahash the ammonite and his great army , and rescued jabesh gilead from them which they had encamped against , sam. . . thereupon after this salvation which the lord had wrought by him for israel , v. , . samuel said to the pecple , come and let us go up to gilgal and renew the kingdom there : and all the people went to gilgal , and there they made saul king before the lord : and there they sacrificed sacrifices of peace-offerings before the lord , and there saul and the men of israel rejoyced greatly . which words imply , that both samuel and the people by making saul king the second time before the lord , and offering peaceoff●…rings offering , and rejoycing greatly before the lord , did make special prayers and thanksgivings unto god for his life , prosperity , and victorious success over his and their enemies , according to the subsequent gospel-text grounded on this pre●…dent , tim. . , . and samuels subsequent words to the people at this meeting , ch . . , , , . now therefore behold the king whom ye have chosen , and whom ye have desired , and behold the lord hath set a king over you : if you will fear the lord , and serve him , and obey his voyce , and not rebel against the commandement of the lord , then shall both ye , and also the king that reigneth over you , continue following the lord your god ; but if ye shall still do wickedly , ye shall be destroyed , both you and your king. moreover as for me , god forbid that i should sin against the lord , in ceasing to pray for you : compared with the sam. . . where it is recorded , that after gods rejection of saul , and repenting he had made him king , for disobeying his command in sparing agag , and the best of the amalekites spoyles ; nevertheless samuel mourned for saul , and ch . . v. . and the lord said to samuel , how long wilt thou mourn for saul , seeing i have rejected him from being king over israel ? all these do clearly evidence , that samuel the prophet , and no doubt all other his loyal pious subjects , priests and levites did constantly make prayers , supplications , and intercessions to god for saul , and bewail and moan for his sins , even after god had rejected him , much more then did they perform this duty before gods rejection during all his reign , as well as at his inauguration . the next king over gods people by divine election and designation was david , in whose house , seed , and royal progeny god established the hereditary succession of the crown and kingdom , both by his promise , covenant and oath , sam. . , to the end . chron. . , to . kings . , . chron. . , . c. . . ps. . , , , . ps. . , , , . jer. . , . what particular prayers and acclamations were made at his instalment in the royal throne over the tribes of israel , i find not recorded in scripture or josephus : only i read in general , sam. . . all the tribes of israel came to david to hebron , and king david made a league with them in hebron before the lord , and they anointed david king over israel ; no doubt with many prayers to god for his life and prosperous reign , and reiterated shouts , let the king live , as at sauls precedent , and solomons and other kings subsequent inaugurations , though omitted for brevity in sacred history . during davids reign , i shall observe several particulars pertinent to my purpose . . davids soul-ravishing prayer and thanksgiving made to god himself upon gods message , and promise to him by nathan the prophet , to set up his seed after him , and to establish his house , kingdom , and throne for ever , recorded at large , sam . in which prayer david used these expressions amongst other , v. . &c. and now o lord god , the word that thou hast spoken concerning thy servant , and concerning his house , establish it for ever , and do as thou hast said : and let thy name be magnified for ever , saying , the lord of hosts is the god over israel , and let the house of thy servant david be established before thee , &c. and now o lord god thou art that god , and thy words be true , and thou hast promised this goodnesse unto thy servant ; therefore now let it please thee to bless the house of thy servant , that it may continue for ever before thee for thou o lord hast spoken it , and with thy blessing let the house of thy servant be blessed for ever . ; here we have david the first hereditary king over gods people , upon the first tidings of gods promise to settle the inheritance and succession of the kingdom of israel in his house and seed for ever ; making a most zealous , fervent pathetical thanksgiving and prayer to god for the accomplishmeut of this promise , in establishing and blessing his house for ever . which being afterwards put in writing , and particularly recorded in sacred story , no doubt was constantly used both in private and publick by himself , and all his loyal devout subjects , whether priests . levites , or people all his reign , and registred as a sacred president for all hereditary pious kings and subjects future imitation . ly . davids publick prayers , psalms , and thanksgivings to god for himself as king , and for his royal son and his posterity that should succeed him in the throne , recorded in sacred writ , prescribed to the church and people of god during his reign , and succeeding ages , and constantly used by them , and all churches of god to this very day , at the inauguration of their kings , and upon other royal solemnities , victories , triumphs and installments , or mariages of their sons and heirs to the crown . i shall instance only in psal : . i will love thee , o lord my strength , &c. therefore will i give thanks unto thee , o lord , among the heathen , and sing praises unto thy name ; great deliverance giveth he to his king , and sheweth mercy to his anointed , to david and to his séed for evermore , psal. . the king shall joy in thy strength , o lord ; and in thy salvatian how greatly shall he rejoyce ! for thou hast given him his hearts desire , thou hast not withholden the request of his lips : for thou preventest him with the blessings of goodness , thou settest a crown of pure gold on his head . he asked life of thee , and thou gavest it him , even length of dayes for ever and ever , his glory is great in thy salvation , glory and majesty hast thou laid upon him ; for thou hast made him most blessed for ever , &c. which psalm , though it be mystically applied to christ the king of his church and saints by * many , yet doubtless it was literally meant of king david himself who compiled it . psal. . my heart is indicting a good matter , i will speak of the things which i have made touching the king : literally intended of solomon , but mystically of christ his kingdom and church . psal. . hear my cry , o god , attend unto my prayer , &c. thou wilt prolong the kings life , and his years as many generations ; he shall abide before god for ever , o prepare mercy and truth which may preserve him . psal. . , , &c. give the king thy judgements , o god , and thy righteousness unto the kings son then shall he judge thy people with righteousness , and thy poor with judgement , &c. he shall save the souls of the needy : he shall redeem their soul from deceit and violence , and precious shall their bloud be in his sight : he shall live , and unto him shall be given of the gold of sheba , praye●… also shall be made for him continually , and daily shall he be praised . ; which psalm , though mystically meant of jesus christ the son of david , as all accord ; yet it was first literally made , used in and by the church and people of god , and prescribed to them as a publike prayer for king david and his son solomon , who was to succeed him in the throne ; as most accord , and the contents in our bibles resolve ; or for king solomon ( whom some make the penman thereof ) and his son rehoboam : however it is a direct form and divine precept for the people of god in all hereditary kingdoms , to make continual daily publike and private prayers , intercessions , supplications and thanksgivings unto god for their hereditary kings , their heirs apparent and successors to the crown and royal posterity , according to the tim. . , . grounded on this psalm . i shall conclude with psal. . and psal. . of like nature with the former ; wherein not only the psalmist , but the churches & congregations of the saints in that and succeeding ages , do sing of the mercies of the lord , and make known his faithfulness to all generations for making this covenant with david and his seed ; i have made a covenant with my chosen , i have sworn unto david my servant ; thy séed will i establish for ever , and build up thy throne to all generations , &c. my mercy will i keep for him for evermore , and my covenant shall stand fast with him : his séed also will i make to endure for ever , and his throne as the dayes of heaven . if his children forsake my laws , and walk not in my judgements ; if they break my statutes , and keep not my commandements ; then will i visit their transgressions with the rod , and their sin with scourges . nevertheless my loving kindness will i not utterly take from him , nor suffer my faithfulness to fail . my covenant will i not break , nor alter the thing that is gone out of my lips once have i sworn by my holiness that i will not lie unto ; david : his séed shall endure for ever , and his throne as the sun before me . it shall be established for ever as the moon , and as the faithfull witnesse in heaven : selah . 〈◊〉 thy children will keep my covenant and my testimonies that i shall teach them , their children also shall sit upon t●…e throne for evermore for the lord hath chosen zion , he hath desired it for his habitation : this is my rest for ever , there will i dwell , for i have desired it , &c. there will i make the horn of ; david to bud ; i have ordained a lamp for mine anointed : his enemies will i cloath with shame , but upon himself shall his crown flourish . from all these psalms which you may read at large , these irrefragable conclusions may be clearly deduced . . that it was the constant practise , duty , not only of king david himself , but of the church and people of god under him and his royal posteritie , to make incessant prayers , supplications , intercessions and thanksgivings to god both publikely and privately for him , his royal house and posterity . ly . that they did in their publike and private devotions , prayers , psalms , and thanksgivings , take special notice and make particular mention of gods promise to king david , his house , and royal seed , that they should inherit the throne and kingdom over his people by succession for ever ; and rejoyce therein , yea pray for its accomplishment , and gods grace and blessing on his house , seed , as their own and the churches greatest blessing , happinesse , and fafety . ly . that as the sins of davids royal seed and progeny , did not cause god himself , the king of kings , who conferred the kingdom and throne upon them , to break his oath and covenant with them , nor to deprive them of their kingly government , throne , or totally to withdraw his loving kindness and mercy towards them , but only to chastize them with his rod , and scourge them for their amendment : so it did neither withdraw the allegeance , loyaltie , dutie , prayers , supplications , intercessions , or thanksgivings of the church and their pious subjects from them , but rather intend and augment them , as is evident by psal. . , to . and psal. . all which particulars do apparently check and reprehend the contrary late practice of the subjects and saints within our three kingdoms and churches of england , scotland and ireland . ly . the pietie and loyaltie of davids great officers , and subjects in praying for him and his people in their conferences with and addresses to him , i shall instance only in . presidents . the . is that of joab his chief captain and general , when david commanded him to number the people , much against his judgement and disswasions from it , sam. . . and joab said unto the king , the lord thy god adde uuto the people , how many soever they be , and that the eyes of my lord the king may sée it . the . is that of araunah , when king david after the three dayes of pestilence inflicted for his numbring the people , came to buy the threshing-floor of him to build an altar to the lord , that the plague might be stayed from the people , sam. . , , . and araunah said unto the king , the lord thy god accept thée . both these are direct prayers to god for king david by these two loyal subjects . the . president is the gratulatory salutation and prayer of hushai , when he sent him , under a pretended revolt from him , to his son absolom ( who usurped his throne and forced him to flie ) to undermine achitophels craftie counsel against him : thus recorded , sam. . . and it came to pass , that when hushai the archite davids friend , was come unto absolom , he said , god save the king , god save the king , or , let the king live ; doubling this salutation of and praier for him . whence i inferr these . probable , if not undeniable conclusions : . that this salutation and praier was usual amongst the israelites , not only at their kings coronations , but upon their officers and subjects accesses and addresses to them , even in king davids daies , as well as in all succeeding ages . ly . that if hushai thus used it to absolom a king only by traterous usurpation of his fathers throne ; he and other loyal officers , subjects , used it much more at the inauguration of , and their addresses to their lawfull pious king david , a man after gods own heart . ly . the third king over gods own people was solomon , the first who enjoyed the crown by inheritance from david his father by gods special appointment , and crowned king in his fathers life time , to prevent the usurpations of his brother adonijah , thus recorded in sacred writ , kings . , to . when david was old , his son adonijah to defeat solomon of the crown , making a strong partie caused himself to be proclamed king ; which david being informed of by bathsheba , solomons mother , he thereupon by the advice of the prophet nathan , out of a conscientious performance of the oath he formerly swore in the name of the lord to bathsheba , that solomon her son should reign after him , which oath he then renewed : commanded zadock the priest , nathan , and benaiah , to take his servants , to cause solomon his son to ride upon his own mu●… , and bring him down to gihon , and there to anoint him king over israel ; and blow ye with the trumpet , and say , god save king solomon : then ye shall come up after him , that he may come and sit upon my throne : for he shall be king in my stead ; and i have appointed him to be ●…uler over israel and over judah . whereupon benaiah the son of jehoiada , answered the king , and said , amen . the lord god of my lord the king say so too . as the lord hath been with my lord the king , even so be he with solomon , and make his throne greater than the throne of my lord king david . so zadok the priest , and nathan the prophet , and benaiah the son of jehoiadah , and the cherethites , and the pelethites went down , and caused solomon to ride upon king davids mule , and they brought him to gibeon . and zadok ●…he priest took an horn of oyle out of the taberna●…le and anointed solomon , and they blew the trumpet , and all the people said , god save king solomon . and all the people came up after him , and the people piped with pipes , and rejoyced with great joy , so that the earth rent with the sound of them , and the city rang again . vpon this jonathan the son of abiathar the priest came in to adonijah , and related the premises to him , and all the ghests that were with him ; a●…ding , also solomon sitteth on the throne of the kingdom , and moreover , the kings servants came to bless our lord king david , saying , god make the name of solomon better than thy name , and make his throne greater than thy throne : and the king bowed himself upon his bed. and also thus said the king , blessed be the lord god of israel which hath given me one to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 my throne this day , mine eyes even séeing it . after which * david assembled all the princes of israel , the princes of the tribes , the captains of the companies that ministred to the king by course , the captains over the thousands and over the hundreds , the stewards over all the sub●…nce and possessions of the king and of his sons , with the officers and mighty men , and with all the valiant men unto jerusalem : where standing upon hisfeet , he declared to them gods election of his son solomon to sit upon the throne of the kingdom of the lord over israel ; and that he should build god an house ; then giving the congregation and solomon a charge , to keep and seek all the commandements of god , and to serve him with a perfect heart and willing mind , &c. he gave solomon a pattern of the form , materials , vessels , chambers , treasuries of the temple , and courses of the priests : after which , relating to them the quantity of gold , silver , pretious stones , brasse and other materials he had provided and dedicated towards the building of the temple , by his example and exhortation , he caused both the princes and people to offer bountifully and willingly both gold , silver , brasse , iron and precious stones for the service of the house of god. whereupon david made a most heavenly thanksgiving and prayer unto god before all the congregation , who joyned with him therein : in which praier he and the congregation used this expression relating to solomon , chron. . , . o lord god of abraham , isaac , and of israel our fath●…rs , give unto solomon my son a perfect heart to kéep thy commandements , thy testimonies , and thy statuteo , and to do all these things , and to build the palace for which i have made provision ; after which all the congregation blessed the lord god of their fathers , and bowed down their heads , and worshipped the lord and the king . and the morrow after they sacrificed sacrifices and offered burnt-offerings unto the lord , even a thousand bullocks , a thousand rams , and a thousand lambs , with their drink-●…ffrings , and sacrifices in abundance for all the people : and did eat and drink that day before the lord with gladness , and they made solomon the son of david king the second time , and anointed him unto the lord to be chief governor , &c. v. , . fro●… all which premises it is apparent , . that the priests , prophets , prince●… , captains , officers , and all the people of god at the coronation of solomon ( and so at their other hereditarie kings inaugurations who succeeded him , by like practice and custom ) did blow with trumpets , pipe with flutes , rejoice with exceeding joy , and cry out with united shouts , prayers , acclamacions , god save the king , let the king live ; so that the earth did rent , and the city ring again with the sound thereof . ly . that besides this usual short prayer and ejaculation unto god for him and their following kings ; the greatest , devoutest of the officers and people did break forth into other most affectionate , pathetical expressions , & praiers for them , as benaiah , and other of davids servants did here in the case of solomon saying , the lord god of my lord the king say amen too . as the lord hath been with my lord the king david , so let him bee with solomon , and make his name better than thy name , and make his throne greater than thy throne . ly . that they joyned in publike prayers to god for their kings , after their installments in the kingdom , as the whole congregation did here with david for solomon , o lord god of abraham , &c. give unto my son solomon a perfect heart to keep thy commandements , &c. & ps. . , &c. ly . that in their usual addresses to their kings , they bless them , by wishing them spiritual and temporal blessings , long life and prosperity to them , and bless god for their advancement to the throne and government over them , as is evident by the kings . . . compared with the sam . . . and other subsequent texts . ly . i shall adde to the premises this passage in huram king of tyre his letter to solomon , chron. . . huram said moreover , blessed be the lord god of israel that hath made heaven and earth , who hath given to david a wise son , endued with prudence and understanding , that might build an house for the lord , and an house for his kingdom : and these words of the queen of sheba to solomon , chron. . , . kings . , . happy are thy men , and happy are these thy servants which stand continually before thee , and hear thy wisdom ; blessed be the lord thy god which delighted in thée , to set thée on his throne , to be king for the lord thy god because thy god loved israel to establish them for ever , therefore made hee thee king over them , to do judgement and justice . ; now if king huram and the queen of sheba meer foreiners , princes , not subjects , thus blessed god for solomons kingdom , justice , reign , and advancement to his fathers throne , for the establishment and welfare of his subjects ; then much more were the israelites themselves , his own subjects and servants , obliged to blesse him , and blesse god for his reign , wisdom , and good government over them ; which no doubt they did constantly perform in their publike and private devotions , and all their addresses to him , as also to their other kings succeeding him ; ( though not particularly recorded in the books of kings and chronicles , which are but short epitomes of his and their reigns . ) ly . when king solomon had finished the temple , * he assembled all the elders , heads of the tribes , and chief of the fathers of the children of israel , with the priests and levites to jerusalem to bring up the ark and dedicate the temple ; where ‖ solomon having first bl●…ssed all the congregation , he ( with the whole congregation of israel , standing before , and joyning with him ) blessed the lord god of israel , who had with his hands fulfilled that which he spake with his mouth to his father david , that his son which should come out of his loyns should build an house to the name of the lord god of israel . the lord therefore hath performed his word that he hath spoken , for i am risen up in the room of david my father , and am set on the throne of israel as the lord promised , and have built the house for the lord god of israel , &c. after which * he stood before the altar of the lord upon a brazen scaffold , and kneeled upon his knees before all the congregation of israel , and spred forth his hands towards heaven , and said ; o lord god of israel , there is none like thee in the heaven , nor in the earth , which keepest covenant and shewest mercy unto thy servants , that walk before thee with all their hearts . thou which hast kept with thy servant david my father , that which thou hast promised him , and spakest with thy mouth , and hast fulfilled it with thy hand , as it is this day : now therefore , o lord god of israel kéep with thy servant david my father that which thou hast promised him , saying , there shall not fail thée a man in my sight to sit upon the throne of israel ; yet so , that thy children take heed to their way , to walk in my law , as thou hast walked before me . now then , o lord god of israel , let thy word ( i pray thée ) be verified , which thou hast spoken unto thy servant david , &c. o lord god turn not away the face of thine anointed ; remember the mercies of david thy servant . when * solomon had ended all his prayer and supplication to the lord , he arose from kneeling on his knees , with his hands spread up to heaven : and he stood and blessed all the congregation of israel with a loud voice , saying ; blessed be the lord god that hath given rest unto his people israel , according to all that he hath promised , there hath not failed one word of all his good promise , which he promised by the hand of moses his servant . the lord our god be with us as he was with our fathers : let him not leave us nor forsake us : that he may incline our hearts unto him , to walk in all his wayes , and to keep his commandements , and his statutes , and his iudgements , which he commanded our fathers . and let these my words wherewith i have made supplication before the lord , be nigh unto the lord day & night , that he may maintain the cause of his servant , & the cause of his people israel , the thing of a day in his day , ( or , at all times , as the matter shall require ) that all the people of the earth may know , that the lord is god , and there is none else , &c. after all the dedications , sacrifices , offerings and feasts were fully ended , * solomon sent the people away , and they blessed the king , and went unto their tents ioyfull and glad of heart for all the goodnesse that the lord had shewed unto david his servant , to solomon , and to israel his people . in these remarkable passages we have king solomon blessing all his princes , elders , people , and they blessing him again ; and both of them joyning together in blessings , thanksgivings , and prayers to god for his blessings , mercies , and fulfilling of promises , covenants to each other and their ancestors , especially to king david and his royal posterity , in relation to their spiritual and temporal welfare , and exceedingly rejoycing for gods goodness mutually bestowed on each other ; but more especially for gods promise made and fulfilled to david , solomon and their royal posterity , that they should not want a man of their seed to sit upon the throne of israel for ever , for the real performance whereof they all most earnestly prayed , as well as for david and solomon ; as the only means under god of their perpetual unity , safety , felicity . now these prayers , blessings , and thanksgivings of solomon thus made at the dedication of the temple , registred by the dictate of gods spirit , inserted into the history and canon of the scriptures , as patterns of imitation for the israelites and all gods people in succeeding generations ; we cannot but conceive and acknowledge they were frequently recited and imitated , at least by the godly israelites upon all occasions , both publikely and privatly . ly . when idolatrous * king jeroboam put forth his hand to lay hold on the prophet and man of god , who prophecied against his altar at bethel , and god thereupon immediately dryed up his hand he stretched out , so that he could not pull it in again to him ; thereupon the king said to the man of god , intr●…at now the face of the lord thy god , and pray for me , that my hand may be restored me again . and the man of god besought the face of the lord , and the kings hand was restored again , and became as it was before . here we have a prophet and man of god praying for an idolater and persecuting king , to restore that very hand he then stretched out against him , to apprehend and imprison him for prophecying against his idolatrous altar by gods special command . how much more then would he have prayed for king david , solomon , and other pious kings to restore and preserve their lives ? ly . when ‖ athaliah had slain all the seed royal of the house of david but joash , an infant of an year old , and usurped the crown above six years , jehoiada the high priest called the rulers of the hundreds , and captains of the guard , and all the chief fathers of israel and the levites , and brought them into the house of the lord , and made a covenant with them , and took an oath of them , and ●…ewed them joash the kings son ( whom he hid , being but . years old ) and said unto them ; behold the kings son shall reign , as the lord hath said of the sons of david . then disposing the captains , guards and levites in the temple , with their weapons in their hands round about joash , they thereupon brought out the kings son , and put upon him the crown , and gave him the testimony , and made him king and ; jehoiadah and his sons anointed him , and they clapt their hands , and said , god save the king and all the people of the land rejoyced and sounded with trumpets , also the singers with iustruments of musick , and such as taught to sing praise ; praysing the king. and jehoiada took the captains of hundreds , and the nobles , and the governours of the people , and all the people of the land , and brought down the king from the house of the lord , and set the king upon the throne of the kingdom . and all the people of the land rejoyced , and the city was quiet after they had slain athaliah with the sword . here we have the self-same acclamation and prayer , let the king live , or , god save the king , made by jehoiada the high-priest and his sons , the captains of the army , the princes , officers , priests , with all the city and people present at the coronation of joash , right heir to the crown by descent from the house of king david , as was used at the inaugurations of saul and solomon , and no doubt was practised at the coronations of all other kings of judah and israel , though not particularly recorded in the sacred history of their lives and reigns , being a thing so vulgarly known , for brevity sake , it being the received practice , custom of all other nations at the coronations of their kings and emperors till this very day , as is evident by dan. . . c. . . c. . . . as well as among the israelites . . i shall evidence the truth of the israelites practice in praying for their kings whiles they lived , by what the scripture records touching their lamentation and publike mourning for their pious and good kings when they died . it is recorded chron. . , . that when good king josiah died o●… his wounds received in battel , and was buried , all iudah and ierusalem mourned for him : and all the singing men and singing women spake of iosiah in their lamentations unto this day , and made them an ordinance in israel , and behold they are written in the lamentations , writ upon this occasion amongst others , as is evident by lam. . . c. . . the breath of our nostrils the anointed of the lord , was taken in their pits , of whom we said , under his shadow we shall live among the heathen . the crown of our head is fallen . wo unto us that we have sinned . if all judah and jerusalem , the singing men and singing women , and jeremiah the prophet thus mourned for , and lamented the death of josiah , and their other good kings , at and after their funerals ; no doubt they constantly prayed for their health , long life , and prosperous reigns whiles they were living , ( as the premises evidence ) though not particularly recorded in the abridgement of their reigns , in the books of kings , and chronicles . . ezra , c. . . in his prayer , nehemiah , c. . , . in his prayer , jeremiah , lam. . . and daniel , c. . , . in his prayer confessed , lamented the sins of their kings and princes , and bewailed their deliverance into the hands of the kings of the lands , to the sword , to captivity , to a spoyl and confusion of face ; and prayed , not to let all the trouble that had come upon them seem little , &c. therefore no doubt they constantly prayed for their kings , during their reigns and prosperity , who thus lamented their captivity and misery . . the prophet ezekiels injunction by god , c. . , &c. to take up a lamentation for the princes of israel because they were cut off and caried away captives , the strong rod ( of the royal progeny ) broken and withered ; so as israel had no strong rod left to be a seepter to rule : concluding thus , this is a lamentation , and shall be for a lamentation . with that of the prophet hosea , c. . . in that day , israel shall say ( by way of lamentation and grief ) we have no king , because we fear●…d not the lord : what then should a king do to us ? are convincing arguments , that these prophets and all fearing god , did constantly pray for the life and continuance of their kings and kingly government , and posterity , whiles they enjoyed them , as their principal earthly blessing and security , since they thus sadly lamented the want and captivity of their kings , and princes of the royal bloud , to rule over them , as their greatest misery , and infelicity , both for the present and future , till restored to the throne again to rule over them . . the israelites , whiles they were bondmen and captives under the babylonians , assyrians , persians , having no kings nor princes of davids royal posterity to rule over thē , did make prayers , & offer sacrifices to god for the lives & prosperity of these pagan kings , & their sons too ; therefore no doubt they did it much more out of loyalty and duty for their own hereditary kings , and their sons , whiles they reigned over them . for their practice in relation to those forein kings , under whom they were captives , though pagans , idolaters , and enemies to their nation , we have one memorable precept , and at least three presidents in scripture . the . is that of jer. . , to . where jeremiah the prophet , ( by gods direction and command ) writ thus in his letter sent from jerusalem to the elders , priests , prophets , and all the people of israel , when nebuchodonosor had caried them away captive from jerusalem to babylon . thus saith the lord of hosts , the god of israel , uuto all who are caried away captive from jerusalem to babylon : build ye houses , plant vineyards , take ye wives , and beget sons and daughters , &c. and seek ye the peace of the city , whither i have caused you to be carried away captive , and pray unto the lord for it ( to which * some antients adde ) and pray for the life of nebuchodonosor and his sons , virtually included in the former clause at least , for in the peace thereof ye shall have peace . if all the elders , priests , prophets and people of israel , were thus specially commanded by god himself , to pray for the peace , and prosperity of this idolatrous city of babylon , their * greatest enemies and persecutors wherein they lived in captivity and bondage , and for king nebuchodonosor and his sons lives , who burnt their city and temple at jerusalem , destroyed , captivated their kings , princes , kingdom , nation , and sent them captives to babylon ; because in their peace and prosperity themselves should enjoy peace and tranquillity even in and under their bondage ; then doubtlesse were they much more obliged in duty , piety , prudence , to pray for the peace , life , health and felicity of their own kings , kingdom , and royal city of jerusalem , whiles they there lived under their royal government . i shall compare this with baruch , . where we read the jews in babylon , upon reading of baruchs book , made a collection of mony , and sent it to jerusalem unto joachim the high priest , and to the priests and all the people which were found at jerusalem . and they ( the jews who brought it ) said , behold we have sent you mony to buy burnt-offerings , and sin-offerings , and incense , and prepare ye meat-offerings , and offer upon the altar of the lord our god : and pray for the life of nebuchodonosor k. of babylon , and for the life of balthasar his son , that their daies may be upon earth as the dayes of heaven . and the lord will give us strength , and lighten our eyes , and we shall live under the shadow of nebuchodonosor king of babylon , and under the shadow of balthasar his son , and we shall serve them many daies , and find favour in their sight . pray for us also unto the lord our god , for we have sinned against the lord our god ; and unto this day the fury of the lord and his wrath is not turned from us . from which passage ( though it be apocryphal ) it is apparent , that the iews during their captivity both at babylon and ierusalem did constantly pray to god for the long life , welfare , and prosperous reign of nebuchodonosor , and his son after him , though pagan-idolators , and enemies who destroyed their country , city , temple , led most of them away captives out of their own land , and made them tributaries and bondmen to them●… therefore much more did they and were they bound in duty , loyalty , allegiance , and prudence , to pray for their own hereditary , natural , rightfull kings of davids royal family whiles they reigned over them . the . is the observable president of the prophet daniel himself , dan. . who did accordingly perform this duty : he being a captive under darius , though a pagan king , an idolater , an enemy to the whole jewish nation , a foreiner , of the persian , not israelitish race , an impious tyrant , persecutor , if not enemy to himself and the true god , making , establishing , and signing this royal decree at the sollicitation of his princes , on purpose to insnare daniel , that whosoever shall ask a petition of any god or man for thirty dayes , save of king darius himself , should be cast into the lions den ; for breach of which impious dec●…ee by praying to god , daniel was cast by the kings commandement , through the princes malice against him , into the lions den , and a stone laid at the mouth of the den , which the k. sealed with his own signet and the signet of his lords , that the purpose might not be changed concerning daniel : yet , notwithstanding all these circumstances , which might in the judgement of flesh and bloud disoblige daniel from his dutifull alle●…iance to and prayer for darius his life and happinesse ; no sooner did king darius come to the lions den the next morning , early , crying with a lamentable voice , and saying , o daniel , servant of the living god , is thy god whom thou servest continually able to deliver th●…e from the lions ? but daniel , the very first words he used , brake forth into this most loyal salutation of , and prayer for him , v. , . o king live for ever . my god hath sent his angel , and hath shut up the lions mouths , that they have not hurt me ; for as much as before him innocency was sound in me , and also before thee o king have i done no hurt : calling him king no less than twice together , no●… tyrant , infidel , persecutor , enemy of god , and his people ( as some degenerate saints of this age would have done , without any such injustice as he suffered from and by his decree ) and using the self-same salutation to and prayer for him , and other idolatrous persecuting kings , as their natural born subjects & princes used , as is evident by comparing this text with dan. . . c. . . c. . . c. . . therefore questionless he and other godly israelites did , and would have manifested the like loyalty , piety , and reverence towards their own hereditary kings of davids posterity in their own country , though idolaters , persecutors , tyrants , much more when just , upright , mercifull , bountifull , and religious . the . is the memorable decree of king darius , concerning the building , repairing , expences and oblations of the house of the lord in jerusalem , and the chief end thereof , recorded ezra . , to . moreover i make a decree , that you shall do for the elders of these jews , for the building of the house of god , that of the kings goods , even of the tribute beyond the river , forthwith expences be given to these men , that they be not hindred . and that which they have need of , both young bullocks , and rams , and lambs , for the burnt-offerings of the god of heaven , wheat , salt , wine and oyle , according to the appointment of the priests which are at ierusalem , let it be given them day by day without fail , that they may offer * sacrifices of sweet savors unto the god of heaven , and pray for the life of the king , and of his sons . also i have made a decree , that whosoever shall alter this word , let timber be pulled down from his house , and being set up , let him be hanged thereon , and let his house be made a dunghill for this , &c by this decree it is most apparent , . that the priests and people of god at ierusalem , living as tributaries under this pagan persian king , were specially enjoyned and required by his royal decree , day by day to offer sacrifices , and pray unto the god of heaven for the life of the king , and of his sons , of which there could be but these two probable grounds : either , that they used thus daily to offer sac●…ifices and prayers to the god of heaven for their own hereditary kings and their sons in the old temple at ierusalem , by davids and solomons injunction , before it was demolished ; as they were now ordered after its rebuilding and repair ; which is most probable , since their antient usual daily sacrifices and prayers for the king and his sons are here conjoyned . or , because their own pagan priests used to do so in persia , babylon , and their own antient dominions . . that this decree in all its part●… , specially in this last , was so peremptory and penal , that whosoever should alter or disobey it , was to have the timber pulled from his house , and hanged thereon , and his house to be made a dunghill for this . therefore this duty was no doubt constantly performed by the priests and elders of the jews in whose favour it was made . if then those priests and subjects demerited such a severe punishment as this , for refu●…ing or neglecting to make daily sacrifices and prayers to the god of heaven for this forein pagan king and his sons , to whom they were only captives and tributaries ; what penalties , executions do those undutifull disloyal christian subjects and ministers deserve , who wilfully neglect , refuse , nay prohibit under grievous penalties , daily prayers and intercessions to be made to the god of heaven for their own undoubted natural hereditary christian protestant kings and their sons , against the purport of this decree , and the express injunction of god himself in the new testament , tim. . , , ? no doubt hanging , and demolishing their houses is too good for them , if this pagan king may be umpire . the . is the decree of king artaxerxes to ezra the priest , and scribe of the law of the god of heaven , for monies to buy bullocks , rams , lambs , with their meat-offerings and drink-offerings , and to offer them upon the alter of the house of god which was at jerusalem , ezra . , to . in which decree , though there be no such express clause as in the former , to offer sacrifices and prayers to the god of heaven for the king and his sons ; yet it is comprised therein in the general , being but a confirmation of the decree of darius , and it is clearly intimated and expressed in the reason of this decree at the close thereof . whatsoever is commanded by the god of heaven , let it be diligently done for the house of the god of heaven , for why should there be wrath against the realm of the king and his sons ? which wrath ezra , the priests and people of israel , worshipping the god of heaven , were to deprecate and stave off by their daily publick sacrifices and prayers to the god of heaven , in the behalf of this king , his sons and realm , and praying for their welfare and prosperity ; which no doubt they constantly performed , as is evident by ezraes special thanksgiving to god , v. , . blessed be the lord god of our fathers which hath put such a thing as this into the kings heart , to beautifie the house of the lord which is at jerusalem , and hath extended mercy unto me before the king and his counsellors , and before the kings mighty princes , & ch . . , , . and now for a little space grace hath been shewed from the lord our god to leave us a remnant to escape , and to give us a nayl in his holy place , that our god may lighten our eyes , and give us a little reviving in our bondage . for we were bondmen , yet our god hath not forsaken us in our bondage , but hath extended mercy to us in the sight of the king of persia , to give us a reviving , to set up the house of our god , and to repair the desolations thereof , and to give us a wall in judah and jerusalem . and now , o our god , what shall we say after this ? for we have forsaken thy commandement , &c. the recital of which mercy in ezra his solemn thanksgiving , and also in his publick humiliation , was a most effectual prayer for this king and his sons , and praysing god for the benefits extented to his people by their means and favour . to these . precepts and presidents in sacred writ , i shall annex a th . out of the jewish history , * apion accused the jews to the emperor caius caligula ( who usurped to himself divine honour ) that when all other nations throughout the roman empire , dedicated temples and altars to him , and erected his statue in their temples , and sware by his name ; that the jews would do neither , nor permit his statue to be set up in the temple of their god ; whereupon he commanded petronius with two legions to make war upon the jews , unless they would erect his statue in the temple ; which they peremptorily opposed , as being contrary to the law of their god , and custom of their ancestors , choosing rather all to dye , and offering their necks to the block , than to permit such a transgression against their gods law . hereupon they sent embassadors to caius , whereof philo was chief , to satisfie him ; who informed him , that though they could not erect his statue , nor adore him as a god , being contrary to their religion , yet such was their loyalty towards him , that they did twice every day offer sacrifices & prayers unto their god for him in the temple . therfore no doubt they did the like for darius , artaxerxes , nebuchadnezzar , and other kings to whom they were tributaries , and much more for their own natural kings and their sons of the house of david . xly. god himself gave this express prohibition to the israelites , exod. . . thou shalt not revile the gods , nor curse the ruler of thy people : repeated acts . . and thus seconded eccles. . . curse not the king , no not in thy thoughts , for a bird of the ayr shall carry the voyce , and that which hath wings shall tell the matter : therefore it is clear by the rule of contraries , yea by christs and pauls own expositions , resolutions , mat. . . lu. . . rom. . . that they were to bless and pray for them , yea though they persecuted , and despitefully used them . shimei for violating these divine precepts in cursing and rayling against king david , and stiling him a c●… ●… when he fled from his usurping son absolom , was thought worthy to lose his head by a●…ishai , who would have cut it off , bad not david for the present forbad his execution , sam. . , to . c. . . for which crime solomon by davids order , afterwards put him to death , kings . . , , . using this speech unto him , thou knowest all the wickedness which thy heart is privy to , that thou didst to david my father : therefore the lord shall return thy wickedness upon thine own head ; and king solomon shall be blessed , and the throne of david shall be established before the lord for ever ; whereas shimei said , the lord hath returned upon thee all the blood of the house of saul , in whose stead thou hast reigned , and the lord hath delivered thy kingdom into the hand of absolom thy son , and behold thou art taken in thy mischief , because thou art a bloody man. now if this sin of his in cursing and rayling against david his king was a capital crime and treason deserving death ●… and god himself reputes it an heinous offence in the idolatrous israelites and others , when vexed with famine , oppression , and other judgements by evil kings , to curse their king and look upwards , isay . . then questionless , it is a grievous sin , and capital offence for subjects to give over , & prohibit all publick and private prayers for their kings , or curse thē though wicked , oppressive , idolatrous , tyrannical , much more when just , good , pious , christian , orthodox , and not only to curse , but dethrone , murder them , eject , banish and disinherit their royal posterities , and abolish their kingly government , for which they can expect nought else but exemplary punishments , and the reward of shimei both from god and men , being contrary to all the recited presidents of gods saints and people under the law . chap. iii. i proceed now to the last classis of presidents for supplications , prayers , intercessions , & thansgivings for kings under the gospel , where i shall begin with jesus christ the king of kings , the principal subject matter , author of , and first k. under the gospel : which as it begins with the genealogy and nativity of jesus christ , who was born king of the jews , and inquired after , worshipped , presented with gold , mirrhe , and frankincense by the wisemen , under the notion of a king , mat. c. , & . , , &c. so it informs us , that at his birth an angel of the lord appeared to the shepheards , saying , behold i bring un●…o you tidings of great joy which shall be to all people ; for unto you is born this day in the city of david , a saviour , w●…ich is christ the lord. and suddenly there was with the angel a multitude of the heavenly host , praysing god and saying , glory to god in the highest , in earth peace , good will towards men , lu. . , to . of this king iesus , ( to whom the angel appearing to his mother mary before his conception , said , that the lord god shall give unto him the throne of his father david , and he shall reign over the house of jacob for ever , and of his kingdom there shall be no end , lu. . , . ) his father king david many hundred years before his nativity , thus prophecyed , ps. . , . to him shall be given of the gold of sheba , prayer also shall be made for him continually , and daily shall he be praysed , all nations shall call him blessed . and the prophet zechariah thus prop●…ecyed conce●…ning him , c. . . rejoyce greatly o ierusalem , behold thy king cometh unto thee : he is just , and bringing salvation , riding upon an ass , and upon a colt , the foal of an ass : which prophecies were fulfilled , both by the earnest prayers and desires of many prophets , kings and righteous men , to see and hear king jesus , before his incarnation ; by the songs of rejoycing and thanksgiving at and for his very conception and birth , recorded mat. . , . lu. . , . c. . , , , , , &c. c. . , to . , . mat. . , to . and at his triumphant riding like a king unto jerusalem on an asse and its foal , matth. . , to . mar. . , to . lu. . , &c. at which time a very great multitude spread their garments in the way , others cut down branches from the trees , and strawed them in the way ; and when he was come nigh to the descent of the mount of olives , the whole multitude that went before and followed after , began to rejoyce and praise god with a loud voyce , and cryed saying , * hosanna to the son of david , blessed be he that commeth in the name of the lord , hosanna in the highest : blessed be the kingdom of our father david , hosanna in the highest : blessed be the king that commeth in the name of the lord , peace in heaven and glory in the highest . and when some of the pharisees from among the multitude said unto him , master rebuke thy disciples ; he answered and said unto them , if these men should hold their peace , the stones would immemediatly cry out . after which the chief priests and scribes seeing the wonderfull things he did ; and the children crying in the temple , saying , hosanna to the son of david they were sore displeased and said unto him . hearest thou what they say ? jesus saith unto them , yea , have ye not read , ; a out of the mouths of babes and sucklings thou hast perfected prayse . this is likewise evident by those very clauses in the form of prayer , which christ himself recommended to his disciples , to be daily used by them , mat. . ●… . . thy kingdom come , ( o●…t stiled ( b ) ●… christs kingdom in the gospel , as well as the fathers ) for thine is the kingdom , the power and the glory , for ever and ever , amen ; by that prayer of all gods saints , rev. . . amen , even so lord iesus come quickly . and by that song of the lamb , which they who had gotten victory over thé beast , having the harps of god , do sing , rev. . , , ●… great and marvellous are thy works lord god almighty , just and true are thy wayes thou king of saints who shall not fear thee o lord , and glorifie thy name ? for thou only art holy , for all nations shall come and worship before thee . ; all which sacred texts , prayers , prayses , songs and thanksgivings for the nativity , kingship , kingdom , and inauguration of jesus christ as a king into his kingly office , and for the second comming of his person and kingdom of glory ; are sufficient presidents , grounds , warrants , for all christian subjects under the gospel , to rejoyce , triumph , wi●…h songs and psalmes of thanksgiving , and exceeding joy , both at the births and coronations of their kings , princes , yea to pray for their persons , kingdoms , posterities felicity , stability , tranquillity , perpetuity , and for their speedy comming , restitution , when forcibly driven from their kingdoms by enemies or rebels . and if any malicious pharisees , priests , scribes , or ●…rayterous antimonarchists shall be sore displeased with them for these th●…ir prayers , prayses , rejoycings , thanksgivings , and rebuke them for the same ; king jesus his own answere to the pharisees , priests and scribes forecited , may for ever stop their mouths , and reclaim them ●…rom such disloyal , ●…reasonable rebukes . and so much the rather , because these premi●… presidents both before and under the l●…w and gospel , app●…ved , prescribed by god , and practised by his servants , were the ground of this gospel exhortation and injunction , which not only approve●… , and prescribes , but commends the same to all christians under the gospel , in these observable words , tim. . , , . i exhort therefore that first of all supplications , prayers , intercessions , and giving of thanks be made for all men ; for kings , ( in the first place as supreme , pet. . , . ) and for all that are in authority , ( under and after them ) that we may live a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty , for this is good and acceptable in the sight of god our saviour ; who will have all men to be saved , and come to the knowledge of the truth . i shall a little insist on this gospel text , as most punctual , full , pertinent to my purpose , the rather , because in * august . in the university of cambridge it self , a minister of the gospel , the son of a parliament man , was by the maior of the town ( whose wife is a quaker ) apprehended by a company of souldiers , and kept prisoner for a time , only for praying in general for all christian kings , princes , and governors , according to this text : when george whitehead and george fex , two quakers , blasphemously railed , and disputed against jesus christ , the two other persons , the blessed trinity , and the word of god , an whole hour together in the maiors presence , and sundry others , without check or punishment ; such are the atheistical , antimonarchical times wherein we live . in this text consider , . the pen-man of it by divine inspiration , s. paul the apostle of jesus christ specially delegated by him to the gentiles & uncircumcision , to open their eies , to turn them from darkness to light , and from ●…he power of satan unto god ; and to bear christs name before the gentiles and kings , acts . . c. . ●… , , . gal. . , , , . eph. . , to . acts . , . c. . . c. . . c ●… , . c. . c. . . rom . . c. . , to . col. . , . tim. . . c. . . therefore these duties are specially recommended and prescribed to them . ly . the person to whom this epistle and exhortation was principally , & particularly directed , even timothy his dearly beloved son , and fellow●… minister in preaching the gospel to the gentiles , then residing at ephesus , tim. , . a city and church of the gentiles , where he exercised his ministry , and was to perform these duties publickly in his own person as a minister , to excite all others thereunto . therefore these duties of making publick supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings for kings both in publick and private , do principally belong , and are carefully to be performed by all ministers and preachers of the gospel to and amongst the gentiles . ly . the manner of pressing these duties ; the apostle doth most earnestly and zealously urge their performance ; as the words i exhort , or earnestly desire , import , exhortings , being the most passionate , pathetical , fervent pressing of men to duties , lu. . . act. . . c. . . c. . . c. . . c. . . rom. . . thes. . , . c. . ●… . c. . . thes. . . tim. . . c. . . tim. . . tit. . . c. . , . heb. . . c. . . c. . . pet. . . jude . ly . the grounds of his enforcing these duties so earnestly , implyed in the word therefore , relating to the close of the precedent chapter , v. , , . this charge i commit unto thee son timothy , according to the prophecies that we●… before on thee ; that thou by them mightest war a good warfare , holding faith and a good conscience : which he could not do or perform , unless he discharged these duties he thus exhorted him to , being a part of his spiritual good warfare , and both a means and evidence of his holding faith and a good conscience ; and his neglect or contempt of them , a ready way to make shipwrack of them , as hymeneus and alexander had done , whom he had dilivered to satan . antimonarchical and antimagistratical ministers or christians will soon turn apostates , and blasphemers , yea put away and make shipwrack of their faith and good conscience towards god , when they became disloyal and rebellious to their kings , and give over supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings for them , as we have found by late sad experiments . ly . the primacy and excellency of these duties before all others , expressed in the clause , i exhort therefore that first of all , that is , in the first place , before and above all other duties , parts of ministry or christianity , they are carefully , conscienciously , cordially to be performed , without the least omission or neglect . ly . the variety of the duties , set forth by these various expressions , that supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings , ( all in the plural number ) be made for kings : which pluralities imply , . a universality of their several kinds , to wit , r that all sorts of supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings whatsoever ought to be made for them . ly . s a multiplicity of each of them , not a single supplication , prayer , intercession , thanksgiving , and no more ; but many and manifold supplications , prayers and thanksgivings . ly . a frequency , fervency , constancy , perpetuity in the performance of them both in publick and private , all our lives long , without ceasing , or flagging , as the t marginal scriptures evidence . ly . an universality in respect of persons and places , thus expressed in the verse following , i will therefore that men pray every where lifting up holy hands . ly . an universality of things , mercies , blessings , &c. for which supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings ought at any time ordinarily or extraordinarily , publickly or privately to be made to god in behalf of kings . ly . supplications for the pardon and remission of all their sins , errors , miscariages , frailties , iniquities whatsoever ; for converting , diverting , or keeping them from all evil and destructive waies , errors , counsels , designs , undertakings whatsoever , dishonourable to god , scandalous to religion , hurtfull to the church , fatal to their kingdoms , people , royal persons , families and posteritie ; and for removing all inflicted , threatned or feared judgements , evils from their persons , families , kingdoms , relations . prayers for all sorts of corporal , temporal , spiritual , eternal blessings , mercies , which they at any time stand in need of , and the continuance , increase , and sanctified use of all they doe enjoy for themselves , their families , kingdoms , counsellors , officers , people , allies . intercessions against all machinations , dangers , conspiracies of spiritual or temporal enemies , traytors , conspirators , against their precious souls , bodies , lives , crowns , kingdoms , posterities , forces , publike undertakings , councils ; to divert gods wrath and judgements from , and impetrate his gracious love and favour to them upon all occasions . thanksgivings , for their births , coronations , health , lives , wisdom , power , justice , graces , preservations , issues , posterity ; all sorts of mercies , blessings , favors , victories , successes , deliverances from evils , sicknesses , dangers , ' enemies , conspiracies of all kinde , conferred on them , their kingdoms , families , posterities , relations ; for all blessings received from , or enjoyed under them and their government ; as the free use , exercise , enjoyment of the word , sacraments , with all other parts of gods worship , peace , health , wealth , safety , liberty , prosperity , laws , privileges , parliaments ; exemptions from oppressions , rapines , murders , rapes , extortions , illegal taxes , excises , executions , imprisonments , banishments , wars ; for all particular benefits and royal favors conferred by them on their own persons , or relations . all these and what ever else are or may be included in supplications , prayers , intercessions , thanksgivings , are here prescribed to all ministers and christians under the gospel in behalf of their kings . ly . the * primacy and precedence of kings above all other governors and persons in authority , both in all our supplications , prayers , intercessions , thanksgivings , and likewise in their civil dignity and authority : for although the apostle to avoid all suspition of flatterie ( as the * fathers observe ) exhorts in the first place , that prayers , &c. should be mad●… for all men in general ; yet when he comes to the pa●…ticular enumeration of them , he placeth kings in the front before all others , being ranked before them all by the apostle , in these words , for kings , and all that are in authority ; and more particularly by the apostle peter pet. , . submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake : whether to the king , as supreme , or unto governors , as to those who are sent by him , &c. ly . the plurality and universallity of the word * kings : in the plural , not singular number ; and that without any restriction of their personal qualifications , extending universally to all kings , and excluding none , though * pagans , idolaters , hereticks , schismaticks , tyrants , oppressors , persecutors , murderers , wicked , prophane , vitious , flagitious in any kinde ; for which many might doubt whether they ought to pray , which the apostle fully clears by this general expression : as well as for the most christian , pious , just , righteous , virtuous kings , for which all will grant christians ought to make supplications , prayers , intercessions , thanksgivings , without dispute . this i shall clear by . undeniable arguments : . because all kings , emperors , princes throughout the world when this epistle was written , and for above years after , ( but lucius ) were pagans , idolaters , and for the most part * bitter persecutors of the saints , church of christ ; and some transcendently impious , flagitious , especially caligula , claudius , and nero , under whom paul lived , and suffered martyrdom , with others of the apostles , and many hundreds of christians ; yet even st. paul himself exhorts first of all , that supplications , intercessions , prayers and thanksgivings should be made for them by timothy , & all other christian●… then living under them . ly . because the apostles p●…ecedent and subsequent exhortation , is universal , for all men , for kings , and all that are in authority : if then we must make supplications , prayers , intercessions , thanksgivings for all men , good or bad , then certainly for all kings , though the apostle had not named kings , because all kings are men , and included in the general all men : and if for all that are in authority or eminent place , then certainly for all kings ; being in supremest authority and eminency ; and included by name between those two universals , all men , all in authority . ly . because the subsequent words , that under them we may lead a quiet and peaceable li●…e , in all godliness and honesty : and , who will have all men to be saved , and to come to ●…he know edge of the truth , implies , that the kings , and all in authority , at that time , for whom they are exhorted to make supplications , &c. were persecutors , under whom they had no present rest nor quietnesse , and unconverted to the knowledge of the truth and means of salvation . ly . because st. pauls precept , rom. . . blesse them which persecute you , bless and curse not ; compared with v. , . rom. . , to . titus . , , . paralleld with our saviours own reiterated precept , mat. . , . luke . , , . but i say unto you , love your enemies ; bless them that curse you , do good to them that hate you , and pray for them that despitefully use you , and persecute you and unto him that smiteth thee on the one cheek , offer him also the other : and him that taketh away thy cloak , forbid not to take thy coat also ; that you may be the children of your father which is in heaven ; for he maketh his sun to rise to the evil , and to the good , and sendeth rain on the just and on the unjust . ; which precept relates principally to kings and rulers , before whom they should be brought , presecuted , and put to death , mat. . , to . lu. . , &c. ly . because he never exhorted , commanded , encouraged in the least degree , any christians to curse or pray against their kings , though pagans , tyrants , persecuters : much lesse to rebell against , depose , or dethrone , behead , execute them . if christians then be thus exhorted , obliged by the apostle to make prayers , supplic●…tions , intercessions , and thanksgivings even for their persecuting , tyrannical , pagan , wicked kings , not to depose , murder , execute them in high courts of justice , or to extirpate their royal posterity , kingship , and alter their form of government which they are professedly prohibited to do for conscience sak●… , under pain of damnation , in di●…ect terms , rom. . , to . tit. . . and pet. . , . then certainly they are much more obliged to make supplications , prayers , intercessions , thanksgivings for●… their hereditary christian , protestant , orthodox , rightfull kings , and not to dethrone , murder , execute them in any strange high courts of justice , nor to extirpate their royal issue , kingship , and change their whole frame of government , from which they are expresly prohibited by these gospel texts , and restrained by their solemn oathes of aliegeance , fealty , supremacy , protestation , vow , league , covenant , under pain of eternal damnation , and the guilt of highest perjury , treachery , rebellion . it was * sedulius his apostrophe to herod , who feared our saviour christ would have deprived him of his earthly crown , herodes hostis impie non abripit mortalia christum venire quid times ? qui regna dat coelestia . why wicked herod do'st thou fear , and at christs coming frown ? the mortal he takes not away , who gives the heavenly crown . which claudius thus seconds , * that king which is born cometh not to overcome kings by fighting , but to subdue them after a wonderfu●…l manner by dying , &c. for he is come not that he may destroy alive , but that he may triumph being slain . how then any servants can be greater , wiser , powerfuller than their lord , king jesus , who came not to dethrone , uncrown any earthly kings , and reign alive in their steads , but to conquer and triumph over them only by his death , though king of kings and lord of lords : in daring to ravish not only the crowns , but lives , kingdoms , hereditary lands , revenues , powers , kingships of their christian soveraigns , instead of making supplications , prayers , interceisions . thanksgivings for them , and their royal posterity , let their own consciences resolve them , and all others who preach the gospel , wherein there is neither precept nor president for such antichristian , jesuitical practices . ly . the end , reason why ministers , christians and other subjects should make supplications , prayers , intercessions , thnaksgivings for their very persecuting , tyrannizing , oppressing pagan kings , g●…vernours , and yielding patient loyal subjection under them is , because it is the most effectual means prescribed by god , whereby to reclaim , conver●… , save them , by overcomming their evil with goodness , rom. . , . the most probable , ready , prevalent course by which they themselves may lead a quiet and peaceable life under them in all godliness and honesty ; and recover , enjoy both their invaded civil and christian liberties ; not their mutinous rebellions or taking up arms against them , forcibly to reform or dethrone them , which would but increase their troubles , pressures , persecutions , interrupt their peace , quietness , yea make shipwrack of their godliness , honesty , loyalty , faith , and good consciences , which we have found true , by late sad experiments . upon which ground the apostle paul thus describes the deportment of himself , and the other apostles and christians under their persecutors , cor. , . being reviled , we bless , being persecuted , we suffer , being defamed , we intreat , according to our saviours forecited precept , mat. . , . seconded with his own example , and stephens , who prayed for their murdering persecutors at their very deaths , luke . . acts . . leaving us an example that we should follow their steps herein , pet. . , , , . ja●… . . , to . ly . the motive god here used to excite timothy and all other christians to make supplications , prayers , intercessions , and thanksgivings for kings and all in authority under them , whether good or bad , pagans or christians , persecutors or protectors of religion , for this is good and acceptable in the sight of god our saviour , as well as beneficial to themselves , their kings and governours in the last recited respects . and if so , then the neglecting , rejecting , inhibiting of these duties in publick or private , must questionless be very evil , sinfull , displeasing in the fight of god our saviour , who will severely punish it ; yea a means to hinder us from enjoying and leading a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty ; or any settlement or tranquillity , in church and state , which we have long expected , endeavoured , desired , and prayed for , but never enjoyed since we neglected , and rejected this duty of making supplications , prayers , intercessi●…ns , thanksgivings for our kings ; and casting off their persons and kingly government , and a●…e never likely to enjoy , till we loyally and conscientiously restore both them and these duties for them , prescribed in and by this gospel text , which i have opened and pressed to the full , upon this consideration , and the apostles resolutions , acts . . c. . . we ought to obey god , rather than men. ly . this exhortation of paul , was practiced by himself , when he was brought as a prisoner , and pleaded his cause before king agrippa , acts . , . who saying to paul , almost thou perswadest me to be a christian. thereupon paul said , i would to god not only thou , but also all that hear me this day , were both almost , and altogether such as i am , except these bonds . a direct prayer to god , for this kings , and his other auditors conversion to christianity . thus much for scripture presidents and precepts , warranting and commanding this duty , both before , and under the law and gospel . i now proceed to other testimonies in the primitive church , as well for pagan , arrian and heretical persecuting emperors , kings , princes , as for christian , orthodox , and such who were protectors of christianity and christians . chap. iv. for the practice of the primitive church and christians to●…ching their publike & private prayers , intercessions , supplications for kings and emperors , though pagans and persecutors , as then they were , no doubt it is as antient as the apostles themselves , as is evident by the tim. . , . and practiced by them , in their publike liturgies , if we believe the liturgies fathered upon st. peter , and st. mark , to be genuine . in the masse of st. peter ( published by william lindan , bishop of gaunt ) printed in bibliotheca patrum , coloniae agrip. . tom. . p. . e. i find the deacon saying in pace rogemus dominum , pro religiosissimis augustis , u●… una propugnent , &c. but this masse , twice mentioning the mediation and intercession , beatorum apostolorum petri , pauli , cornelii , cypriani , laurentii , &c. ( some of them not living till . years after peters death , ) and speaking of peter only as a saint and martyr departed ; and this prayer being not for any pagan , but most religious christian emperors , this masse is certainly a gross popish forgery fathered upon peter some hundreds of years after his death ; yet i thought meet to mention this passage in it . the liturgie attributed to st. mark the evangelist , peters disciple , as it is but a popish forgery as well as peters , yet because it contains some set observable prayers for kings , i shall here insert them , as translated out of the greek copy . biblioth . patrum , coloniae agrip. tom. . p. . c. sacerdos hunc in modum orat . dominator domine , deus omnipotens , pater domini & dei , & servatoris nostri jesu christi , precamur & obsecramus te , ut regem nostrum in pace et fortitudine justitiaque conserves . subjicito ei , o deus , omnem inimicum & adversarium . apprehende arma & scutum , & exurge in adjutorium ejus . da ei , o deus , victorias , ut animum ad ea intendat , quae nobis pacifica sunt , & ad nomen sanctum tuum . ut & nos in tranquillitate dierum ejus quietam et tranquillam vitam degamus in omni pietate & honestate , gratia & commiserationibus , & benignitate unigeniti filii tui , &c. unto which prayer all the people are to say , amen . after which p. . follow these two prayers . regem , legiones , principes , senatus & concilia , populos nostros in omni pace disponito . rex regum et domine dominantium , regnum servi tui orthodoxi et christum amantis regis nostri , quem super terram regnare justum censuisti , in pace , et fortitudine , et justitia , et tranquillitate conserva . subjicito ei , deus , omnem hostem et adversarium , tàm nostratem quam externum . apprehende arma et scutum , & exurge in adjutorium ei . obumbra super caput ejus in die belli : fac , ut de fructu lumbi ejus sedeat super sedem ejus . loquere ad cor ejus bona , pro sancta tua catholica & apostolica ecclesia , & omni christum amante populo , ut & nos in tranquillitate ejus , tranquillam & quietam vitam degamus , in omni pietate & sanctitate . which latter prayer is only for christian kings , the former for pagan as well as christian , both founded on the tim. . , . but to omit these spurious , i shall proceed to true genuine antiquities . polycarpus the disciple of st. john , and the elders with him , about . years after christs nativity , in their c epistle to the church of god at philippi , precisely enjoyn them , to pray for kings , potentates , and princes , ( then all pagans ) and likewise for their persecutors , haters , and enemies to christs crosse , that their fruit may be made manifest in all things , and that they might be made perfect in christ. justin martyr in his d . apology for the christians to aelius adrianus , and antoninus pius the emperors , and the senate of rome , about the year of christ . thus relates the loyalty of the christians to them , both in paying tributes and praying to god for them , though pagans , and persecutors of christianity . d tributa vero & census iis qui à vobis constituti sunt , ubique in primis conamur pendere , quemadmodum ab eo ( christo ) instituti sumus : cum enim ad eum quidam adiissent , quaererentque , num tributum pendendum esset caesari ? qua 〈◊〉 qu : ●…x iis vicissim , cujus imaginem & simulachrum nummus haberet ? ac respondissent caesaris : rursus eis respondit●… reddite ergo quae sunt caesaris , caesari ; & quae sunt dei , deo. hinc deum solum adoramus ; vobis autem in alii●… rebus laeti servimus , regesque vos & principes hominum esse profitemur ; rogamusque ut ●…os , cum regali potestate , sanam bonamque mentem habere inveniamini . quod si nobis etiam precantibus , & in lucem omnia proferentibus , negligetis , nihil ex eo detrimenti capiemus , &c. at the end of this * apology , there is an epistle of marcus aurelius antoninus the emperor , to the senate of rome , in favour of the christians , reciting ; that when he and his army in germany , were surrounded with their enemies , and like to be destroyed by them , and for want of water , having not drunk any in . daies space , ●…e thereupon sent for the christians in his army , of whom ●…e found a great multitude , and would have compelled them with threats to fight , which he ought not to have done , because ●…e afterwards knew their force . hereupon they assaulted the enemies , not with any preparation of weapons , nor of arms , or trumpets ; but casting themselves down upon the ground , ( having god , as it seems , shut up in their minds and consciences voluntarily , though we call them atheists , ) they not only prayed that for me , but also for this army , they might be removers of the thirst and famin , wherewith they were pressed . so soon as they had c●…st themselves down upon the ground , and had prayed to their god , whom i knew no●… , presently there fell showers of rain from heaven , which were most cold upon us ; but upon the enemies of the romans there fell hayl in the shape and likenesse of fire . and it is also very likely god was presently at hand in the midest of their prayers , as invincible and indissoluble . wherefore begining from thence , we may grant to such , that they may be christians , lest they should request and impetrate any armes of this kinds against us . wherein it is acknowledged by this emperor , that all these christian souldiers , did in this extremity of danger , thirst and famine , pray for the emperor and his armies safety and deliverance from their enemies , though pagans , & that god instantly heard & answered their prayers , sending a comfortable rain to refresh them , and raining hail , and fire , and thunderboults from heaven on their enemies , which routed them without fighting ; whereupon this emperor indulged them liberty , to professe themselves christians , without any impeachment or molestation as formerly . tertullian ad scapulam lib. p. . thus relates the story . marcus quoque aurelius in germanica expeditione , christianorum militum orationibus ad deum factis , imbres in site illa impetravit . and in his apologeticus p. . et nos è contrario edimus christianorum protectorem , si literae m. aurelii gravissimi imperatoris requirantur , quibus germanicam sitim christianorum forte militum precationibus , impetrato imbri discussam contestatur . o●…osius l. c. . thus , milites christiani sub m. antonino merentes , pluviam in summa siccitate , & victoriam in ultima propè desperatione , a deo precatione sua impotrarunt . ea victoria marcomannicum bellum confecit , &c. nicephorus eccles. hist. l. . c. . relates the story at large : that the christian legion , kneeling down upon their knees , and imploring the help of god , in their extream thirst , danger and necessity , when they were thus praying , god smote their enemies , which pursued them , with frequent thunderboults ( whence they were afterwards stiled the thundering legion ) and refreshed and revived the emperors army , with sweet and pleasant showrs . tam efficaces scilicet nostrorum esse preces . hanc rem profani etiam historici tradidere : as apollinaris , and julius capitolinus in the life of m. antoninus . theophilus antiochenus patriarch of antioch , flourishing about . years after christ , under the emperours marcus aurelius , and commodus , in his d lib. . ad autolichum , contra christianae religionis calumniatores , writes thus concerning his and other christians practice in honouring and praying for , though not adoring the pagan roman emperor aud king. honorabo regem sive caesarem , non tamen adorabo , verum pro eo orabo . deum qui vere verus deus est adorabo , sciens caesarem ab ipso esse ordinatum . rex enim sive caesar deus non est , meminerit se esse hominem , a deo esse in hanc dignitatem promotum non ut adoretur , sed ut juste , quemadmodum justitia exigit , judicet . nam regnum sive imperium , rerumque administratio ipsi a deo commissa & demandata est . regem quidem sive caesarem honora : honora , inquam , magna cum benevolentia , subjectus ei existens et orans pro eo . haec faciens , dei voluntatem exequeris , nam divinae legis hic tenor est honora fili mi deum & regem , et nunquam eorum inobediens sis . subito enim hostes suos ulcisci possunt . this was the loyal doctrine , practice of this great patriarch , and the primitive church of antioch , ( where the disciples were first called christians ) to obey , honor , and pray for their very heathen king or caesar , as set over them by god himself , and that with chearfulness and benevolence , as duties specially commanded them by the tenor of gods word . ; irenaeus bishop of lions in france flourishing at the same time , as he affirms , adversus haereses , l. . c. . est ergo altare in coelis , illuc enim preces nostrae dirigendae ; so he asserts , lib. . p. , , . non diabolus determinavit hujus seculi regna , sed deus , regis enim cor in manu dei est : & per solomonem ait verbum , per me reges regnant , &c. which he likewise proves from rom. . , . whence he concludes , ad utilitatem ergo gentilium , terrenum regnum positum est a deo , sed non a diabolo , ( qui nunquam quietus est , imo qui nec ipsos quidem gentes vult in tranquillo agere ) ut timentes regnum humanum , non se alterutrum homines vice piscium consumant , sed per legum positiones repercutiant multiplicem gentilium injustitiam . et secundum hoc ministri dei sunt , qui tributa exigunt a nobis , in hoc ipsum servientes quae sunt potestates , a deo ordinatae sunt . manifestum est , quoniam mentitur diabolus , di●…ens , mihi tradita sunt , & cui volo , do ea . cujus enim jussu homines nascuntur , hujus jussu et reges constituuntur , apti his qui in illo tempore ab ipsis regnantur . quidam enim illorum ad correction●…m & utilitatem subjectorum dantur , & conservationem justitiae . quidam autem ad timorem & panam , & increpationem . therefore there is good reason for the church and christians to pray for them , though pagans and persecutors athenagoras atheniensis , a famous excellent philosopher , in his most excellent ( f ) apologia , sive legatio pro christianis , dedicated by him to the roman emperors , marcus aurelius antoninus , & aurelius commodus , not only justifies the loyalty , fidelity , and obsequiousness of all the christians then living under them , and prayers for them , against all the malicious calumnies of their slanderers and pagan enemies , worthy perusal , but likewise brings them in using this constant form of prayer to god for them , and their royal posterity , and their succession in the empire after them , both in publick and private . nos enim adeo vobis devoti addictique , pro imperio vestro preces ad deum fundimus , et ut filius ( quod justissimum est , let our antimonarchists observe it ) in regno olim parenti succedat , utque imperium vestrum magis magisque semper augeatur . denique , omnia ex animi sententia vobis eveniant oramus : quod & nobis salutare fuerit , ut quietam tranquillamque vitam degentes , vobis interim ad quaelibet imperia prompti inserviamus . grounding this their practice on the tim. . , , . as an evangelical duty prescribed to them by god. tertullian flourishing about . years after christ , is very copious in justifying the loyalty of all the christians in his age , to their very idolatrous persecuting roman emperors , together with their dutifull subjection to and prayers unto god for all of them , against the malicious accusations and complaints then made against them by their enemies ; i shall transcribe two of his passages to this purpose ( g ) sic & circa majestatem imperatoris infamamur , tamen nunquam albiniani , nec nigriani , vel cassiani , ( chief conspirators and traytors against their emperors ) inveniri potuerunt christiani ; sed iidem ipsi qui per genios eorum in pridie usquam juraverunt , qui pro salute eorum hostias et fecerunt , et voverunt qui christianos saepe damnarunt , hostes eorum sunt reperti . christianus nullius est hostis , nedum imperatoris , quem sciens a deo suo constitui , necesse est ut et ipsum diligat , et revereatur et honoret , et salvum velit cum toto romano imperio , quousque seculum stabit , tamdiu enim stabit . ; ( therefore they never attempted the deposition of the emperor , nor change of the imperial government , though pagan : ) colimus ergo er imperatorem sic , quomodo et nobis licet , et ipsi expedit , ut hominem a deo secundum : & quicquid est , a deo consecutum solo deo minorem . sic enim omnibus major est dum solo deo vero minor est sic & ipsis diis major est , dum & ipsi in potestate sunt ejus . itaque et sacrificamus pro salute imp : sed deo nostro et ipsius ; sed quomodo praecepit deus , pura prece ; ita nos oramus magis pro salute imperatoris , ab eo cam postulantes qui praestare potest . his passages in his apologia adversus gentes are most full : where he thus writes and refutes the gentiles objections of this kind against the christians . ventum est ad secundum titulum 〈◊〉 augustioris majestatis , &c. propterea igitur publici hostes christiani , quia imperatoribus neque ●…anos , neque mentientes , neque temerarios honores dicant , quia verae religionis homines solemnia eorum conscientia potius quam lascivia celebrant , &c. to which he returns this answer , fully clearing the loyalty of the christians to their persecuting pagan emperors , and constant prayers for them . insuper eos 〈◊〉 qui salutem imperatorum sciunt petere , qui ●…tiam possint impetrare dum sciunt 〈◊〉 . nos enim pro salute imperatorum deum invocamus 〈◊〉 , deum verum●…●…f d●…um vivum , quem et ipsi imperatores propitium sibi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 malunt , sciunt ●…uis illis dederit imperium , sciunt quis homines , quis & animas : 〈◊〉 deum esse solum , in cujus solius potestate sum , à quo sunt secundi , post quem primi , ante omnes et super omnes de●…s , homines , &c. inde est imperator , unde & homo ante quàm imperator ; inde 〈◊〉 , unde & spiritus : illuc suspicientes christiani * 〈◊〉 expansis , quia 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 nudo , quia non 〈◊〉 , denique sine monitore , quia de pectore 〈◊〉 , precantes 〈◊〉 semper pro omnibus imperatoribus , vit●…m 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 securum , domum tutum , exercitus fortes , 〈◊〉 fidelem , populum probum 〈◊〉 quiesum , quaecunque hominis et caesaris vola sunt . haec ab alio orare non 〈◊〉 , quam a quo sciam me 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 & ipse est qui solus praestat , &c. sic itaque nos ad deum expansos ungulae fodiant , cruces suspendant , ignes lambant , gladii guttura detruncant , bestiae insiliant , paratus est ad omne supplicium ipse habitus orantis christiani . h●…c agite boni praesules , extorquete animam deo supplicantem pro imperatore . hoc erit crimen ubi veritas & dei dev●…tio est . adeo lati nunc sumus imperatori , & mentiti vota quae diximus , ad evadendum scilicet . planè proficit ista fallacia . admittitis enim nos probare quodeunque defendimus . qui ergo putas , nihil nos de salute caesarum curare , inspice dei voces , literas nostras , quas neque ipsi supprimimus , & plerique casus ad extraneos transferent . scitote ex illis , praeceptum esse nobis , ad redundantiam benignitatis ( h ) etiam pro inimicis deum orare , et persecutoribus nostris bene precari . qui magis inimici & persecutores christianorum quam de quorum majestate convenimus in crimen ? sed etiam nominatim & manifeste , ( i ) orate ( inquit ) pro regibus , et pro principibus , et potestatibus , ut omnia tranquilla sint . uobiscum enim concutitur imperium . concussis etiam caeteris membris ejus , utique et nos ( licet extranei a turbis aestimemur ) in aliquo loco invenimur . est et alia major necessitas nobis orandi pro imperatoribus , etiam pro omni statu imperii , rebusque romanis , quod vim maximam universo orbi immin●…ntem , ipsamque clausuram seculi acerbitates horrendas comminantem , romani imperii commeatu scimus retardari . itaque nolumus experiri , et dum precamur differri , romanae diuturnitati favemus . sed quid ego amplius de religione et pietate christiana in imperatorem ? quem necesse est suspiciamus , ut eum quem dominus noster elegerit . ut merito dixerim , nosterest magis caesar , ut a nostro deo constitutus : itaque ut plus meo , plus ego illi operorinsalutem . &c. iidem sumus imperatoribus qui & vicinis nostris . malè enim velle , malè facere , malè dicere , malè cogitare de quoquam ex aequo vetamur . quodcunque non licet in imperatorem , id nec in quemquam : quod in neminem , for sitan magis nec in ipsum , qui per deum tantus est . si inimicos ( ut supra diximus ) jubemur diligere , quem habebimus odisse ? item si laeso vicem referre prohibemur , ne de facto pares simus , quem possumus laedere ? &c. after which relating the manner of the christians publicks assemblies , he addes . coimns in coetum & congregationem , ut ad deum , quasi manu facta precationibus ambiamus orantes . haec vis deo grata est . oramus etiam pro imperatoribus , pro ministris eorum , et potestatibus seculi , pro rerum quiete , pro mora finis , &c. and for their faithfull paying of tribute to the emperours without fraud , he subjoyns . sed caetera vectigalia gratias christianis agunt ex fide dependentilus debitum , qua alieno fraudando abstinemus , ut si ineatur quantum vectigalibus pereat fraude & mendacio vestrarum prosessionum , facile ratio haberi possit unius speciei querela compensata pro commodo caeterarum rationum . now that the primitive christians were not thus loyal to their pagan persecuting emperors , and prayed for them , from any base carnal fear , flattery , or want of power to resist them by force of arms , but merely out of conscience and duty towards gods commands , is evident by the premises ; and tertullians expresse words , who informs us , that the christians then were so numerous and potent , that they wanted neither number , nor power to resist and avenge their enemies , if they pleased , & could easily do it in one night , being * more in number than the mauritanians , marcomanni , or parthians , or any one nation of the world , confined but to one country , having then overspread the world itself . externi sumus & vestra omnia 〈◊〉 , urbes , insulas , castella , municipia , conciliabula , castra ipsa , tribus , decurias , palatium , forum ; sola vobis relinquimus templa . cui bello non idonei , non prompti fuissemus , etiam impares copiis , qui tam libenter trucidamur ? si non apud istam disciplinam , magis occidi liceret , quam occidere . potuimus et inermes , nec rebelles , sed tantummodo discordes , solius divortii invidia adversus vos dimicasse . and the forecited letter of the emperor marcus aurelius ( p. . ) imports as much . how then should this dutifull subjection , loyaltie , these frequent fervent prayers of the primitive christians , for the life , safety , continuance of the government , empire of their very persecuting pagan roman emperors , in consciencious obedience to gods commands , and out of these grounds of christian policy , for their own safety , tranquillity , and the publick good ; condemn the transcendent disloyalty , treachery , rebellions , antimonarchical conspiracies , practices , prayers , humiliations of many degenerated saints , and apostates in our age , against their lawfull hereditary christian kings , and their kingly government ; who upon the serious consideration of these premises , must either execrate , renounce , reform these their unchristian , antichristian practices , or else confess themselves to be no true , nor real christians ? origen flourishing about the year of christ . hath a most pregnant , full and punctual passage to my purpose , contra celsum , l. . operum , basiliae . tom. . p. , . postremo hortetur nos celsus , ut opem feramus imperatori totis viribus , & geramus ejus auspiciis justa piaque bella , neque detractemus militiam si res ita postulat . respondemus : feremus imperatori auxilia suo tempore , sed divina , ut it a loquar , nimirum armatura fretos non humana . idque facimus apostoli monitis obedientes , cujus haec verha sunt : obsecro vos primum , ut faciatis deprecationes , orationes , interpellationes , gratiarum actiones pro omnibus hominibus , pro regibus , & omnibus in potestate collocatis . et quo cujusque insignior est pietas , eo majorem opem imperatori fert , magis quàm stantes in procinctu milites , & occidentes quotquot possunt ex hosti●…us : possumus etiam sic respondere alienis a nostra fide , & ad militiam pro republica caedesque hominum nos vrgentibus . ecce vestrum quoqué numinum sacerdotes & delubrorum custodes dextras servant puras à sanguine causa sacrorum , ut incruentis impolutisque caede manibus victimas offerant solenniter iis , quos habetis pro diis , nec ullo bello delectos habetis è sacrificorum ordine . hujus moris si vobis constat ratio , quantò magis caeteris militantibus , non contemnenda est nostrorum hominum militia , manus quidem puras seruantium , decertantium autem fusis ad deum precibus pro legitimo imperatore , et pium justumque bellum gerente milite , ut destruatur quicquid est juste facientibus adversarium . itaque precibus nostris profligantes omnes bellorum excitatores daemones ac perturbatores pacis ac faederum , plus conferimus regibus , quam qui arma gesiant pro republica . labor amus autem pro imperio romano , dum justè viventes , vota pro eo facimus , exercentes jus in contemnendis voluptatibus , nec sinentes nos ab eis quovis pertrahi . sic nos prae aliis pugnamus pro imperatore , & licet cum ipso non militemus , habemus tamen castra propria pietatis auspiciis , et rem deprecationibus gerimus . quod si celsus jubet nos etiam praefecturis militaribus fungi pro patria . sciat nos hoe quoque facere , sed non in conspectu hominum ad captandam inanem gloriam ; in occulto enim mentis nostrae ad deum vota fundimus pro patria , haud secus quam sacerdotes : et plus beneficior●…m a christianis confertur in patriam quam a reliquis hominibus , dum cives erudiunt ad pietatem erga deum tutelarem patriae praesidem , ejusque viam ad coelestem quandam civitatem dei muniant , modo recte vivant , vel in exiguis civitatibus . how shonld this shame and reprove us now for neglecting this christian duty for our christian protestant kings and kingdoms ? st. cyprian , bishop of carthage ( who was martyred in the . persecution , under the emperors valerianus and galienus , anno . ) in his elegant book ad demetrianum proconsul of afric , who imputed all the wars , famins , wherewith the world was then afflicted , to the christians , writes thus of the christians prayers for and loyalty to their persecuting emperors and superiours . * nos qui exposita nativitate terrena , spiritu recreati & renati sumus , nec jam mundo , sed deo vivimus , non nisi cum ad deum venerimus , dei munera & promissa capiemus : et tamen pro arcendis hostibus , et preces fundimus ; et pro pace ac salute vestra , propitiantes ac placantes diebus ac noctibus ●…ugiter atque instanter oramus . on which passage , pamelius hath this observation . locus insignis pro antiquitate precum ecclesticarum communium ; qualis est etiam in tertul. & justin. apologiis . repe●…iuntur hujusmodi preces in litnrgiis etiam jacobi , clementis , basilii , chrysostomi . that the christians then prayed for their very enemies and persecutors , according to christs injunction , st. cyprian expresly asserts in his book , de bono patientiae , p. ●… . b. de zelo & livore , p. . a. testim . l. . ad quirinum , sect . p. . * dionysius , and othe rchristians , convented before emillianus the governour under the pagan emperour valerianus , anno . as if , they were enemies to the emperors , and prayed not to god for them and the empire , gave him this answer . nos omnes deum , deum omni●…m gubernatorem , qui valeriano & galieno caesaribus imperium largitus est , et colimus , et veneramur . huic e●…iam sine intermissione pro eorum regno , ut st●…bile et firmum man●…at , preces adhibemus . and can any christians think they do either god or their country good service , in giving over praying thus for their christian kings and kingdoms , and maintaining and continuing them both together ? arnobius a christian philosopher and rhetorician flourishing about the year of christ . under persecuting pagan emperors , in his disputationum adversus gentes , l. . antuerpiae , . p. , . writes thus , majestatis sunt apud vos rei , qui de vestris secus obmurmuraverint regibus . magistratum in ordinem redigere , senatorem aut convitio prosequi suis esse decrestis periculosissimum paenis , &c. soli sunt apud vos superi inhonorati , &c. nostra quidem scripta cur ignibus merverint dari ? cur immaniter conventicula dirui ? in quibus summus oratur deus , pax cunctis , et venia postulatur , magistratibus , exercitibus , regibus , familiaribus , inimicis , adhuc vitam degentibus : in quibus aliud auditur nihil , nifi quod mites , verecundos , pudicos , castos , familiares , communicatores rei , & cum omnibus , quos solidet germanitatis necessitudine copulatio . verum ita se res habet , ut quoniam plurimum gladiis , & potestate valetis ferri ( the case of our army-saints now ) anteice vos etiam veritatis scientia judicetis , et esse pro diis pios quorum potentia primi opinionum obscaenitate faedastis . in the reign of * constantine the great , a godly and devout christian woman being taken captive by the iberians , dwelling nigh the euxine sea , then idolators and barbarians , gave herself to continency , fasting and fervent prayer , during her captivity , the kings s●…n of very tender years , fell into a dangerous disease , whereof none to whom he was carried could cure him : at last they brought him to this christian captive ; who in the presence of many women , without applying any salve or medicine , laid her sackcloath upon him , and said only these words , christ which healeth many , will also heal this infant . when she had uttered these words , and also prayed unto god for ayde and assistance to heal and cure the disease , the child forthwith recovered and enjoyed perfect health . the fame of which cure being bruited amongst the barbarians wives , came at last to the queens ears , so that she was very famous . a while after , the queen herself fell sick , and this simple woman was sent for , who refused to go , for fear some violence should be offered to her . thereupon the queen being conveyed to her , she practised , and prayed to god for her recovery , as she had done before for the child , and forthwith the queen is rid of her disease . wherupon she thanketh the woman : who answer'd , it is not my doing , but christs the son of god , the maker of heaven and earth ; exhorting the queen to call upon him , and to worship the true god. the king hearing of this strange cure , commanded the captive woman should be bountifully rewarded ; who sending back his rewards , said , she wanted no riches , but esteemed godlinesse the greatest treasure , and that the king should receive a precious iewel , if he would acknowledge that god with she professed : whereupon the king and his queen long instructed by her in the christian faith , called all his subjects together by proclamation , to whom he rehearsed the manner of his sons and queens cure by this captives prayers , and what hapned to himself in hunting by praying to her god : then they preached christ to both sexes , the king to men , and the queen to women , after that built a house of prayer , turned christians , and sent ambassadors to constantine , for a bishop and clergy-men to instruct them further in the faith , protesting their further belief in christ : as the marginal historians more at large relate . here we have a captive christian by her prayers , healing the kings son , and queen of incurable diseases , under whom she was a captive , and converting the king , queen , and all his subjects to the christian faith by her prayers , and the miraculous cures wrought by them , and christs power concurring with her prayers : a strong obligation for christians to practise the apostles precept , tim. . , , . even for pagan persecuting king●… and princes , much more for christian , under whom 〈◊〉 live not as captives , but natural born subjects . st. amórose , hierom , s●…dulius , chrysostom , theodoret , primasius , * remigius bishop of rhemes , beda , rabanus maurus , haymo halberstatensis , oe●…umenius , theophylact , and all antients in their expositions and commentaries on the tim. . , , . with all modern expositors on this text , and st. augustin , de civitate dei , lib. . c. . resolve , that christians ought to pray publickly and privately to god for the life , safety , prosperity of pagan and persecuting kings , princes , governors , rulers , as well as those who are christians , by the apostles precept he being inspired with the same spirit as the prophet ; jeremy & baruch was , who sent an epistle to the captive jews in babylon , to pray unto the lord for the life of king nebuchadonozer , a●…d of his sons , and for the peace of the city , to which they were carried captives , because in the peace thereof they should have peace . and that upon the same ground , the servants of god ought to pray unto him for the lives of their kings , princes , and their sons , and the peace of their realms , though pagans , that they may the more freely serve god , and lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godlinesse and honesty , which they cannot do in times of war and persecution . if then this was the constant doctrine , practice , duty of all the primitive christians , bishops , ministers , fathers of the church , under their worst , bloodiest persecuting pagan and idolatrous emperors , kings , princes , thus constantly to make supplications●… prayers , intercessions , & thanksgiving unto god for them , and to be most dutifull , loyal , and submissive to them , without the least rebellion , insurrection , or treachery against them , as all these fathers clearly manifest ; then much more ought it to be so under their own lawfull hereditary christian kings and princes , for which i shall produce some notable presidents in former ages , after emperors and kings became christians , and imbraced the gospel of jesus christ , in the . & . chapters , reserved for a second part . chap. v. before i proceed to the practice of the primitive christians , and their successors in all empires , kingdoms , in praying , interceding , supplicating and giving thanks to god for their emperors , kings , and their royal progeny , whether orthodox or heterodox , after they became christians , i thought fit to subjoyn the practice even of pagan idolatrous subjects , in praying and sacrificing to their idol gods , for the long life , prosperity , happy reigns and succession of their pagan idolatrous kings and emperors , and their posterity over them , both at their solemn inaugurations , their ordinary addresses to them , and upon other occasions , and that as well for vitious , tyrannical , oppressive kings and emperors , as those who were most just , gracious , good , bountifull and beneficial to the publick . i have hinted before , p. . that the israelites borrowed their acclamations to , and prayers for their first king saul , at his inauguration to the kingdom , from the heathen nations round about them , who used to cry , god save the king ; o king live for ever , at their coronations , and addresses to them ; and likewise to offer sacrifices , and prayers to their gods for them and their sons , as is evident by ezra . , . c. . , , . compared with jer. . . baruck . , , . which i formerly insisted on . to which i shall adde , dan. . . where king nebuchadnezzar sending for all the magicians , astrologers , sorcerers , and caldeans , to interpret his dream ; when they came and stood before the king , and heard his demand , they spake thus to the king in syriack , o king live for ever : tell thy servants the dream , and we will shew the interpretation . dan. . , . when king nebuchadnezzar after this had erected a golden image , and commanded all to fall down and worship it , under pain of being cast into the midst of a fiery furnace : certain caldeans came near and accused the jews before the king , for not worshiping his gods , and the golden image he had set up , which accusation they thus prefaced ; they spake and said to the king nebuchadnezzar : o king live for ever : dan. . . when king belshazzar was very much terrified with the hand-writing in the wall , in the midst of his impious feast , which none of his astrologers , magicians , south-sayers and wise men could read or interpret , the queen thereupon came into the banquet-house , and spake and said : o king live for ever , let not thy thoughts trouble thee , nor let not thy countenance be changed , &c. so dan. . . when the presidents of the kingdoms , princes , governors , counsellors and captains of king darius , conspired against daniel , and urged him to make an impious royal statute ; that whosoever shall ask a petition of any god or man , for thirty days , save only of thee , o king , he shall be cast into the den of lions ; these presidents and princes assembled together to the king , and said thus unto him , king darius , live for ever . and v. , . when the king came to the lions den , after daniel was cast into it , to inquire of his safety : then said daniel unto the king : o king live for ever . from all which texts it is irrefragable , that it was the constant practice of the persians , babylonians , assyrians and caldeans , and of all their princes , governors , officers , astrologers , south-sayers queens , wisemen , courtiers , subjects , people in all their addresses & speeches to their kings , to use this salutation to , and prayer for them , o king live for ever ; and therefore much more to pray thus for them in their temples , and to use this acclamation and the like , at all their coronations and publick triumphs . hence theodoret in his interpretation on dan. . . on these words , rex in saecula , or , in aeternum vive : thus comments : haec autem er at praefatio , qua subjecti kegibus e●…s ●…unc salutabant , et ad hoc usque tempus hic mos invaluit : quidam enim imperiti , reges eos qui nunc sunt , ae●…ernos vocare consueverunt in syngraphis quoque commerciorum hoc quidam ascribunt , stultitiae magis quàm impietatis damnandi . ; and on dan. . he addes , usitatam praefationem ( daniel ) suis ser monibus praeponit , videlieet , liceat tibi 〈◊〉 diui●…me vivere : etenim in praesenti eti●…m 〈◊〉 reges in commerciorum scriptu●… is quidā appellare cons●…everunt . junius , c●…lvin and others on dan. & . & . & . observe ●…hat , o king live for ever , was a common salutation , and p●…ayer , used amongst the cald●…ans ; for fu●…ther proof whereof , i shall only adde one memorable president which aelianus , variae hist. l. . c. . records , it being the cnstom of the persians alwaies to present their kings with gifts when they travelled abroad , a certain persian named sinaeta , meeting king artaxerxes mnemon far from his house , being much troubled in mind , that he had nothing to present him with , according to the law & custom of the persians ; he therupon ran to the river cyru●… , and taking up a little water in the palms of his hands , came and presented it to the king , saying , o king artaxerxes live for ever , o rex artaxerxes regnes in ae●…rnum , nunc te prout poss●…m , & quomodo possum , te munere dono , ut non indonatus , quantum ad me attinct , & quantum in me est , praetereas . honoro autem te cyri aquis , &c. wherewith the king being greatly delighted , sent him an honorable and rich reward . to passe from the persians , babylonians , and chaldeans to the romans . it is evident by the testimonies of sundry ( a ) historians and fathers , that the idolatrous pagan romans did not only erect altars , temple●… , and statues to julius caesar , augustus , heliogabalus , and others of their pagan emperors ( wheras tyberius only prohibited the senate to build any temple for him ) and likewise swear by their names , altars , genius , & offer oblations to them , as if they were gods , which was most palpable flattery and idolatry : but also prayed and offered vows and sacrifices to their gods for their welfare and prosperity ; which was but loyalty and their bounden duty . i shall present you with some few instances of special vowes , acclamations , and prayers for them , instead of many more which might be added . the wanton poet ovid , banished into pontus for his lascivious love-poems by augustus caesar , prayed thus for his long life and prosperity during his very exile under his imperial indignation . ( b ) dii faciant igitur ( quorum justissimus ipse est ) alma nihil majus caesare terra ferat . utque biu su●… eo , sic sit sub caesare terra , p●…rque manus hujus tr●…dit a gentis eat . suetonius tranquil'us in the life of the emperor augustus caesar , c. , , , . thus relates the extraordinary acclamations , g●…lations , thanksgivings , prayers and snpplications of the people , senate , and provinces for aug●…stus the emperor ( under whose government christ was born . ) pro quibus 〈◊〉 quantopere dilectus sit , facile est aestima●…e . omitto senatus consulta , quae possunt videri vel necessitate expressa , vel verecundia . equites romani natalem ejus sponte atque consensu biduo semper celebraru●… . omnes ordines in lacum curtii , quotannis ex voto pro ●…lute ejus , stirpem jaciebant : item calendis januariis strenam in capitolio , etiam absenti , ex qua summa , pretiocissima deorum simulacra mercatus , vicatim dedical●… &c. re●…ertentem ex provincia , non solum faustis ●…nibus , sed et modulatis carminibus prosequ●… , observatū etiam est , ne quoties introiret urbem , ●…cium de quoquam sumeretur . patris pat●… 〈◊〉 universi repentino maximoque cons●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prima plebs , legatione antium missa : dein , quia non recipiebat , in●…unti romae spectacula frequens & laureata , mox in curia senatus , neque decreto , neque acclamatione , sed per ualerium m●…ssalum , 〈◊〉 mandantibus cunctis . quod bonū , inquit , sanctumque sit tibi , domuique tuae , caesar auguste ( sic enim nos perpetuam felicitatem reipub. et laeta huic precari existimamus ) senatus , te consentiente , cum populo romano consalutat , patriae patrem . cui lacry mans respondit augustus . patres c. quid habeo aliud , deos immortales precari , quam ut hunc consensum vestrum ad-ultimum vitae finem miht perferre liceat ? medico antonio musae , cujus opera ex ancipiti morbo convaluerat , statuam , aere collato , juxta signum aesculapii , statuerunt . nonnulli patrum familiarum , testamento caverunt , ut ab haeredibus suis , praelato victimae titulo , in capitolium ducerentur , votumque pro se persolveretur , quod superstitem augustum reliquissent . quaedam italiae civitates , diem , quo primum ad se venisset , initium anni fecerunt . provinciarum pleraeque super templa & aras , ludos quoque quinquennales , paenè oppidatim constituerunt . reges amici & socii , & singuli in suo quisque regno , caesareas urbes condiderunt , & cuncti simul aedem jovis olympici , athenis antiquitus inchoatam , perficere communi sumptu destinaverunt , genioque ejus dedicare . such was their devotion , loyalty and affection towards him . ( c ) cornelius tacitus records , anno ab urbe condita , . pontifices , eorumque exemplo caeteri sacerdotes , cnm pro incolnmitate principis vota susciperent , neronem quoque & drusium iisdem diis commendavere , non tam caritate juvenum , quàm adulatione . which tyberius the emperor took very ill , as equallizing these youngsters to himself who was aged , and checked the high priests for it . not long after , the ( d ) furthest parts of spain , sent messengers to the senate , to desire leave to build a temple to tyberius , as asia had done . whereupon he made a speech in the senate , refusing this addresse and adoration , concluding his oration in these words , proinde socios , cives , et de●…s , et deas ipsas precor hoc , ut mihi usque finem vitae , quietam et intelligentem humani divinique juris mentem duint illos , ut quandocunque conc●…ss●…ro , cum laude & bonis recordationibus , facta atque famam nominis mei prosequantur . ; in lib. . hist. c. . tacitus brings in marcellus , thus speaking in the senate : se meminisse temporum quibus natus est , quam civitatis formam patres avique constituerint , ulteriora mirari , praesentia sequi , vonos imperatores voto expetere , qualescunque tolerare . and annalium l. . c. . he records ; that thraseus peto a noble senator , was accused , and afterwards adjudged to death by the tyrant nero ; amongst other things objected against him by capito ; principio anni vitare thraseum jusjurandum solenne , nuncupationibus uotorum non adesse ( for the emperors life , health and prosperity ) quamvis quindecim virali sacerdotio praeditum : nunquam pro salute principis , aut caelesti voce immolavisse . his daughter being produced and interrogated to give in evidence against him , answered , nullos ( inquit ) impios deos , nullas devotiones , nec aliud infelicibus precibus invocavi , quam ut hunc optimum patrem tu caesar , et vos patres servaretis incolumem : on which passages , lipsius in his commentary , p. . & in excursu . p. , . proves ( out of suetonius in nerone , c. . & augustus , c. . plinies epistles and panegyric , ennapius in vita maximi , dio. l. tertulliani apologeticus , caius jurisconsultus , de verborum signif . & paulus jurisconsultus cited by lipsius in his commentaries , in c. plinii panegyricum trajano dictum p. . ) that it was a received custom amongst the pagan romans , quod post kalendas januarias , die tertio , pro salute principis uota suscipiuntur ; as also , pro imperii et populi . * caius caligula , being elected emperor , and entring rome , was received , tanta publica laetitia , ut tribus proximis mensibus , ac ne totis quidem , supra sexaginta millia victimarum caesa tradantur , to the gods for his happiness and prosperity , cum deinde paucos post dies in proximas campaniae insulas trajecisset , uota pro reditu suscepta sunt : ne minimam quidem occasionem quoquam omittente in testificanda solicitudine et cura de incolumitate ejus : ut vero in adversam valetudinem incidit , pernoctantibus cunctis circa palatium , non defuernnt qui depugnaturos se armis pro salute a gri , quique capita sua titulo proposito voverunt . when this emperor claudius was poisoned and very sick ; vocabatur interim senatus , uotaque pro incolumitate principis , consules et sacerdotes nuncupabant , as * cornelius tacitus relates . the emperor claudius nero , succeeded caligula in the empire , whose ( a ) beginnings were so just , wise , mild , as all men said , that a god was sent from heaven to govern rome : but degenerating at la●…t into a monster of vice and tyranny , among others , he banished his incomparable tutor seneca , and used him very ungratefully , who notwithstanding in his book , de consolatione ad polybium , cap. . , makes this honorable mention of , and prayer for him and his progeny . superstitem caesarem omnemque ejus prolem , superstitem te cum omnibus habes fratribus . non desinam totiens tibi ●…ffere caesarem . illo m●…derante terras , & ostendente , quanto melius beneficiis imperium custodiatur , quam armis , illo rebus humanis praesidente , non est periculum , ne quid perdidisse te sentias , in hoc uno tibi satis praesidii , satis solatii est . attolle te , & quotiens lachrymae suboriuntur ceulis tuis , totiens illos ad caesarem dirige : siccabuntur maximi et clarissimi conspectu numinis . fulgur ejus illos , ut nihil aliud possint aspicere , praestringet , in se haerentes detinebit . hic tibi , quem tu diebus intueris et nectibus , a quo nunquam sic●…is animum , cogitandus est , hic contra fortunam advocandus : nec dubito , cum tanta illi adversus omnes suos sit mansuetudo , tantaque indulgentia , quin multis jam solaciis tuum illud ●…ulnus obduxerit , nonnulla quae doliri obstarent tuo ingesserit . quid parco ? ut nihil horum fecerit , nonne parcius ipse conspectus , per se tantummodo 〈◊〉 caesar maximo solatio tibi est ? dii illum , deaeque omnes terris diu commodent , acta hic d. augusti , et annos vincat , ac , quamdiu mortalis est , nihil ex domo sua mortale esse sentiat . rectorem r●…mano imperio filium longa ●…ide approbet , et ante illum consortem patris , quam successorem accipiat . sera , et 〈◊〉 demum nostris dies nota sit , qua illum gens sua 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . abstine ab h●…e manus ●…ua fortuna , nec in illo 〈◊〉 tuam , nisi ex parte qua prodes , ostenderis : patere illum generi humano 〈◊〉 aegro et affecto ●…ederi : patere quicquid prioris principis furor concussit in locum suum restituere , et reponere . sidus hoc , quod praecipitato in profundum et demerso in ●…enebras orbi refulsit , semper ●…uceat . hic germaniam pacet , britanni●…m apereat , et patris triump ●…os ducat , et notos , quorum me quoque spectatorem futurum , quae primum obtinet locum , ex virtutibus ejus promittit clementia . nec enim sic me dejecit ut nollet erigere : imo ne dejecit quid●…m , sed impulsum a fortuna , et cadentem sustinuit , et in praeceps euntem leviter divinae manus usus moderatione deposuit . deprecatus est pro me senatum , & votum mihi non tantum dedit , sed etiam petiit . viderit qual●…m volet aestimari caussam meam , vel justitia ejus bonam perspiciet , vel clementia facieti utrumque in aequo mihi ejus beneficium erit , sive innocentem me scierit esse , sive voluerit ; interim m●…gnum miseriarum mearum solatium est , videre * misericordiam ejus totum orbem pervagantem ; quae cum ex ipso angulo in quo ego defossus sum , complures jam multorum annorum ruina obrutos effoderit , et in luc●…m reduxerit , non vereor ne me unum transeat . ipse autem optime novit tempus quo cuique debeat succurrere ; ego omnem operam dabo , ne pervenire ad me erubescat o felicem 〈◊〉 tuam caesar ! quae efficit ut quietiorem sub te agant vitam exsules , quam nuper sub caio ●…gere principes . non trepidant , nec per singulas horas gladium exspectant , nec ad omnem navium conspectum pavent . per te habent ut fortunae saevientis mod●…m , it a spem quoque 〈◊〉 ejusdem , ac praesentis quietem . scias licet ea demum fulmina esse justissima , * qui etiam percussi colunt . in this passage which i have at large transcribed , we have a most excellent prayer of seneca , even while he was in exile under nero to all the gods and goddesses , for his long life , happiness , prosperity , and his families too : the hereditary succession of his son after him , the happinesse of his government , the peace and inlargement of his empire , and triumph over his enemies : together with a large encomium of his clemency and his princely virtues towards others , and a benign interpretation of his severity towards himself : so as we might hereby conjecture , what some write of him to be a truth ; that he had read pauls epistles , ( especially the tim. . , . tit. . . rom. . he putting them here in practise ) and that there passed epistles between paul and him . there are some other passages in his works , wherein he makes short * ejaculatory prayers for nero , which i shall pretermit , this being the most observable and pathetical . only i shall insert one memorable discourse of his , d●…claring the grounds and reasons why subjects ought not only to pray for their kings , but to honour , love , yea hazard all their lives for their safety and defence upon all occasions , to set home the natural equity and justice of this duty of constant , fervent , publick and private supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings unto god for them . de clementia , lib. . ( dedicated to the emp. nero ) c. , . * illius demum principis magnitudo stabilis fundataque est , quem omnes tam supra se esse , quàm pro se sciunt : cujus curam excubare pro salute singulorum atque universorum cottidie experiuntur ; quo procedentenon tanquam malum aliquod aut noxium animal è cubili prosilierit , diffugiunt ; sed tanquam ad clarum ac beneficum sidus certatim advolant , objicere se pro illo mucronibus insidiantium paratissimi , et substernere corpora sua , si per stragem illi humanam iter ad salutem sternendum sit . somnum ejus nocturnis excubiis muniunt , latera objecti circumfusique defendunt , incurrentibus periculis se opponunt : neque hic est sine ratione populis urbibusque consensus sic protegendi amandique reges et se suaque jactandi quocunque desideraverit imperantis salus . nec haec vilitas sui est , aut dementia , pro uno capite tot millia excipere serrum , ac multis mortibus unam animam redimere , 〈◊〉 senis et invalidi . quemadmodum totum corpus animo deservit , & cum hoc tanto majus , tantoque speciosus fit , ille in occulto ●…aneat tenuis , & in qua sede latitet incertus ; tamen manus , pedes , oculi negotium illi gerunt : illum haec cutis munit , illius jussu jacemus , aut inquieti discur●…imus ; cum ille imperavit , sive avarus dominus est , mare lucri caussa scrutamur ; sive ambitiosus , jamdud●…m dexteram fiammis objecimus , aut voluntarie subsiluimus ; sic haec immensa multitudo , unius anima circumdata , illius spiritu regitur , illius ratione 〈◊〉 , pressura se ac ●…ractura viribus suis , nisi consilio sustineretur . suam itaque incolumitatem amant , cum pro uno homine denas legiones in aciem ducunt , cum in prima fronte procurrunt , et adversa vulneribus pectora feriunt , ne imperatoris sui signa vertantur ille est enim vinculum per quod respublica coh●…ret ; ille spiritus vitalis quem haec tot millia trahunt ; nihil ipsa per se futura , nisi onus et praeda , si mens illa imperii subtrahatur . — rege incolumi mens omnibus una , amisso rupere fidem . * hic casus romani populi exitium erit , hic tanti fortunam populi in ruinas aget . tamdiu ab isto periculo aberit hic populus , quamdi●… sciet ferre fraenos : quos si quando abruperit , vel aliquo casu discussos , reponi sibi passus non erit , haec unitas , et haec maximi imperii contextus in partes multas dissiliet ; idemque huic urbi dominandi finis erit , qui parendi fuerit . ideo principes , regesque , et quocunque alio nomine sunt tutores status publici , non est mirum amari ultra privatas 〈◊〉 necessitudines : nam si sanis hominibns publica privatis potiora sunt ; sequitur , ut is quoque carior sit in quem se respublica convertit . ollm enim ita se induit reipublicae caesar , ut didu●…i a●…terum non possit , sine utriusque pernic●…e : nam ut illi viribus opus est , ita et huic capiti . all which we have found true by sad experience . he addes , c. . quid pulchri●…s est ( ●…egi ) quam vivere optantibus cunctis , et vota non sub custode nuncupantibus ? si paulo valetudo titubavit , non spem hominum excitari , sed metum . nihil est cuiquam tam pretiosum , quod non pro salute praesidis sui commutatum velit ? omne quod illi continget , fibi quoque evenire deputet ? and should not christians , protestants , and our three distressed , distracted protestant kingdoms , nations , churches , upon these very grounds & reasons , shew as much cordial affection , loyalty , duty to their undoubted christian protestant kings and princes , as these pagans did to their heathen kings and emperors ? yea shall they not rise up in judgement against them before all tribunals of god and men , if they do it not ? con●…ider well of it , and declare your judgements herein . when the emperor titus was sick . g medendae valetudini leniendisque morbis , nullam divinam humanamque opem non adhibuit , inquisito omne sacrificiorum remediorumque genere ; the priests & people praying and sacrificing for his health . when his death was known : non secus atque in domestico luctu maerentibus publice cunctis , senatus prius quam edicto convocatus , ad curiam cucurrit ; obseratisque adhuc foribus , deinde apertis , tantas mortuo gratias egit laudesque , quantas congessit ne vivo quidem unquam atque praesenti . the heathen epigramatist and poet martial , flourishing under the pagan emperors , domitian and trajan , ( to whom he inscribes many of his epigrams ) hath these prayers for them . l. . epig. . de natali domitiani . caesaris alma dies , et luce sacratior illa , conscia dictaeum , qua tulit ida jovem . longa precor , pyleoque veni numerosior aevo , semper et hoc vultu , vel meliore nite . hic colat albano tritonida cultus in auro , perque manus tantas plurima quercus eat , hic colat ingenti redeuntia secula lustro , et quae romuleus sac●…a terentus habet . magna quidem superi petimus sed debita terris , pro tanto quae sunt improba vota deo ? epig. l. . epig. . ad jovem . nil pro me mihi juppiter petenti , ne succensueris , velut superbus . ●…e pro caesare debeo rogare , pro me debeo caesarem rogare . he begins his dedication of his . book , to domitia●… thus . imperatori domitiano caesa●…i , augusto , germanico , dacico , valerius martialis , salutem . and epig. l. . epig. . ad trajanum . he prayes thus for him , di tibi dent quicquid , princeps ●…rajane mereris , et rata perpetuo quae tribuêre , velint . qui●…sua restituis spoliato jura patrono , &c. epig. l. . epig. . precatur deos pro nerva trajano , in this form . sacra , laresque phrygum , quos trojae maluit ●…aeres q●…am rapere arsur as laomedontis opes ; scriptus & aeterno nunc primùm juppiter auro , et soror & summi filia tot●… patris . et qui purpureis jam tertia nomina f astis jane refers , nervae , vos precor ore pio ; nunc omnes servate ducem , servate senatum , moribus hic vivat principis , ille suis. and epig. l. . epig. . in commendationem nervae . recta fides , hilaris clementia , cauta potestas , jam redeunt ; longiterga dedère metus . hoc populi gentesque tuaepia roma precantur , dux tibi sit semper talis , et iste diu , &c. c. plini●…s secundus , in his epistles and panegyrick to the emperor trajan , hath many excellent prayers , vows , supplications , gratulations , and thanksgivings to the gods for his long life , health , prosperity , government , empire , in his own , the senates , souldiers , and provinces names , which are very pertinent and observable . epistolarum l. . epist. . c. plinius , trajano imperatori salutem ( the usual inscription of all his epistles to him ) he prayes thus for him . prec●…r ●…rgo ut tibi et per te generi humano prospera omnia , id est digna seculo tuo , contingant : fortem te et hilar●…m imperator optime , et privatim et publice opto . lib. . epist : . c. plin. tra. imp. salutem , solemnia vota pro incolumi●…ate tua , qua publica salus continetur , et suscipimus . domine , pariter et solvimus ; precati deos , ut velint ea semper solvi , semperque signari . to which trajan returned this answer , epist. . et soluisse vos cum provincialibus diis immortalibus vota , pro mea salute et incolumitate nuncupasse , liventer , mi secunde charissime , cognovi ex literis tuis , epist. . he thus mentions the publick joy & prayers made for him , and the oath of allegiance sworn to him , both by the souldiers , and people on the day of his inauguration . diem , domine , quo servasti imperium , dum suscipis , quanta mereris lae●…itia celebravimus , precati deos , ut te generi humano , cujus tutela & securitas saluti tuae invisa est , incolumem florentemque praestarent . * praeiimus & commilitonibus jusjurandum more solenni praesrantibus , et provincialibus , qui eadem certarunt pietate , juvantibus . to which the emperor returns this answer . epist. . quanta religione ac laetitia commilitones cum provincialibus to praeennte , diem imperii mei celebraverint libenter mi secunde charissime , cognovi literis tuis . epist. . opto domine et hunc natalem , et plurimes alios quam felicissimos agas , aeternaque laude florentem virtutis tuae gloriam , et incolumis et fortis aliis super a●…ta operibus augeas . to which trajan returned th●…s answer to pliny epist. . agnosco vota tua mi secunde charissime , quibus precaris , ut plurimos et felicissimos natales , florente statu reip. nostrae , agam . epist. . c. plin. tr. imp. s. uota , domine , priorum annorum nuncupata , alacres , laetique persolvimus , novaque rursus , ●…urante commilitonum et provincialium pietate suscepimus , precati deos , ut te remque ●…ublicam florentem et incolumem ea benignitate servarent , quam super magnas plurimasque virtutes praecipua sanctitate consequi deorum honore meruisti . which trajan thus answers , epist. . solvisse vota di●…s immortalibus , te praeeunte , pro mea incolumitate , et commilitones cum provincialibus laetissimo consensu , in futu●…mque nuncupasse , libenter , mi secunde charissime , cognovi literis tuis . in his * panegyricus trajano dictus , by the senates command , he begins thus . benè ac sapienter patres conscripti , majores instituerunt , ut rerum agendarum , ita dicendi initium , 〈◊〉 precationibus capere : qnod nihil ritè , nihilque providenter homines , sine deorum immortalium ope , consilio , honore , auspicarentur . qui mos , cui potius , quam consuli ? aut quando magis usurpandus , colendusque est , quàm cum imperio senatus , auctoritate reip : ad agendas optimo principi gratias excitamur ? quod enim praestabilius est , aut pulchrius munus deorum , quam castus , et sanctus , et diis simillimus princeps ? ac si adhuc dubium fuisset , fortè , casuque rectores terris , an aliquo numine darentur , principem tamen nostrum liqueret divinitus constitutum . non enim occulta potestate fatorum , sed ab ipso iove coram ac palam repertus , electus est , quippe inter aras et alta●…ia , eodemque loci , quem deus ille tàm manifestus ac praesens , quàm coelum et sydera insedit . quo magis aptum piumque est , te iuppiter optime maxime , anteà conditorem , nunc conservatorem imperii nostri , precari , ut mihi digna con●…ule , digna senatu , digna principe contingat oratio : utque omnibus , quae dicentur a me , libertas , fides , veritas , constet . talem , non bella civilia , ●…ec armis oppressa r. p. sed pax , et adoptio , et tandem exorata terris numina , dedissent . confugit in sinum , ●…um concussa respub : ruensque imperium super imperatorem , imperatoris tibi voce delatum est , &c. nec judicium hominum , sed deorum etiam in confilium assumpsit , itaque non tua in cubiculo , sed in templo , nec ante genialem torum , sed ante pulvina●… iovis opt. max. adoptio peracta est : quâ tandem non servitus nostra , sed libertas , et salus , et ●…securitas fundabatur . sibi enim dii gloriam illam vindica verunt : horum opus , horum illud imperium ; nerva tantum minister fuit , &c. ergo non aetas quemquam , non valetudo , non sexus retardavit , quò minus oculos insolito spectaculo impleret . te parvuli noscere , ostentare juvenes , mirari senes ; aegri quoque neglecti medentium imperio , ad conspectum tui , quasi ad salutem sanitatemque prorepere . inde alii se satis vixisse te viso , te recepto ; alii nunc magis esse vivendum , praedicabant . feminas etiam tunc foecunditatis suae maxima voluptas subiit , cum cernerent cui principi cives , cui imperatori milites peperissent . videres referta tecta , ac laborantia , ac ne eum quidem vacantem locum , qui non nisi suspensum et instabile vestigium caperet ; oppletas undique vias angustamque tramitem relictum tibi ; alacrem hinc atque inde populum : ubique par gaudium , paremque clamorem : tam aequalis ab omnibus ex adventu tuo laetitia accepta est , quam omnibus venisti : quae tamen ipsa cum ingressu tuo crevit , a●… propè in singu●…os gradus adaucta est . gratum erat cunctis , quod senatum osculo exciperes , ut dimissus osculo fueras , &c. quae cirumstantium gaudia ? quam recens clamor ? quam similis illi dies , qui hanc genuit diem ? ut plena altaribus , augusta victimis cuncta ? ut in unius salutem collata omnium vota ? cum sibi se et liberis suis intelligerent precari , quae pro te precarentur , &c. dent tibi caesar aetatem dii , quam mereris , serventque animum quem dederunt . quae ubique feruntur , quaeque expetuntur , omnes gentes invicem capiant & discant , quantò libertate discordi servientibus sit utilius , unum esse , cui serviant . quippe discretis quidem bonis omnium , sua cujusque ad singulos mala : sociatis autem atque permixtis , singulorum mala ad neminem , ad omnes omnia bona pertinent , &c. simili reverentia caesar , non apud genium tuum bonitati tuae , gratias agere , sed apud numen iovi opt. max. pateris : illi debere nos qufcquid debeamus , illius quod be●…e facias muneris esse , quite dedit . * &c : nuncupare vota , et pro ae●…ernitate imperii , et pro salute civium , imò pro salute principum , a●… propter illos pro aeternitate amperii solebamus . haec pro imperio nostro , in quae sint verba suscepta , operae pretium est , adnotare : si benè remp. et ex utilitate omnium rexeris . digna vota quae semper suscipiantur , semperque solvantur . egit cum diis , ipse te auctore caesar resp : ut te sospitem , incolumemque praestarent , si tu caeteros praestitisses : si contra , illi quoque a custodia tui corporis oculos dimoverent , teque relinquerent votis , quae non palam susciperentur . alii se superstites reip : optabant , faciebantque : tibi salus tua invisa est , si non sit cum reip : salute conjuncta . nihil pro te pateris optari nisi expediat optantibus ; omnibusque annis in consilium de te deos mittis , exigisque ut sententiam suam mutent , si talis esse desieris , qualis electus es . sed ingenti conscientia caesar , pacisceris cum diis , ut te si mereberis servent , cum scias an merearis , neminem magis , quàm deos scire , &c. capis ergo caesar salutis tuae gloriosissimum fructum ex consensu deorum : nam cum ex●…ipias , ut ita demum te dii servent si bene remp : et ex utilitate omnium rexeris , certus es te bene remp : gerere dum servent , &c. scis tibi ubique iurari , cum ipse ●…uraveris omnibus . nemo hoc sibi non praestat : amamus quidem te , in quantum mereris ; ist●…d tamen non tui facimus amore , sed nostri : nec unquam illucescat d●…es , quo pro te nuncupet vota , non utilitas nostra , sed fides , caesar. * super h●…c precati sumus , ut sic te amarent dii , quemadmodum tu nos : quis hoc aut de se , aut principi diceret mediocriter amanti ? pro nobis ipsis quidem haec fuit summa votorum , ut nos sic amarent dii , quomodo t●…si . estne verum quod inter ista clamavimus , o nos felices ! quid enim felicius nobis , quibus non jam illud optandum est , ut nos diligat princeps , sed dii quemadmodum princeps ? civitas religionibus dedita , semperque deorum indulgentiam * pie merita , nihil felicitati suae putat astrui posse , ni●…i ut dii caesarem imitentur . after which passages , he clozeth his panegyrick , with this prayer : in fine orationi praefides , custodesque i●…perii deos , ego consul pro re bus humanis , ac te praecipue capitoline jupiter precor , ut beneficiis tuis faveas , tantisque muneribus add●…s perpetuitatem . audisti quae malo principi praecabamur , exa●…di quae pro dissimilissimo optamus . non te distringimus votis , non enim pacem , non concordiam , non securitatem , non opes oramus , non bonores : simplex , cunctaque i●…a complexum unum omnium votum est , salus principis . nec enim nova tibi injungimus , tu enim jam tunc illum in tutelam recipisti , cum praedonis avidissimi faucibus eripuisti : neque enim sineauxilio tuo , cum altissima quaeque quaterentur , hic , qui omnibus excelsior , inconcussus stetit : praeterritus est a pessimo principe , qui praet●…riri ab optimo non potuit . tu elara judicii tui signa misisti cum proficiscenti ad exercitum tuo nomine , tuo honore cessisti . tu voce imperatoris quid sentir 〈◊〉 locutus , filium illi , nobis parentem , tibi pontificem maximum elegisti . qu●… majore fiducia , iisdem illis votis quae ipse pro se nunxupari jubet , oro et obtestor , si bene remp. si ex utilitate omnium regis , primum ut illum nepotibus nostris ac pronepotibus serves ; deinde ut quandoque et tribuas quem genuerit , quem formaverit , slmilemque fecerit adoptato ; aut si hoc fato negatur , in consilio sis eligenti , monstresque aliquem adoptari in capitolio deceat . h eutropius , pedro mexia , grimston in the life of trajan , and others record , that after trajans death , it was a usual custom in rome , conti●…ing til eutropius his time , & after , that when they powred out their blessings upon their new elected emperors , they would pray , that they might be as fortunate as augustus , and as good as trajan , accounting the one to have attained the heighth o●… happiness , and the other of all goodness . i julius capitolinus records , that whiles antonius pius governed italy , and ascended the tribunal , the people used this amongst other acclamations , auguste , dii te servent , augustus , the gods preserve thee . ( k ) uulcanus gallicanus relates , that when the letter of marcus antoninus , pius , the emperor to the senate of rome , was read in the senate-house ; the senate prosecuted his clemency therin expressed , with these acclamations and prayers , antonine pie , dii te servent . antonine clemens , dii te servent , antonine clemens , dii te servent . vincis inimicos , hostes ●…xuper as , dii te tuentur . when ( l ) commodus , after his election to be emperor was comming towards rome , he was received with incredible joy and solemnity in all cities through which he passed , for the great love to his father m. aurelius antoninus , and the hopes they conceived of him , that he would prove a good prince . in rome it self he was received with exceeding great joy , triumph , and blessings generally of all men , who strowed the way he went with flowers , making all the demonstratioas of joy that was possible , though he proved most cruel and vicious afterwards . ( m ) aelius lampridius stories , tha●… macrinus the emperor , understanding how acceptable the name of antoninus was to the souldiers and people , presented his son diadumenus to the captains and souldiers by the name of antoninus . whereupon they made these acclamations , macrine imperator , dii te servent . antonine diadumene , dii te servent . antoninum divum omnes rogamus . jupiter optime maxime macrino et antonino vitam . tu scis jupiter macrinus vinci non potest . all prayers for them . ( n ) aelius lamprid. informs us , when alexander severus was elected and enstalled emperor by the whole senate of rome in the house and temple of concord , after his com●…g thither , acclamatum est , auguste innocens , dii te servent . alexander imperator , dii te servent , dii te nobis dederunt , dii conservent , dii te ex manibus impuri eripuerunt . impurum tyrannum ( heliogabalum ) et tu perpessus es : impurum et obscoenum et tu vivere doluisti . dii illum irradicaverunt , dii te servent . infamis imperator ritè damnatus . felices nos imperio tuo ; felicem rempublicam . infamis unco , tractus est ad exemplum timoris : luxuriosus imperator jure punitus est . contaminator honorum jure punitus est . dii immortales alexandro vit am. judicia deorum hinc apparent . et cum egisset gratias alexander , acclamatum est , antonine alexander , dii te ser vent . antonine aureli dii te servent . antonine pie , dii te servent . antonini nomen suscipias rogamus , &c. in te salus , in te vita , ut vivere delectet . antoninorum alexandro vitam ut vivere delectet , et antoninus vocetur . antoninorum templa antoninus dedicet . parthos et persas antoninus vin●…at , sacrum nomen sacratus accipiat . antonini nemen , antonin●…rum nomen dii conservent . in te omnia , per te omnia , antonine ●…bemus . et post acclamationes , aurelius caesar a●…gustus , made this speech to them , grati a●… vobis , patres conscripti , non nunc primum , sed et de caesareo nomine , & de vita servata & augusti nomine addito , & de pontificatu maximo , & de tribunitia potestate & proconsulari imperio , quae omnia novo exemplo uno die in me contulistis . et cum dicere●… acclamatum . haec suscepisti , antoninum nomen tu sus●…ipe : mereatur senatus , mereantur antonini , an●…onine auguste dii te servent , dii te antoninum conservent . monetae nomen antonini reddatur . templa antoninorum , antoninus conservet . which name of antoninus he by two modest speeches refusing to accept : twice acclamatum est ut supra . upon his d. speech to put it off , acclamatum est , dii mala prohibeant : haec te imperante non timemus : de his te duce securi sumus , &c. upon his th . speech , acclamatum est ut supra . upon his th . speech to excuse the accepting of this name , ac●…amatum est , alexander auguste , dii te servent . vere●…undiae t●…ae , prudentiae tuae , castitati tuae , hinc intelligimus qualis futurus sis , hinc probamus , &c. alexander auguste , dii te servent . templa antoninorum alexander augustus dedicet . caesar noster , augustus noster , imperator noster , dii te servent , vincas , valeas , multis annis imperes . after his th . speech to them , acclamatum est , magne alexandre , dii te servent . and when by a th . speech he refused this title of magni alexandri , acclamatum est , aureli alexander auguste , dii te servent . as you may read more at large in lampridius . which done , the senate being dismissed , he returned to his house in triumph . * unspeakable was the joy , and infinite were the prayers and blessings , that by the senate and people were powred out upon him that day . this emperor ( m ) severus having conquered the persians , and made a brave triumph , and speech to the senate in rome , concerning this conquest , on the . of octob. he concluded his oration with these words . vestrum est supplicationem decernere , ne diis videamur ingrati : whereupon it follows , acclamatio senatus : alexander auguste , dii te servent . persice maxime , dii te servent . verè parthicus , verè persicus . trophaea tua & nos videmus , victorias & nos videmus . juveni imperatori , patri patriae , pontifici maximo : per te victoriam per germaniam speramus ; per te victoriam undique praesumimus : ille vincit , qui milites regit : dives senatus , dives miles , dives populus romanus , &c. * corippus thus relates and poetically describes the acclamations and the prayers of pagan romans , at the inaugurations of their emperors . augusti vitam laetis clamoribus optant ; post senium dicunt sese juvenescere : mundus gaudet , & antiquae repetit primordia formae . the pagan idolatrous romans accused and prosecuted the primitive christians as traytors and enemies to these pagan emperors , not only because they did not swear by their genius , nor adore , nor honour them as gods , as they did out of flattery ; but likewise because they refused to offer sacrifices , and prayers for them to their idol-gods , as they used to do : as justin martyr , athenagoras , tertullian , in their apologies for the christians , origen in his . book against celsus , st. cyprian and arnobius record in their forecited passages , wherein they answered and refuted this calumny as false . ( f ) tertullian , in answering it , informs us , that when the roman emperors besto●… any gift of mony or corn , amongst the common peop●… in congiario dividundo , etiam illa h●…ra qua acolamant , de annis nostris augeat tibi iupiter annos , notwithstanding these expressions of loyalty to and prayers for the emperor , they did yet secretly in their hearts wish for a new emperor . jam si pectoribus , ad translucendum quandam specularem materiam natura obduxisset , cujus non praecordia insculpta apparerent novi ac novi caesaris scena in congiario dividundo praesentis ? and not only the vulgar , but planè caeteri ordines pro autoritate religiosi , ex fide nihil hosticum de ipso senatu , de equite , de castris , de palatiis ipsis spirant . this he proves by the * cassii , nigri et albini , ( and other conspirators against the emperor severus , who notwithstanding this , conspired against and murdered the emperor , ) omnes illi sub i●…sa usque impietatis eruptione , et sacra faciebant pro salute imperatoris , et genium ejus dejerabant , aliiforis , alii intus . so that they usually prayed and sacrificed for their pagan emperors , though they were treacherous and perfidious to them , which no christians under them ever were . the emperor n maximinus and his son , being declared enemies by the senate , and after that slain by gordianus and his brother , who were thereupon declared emperors by the senate : upon the receiving and reading his letters to the senate , referring himself wholy to their determination . lectis literis , statim sen●…us acclamavit , gordiane auguste , dit te servent . felix imperes , tu nos liberasti , sal●…us imperes , tu nos liberasti . per te salv●… respublica , omnes tibi gratias agimus . after some questions propounded , concerning maximinus and his friends , ita a●…clamatum est , inimicus senatus in crucem tollatur . hostis senatus ubicunque feriatur . inimici senatus vivi exur antur . gordiani augusti , dii vos servent . ambo feliciter agatis , ambo felicit●…r imperetis , &c. after this there being a decree of the senate passed . recitatis in senatu , per balbinum augustum literis , acclamavit senatus . hostes populi romani dii persequuntur . iupiter optime tibi gratias . apollo venerabilis tibi gratias . maxime auguste tibi gratias . balbine auguste tibi gratias . tibi gratias gordiane auguste . divis gordianis templa decernimus , &c. sanctis●…mi imperatores gratias vobis agimus . maxime , balbine , gordiane , dii vos servent . victores hostium omnes desider amus : praese●…tiam maximi omnes desideramus . balbine auguste , dii te servent , &c. when o maruricius an af●…ican , had made an oration to the people at tysdrum , giving thanks to the gods , for giving them a necessary occasion to proceed against the tyranny of maximinus by proclaiming the gordians emperors : thereupon the people made this acclamation . aequum est , justum est . gordiane auguste , dii te servent . feliciter imperator es . cum filio imperes . after which the consul informing the senate , that both the gordians were nominated emperors in the great counsel of the africans , and thanking the gods , and them for delivering them from the monster maximinus . post haec liter as legit gordianorum , ad senatum , & ad se miss●…s . tunc clamavit senatus , dii vobis gratias . liberati ad hostibus sumus , si penitus liberemur . maximinum cum filio diis inferis devovemus . gordianos augustos appellamus , g●…dianos , principes agnoscimus . imperatores de senatu dii conservent . imperatores nobiles victores videamus . imperatores nostros roma videat . hostes publicos qui occiderit , praemium ●…erebitur . p misitheus , in his letter to the emperor gordianus tertius , his son in law , hath this passage diis ig●…tur gratias , quod ●…olente teipso emendata respublica est , &c , to which he answered . nisi dii omnipotentes romanum tuerentur imperium , etiam nunc per emptos spadones velut in hasta positi venderemur . when q vectius sabinus , had in his oration to the senate , declared the necessity of their electing and making maximus and balbinus emperors . post haec acclamatum est uno consensu , aequum est , justum est , sententiae sabini omnes consentimus . maxime & balbine augusti , dii vos servent , dii vos principes fecerunt , dii vos conservent . vos senatum a latronibus vindicate , vobis bel●…um contra latro●…s mandamus . hostis publicus maximinus cum filio pereat : hostem publicum vos persequimini . felices vos judicio senatus : felicem rempublicam vestro imperio . quod vobis senatus detulit , fortiter agite : quod vobis senatus detulit , libenter aocipite . his atque aliis acclamationibus imperatores facti sunt maximus & balbinus . ( r ) claudius julianus , concludes his letter to the emperor maximus ( whom he stiles pupienus ) and balbinus , with this prayer , dii pr●…stent , praestabuntque , hanc orbi romano faelicitatem nam cum ad vos respicio , aliud nihil optare possum quàm quod apud deos dicitur victor carthaginis precatus , ●…t scilicet in eo statu rempublicam servarent in quo tunc ess●…t , quod nullus melior inveniretur . i●…a ego precor , ut in eo statu vobis rempublicam servent , in quo ●…am vos adhuc nutantem collocavistis . ( s ) trebellius pollio relates , that when the senate was informed on the th . of march , that claudius was made emperor , the senate went to the temple of apollo , to celebrate divine rites , et lectis literis claudii principis , haec in claudium dicta sunt . aug. claudi , dii te nobis praestent ( dictum sexagies ) claudi auguste , principem te aut qualis tues , semper optavimus ( dictum quadragies ) claudi auguste , te respub . requirebat , tu frater , tu pater , tu amicus , tu bonus senator , tu verè princeps , ( dictum octuagies . ) at ( t ) another time , acclamavit senatus , claudi dux fortissimè , habeas virtutibus tuis , devotioni tuae , claudio statuam omnes dicamus , &c. felicem , te claudi judicio principum , felicem et virtutibus tuis , consulem te , te praefectum , vivas valerie , ameris a principe . the emperor ( u ) aurelianus in his wars against the m●…comanni , writ to the senate , ut inspiciantur fatales libri , quibus spes belli terminandi , sacrata deorum imperia terminantur . and by his letters , rogavit opem deorvm , quae nunquam cuiquam turpis est ut vir fortissimus admiretur . whereupou by the decree of the senate , the high-priests , senate and people went to the temple , and offered sacrifices , devotions , and solemnities to the gods for his good success and victory over his and their enemies . when ( x ) tacitus was nominated emperor by the senate , omnis senatus acclamavit , tacite auguste , d●… te servent : te diligimus , te principem facimus , tibi ●…ram reipublicae orbisque mandamus ; suscipe imperium ex senatus auctoritate , &c. and when he refu●…ed to accept the dignity by reason of his age , acclamationes senatus fuerunt , et trajanus ad imperium senex venit ( dixerunt decies , ) &c. antoninum tamen , non corpus eligimus ( dixerunt vicies ) tacite augustedii te servent . statimque acclamatum est , omnes , omnes . after this itum est ad campum martium : comitiale tribunal ascendit : ibi praefectus urbis aelius caesenanus sic locutus est . vos sanctisimi milites et sacratissimi vos quirites , habetis principem , quem de sententia omnium exercituum senatus elegit : tacitum dico , augustissimum virum , ut qui hactenus sententiis suis rempublicam juv●… , nunc juvit jussis atque cons●…ltis . acclamatum est a populo , felicissime tacite auguste , dii te servent , et reliqua quae solent dici . probus comming to the army when there wanted an emperor , quasi divino nutu undique ab omnibus acclamatum est , probe auguste , dii te servent . deinde concursus , cespititium tribunal : appellatusque imperator , ornatus etiam pa●…io purpureo , quod de statua templi ornatum est : atque inde ad palatium reductus , invitus et retrectans , et saepe dic●…ns . non vobis expedit milites , non mecum bene agitis . ego enim vobis blandiri non possum . after his letters read in the senat , their opinions being demanded , accl matumest , probe auguste , d●…i te servent . olim dignus , et fortis , et justus , bonus ductor , bonus imperator . exemplum militis , exemplum imperii , dii te servent . a●…rtor reipublicae felix imperes . magister militis felix imperes ; te cum tuis dii custodiant , &c. after which manlius statianus the president made an oration beginning thus , diis immortalibus gratias , et prae caeteris patres conscripti , iovi optimo , qui nobis principem talem qualem semper optabamus dederunt . si recte cogitemus non nobis aurelianus , non alexander , non antonini , non trajanus , non claudius requirendi sunt : omnia in uno principe constituta sunt , &c. decerno igitur , patres conscripti , votis omnium concinnentibus , nomen caesareum , nomen augustum , addo proconsulare imperium , patris patriae reverentiam , pontificatum maximum , jus tertiae relationis , tribuniciam potestatem . post haec acclamatum est , omnes , omnes . to pretermit all other presidents of this kind in histories , and in panegyrical orations , poems , epistles , and inscriptions by the pagan romans to their heathen emperors , expressing their prayers , supplications , intercessious , thanksgivings , acclamations , vows , applauses in behalf of their emperors both at their elections , inaugurations , confirmations , triumphs , congiaries , and all other occasions ; i shall conclude with these already cited , being full , punctual , and rarely taken notice of ; these pagans by the light of nature , punctually pursuing the apostles exhortation , tim. . , , . to the shame of those christians who neglect it . a corollary to the . precedent chapters . i should now proceed to the . remaining chapters , wherein i shall evidence by manifold notable punctual testimonies , presidents , and records , not vulgarly known . . the constant practice of the christians , and churches of this our island of great britain , from lucius the first christian king thereof , till jan. . . the day of king charles his bloody death , in making supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings unto god , for their kings , queens , and their royal posterity , both in publick and private devotions , and in their epistles & addresses to them , whether good or bad , pious or impious , orthodox or heterodox , gracious or tyrannical . . the universal practice of all the primitive christians , churches , fathers , councils under the roman emperors , and kings after they turned christians , and of their successors in all succeding ages to this present , in doing the like . . the usual special forms of prayers , collects , supplications and thanksgivings , at the solemn inaugurations and coronations of their emperors , kings and princes . but these being somewhat long , and requiring more time to digest and publish them , than i am yet master of , i shall reserve them ( god willing ) for a second part , if this find acceptation , as no doubt it will with all pious real subjects , truly * fearing god , and honoring their lawfull king. i shall therefore cloze up this part , with a few brief corollaries and conclusions , deduced from , and warranted by the premised chapters . . that it is not a meer arbitrary and voluntary , but the very bounden commanded , indispensible duty of every christian and subject whatsoever , but more especially of ministers and clergy-men , by the law of god , nature , nations , to make daily , hearty , fervent , constant supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings , unto god for their lawfull emperors , kings , princes , and their royal posterity where hereditary ; whether their emperors or kings be infidels , idolaters , papists , hereticks , persecutors , tyrants , or orthodox christians , protestants , just , righteous , pious , mercifull , and fathers to their people . and that it is not only a great sin and impiety against god , but a high contempt , indignity , disloyalty and treason to their soveraigns , to neglect and give over these duties , or coldly or rarely to perform them . . that these duties are more frequently , fervently and constantly to be practised by ministers and all other subjects and christians , in the times of their emperors , kings and princes greatest dangers , troubles , trials , distresses , exiles , necessities , sickn●…ss●…s , sufferings , afflictions , temptations , because then they need them most ; as well as private christians , churches , nations , as the ( a ) marginal scriptures will abundantly evidence . that it is not only unnatural , unchristian , and inhuman , but antichristian , tyrannical , treasonable , if not diabolical and atheistical , for any usurped powers or innovators whatsoever , not only to enforce subjects against their loyalty , consciences , the presidents of all christ●…ans , pagans , and the p●…ecepts of god himself , not onl●… by unrighteous , flagitious edicts and engagements t●… command and injoyn both ministers , & all other subjects to b abjure their former hereditary kings , their heirs & lawful successors , against all scripture presidents , laws , their former oaths of fealty , homage , allegiance , supremacy , protestation , vow , leagues & solemn covenant , to be true , loyal , faithful and obedient subjects to them , their heirs and successors , and to maintain and defend their persons , rights , jurisdictions and crowns , with their lives and estates , against all attempts , conspiracies , and machinations whatsoever ; but to inhibit under severe penalties , all publick and private prayers , intercessions , and thanksgivings unto god in their behalfs , even in their greatest extremities , when they stand most in need of them . and to commit , imprison , sequester , and cast any subjects into a lions den , for obeying god herein , rather than men , ( as th●… c high-priests heretofore committed and imprisone●… the apostles , and the d babylonian princes , and king , the prophet daniel ) the extremity of tyranny , impiety , and e devilish persecution , which god will most severely revenge , and recompence in due season . that for any professing themselves the chiefest of all saints , and men truly fearing god , to obliterate , deface , & remove out of all our churches , chapels , courts , publick halls & places , the arms of their lawful kings , to erect only a bloody crosse , and irish harp in their steads , and to deleate in some places these sacred texts of prov. . . my son fear thou the lord and the king , &c. pet. . . fear god , honour the king ; and in other places , honour the king , ( permitting fear god , to stand alone ) on the church walls , and other places where they were painted or carved near the kings arms , and to make such a strange divorce between these . sentences which god himself hath united and so strictly conjoyned both in the old testament and new : that so the ministers and people might be thereby deterred , not only from honoring & praying for their kings , as god enjoyns them , but induced to cast off the very fear & publick worship of god himself ; & provoked at last , to say with the despairing idolatrous revolting . tribes of israel , hos. . . we have no king because we feared not the lord , what then should & king do to us ? ( a crime whereof so me swaying grandees have been deeply guilty in our . kingdoms ) is in truth the highest strain of apostacy , irreligion , pr●…fessed atheism and contempt of god , that ever men professing themselves saints or christians were guilty of , in any age since the creation . and for others of them to say in the very church , and presence of god himself , with much passion ( as * one of the sitting juncto did very lately ) that the word king doth so stick in our ministers mouths and teeth , that it will never be well , till it be thrust and forced down their throats ( by force and armed tyranny ; ) only because mr. case , in his prayer after sermon , at st. martins church , on the lords day , prayed ; that god ( g according to his promise , and in his own sense and meaning , would be graciously pleased , to make kings to become nursing-fathers , and queens to be nursing-mothers to his church ; is such a transcendent strain of atheistical impiety , antimonarchical malice , brutish tyranny and barbarity , as should make our very hearts and loins to q uake , and will certainly draw down the extremity of gods vengeance on those who are guilty thereof , if not on our whole now miserably distracted , oppressed and almost ruined kingdoms , if not timely repented of . ly . that kings and monarchy , are the very best , most desirable , happyest , peaceablest , honorablest , safest governors and governments of all others in the world because in the first place , we are commanded , obliged by god himself , to make supplications , intercessions , prayers and thanksgivings unto him for them , that under them 〈◊〉 live a peaceable and quiet life , in all godlinesse and honesty ( but never for a commonwealth by name ) and all christian , nations in all ages , have accordingly practiced it , as the premises and second pa●…t , will abundantly demonstrate . ly . that ever since we neglected , disused and gave over this publick christian duty for our just hereditary kings , their heirs , successors , and royal posterity , and have abandoned , abjured , engaged against them and kingship , we have never had , nor enjoyed a quiet and peaceable life , in church or state , and have generally abandoned all real godlinesse and honesty , which are hardly to be found in any of our . kingdoms , especially amongst our grandees , army-officers , and those refined , sublimated saints of the last edition , who most pretend unto them ; and have done , acted , voted , setled nothing , that is good or acceptable in the sight of god the father , or tending towards the temporal or eternal salvation of all men , and reducing them to the knowledge , much lesse the practice of the truth ; but we have been still disquieted , vexed , oppressed , tormented with endless wars , tumults , revolutions of governors and governments , intollerable taxes , excises , losses , decay 〈◊〉 trade by land and sea , errors , schismes , sects , heresie●… blasphemies of all sorts , and an inundation of all vices sins , hypocrisies , perjuries , treacheries and wickednesses which may hasten our total and final dissolution , without any hopes of mercy , restauration or future settlement , or hearts or wisdom to lay hold of those manifold opp●…rtunities which gods wonder-working providence hath put into our hands , to preserve and restore us , if timely laid hold on and improved by us for that end . . that the only ready , hopefull , christian , divine and most effectual means now left , and prescribed by god to every private minister , christian family , church , and our three ruined , lacerated , distracted kingdoms , to recover and restore their long expected , and vainly endeavoured pristine peace , quietness settlement , trade , godliness , honesty , honor , prosperity , the saving knowledg , power , sincere profestion and truth of the gospel , with all other blessings of this and a better life ; and to put a period to all future wars , revolutions , tumults , oppressions , tyrannies , taxes , heresies , blasphemies , and jesuitical designs , now threatning ruine both to our churche , kingdoms , families and poste●…ities , is for all and every of them , publickly and privately to revive and practise these duties with constancy , frequency , zeal , fervency , resolution for our undoubted hereditary king , and the royal posterity in their and our greatest distresses , according to the premised commands and presidents , recorded in scripture by god himself , and the presidents of all gods saints and people in former ages , maugre all oppositions , or inhibitions of poor despicable mortals ; the long neglect and discontinuance of this sacred duty and most effectual remedy , being ( as i fear ) the principal cause of the long continuance and encrease of their and our miseries , afflictions , pressures , and sad confusions . if then the serious consideration of gods own reiterated injunctions , the presidents of fathers , christians , saints , martyrs , subjects inall ages , yea of the very pagans themselves , and the many oaths , vows , covenants , protestations , declarations , remonstrances , we have formerly made , with our own and our ancestors constant practice of these dutyes for many hundreds of years , will not perswade us hereunto ; yet let the consideration of our personal and national preservation , establishment , peace , settlement , prosperity both as men and christians ; and the cheapness , easiness of this homage and duty to god , our king , country , & our selves ( which all * exes , ages though mean , poor in purse , or feeble in body , unable to assist and ayd their soveraign or country in either , are as able to perform , as well as the noblest peers , the richest subjects the valiantest souldiers , or the wisest states men , ) now at last excite and engage them unanimously , conscien●…iously and fervently to perfom them both in publick and private . to induce them more chearfully thereunto , i shall recommend unto them this memorable obser●…ation , and seasonable passage of st. b●…sil the great , famous in his gene●…ation , and in the church of christ. * being by the goodnes and benignity of my most good god , through the grace of our lord jesus christ , according to the operation of the holy ghost , delivered from the error of the gentiles traditions , and long ago , even from the beginning educated by christian parents , i verily learned the holy scriptures from them , ●…om my childhood , which brought me into the knowledge of the truth : but when i became a man , and had very frequently used peregrinations , and had fallen into the consideration of many things , as was meet ; i verily found in other arts & sciences much concord amongst those , who exactly exercise singular arts : but in the church of god , only and for which christ dyed , and into which he hath abundantly and richly powred forth his holy spirit , i observed the greatest discord , and vehement dissentions of many , both between themselves , and also against the divine scripture : and that which is most horrid , the very presidents of the church constituted in so great a dissention both of mind , and opinions between themselves , and fighting against the commands of our lord jesus christ , with so great contrariety , as even cruelly to dissipate the church of christ , and to disturb his redeemed flock , without any commiseration ; that even on these now , if ever when wicked men went out and flourished , that of the apostles may be fulfilled b out of your selves shall aris●… men , speaking perverse things , that they may draw disciple●… a●…r them . when i discerned these things and the like , and doubted what , and whence the sourse of so great an e●…l might be , at ●…irst i was as it were in some thick dark●…sse , and as if ●…t in a ballance , i did turn my self now on this side , now on that side ; onescale drawing me to it sel●… , by reason of thelong custom of men , but the other pulling me back for the truth acknowledged in the holy scripture . now when as this ●…ad for some space , and very 〈◊〉 hapned , whiles i was searching out the cause of this ●…vil , as i have related , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the book relating the history of the judges , came into my mind , where it is written , c that every one then did what seemed right in his eyes , and the cause thereof is declared together with it , in that which is premised ; that in those daies , there was no king in israel therefore remembring these things , i did think even of these present dissentions , that which truly is ●…errible to be spoken , and perchance a paradox ; but if it shall be considered and weighed , is most true , that peradventure even now , for the contempt of one great , true and only king of all , there is so great dissention and fighting among those who are in the church of christ , whiles every one hath revolted from the doctrine of our lord iesus christ , and challengeth to himself by his * own authority , his own cogitations and definitions ; and would rather reign against the lord , than be subject to the lord , and be governed by him . when i searched this with my self , and stood amazed at this monstrous impiety , & did yet further search it out , i was farther perswaded , that the foresaid cause was true , by nothing more then from the things of this life . for i saw every state of a multitude , well compounded , and to obtain agreement and consist together , so long only as their obedience was kept towards * some one king over them all ; and on the other side , that dissention and division of every kind , yea and moreover polyarchy did arise from hence , if there being no king , there was a liberty obtained of doing any thing we would . i have seen sometimes even a swarm of * bees from the law of nature to wage war , and in order to follow their own king ; and tr●…ly i my self have beheld many such things , and i have also heard many such things , and those know more who are imployed about these things ; that even from hence , that i have said may be proved to be true ; for it is the property and peculiar of those , who 〈◊〉 unto the command of one , and obey and use one king , that they are & may be well disposed and at concord among themselves ; therfore all d ssention & discord , is both a iudgment and sign of that contumacy , wherein the principality of one is rejected . according to the same reason , even the very dissention which is forbidden both between the commandements of our father and our lord , and also between our selves , 〈◊〉 , either from a departure from the true king , or from the r●…uncing of him : which he there further proves from sundry texts . therefore by his and gods own resolution , there is no way to heal our manifold dissensions , distractions , and restore peace , unity , order in our church and state , but by returning to our t●…ue lawfull spiritual and temporal only kings , both whom we have most contemptuously and obstinately so long rejected , both in ●…ur dev●…tions & legal transactions , our church and state affairs ; which i wish all republicans & antimonarchists most seriously to ponder , and our new junctoes , and general council of army-officers , seduced and acted by * campanella , spanish and romish emissaries , to promote our ruine ; who of our servants are now become our soveraign lords and legifers , changing their lunatick votes , resolutions , moddels of government , as frequently as the moon , to keep us in endless confusions , by trampling all laws of god , and the realm , and their spiritual as well as temporal king , and monarchy under their feet . but this king of kings , as he hath of late years dashed them in pieces by his admirable stupendious providences , ( of which they will not take notice ) for this their obstinate opposition of and rebellion against their kings , monarchy and kingship ; prov. . , . so no doubt , ( a ) he that sitteth in the heavens , if they therein still proceed , will laugh at them , and their antimonarchical votes , the lord shall have them in derision ; yea he shall speak unto them in his wrath , and vex them in his sore displeasure , he shall break them with a rod of iron , and dash them in pieces like a potters vessel . maugre all their forces , votes , counsels , confederacies , and make good those general promises , ( b ) yet have i set my king upon my holy hill of sion . ( c ) rule thou in the middest of thine enemies . ( d ) the lord reigneth , let the earth rejoyce ; let the mul●…de of the isles be glad thereof . yea the lord reigneth , be the p●…ple never so impatient , he ●…tteth between the cher●…bine , be the earth never so unquie . ( e ) great deliverance giveth he unto his king , and sh●…th mercy to his anointed , to vid , and to his seed for evermore . and that which is most considerable , their own transcendent , unpresidented , tyrannical , illegal , unrighteous , violent proceedings against the whole house of peers , the majority of their own secluded , ejected old fellow-members , the city of london , and their common council , ( their former chief supporters , ) whom they have now made the scorn and derision of the world , by voting down their common council , and pulling down their gates , percullises and posts , before any hearing , or judgement , and putting higher affronts upon them after all their former obligations , and the late kings large privileges granted to them in the isle of weight , than ever any kings of england formerly did , or durst attempt ; their dis-obliging and dis-carding all or most of those army-officers and souldiers who first created them a parliament , without a king or house of lords , and restored them to their present power in may last ; and engaging others of them in such displeasing services , as do render them odious for the present , and infamous to posterity ; their exasperating the generality of the nobility , gentry , ministers , and commons of our three kingdoms against them , by their peremptory denyal to admit , and forcible seclusion and voting out the old secluded members , ( the majority of the house ) to monopolize all parliamentary power and offices into their own hands , and refusing the convening of a free and full parliament , without prelimitations , to settle our distractions , according to the general desires and addresses of most counties and cities of the kingdom , and imprisoning some worthy gentlemen & swordmen , only for presenting at their counties requests , these their desires in letters , directed to their speaker , and unjustly refusing to bayl them upon habcas corporaes . in courts where they sit both as members and judges , and parties , which none ever did before ; thereby leaving the subjects in greater vassalage , than ever they sustained under the late king , whom they * branded and beheaded as the worst of all tyrants . and yet doubling and trebling their taxes , in their exhausted condition , and losse of all trade for those very . months space , for which they were taxed and forced to pay in before hand by them , without their common consent in parl d●…ring their representatives forcible seclusion , against their own act oct. . . contrary to all their former & late declarations , no kings of engl●…nd having been so extra vagant , arbitrary , unjust & oppressive in their governments and proceedings , as they have been , and that in the very midst of their own private sears and unsettlement , and our publick dangers , after all the late vast expences of blood , and treasure , to maintain our laws , liberties , propertys against all arbitrary and tyrannical powers ; nor yet daring to attempt against their subjects , what they have boldly acted against their fellow members , and the people , whom they once * voted the sovereign power of the nation , & whose servants ( not lords ) they pretend themselves ; which desperate violences , oppressions , and extravagances , without any hopes of ease , peace , liberty or settlement , will render our kings and kingshi●… more amiable and desirable than ever , and more promote , and accelerate their restitution , than all royallists counsels and endeavours whatsoever , in wise mens judgements . cum duplicantur lateres , venit moyses . tim. . . now unto the king eternal , immortal , invisible , the only wise god , be honor and glory for ever and ever . amen . finis . errata . p. . l. . last , r. middle . p. . l. . , r. . p. . l. . discis , ●… . dejicis . l. . r. dolori . p. . l. . dele si . p. . l. . r. orationis . l. . nuncupari . l. . antoninus . margin , p. . l. . antoninus . l. . p. , ●… . . the second part of the signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians under the gospel , ( especially in this our island ) towards their christian kings & emperors , whether orthodox or heterodox , virtuous or vicious , protestants or papists , protectors or persecutors , ever since their kings and emperors first became christian , till this present . expressed in , and evidenced by their publike and private supplications , prayers , intercessions , thanksgivings , options , acclamations , for their long life , health , safety , prosperity , victory over enemies , temporal , spiritual and eternal felicity ; peaceable , just , glorious reign over them , &c. and likewise for their queens , children , royal posterity , realms , armies , counsels , officers . largely manifested both in point of theory and practice in a chronological method , by fathers , councils , ecclesiastical histories , liturgies , missals , books of publike and private prayers , poems , panegyricks , epistles , records , charters , and authors of all sorts and ages . together with the various forms of prayers , supplications , collects , votes , and acclamations used at the coronations of emperors and kings , especially of our ancient and late kings of england and scotland ( not hitherto published . ) by william prynne esq a bencher of lincolns inne . psal. . . lord remember . david , and all his afflictions . psal. . , . sing prayses unto our god. sing prayses ; sing praises unto our king , sing praises . for god is the king of all the earth , sing ye praises with understanding . sam. , and he bowed the heart of all the men of judah , even as one man. so as they sent this word unto the king ; return thou and all thy servants : so the king returned and came to jordan ; and all judah came to gilgal , to go to meet the king , to conduct the king over iordan . london printed by t. childe , and l. parry , and are to be sold by edward thomas at the adam and eve in little britain , . the second part of the signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians towards their kings . having lately presented the world , with the first part of the signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians ( as likewise of idolatrous pagans ) towards their kings and emperors , both before and under the law , and also under the gospel , whiles their emperors and kings were idolaters and ethnicks , expressed both by their private and publick supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings unto god , & by their votes , acclamations unto themselves & others , for their health , safety , long-life , temporal , spiritual , and eternal felicity , whether they were good or bad , orthodox or heterodox , protectors or persecutors , in . distinct chapters , i shall now ( by gods assistance ) proceed to the constant practice of christians under the gospel , in this kind , after their kings and emperors became christians , professing the gospel of jesus christ , whether their kings and emperors were gracious , and religious , vitious or impious , orthodox or erronious ; beginning with the kings of our own island , and presenting you with presidents of this kind , both in forein prelates , and clergy-men , as well as in their domestick christian subjects of all sorts , our british island producing the first christian king , queen , and emperor in the world , and the first presidents of private and publick supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings for them , unto god , and votes , acclamations for their safety , health , life and prosperity , as they were christian. chap. vi. the very first christian king , professing the christian religion under the gospel , mentioned in history , is lucius , king of the britons , reigning in this our island ; this king ( a ) anno christi . ( as radulphus baldoc , the chronicle of gisburn , the antient manuscript d. primo statu landavensis ecclesiae , and bishop usher out of them relate ) sending two embassadors to pope elutherius , most earnestly and devoutly intreating him , that by his command and will he might be made a christian ; this pope thereupon granting his request , gratias agens deo suo , &c. giving thanks to his god , and singing , glory be to god on high , for joy that this king and nation , who had continued gentiles from the first peopling of the island by brute , did so ardently hasten to the faith of christ , sending eluan , and meduin to convert them . after which this ( b ) king lucius in the year . or sooner , as some , or in the year . or later , as others think it ; writing a letter to pope elutherius , to send him a copy of the imperial laws to govern his nation by them ; this pope in the conclusion of his epistle ( in answer to the kings letter ) inserted this devout prayer unto god in his behalf . det vobis omnipotens deus , &c. almighty god grant you so to rule the kingdom of britain , that you may reign for ever with him , whose ●…car you are in the realm aforesaid . if this pope , ( though a forein prelate ) thus prayed to god for this first christian king , no doubt his own christian bishops & ministers , ( whom he endowed with ample possessions and maintenance ) and his christian subjects , in their private and publick prayers , and devotions to god , and in their epistles and addresses to him , did much more imitate his example , in pursuit of the apostles precept , tim. . , , . as all the primitive christians did even for their pagan kings and emperors , ( as i have evidenced in the precedent chapters ) though we find no expresse mention thereof in our british histories . c the first christian queen in the world was helena , daughter of king coel ; whose son constantine the great , born and first created emperor in our island of britain , was the first roman emperor , who publickly professed the christian faith , and instituted publick prayers to be made unto god by his souldiers , people and subjects , whether christians or ethnicks , for himself , his sons , and his posterity ; who constantly powred forth their supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings unto god for his life , health , safety , victories , and successes , as well in this our island , as in all other places of his empire ; as these passages of eusebius , who lived in his court , and flourished under him , will aboundantly evidence . this godly christian emperor ( c ) constantine , before his battel with the persecuting tyrant licinius , dedicated a certain vacant time to powr forth prayers to our saviour christ in the taberna●…le of the crosse , which he fixed far remote from his camp : where afflicting his body with fasting and abstinence , he powred out prayers & supplications to god to reconcile him to himself , and become his gracious protector : in which duty he imployed certain persons , whom he reputed eminent both for faith and piety , to joyn with and assist him in the performance thereof , as he usually did upon other occasions before every battel with the enemy . after which having vanquished licinius , and by his death obtained the sole power , and government over the roman empire ; omnes ubique victorem hymnis celebrabant , tum choreis & hymnis primum deum , summum omnium regem esse praedicarunt : deindè victorem constantinum , ejusque f●…os modestissimos , deoque charos caesares , acclamationibus continuis extulerunt . after which this godly emperor to excite his subjects to prayers , was d portrayed in all his coyns & statues standing upright with his eyes looking up , and his hands stretched forth and elevated towards heaven , as if he were praying , & prescribed all his legions , and soldiers , as well pagans as christians , this set form of prayer in the roman tongue , which they were to use and recite every lords day , & in their daily prayers , with their hands and eyes lifted up to heaven unto god the giver o●… all good thi●…gs , and author of victory . e te solum deum agnoscimus , &c. we acknowledge thee to be god alone ; we professe thee to be king ; we invocate thee our helper : by thee we have obtained victories ; by thee we have overcome enemies : from thee we conf●…sse we have received present , & hope that we shall obtain future felicity . tui omnes supplices sumus , abs te petimus , ut constantinum imperatorem nostrum , unà cum piis ejus liberis quàm diutissime nobis salvum & victorem conserves : we are a●…l supplicants unto thee . we all request from thee , that thou wouldest conserve our emperor constantine together with his pious children , safe and victorious to us , for many generations , or , as long as possible may be , or for ever . ejusmodi ferè sanciebat a militibus solis die fieri , talesque ab eis voces in diurnis precibus adhiber●… . which prayers no doubt were used in this our island of britain , ( where he was born and crowned ) by his soldiers , and other subjects , for him and his royal posterity , as well as in other places : the churches and christians then in britain , concurring both in their doctrine and practice , with the churches in rome , italy , aphrick , aegypt , spain , france , lybia , greece , asia , pontus and cilicia , as f constantine himself records in his epistle to all churches concerning the affairs of the council of nice , anno . but of this more in the next chapter . it is the observation of thomas rudburne , the history of winton church , and bishop usher out of them , ( g ) orationes ac deprecationes justorum assiduae cum multum valeant apud justum judicem deum ; ascenderunt lacrymae suorum fidelium in conspectu conditoris altissimi ; & sedatum est gravissimae persecutoris ac percussionis jaculum fulminosum , completo videlicet spatio viginti duorum annorum : undè christiani qui priùs in sylvis opacissimisque locis se posuerant ( within this our island of britain , as well as in other places , during the reigns of dioclesian , maximinian and licinius , who grievously persecuted them ) in publicum se ostendentes ( under constantine the great ) renovant ecclesias quae usque ad solum undique erant destructae . quo in tempore aedificata est ecclesia wintoniensis secundò ab christi fidelium oblationibus . the christians daily prayers and tears to god in this our island , being the principal means to cease their former persecutions under their cruel pagan emperours , and to procure them peace and prosperity under this first christian emperor constantine , for whose long life , and prosperous reign they daily prayed unto god in the churches they re-edified and repaired during his pious reign . * guithelin , archbishop of london , in the the year of our lord . being ●…ent by the christian britons of our island , into britain in france , to crave ayde against the barbarous nations , who invaded , murdered , spoyled , and miserably oppressed them ; thereupon androenus king of the french britons sent his brother constantine with . men unto them , upon condition they should elect and crown him for their king. which expedition constantine undertaking , guithelin thereupon brake out into these gratulatory acclamations and prayers unto christ for him . christus vincit , christus regnat , christus imperat . assit igitur gratia christi regi britanniae qui est defensio nostra , ut insulam miserimam ad pristinam reducat libertatem . christ overcommeth , christ reigneth , christ commandeth . therefore let the grace of christ be present and assistant to the king of britain who is our defence , that he may reduce the miserable island to its pristine liberty . a prayer as suitable for our miserable exiled king and island now , as for this their new british king , and island in that age , wherein the other bishops , and christian britons made the like prayers for him both at and after his coronation , as guithelin did before it . our famous b●…itish king aurelius ambrosius , after he had destroyed and burnt the bloody regicide and usurper vortigern , and conquered and exiled the pagan saxons , in the year of ch●…ist . repaired and new built the churches they had demolished , placed p●…iests and clerks in them , restored divine service to its due state , conserred many gifts , rents and revenues upon church-men ; et orare pro regno et ecclesiae statu omnibus imperavit : and he commanded all men , to pray for the realm , and state of the church ; which no doubt they performed accordingly in their churches , not fo●…getting to pray likewise for this good king , who repaired them , and restored christianity . to pretermit saint k patricks prayers and petitions to god , for the seven kings he baptized , and the irish he converted to the faith , with his ascending into a mount , and there fasting forty daies , ut orarct pro cis , that he might pray for them . * pope gregory the . in his epistle to aldeberga ( or rather b●…ha ) wife to king edilbert before his conversion to the faith of christ , ( who after her conversion was very instrumental to help convert the king and his subjects to the faith ; ) useth this thanksgiving , and prayer to god on her behalf . omnipotentem deum benediximus , qui conversionem gentis anglorum mercedi vestrae dignatus est propitius reservare , &c. bona vestra non soli m jam apud romanos qui pro vita vestra fortius oraverunt s●…d etiam per diversa loca , et usque ; constantinopolim , ad serenissimum principem pervenerunt : ut sicut nobis de christianitatis vestrae solatiis laetitia facta est , ita quoque de perfecta operatione vestra angelis fiat gaudium in coelis , &c. ut et hîc foelicitèr cum glorioso filio nostro conjuge vestro regnetis , et post longa annorum tempora futurae quoque vitae gaudia , quae finem habere nesciunt , capiatis . oramus autem omni potentem deum , ut gloriae vestrae cor , et ad operanda quae diximus gratiae suae ig●…e succendat , et aeternae mercedis fructum vobis de placita sibi operatione concedat . the same pope gregory in his * epistle to edilbert king of kent , exhorted him , willingly to hear , devoutly to perform , and studiously to keep in memory what augustin , then his bishop should admonish him , for this reason , quia si vos eum in eo quod pro omnipotenti deo loquitur auditis , idem omnipotens deus hunc pro vobis exorantem celerius exaudiet . si - enim ( quod absit ) verba ejus postponitis , quomodo eum omnipotens deus poterit audire pro vobis , quem vos negligitis audire pro deo ? ( a clear evidence , that augustin and other bishops and christians in that age devoutly and constantly prayed to god for king edilbert ) tota igitur mente cum eo vos in fervore fidei stringite , atque adnisum illius virtute quam vobis divi●…tas tribuit adjuvate , ut regni sui vos ipse faciat participes , cujus vos fidem in regno vestro recipi facitis , et cus●…odiri . after which he concludes his epistle with this prayer for this kings spiritual , temporal , and eternal safety , long life , felicity and salvation . omnipotens itaque de●…s in vobis gratiam quam coepit , p●…rficiat , atque vitam * vestram et hic per multorum annorum curricula extendat , et post longa tempora in caelestis ves patriae congregatione recipiat . incolumem excellentiam vestram gra●…ia suprema custodiat domine fili , julii , anno . mauritii tiberii a●…sti . * pope boniface in his epistle to king ethelbert ( sent by 〈◊〉 bishop of lond●…n ) anno dom. . p●…ayes thus for him , in christo valeas domine 〈◊〉 . edwin king of northumberland promi ed to renounce hi●… idolatry , and to serve christ , because edelb●…rga his q●…een ( being a christian ) by the p●…ayers of paulinus bishop of the nor●…humberlanders was delivered without much pain of a child ; wherupon m e●…iscopus gratias caepit agere domino christo , regique astruere , q●…od ●…lle precibus suis a●…ud illum ob●…nuerit , ut regina sospes absque dolore gravi , sobolem procrearet . but this king deferring his conversion to christianity contrary to his promise ; thereupon pope boniface writ to queen edelburga to use all possible means for her kings conversion , and amongst others , to make fervent prayers to god for his illumination and salvation , unde orationi continuò insistens , a longanimitate coeleftis clementiae illuminationis illius beneficia impetrare non desinas . ut videlicet quos copulatio carnalis affectus unum quodammodo corpus exhibuisse ministratur , hos quoque unitas fidei etiam post hujus vitae transitum in perpetua societate conservet . a●… hoc enim misericordiam dominicae pietatis consecuta es , ut fructum fidei , creditorumque tibi beneficiorum redemptori tuo multiplicem resignares . quod equidem suffragante praefidi●… benignitatis ipsius , ut exple●…e valeas , a●…duis non desistimus precivus postular●… . after this ( n king edwin being 〈◊〉 the ch●…istian faith , pope honorius successor to boni●…ace w●…it an epistle to thi●… king , in the close whereof there is this prayer for his safety , incolumem exc●…llentiam vest●…am gratia superna 〈◊〉 . some few years aft●…r cruel king penda invading northumberland , and besieging be●…ba the royal city ; when he could neither take it by arms nor fiege , he resolved to fire it , and laying great store of combustible matter to the walls set it on fire , the flames mounting above the walls , being carried into the city with furious winds , ( n ) bishop aidan beholding it from the island of farne , whether he retired secretly to pray , fertur elevatis ad coelum oc●…lis manibusque cum lacrymis dixisse , domine , quanta mala facit penda ! quo dicto ●…tatim mutati ab urbe venti , in eos qui accenderant flammam incendia retorserunt , ita ut aliqui laesi , omnes territi , impugnare ultra urbem cessarunt , quam divinitus juvari cognoverunt . ( o ) about the same time ( anno . ) penda king of mercians being sent by cadwallin king of the britons with a great army into northumberland , to slay oswald king thereof ; hee assaulted him in a place called hetenfield : whereupon king swald erecting the sign of the crosse with his own hands , commanded all his souldiers with a loud voyce to cry unto god for him , and themselves in these words . flectamus genua ad deum universi , ipsumque in communi deprecemus , ut nos ab exercitu superbi regis britanni et 〈◊〉 ●…ephandt dueis pendae defendat . scit enim ipse quia justa pro salute gentis nostrae bella suscipi●…mus . fecerunt ergo omnes ut jusserat , & sic in hostes progressi juxt à fidei s●…ae meritum victoria potiti sunt . ( p after king oswald his murder in the year . the freers of the church of hexam every year , the day before the said king was slain , used for a long time , vigilias pro salute animae ejus facere , plurimaqne psaimorum laude celebra●…a , v●…imam pro eo manè sacrae oblationis offerre . and if they were thus devout in keēping annual vigils , and offering prayers , psalms , and sacrifices to god for the salvation of this king and his soul , after his death : ( according to the superstition of that and after ages ) no doubt they were as loyal and devout in praying and praysing god for him during his life . ( q ) king oswi after his great victory over penda , and his . old colonels and army , ( all slain in battel ) in performance of his vow , consecrated his daughter 〈◊〉 ( scarce one year old ) to perpetual vi●…ginity , donatis ins●…per d●…odecim possessiunculis terrarum , in quibus ablato studio militiae terrestris , ad exercendam militiam coelestem , supplicandumque pro pace gentis ejus ●…terna , devotioni sedulae monachorum locus facultasque suppeteret . about which year & time ( after the unjust martyrdom of k. oswi by the p●…ans ) q●… . eanfled ob castigationem necis ejus injustae 〈◊〉 à reg●… oswi ut donaret ibi locum quod dicitur ingethling , mon●…terio construendo deifamulo tumhere , quia propinquus ipse erat regis occisi . in quo videlicet monasterio orationes assid●… pro utrinsque ●…egis , id est , occisi , ●…f ejus qui occidere ●…ussit , aeterna ●…rent sierent . a clear evidence , that monaste●…ies were then purposely instituted to make daily praye●…s and supplications for the kings safety , and ete●…nal salvation , and the peace of the nation . a theodorus archbishop of canterbury about the year of christ . thus inscribes his epistle to e●…helred king of 〈◊〉 , touching wil●…rid , archbishop of york . ethelredo glori●… mo & excellentissim●… regi merciorum , theodorus , &c. in domino perennem salutem , &c. then subjoyns ; oc●…li mei jucundam faciem tuam videant , & benedicat tibi anima m●…a antequam moriar , &c. p●…aying for his perpetual health in the lord ; and blessing him with his soul before his death . b pope agatho begins his epistle to aethelred king of m●…rcians , anno . thus . agath●… , &c. ae●…helredo glorioso merciorum regi , salutem a deo , et benedictionem nostram . and this king the very same and the next year in c his charters of land to the church of st. peter of canterbury , gives lands ; tàm pro salute animae meae , ac pro oratione fratrum ; that the 〈◊〉 therein might pray for him , and for the ●…vation of his soul. the d synod of bergham●…d under withred king of kent , anno . can. . made this de●…ree . pro kege preces fiant , mandatisque ejus non urgente necessitate , sed ex sponte obediunto . let prayers be made for the king , and let his commands be obeyed , not from compelling necessity , but from a voluntary minde . e king ina in his charter , anno . by the decree and counsel of his prelat adelm , the suggestion of all his priests , and upon the petition of all the monks in the province of the west-saxons granted this privilege to the monks of gla●…onbury abby , ut sine impedimento secularium rerum absque tributo fiscalium negotiorum , liberis mentibus sub deo serviant , & monasticam disciplinam , christo suffragium largiente , regulariter exerceant , e●… pro statu et prosperitate ●…egni nostri , et indu●…gentia commissorum criminum ante conspectum divinae majesta●…s pr●…s fundere di●…nentur , et orationum officia frequentan●… , in ercle●…s pro nostri fragilitate interpellars 〈◊〉 : most antient monasteries , as well as this , being specia●…y founded and endowed by our kings and their s●…cessors for this purpose , that they mig●…t p●…ay for them and their realms , their parent●… , child●…en , and success●… tempor●…l , spiritual , and ete●…nal 〈◊〉 ; as the cha●…ters of their foundations and endowmen●… , ●…n m●…asticon anglicanum , pars . & . and ot●…er authors attest . about the year . abbot * ceolfrid writ a large epistie to naiton king of picts , conc●…ning easter and the tonsure of clerks , beginning thus , d●…mino excellentissimo & glorio●…imo regi naitano , ceolfridus abbas , in domino●… 〈◊〉 : and ending with this prayer for him ; gratia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 longiori tempore regna●…em ad nostram 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 custodiat incolumem , dilectissime in christo fili . and 〈◊〉 abbot & clergy-men then thus prayed for their 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 - 〈◊〉 , and the publike peace of the nation , in thei epistle●… to kings : muc●… mo●…e d●…d t●…ey ●…hus pray for them in 〈◊〉 private and publike devoti●… . * eth●…red 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the year of christ , . in the presence of 〈◊〉 bish ps and nobles , by his charte●… gave and granted the whole island of croyland to god , the vi●…gin mary , and st. barthollomew , to found an abby therein for the black monks , submitting himself wholy to the me●…cy and piety of christ , and commending himself , sanctae matris eccl●…siae precibus , to the ●…rayers of his holy mother the church : and particularly to the pray●…s of st. g●…blac the confessor and anchorite . whence a poet'thus writ of him . ethelbaldus , &c. dret pro nobis sanctissimus iste sacerdos , ( guthlacus . ) ad tumbam cujus haec mea dona dedi . a c●…ear evidence that the churches and ministers of christ in england did then constantly pray for their christian kings , who specially recommended themselves to their prayers . our venerable and most learned beda , doth very much p esse this duty of prayer for kings , ( though pagans and persecutors , ) from sundry texts of scripture , on which he comments . in his * expositiones allegoricae in ezram , l. . c. . et offerant oblationes deo coeli , oren●…que pro vita regis et filiorum ejus ; he thus comments , offerunt autem ea sacer dotes iidem pro vita regis , et filiorum ejus , j●…xta illud ap●…stoli , tim. . obsecro igitur primò omnium fieri obsecrationes , orationes , postulationes , & gratiarum actiones pro omnibus hominibus , pro regi●…ns & omnibus qui in sublimitate sunt , ut quietam & tranquillam vitam agamus , &c. and in his fxposition on the tim. . , , . tom. . p. , , . he recites and approves the passages of st. a●…gustin at large ( recited in the next chapter ) commanding prayers , supplications , intercessions and thanksgivings to be made , not only for christian and pious kings , but even for ●…agans and idolaters , though vitious , though persecutors of the gospel and fincere professors thereof . our famous * council of clov●…sho under archbishop cuthbert , anno dom. . cap. . de orando pro rege , decreed ; 〈◊〉 deinceps per ●…anonic as orationum hor●… non solum pro se ecclesiastici , sive monasteriales , sed etiam pro regibus ac ducibus , totiusque populi christiani incolumitate , divinam incessan●…èr exorent clementiam , quatenus duictam et tranquillam uitam sub corum pia defensione mereantur agere . et ut ita post haec unanimes existerent in deum , fide , spe & caritate , & seipsos invicem diligerent , & etiam post hujus peregrinationis pericula , ad supernam pervenire pariter mereanter patriam . the reason of making this canon for incessant prayers for kings , dukes and princes , is thus expressed in the preceding part thereof , that there was a scandal and suspition raised amongst the priests of god & inferiour clergy , that they had an ill opinion of kings , dukes and princes ( as too many have now . ) hoc est , quod reges cum ducibus & principibus suis , ac deind●… minoris potetestatis , persuasi plurimi de eis dicere soleant , quod non tantum sincero eos non diligant affectu , sed insuper eorum bonis prae●…entibus , ac prosperitatibus quibusque foelicioribus magis invideant , animo nimis infesto quàm devoto satis congaudeant corde , eorum que conversationis statum odibili quadam detractatione dilacerare non desinant . a very good ground to revive and re-enforce this duty both on ministers and people now ; ut horis canonicis pr●…ces fiant pro regibus , as the margin of this canon prescribes , as well as the body thereof . boniface archbishop of mentz , an englishman by birth , thus inscribes and begins his . epistle to our king ethilbald . domino charissimo & in christi amore caeteris regilus praeferendo inclyta anglorum imperii sceptra gu●…ernanti ethilbaldo regi , bonifacius , &c. & wera , & burckart , & warbeth , & abel , & wilibald coepiscopi , perennem in christo charitatis salutem . confitemur coram deo & sanctis angelis , quia quamcumque prosperitatem vestram video , & opera bona , dee coram & homini●…us , per nuncios fideles audivimus , quod inter gaudentes , et pro vobis orantes , gratias agimus deo ; postulantes et obsecrantes salvatorem nostrum , ut vos sospites et in side stabiles , et in operibus coram deo rectos in principatu christiani populi longo tempore custodiat . and king ethilbert thus closeth his epistle to boniface the archbishop , who prayed for him in those times , orantem pro nobis , beatitudinem tuam longaevam divina pietas faciat . * his . epistle to pippin king of france , begins thus . c●…lsitudinis vestrae clementiae magnas gratias agamus et dominum iesum christum precantes ut vobis in regno coelorum aeternam merced●…m retribuat . most of his and lu●…us ( his successors ) epistles conclude with prayers . * cenewlphus king of the east-saxons , with his bishops and nobles in their epistle to l●…llus , successor to this boniface , as they pray for him , so they likewise entreat him , and his clerks to pray to god for them in thei●… congregation , ut pro nostra parvitate , proque ●…ace congregationis nostrae domino supplicare cum eis qui tecum invocant nomen domini iesu , memineris . omnipotens deus , qui dispersa congregat & congregata ●…stodit , ipse vos sua gratia prot●…gat , et v●…stri laboris fructum in aeterna patria nos 〈◊〉 concedat . the renowned council of calchuth held in the year . under alfwold king of northum 〈◊〉 , and offa king of mercians , their prelates and nobles , and p●…pe adrians two legates , gr●…gory and th●…ophylact , c. . de ordinatione & honore regum , amongst other things , prescribed constant prayers for , and subjection to kings , prohibiting all treasons and conspiracies against them , in these words , and from these scriptures . ( a ) scitore quia dominus dominator est in regno hominum , & ipsius est regnum , & cuicu●…que voluerit , dabit illud . ideo omnes generaliter admonuimus , ut consona voce et corde dominum rogent , ut qui eum eligit in regnum , ipse ei tribuat regimen disciplinae sanctae suae ad regendam plebem suam . honor quoque eis ab omnibus impendatur , dicente apostolo ; ( b ) regem ●…onoroficate : & alibi ; sive regi qua●…i praecellenti , five ducibus , tanquam ab co missis ad vindictam male●…actorum , laudem verò bonorum . item apostolus , ( c ) omnis anima sublimioribus potestatious subdita sit , quia non est potestas data nisi 〈◊〉 deo. q●…ae autem sunt , à deo ordinata sunt . igitur qui 〈◊〉 potestati , dei ordinationi resistit , qui autem resist●…nt , ipsi ●…ibi damnationem acquirunt . nulius regi detrahat , dicente ( d ) salomone , in ore tuo ne detraxeris regi , & in corde tuo ne maledixe●… 〈◊〉 principi●… quia aves coeli portant illud , & qui habet pennam a●…ntiabit verbum . in necem regis nemo communicare audeat , quia christus domini est . et si quis tali sceleri adhaeserit , si episcopus est , aut ullus ex sacerdotali gradu , ex ipso detrudatur , et â sancta haereditate dejiciatur sieut judas ex apostolico gradu ejectus est : & omnis quisquis tali sacrilegio assenserit , aeterno anathematis vinculo interibit , & judae traditori sociatus , sempiternis cremabitur incendiis , ut scriptum est ; ( a ) non solum qui faciunt , s●…d & qui consentiunt facientibus , judicium dei non effugiunt . ( b duo namque eunuchi a●…rum regem interficere cupientes , in patibulum suspensi sunt . animadvertite quid fecerit david prae ecto , cum ei dominus dixerit , ( c ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saul in manus tuas ; dum inveniet dormientem . et hortatus à milite ut occideret eum , dixit : absit à me hoc pe●…catum , ut extendam manum meam in ch●…istum domini . illum autem militem qui post mortem ejus venit ad eum , protestans , ( d ) quod ipse occiderat saul , capite truncavit ; & reputatum est ei ad justitiam , et semini ejus post e●…m . exemplis namque apud 〈◊〉 probatum est , quod quicunque internecionis dominorum suêre ( culpabiles ) in spacio vitam inierunt , et utroque 〈◊〉 ca●…uerunt . this was the practise , doctrine , and loyalty of our ancestors in this national great council and primitive age , fit to be revived by our present generation . our famous country-man flaccus alchuvinus , ( e scholar to our venerable bed●… , tutor to the emperor charles the great , and the learnedest english-man in that age ) hath many memorable rare passages and prayers for kings and emperors in his works and epistles , not vulgarly known , which i shall transcribe at large . in his book de 〈◊〉 usu . operum lutetiae paris . . col . . d. he writes thus , septem praeterea sunt psalmi ex quibus , si unum corpus efficimus , pro omni prorsus corpore oramus ecclesiae ; in his namque memoria sacerdotum , regumque et potentatum ; populi quoque et plebis simul . memento domine david , &c. o●…t of which psalms he frames a prayer , col . . propitiare domine , quaeso univer●… tuae cacholicae ecclesiae toto orbe terrarum diffu●…ae , &c. propitiare famulo suo , n regi , cunctisque christianis principibus , & universo exercitui eorum . in his . epistle to offa king of mercians , col . . he concludes with this p●…ayer , for gods grace and benediction upon him and his realm . divina te , tuumque regnum coelesti benedictione , comitetur gratia , domine excellentissime . and epistle . ( written by him to offa in the name of charles the emperor ) he thus closeth it , col . . uita , salus , & prosperitas tibi tuisque fide libuss a deo christo detur in aeternum . in his . epistle to aedilred king of northumberland , ( describing at large t●…e office of good kings and princes ) col . . he hath this passage . ecclesiarum christi sint defensores & tutores , ut servorum dei orationibus , longa vivant prosperitate : and he closeth his . epistle to king aedilred , with this prayer for him , col . . deus omnipotens regni felicitate , morum dignitate , longaeva prosperitate te florere faciat dilectissime fili . , his . epistle to most noble king egfrid king of m●…rcians concludes thus , col . . e. divina te in omni bonitate pietas florere faciat , fili charissime . but of all his prayers and thanksgivings , those in his epistles to the christian emperor charles the great , his scholar , written to him for the most part , under the name of david rex ) are most observable . i shall instance in some of the chiefest . in his epistle to him , de ratione septuagesimae , &c. col . . he begins thus , benedictus sit deus pater omnipotens , qui te creavit & honoravit : & benedictus sit dominus noster jesus christus filius dei ve●…i , qui te redemit & elegit . benedictus sit spiritus sanctus paracletus qui te illuminavit , & dilatavit cor tuum in omni sapientia & scientia charitatis dilectissime d. d. & dulcissime domine . et benedicta sit sancta trinitas , unus deus omnipotens , pater & filius & spiritus sanctus , qui mini serviculo suo , licet indigno , ta●…em concessit dominum , amicum , & adjutorem gratiae ri●…ae . et benedicta sit potestas et regnum tuum , e●… fi. ii 〈◊〉 , et filii filiorum tuorum , usque in generationes 〈◊〉 sempiternas : et veniat super te et super tuam generationem benedictio sanctorum in die domini nostri iesu christi ; utque sanctissima sua voluntas vigeat ●…loreat & crescat in corde tuo , clarissime ecclesiae christi rector & defensor . his d . epistle to him col. . runs in the same words . his first epistle to him is thus directed , col. . domino piissimo , & praestantissimo & omni honore dignissimo david regi , fiaccus albinus , ve●…ae beatitudinis aeternam in christo salutem : after his particular thanksgiving to god for him , he thus proceeds , non solum ego ultimus servulus salvatoris nostri , congaudere debeo prosperitati & exaltatione clariss●… ae potestatis vesti ae , sed tota sancta dei eccles●… unanimo caritatis concentu gratias agere domino deo omnipotenti 〈◊〉 ; qui tam pium , prudentem & justum his novissimis mundi & periculosissimis tem●…oribus populo christiano perdonavit elementissimo munere rectorem atque defensorem ; qui prava corrigere , & recta corrobora●… , & sancta sublimare omni intentione studeat , & nomen domini dei eccelsi per multa terrarum spacia dilatere gaudeat , & catholicae fide●… lumen in extremis mundi partibus incendere conetur , &c. in qua dominus noster jesus christus , qui est virtus & sapientia dei , te custodiat & exaltet , et ad gloriam perennis visionis suae pervenire faciat . his * epistles to this emperor , begin for the most part with wishing him perpetuae pacis & gloriae salutem , perpetu am salutem , &c. his . epistle to him , col . . ends thus , deprecantes quoque domini d●…i nostri clementiam , qui te undique regat et custodiat , et victorem faciat omnium inimicorum tuorum , seu visibilsum seu invisib●…um , quatenus cum co●…ona gloriae , multis feliciter regnaturum annis , ad regnum perpetuae beatitudinis pervenire , cum sidelibus suis concedat . in his . epistle , col . he and his monks prayed thus for him , totum cordis mei aff●…ctum , in gratiarum actiones christo clementissimo regi effudi ; illius sedula oratione deprecans 〈◊〉 , cum omnibus nostrae devotionis cooperatorib●… , quatenus vestram pacificam & amabilem potentiam , ad exaltationem sanctae suae ecclesiae , & sacratissimi gub●…rnacula impe●…ii , longaeva prosperitate custodire , reg●…re et dila●…are vignetur . his . epistle to him begins thus , col . . gloria & laus ●…eo patri , & dom. nostro jesu christo , quia in gr●…tia sancti spiritus , per devotionem et ministerium sanctae fidei , & bonae voluntatis vestrae , christianitatis regnum atque agnitionem veri dei dilatavit , & plurimos longè laté●…ue populos ab errori●…us impiet●…tis in viam 〈◊〉 deduxit , &c. his . epistle ends with prayers and thanksgivings ; his . to ●…im begins thus , col . . d●…t tibi perpetuam clemens in sede salutem , et d●…us imperii , david amate , deus . tot●…m me in gratiarum actiones domino deo 〈◊〉 christo 〈◊〉 selicia christiano populo tempora in vestra felicitate , exaltatione & sal●…te cer●…simè sciens ; pro qua semp●…r dominum deprecari gaudeo , eandem semper audire d●…sidero , & quasi optatum , à deoque destinatum munus , omni gaudio vestram incolumitatem cupiens semper audire . ●…is enim est qui non gaudeat sui capitis perfecta integritate , nisi forte furibundus , vel insanus , quem arct●…ssimis hippocratis vinculis allegandum esse censero ? et si juxta a ostoli sententiam * n●…mo carn●…m suam odio habet ; 〈◊〉 etiam fovet & nutrit : quanto magis n capitis sanitate , in quo est totius corporis perf●…tio et gloria , omnis ●…mbrorum compage gaudere debet ? which epistle he concludes thus , vest●…a pr●…cor , christus 〈◊〉 us inclyta donis 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…itae , duleis 〈◊〉 , glo●…ia dulcis , sit tibi 〈◊〉 , david amate , salus , epistola . col . . he writes , continuis precibus domini n●…stri jesu christi cl●…mentiam d●…precor , ●…uantenus tibi optima quaeque in terrena felicitate conc●…ssit , longè meliora 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is regna tibi 〈◊〉 concedere dignetur . concluding it thus , mit is ab aethereo clementer christus olympo , te regat , exaltet , protegat , ornat , amet , &c. he concludes his . epistle to him thus , col . . det tibi consilium pacis , simul atque salutis david , amor populi , christus ubique piu●… omnipotens cujus defendat 〈◊〉 a semper , victorem faciens , teque tuosque simul , &c. in his . epistle to him , col . . he assures him , nos precibus iter vestrum continuis prosequ●…mar , divinam humiliter obsecrantes clementiam , quatenus vos , vestrosque simul cum omni prosperitate sanos du●…at & reducat gaudentes : closing it with this distick , t●…mpora concedat christus felicia regni hujus & aeterni , david amate , tibi . in his . epistle to him , col . . he writes , felin populus qui tali principe gaudet , in cujus ●…rosperitate salus 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 consistit , &c. concluding it with a prayer , and these verses , augeat , exaltet vestram benedictio vitam aeternae regis , david amate deo. he ●…loseth his . epistle to him thus , col . . floreat aeternis tecum sapientia donis , ut tibi permaneat laus , honor , imperium , &c. the front of his . epistle to him , col . . begins with an option of perpetuam aeternae gloriae salutem ; and ends thus , alma dei christi tribuat tibi regna potestas aurea , cum sanctis , david , in arce poli . in his . epistle to him , he hath this clause , col . . nec meas preces pro veftra stabilitate et salute cassatas in conspectu dei credo , quia libenter divina suscipit gratia lacrymas quae ex charitatis fonte profluunt . he thus concludes it . perpetuam christi tribuat tibi gratia lucem , cum sanctis pariter , david amate deo. in his . epistle , excusing his non-visiting the emperor by reason of his infirmity , he intreats him ; pia compassione fessum concedat requiescere , orationibusque pro vobis instare , clofing it with these verses . david in aeternum tecum sit gratia christi , ut vigeas , valeas , victor in orbe potens ; post haec , et teneas coelestia regna beatus cum sanctis pariter semper in arce poli , &c , inclytus aeternis david feliciter annis , in christi meritis vivat ubique sa●… in his . epistle to him , col . . he informs him . sed & lacrymarum munuscula mearum in orationibus apud s. martinum , pro desiderantissima authoritatis vestrae prosperitate vobis fideli transmitto sponsione . ego orabo pro domino dilectissimo , quomodo sancti spiritus visitatio cor meum inluminare dignabitur . he winds up his . epistle to him thus , col . . ad ●…ujus verò summae beatudinis , & indeficientis gloriae , post labores hujus vitae felicitatem , deus jesus te pervenire faciat domine desiderantissime , & omni honore dignissime . diuitias tribuat veras tibi , david amate , cum sanctis pariter christus in arce poli . in the inscription of his . epistle to him , col . . he prayeth for and wisheth to him praesentis & futurae beatitudinis salutem : and begins it with this thanksgiving . benedictus dominus deus , et benedicta perpetua illius misericordia super servos suos : pro quorum prosperitate et salute vos , dulcissime david , prosperè duxit , et pacificè reduxit , conservavit , honoravit et exaltavit , atque in omni loco adventus vestri lumen justitiae pietatisque ante faciem vestrae beatitudinis splendescere fecit , &c. which he thus concludes , hocque deum 〈◊〉 prectbus obsecro , ut praesens vita excellentiae vestrae ejusdem sancti intercessionibus adjuvetur , protegatur & consistat . et post hanc aeterna cum eodem beatitudine perfrui merearis domine 〈◊〉 & desideratissime david . his . epistle to him , col . . begins thus . domine mi dilect ssime , et dulcissime , et omnium desider antissime mi david , tristis est flaccus vester propter infirmit atem vestram . opto et toto corde deum deprecor , ut cito convaleatis , ut gaudium nostrum sit 〈◊〉 in vobis , et sanitas vestra sit plena anima et corpore , i shall close with his . epistle to him , which hath this exordium . gloria & laus d●…o omnipotenti , pro salute et prosperitate vestra , dulcissime mi david , atque pro omni honore et saptentia in quibus te speciali gratia omnibus supercellere fecit . perpetua gratiarum actio resoner , et assidua sanctarum intercessio orationum ad deum dirigatur , quatenus longaeva prosperitate feliciter vivas , valeas et regnes ad correctionem et exaltationem sanctae suae 〈◊〉 , ut sub protectione tuae venerandae potestatis secura 〈◊〉 deo deserviat , &c. and this memorable conclusion . 〈◊〉 , prosperitas regni . tu salus populi . tu decus ecclesiae . tu omnium protectio fidelium christi , nobis igitur sub umbra potentiae , et sub regimine pietatis tuae , divina concesset gratia religiosam ducere vitam , atque summa quiete deo christo deservire . ideo solicita mente , et pia intentione , pro tua prosperitate et salute curam habere et intercedere justum et necestarium habemus , domine desiderantissime , atque omni honore dignissime david rex . i have at large transcribed these salutations , options , supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings of our famous english-man . abbot alchuvinus for . reasons . . because they are a most full pregnant evidence of his conscientious observation of the apostles exhortation and precept , tim. . , , . and of all other abbots , prelates , and clergy-men in that age . ly . because they are a mo●… exact practical commentary upon that text. ly . an excellent president for our imitation , and notable censure of the apostacy , disloyalty , and indevotion of sundry antimonarchical new saints , in this degenerate age . ly . a most clear demonstration of the excellency of kingly government , of the happiness that christian churches , realms , subjects in joy under pious , religious kings & emperors ; and what extraordinary cause they have to pray unto , and to praise and ble●…e god for them . ly . because they are full of excellent variety , unknown to most , and little taken notice of even by our learnedest divines . ly . because they contain the substance of most other abbots , bishops and clergy-mens salutations , benedictions , prayers , thanksgivings of this kind in their epistles to our own and other kings and emperors , in that and succeeding ages , most of which i shall for brevity pretermit , since presidented in and by these epistles . about the year of christ . * k. offa praying to god to give him grace , according to his former vow , to find out a place wherein , and a saint to whom he might dedicate a m●…nastery ; thereupon turning about to archbishop humbert , of canterbury , unwona bishop of winton , and other 〈◊〉 & wise men by whom he was governed , he intreated the●… with tears , and hands joyned together , with all earne●… nesse , quatenus sincer a mente , totaque ●…evotione deum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deprecemini , ut ad beneplacitum suum , honore●… et gloriam ad effectum meum perducat d●…siderium . et 〈◊〉 omnes hoc gaudentes concessiss●…nt , they with other clerks whom they had called together , entred into an oratory that was near , super hoc propensius oraturi . et praemisso hymno , veni creator spiritus , oraverunt de devoti●…mi ut dominus iuttum regis desiderium ad effectum duceret gloriosum . et cum prolixius orassent , eccè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 caelitus totam cellulam illam à summo tecti fastigio 〈◊〉 ad pavimentum perlustravit . in qua favor dei manifestè significabatur . after which by the revelation of an angel , whiles this king lodged in the city of ba●…h , the place of st. alban the martyr his interment was revealed unto him ; where he built a monastery to him . pope ( a ) leo the d. in his epistle to kenulphus king of m●…cians , concerning the restitution of the see of canterb. to its antient metropolitical jurisdiction , hath this thansgiving to god for him ; omnipotenti deo referimus grates qui vestram prudentissimam excellenciam in omnibus exornavit et decoravit , &c ( b ) cenulsus king of the mercians anno . by his charter granted and confirmed sundry privileges to the abby of abbend●…ne ; maximè ut ipsi diebus dominicis . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nobis 〈◊〉 offerant , et armis spiritu●…bus 〈◊〉 psal●…rus contra invisibiles hostes dimicare 〈◊〉 c●…ssant . ( c ) w●…lasius king of m●…rcians being enforced to hide him e●…f . months space from king egberts captains , who sought his life , in st. ethildritha the anchorites cell wit 〈◊〉 the abby of croyland till by the mediation of abbot siward he had made hi●… peace with egbert ; the●… eupon in the year . of our saviours inca●…nation , he by his charter confirmed and enla●…ged the lands and privileges of this monastery , and most ●…oly church of croyland ; wherein he stiles it ; turris ad coelum ascendens , quae viligiis et orationibus psalmis & 〈◊〉 , disciplinis & affictionibus , lachrymis et singulti●…us , eleemosynis et innumeris aliis devotionibus , pietatisque operibus pro seculo peccatore fortissimam violentium pi●…tatisque coelorum ingerit die et nocte . and by whose prayers and tears , god who had in his wrath humbled him for his s●…ns even to the earth , and levelled him to the dust , iterum in misericordia sua suscitans de pulvere egenum , & de stercore erigens pauperem , ut sedeam cum princi●…bus et solium gloriae t●…neam . as king ( d ) offa king of mercians in the year . by his charter gave sundry lands to st. peters church of w●…rcester built by his g●…andfather , ( as he did to other monasteries ) sciens cum his transitoriis aeterna mercari 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 ; priorum & propinquiorum perpetua animae s●…lute , so king 〈◊〉 his successor in the year . by his charter , exempting this monastery as long as the catholick faith and baptism of christ should continue in britain , from some secular services ; thereupon abbot edmond and his congregation of breodune ( by way of retaliation ) decantaverunt duodecim vicibus c. psalteria , & . missas pro rege bertwolfo , et pro illius charis amicis , et pro omni gente merciorum , ut eorum libertas firmior ac stabilior permanea●… in aevum , et ut illius regis memoria et amicorum ejus , qui hanc pietatem in eleemosynam sempiternam omnibus mercits illis , in congregatione breodune donaverat , in eorum sacris orationibus jugiter permaneat usque in a vum . pope ●… sergius the . closeth his epistle to ethelred , alfred and adulfus , kings of the english , with this option and prayer . optamus ergo , quo misericordia solita dominus noster iesus christus faciat uos ineffabiliter ministerii ac regi culminis honore sublimari , et in examine futuri iudicii reservari . ‖ king aethelulph , anno . granted the tenth part of his realm ( that is , the tithe of the profits of all lands , as mr. selden rightly expounds it ) to god , the clergy and monks , free from all exactions , tributes and secular services : ut ●…o diligentius pro nobis preces ad deum sine cessatione fundant that thereupon they might the more diligently powre forth prayers unto god for him without ceasing . ; whereupon e●…stan bishop of salisbury , and swithin bishop of winchester , with the abbots , priests , monks and nonns under them , deereed ; omni hebdomade die mercurii in unaquaque ecclesia cantent psalm●…s . et unusquisque presbyter duas missas pro rege , et aliam pro ducibus ejus , in ●…unc modum consentientibus , pro salute et refrigerio delictorum suorum ; ( whiles they lived : ) postquàm aute●… defuncti fuerimus , pro rege defuncto singulariter , & pro du●…bus communiter . et hoc sit firmiter consti●…utum omnibus diebus christianitatis , quemadmodum libert●… constituta est , quamdiu fides creseit in gente anglorum : the end of this gift being thus expressed by the king in the ( h ) ch●…laries of the abbot of abingdon , ut deus omnipotens nobis , et nostris posteris propitiari dignetur , by the bishops , priests , and monks prayers and intercessions for him in every church . burgred king of mercians confirmed all the lands given by former kings to the church of glocester : et c●…m consensu , concilio , et licentia omnium optimatum suorum , fecit eandem ecclesiam liberam & quiet am , et omnia monasteria et loca quae eidem ecclesiae obediunt , et pertinent , ab omni terreno negocio et servicio , ea duntaxat conditione statuta , ut orationes illorum , deprecationesque pro ipso , et pro justis haeredibus suis , jugiter in illa ecclesia nocte et die memoriter servarentur . this being the principal end of our kings in founding and endowing churches and monasteries , and exempting them from all secular businesses and services , that they might continually powre out prayers , supplications , deprecations and intercessions unto god for themselves , their just heirs , posterities , queens , successors and realms , day and night without ceasing . to pretermit the charter of . * king edward the elder of ●…usbourn to the church of peter , and paul in winchester , pro aeterna libertate animae meae , et omnis successive posteritatis meae , adulfi regis , et alfredi regis , ue●…non et antecessorum suorum , by the prayers of the monks and clergy of that church . at the coronation of king aethelston anno . the joyes , acclamations , prayers and well-wishes of the nobles , prelates and people towards him , are thus poetically expressed tunc juvenis nomen , regno clamatur in omen , ut fausto patrias titulo moderetur habenas . conveniunt proceres , et componunt diadema , pontifices pariter dant infidis anathema ; emicat in populis solito festivior ignis , et produnt variis animi penetralia signis . ardot quisque suum regt monstrare favorem . ille strepit cythera , decertat plausibus iste , in commune sonat , tibi laus , tibi gloria christe . the ( a ) council of exeter under king aethelston , and his laws made anno . c. . prescribed in pursuance of the clergies recited decree an. . singulis quoque diebus veneris decantent omnes dei ministri in omnibus caenobiis , . psalmos pro ipso rege : which was accordingly executed . king ( b ) edmund by his charter an. . gave to aedr●… and his successors , two tenements in stocke , q●…aienus temporali●…m rerum mobili praesentia utens , fidelem obedien●… tiam ac pacem laudabilem erga regni sceptra nostri et regale nostrum solium ae●…ernabiliter impetret et benigniter servet : et post praesentis vitae excessum illis quibuscunque voluerit subsequentibus hoc donum commendet , ut in omnibus paternae obedientiae exemplis c●…rca regiam dignitatem fideles inveniantur . the ( c ) abby of tavistoc founded in time of the danish wars , which long interrupted it , in the regn of k. edgar , was finished & confirmed in the reign of k. ethelred , anno christi . quando omnipotentis gratia et misericordia angl. patria , sanctorum in ea degentium meritis et precibus pacificata est , qui die et nocte clamaverunt ad dominum in prosperis et in adversis cum tribularentur et de necessitatibus eorum libertavit eos , the abbot and monks of this monastery of tavistoc giving themselves to reading and prayer for the safety of the souls , and bodies of our kings , and good of the kingdom , as their charters enjoyned them . ( d ) king ethelred , anno . by his charter gave certain lands to the monastery of st. alban , and confirmed the lands and privileges formerly granted them by king offa , ut inibi deo famulantes , tàm pro meis , quàm pro omnibus praedecessorum meorum deliquiis fine ulla terreni potestatis molestia , quotidie saluberrima missarum solennia omnipotenti deo celebrent , et dulcissimas psalmorum modulationes ore et corde decantantes , armis spiritualibus , contra visibiles et invisibiles hostes pro nobis et pro omni populo●… christiano dimicare non cessent , quatenus ejusdem beati martyris intereedentibus meritis , five in praesenti , sive in futura , sive in utraque vita , christo pro nobis virtutem facienti , victoriam quandoque de inimicis nostris , voti compotes adipisci mereamur . a king cnute in the year . by his charter , exempted the church of st. mary and all saints in excester , and the lands thereof : ab omni regali et seculari gravedine majori aut minori , exceptis assiduis orationibus ( which they were daily to make for him and his realm ) nisi sola expeditione et pontis constructione . this king about the same year by his charter , granted to the monks of the monastery of st. edmunds , that they should be exempted from all episcopal domination , ut in eo domino servientes monachi sine u●…ae inquietudine pro statn regni dominum prevaleant precari : and that he by their and st edmunds prayers , might obtain a portion of his beatitude after this life was ended . the b council of habam , an. dom. . decreed , ut in ●…mni congregatione eantetur quotidie communiter pro rege una missa , ad matutinalem missam , quae inscripta est , contra●… paganos . et in omni caenobie celebret omnis presbyter sigillatim . missas pro rege et populo , et omnis monachus dicat . psalmos : by virtue whereof in every monastery there were masses , and psalms s●…ng , and prayers made both commonly and specially for our kings , which every priest and monk used every day , without inte●…mission throughout the realm , and in all parish churches , during the times of popery and monasteries , by vertue of these recited canons ; as all our antient missals and psalters evidence . c our historians record , that about the year . bryghtwold a monk of glastonbury , ( first bishop of wilton ) when king cnute had banished and almost extirpated the whole royal progeny of the english race , to establish himself and his pos●…erity in the throne , so as there seemed little probability of their restitution ; this bishop falling into a serious meditation of the forlorn condition of the royal race , and the english nation under the danish usurpers , entred into glastenbury abby , where ( as abbot ailred relates ) for the restitution os the exiled king and royal issue , and deliverance of his native country from danish tyranny , maerens et tristis , orationibus vacabat et psalmis . qui cum aliquando pro regis , plebisque liberatione preces lacrymasque profunderet , quasi in haec verba prorumpens . et tu , inquit , domine usque quo ? usque quo avertis faciem tuam , obliviscens inopiae nostrae & tribulationis nostrae ? sanctos tuos occiderunt , altaria tua suffoderunt , & non est qui redimat , neque qui salvum faciat . scio domine , scio , quia omnia quae fecisti nobis , in vero judicio fecisti : sed nunquid in aeternum projiciet deu●… , & non opponet & complacitus sit adhuc ? erit ne domine deus meus , erit ne finis horum mirabilium ? aut in aeternum tuus in nos mucro desaeviet , & percutias usque ad internecionem ? inter preces tandem & lachrymas fatigatum sopor suavis excepit ; viditque per somnium caelestem chorum cum lumine , beatissimumque petrum in eminenti loco constitutum , dignum tantae majestati habitum praeferentem . videbatur ante eum vir praeclari vultus in forma decenti , regalibus amictus insigniis , quem cum propriis manibus apostolus consecrasset & unxisset in regem , monita salutis adjecit , praecipuèque caelibem vitam commendans , quot esset annos regnaturus aperuit . obstupefactus praesul tanti novitate miraculi , petit sibi à sancto visionis hujus mysterium revelari : de statu insuper regni & instantis fine periculi apostolicum exegit oraculum . tune sanctus vultu placido intuens intuentem . domini , inquit , o praesul , domini est regnum , ipse dominatur in filiis hominum . ipse transfert regna , & mutat imperia , & propter peccata populi regnare facit hypocritam . peccatum pecca vit populus tuus domino , & tradidit eos in manus gentium & dominati sunt etiam qui oderunt eos . sed non obliviscitur misereri deus , nec continebit in ira sua misericordias suas . erit enim , cum dormis cum patribus tuis sepultus in senectute bona , visitabit dominus populum suum , & faciet redemtionem plebis suae . eliget enim sibi virum secundum cor suum qui faciet omnes voluntates suas●… qui me opitulante regnum adeptus anglorum , danico furor●… finem imponet . erit enim acceptus deo & gratus hominibus , amabilis civibus , terribilis hostibus , utilis ecclesiae . qui cum praescriptum terminum regnandi in justicia & pace compleverit , laudabilem vitam sancto fine concludet . quae omnia in beato edwardo completa rei exitus comprobavit ; expergefactus pontifex rursus ad preces lacrymasque convertitur , et licet faelicit a tem suae gentis non esset ipse visurus , de malorum tamen fine certus effectus , gratias agens deo plurimum gratulabitur : factus igitur animaequior , populis paenitentiam praedicabat , quibus deus misericordiam non defutur am constantissimè pollicebatur . most of our historians record , that st. peter in this vision shewed edward the confessor to bryghtwold whiles he was an exile in normandy , and anointed him king in his sight , declaring to him the honesty of his life and peaceablenesse of his reign , which should continne for . years space . after which he inquiring of st. peter who should succeed him ? received this comfortable answer from him worthy our confideration , regnum angliae est regnum dei , & ipse sibi reges providebit : as he hath done ever since ; and that especially by the constant prayers , supplications and intercessions of the ministers , clergy , and people of the realm in all ages . * queen emma ( mother of king edward the confessor ) being falsly accused of incontinency with aldwin bishop of winchester , and other crimes , and enforced to make her purgation in winchester church , by going barefoot over . plough-shares red hot ; the king her son , nobles , bishops , and people resorting thither upon this occasion . when the queen was led to this torment between . bishops only , totius populi , clerique quasi una voce ululantis , s. swithinum invocantis & exclamantis , s. swithine libera eam : maximus fletus paene ad ●…oelos elatus est , tantusque clamoris sonitus vocibus viribusque omnium factus est , ut s. swithinus vel ilico sine mora , vel nunquam occurreret , ut tonitrua reboantia superavit , credebant enim illa sua vociferatione deum ipsum vim pati , coactumque servum suum suithinum qua●… violenter extractum à coelo , ad liberandam reginam dimissurum . after which strong fervent united prayers and cries of the people and clergy to god for her , the queen miraculously passed over all these plough-shares , which she pressed with the weight of her whole body , without seeing the iron , or feeling the burning , or receiving the least hurt thereby . * king edw. the ●…onfessor , having founded and endowed the church of st. peter of westminster with sundry lands and privileges amongst other ends , pro animabus regum tam successorum quam praedecessorum meorum , & omnium parentum meorum , et pro pace ae tranquillitate regni mei , et prosperitate totius anglorum popult ; for all which the monks thereof were to make contiuual prayers , supplications , and intercessions unto god : pope nicholas thereupon confirmed by his bull , the privileges which the king had granted to this church by his charters ; which bull begins with this salutation , and proceeds with this thanksgiving and prayer for him unto god. nic●…olaus episcopus , servus servorum dei , gloriosissimo & piissimo , omnique honore dignissimo , speciali quoque filio nostro edwardo anglorum regi , visitationem omnimodam , salutem mellifluam , et benedictionem apostolicam . omnipotenti deo referrimus grates , qui vestram prudentissimam excellentiam in omnibus ornavit ac decoravit erga beatum petrum , &c. orantes misericordiam illius qui est dominus omnium ef rex super omnia solus , ut ipse participem vos faciat ex omnibus si qua sunt coram deo bonis operibus nostris , & fratres nos & so●…ios in dilectione constituat in omni tempore amplius , acnon minorem partem nostri obsequii reconsignet in suo regno quàm nobismetipsis provenire optamus . erimus ettam deinceps pro vobis sine dubio orantes assidue , ut ipse deus vobis subjiciat hostes et inimicos qui contra vos voluerint insurgere , et confirmet vos in paterno solio ac propria haereditate ( a most seasonable prayer for our present exiled hereditary king , as well as for king edward the confessor , who after above ( b ) . years dispossession of the crown by the tyrannical invading danish 〈◊〉 , was by their deaths restored to the ●…rown in peace by his subjects , without the least eff●…sion of blood , for which mercy here-paired and re-founded this abby , as his first charter to it recites ) uestro desiderio & voluntati omnipotens deus praestet effectum , et con●…met vobis paterni regni imperium , et tribuat inc●…ementum , et post praesentis vitae decursum , perduca●… ad aeternum permanentis gloriae imperium . this king in his epistle to this pope , to confirm these privileges ( recorded by * ailredus ) hath this passage concerning peter-pence , which engaged the pope particularly to pray for him and his realm . ego quoque pro modulo meo , augeo & confi●…mo donationes & consuetudines pe●…uniarum quas sanctus petrus habet in anglia , & ipsas pecunias collectas cum regalibus donis mitto vobis , ut oretis pro me , et pro pace regni mei , et continuam e●… sollempnem memoriam instituatis totius gentis anglicae coram corporibus sanctorum apostolorum : and if the pope thus prayed continually for this king , his realm and people , upon this account , no doubt his own bishops , clergy , and other subjects did much more do it . ( r ) king william the first in his charter of confirmation of lands and liberties to the church of derherst , anno . granted them by king edward the confessor his predecessor , that they might pray , pro salute animae meae , omniumque liberorum nostrorum , quatenus nos & soboles nostri ipsius sancti ( dionysii ) precibus , sociorumque ejus , adipisci mereamur prosperum praesentis vitaestatum & aeternae stationis portum . king ( s ) william rufus by several charters granted and confirmed lands and liberties to the abbies and priories of bermondesey , tavystock , and saint mary magdalen in barnestable , pro salute animae meae , et antecessorum meorum , pro anima patris mei willielmi regis , et matris meae , ipsiusque mei ; to be obtained by the prayers of the monks , and religious persons in these houses . king ( t ) henry the first by sundry charters during his reign granted and confirmed sundry lands and liberties to the abbies , priories , and churches of malverne , colum , bermondsey , lenton , thetford , mountacute , st. andrews , northampton , barnstaple , and others besides , to pray , pro salute & r●…demptione animae meae , pro animabus patris mei willielmi regis anglorum , matris et fratris mei , willielmi regis , et pro successorum meorum salute , pro pace et stabtli●…ate regni , et pro salute et incolumitate filii mei gulielmi , pro salute et incolumitate mei ipsius , et statu regni mei ; pro animabus antecessorū meorum . to which end they constantly made prayers for them . and w●…lliam peverel , one of his subjects , pro divini cultus am●…re & communi remedio animarum dominorum meorum willielmi ●…egis , et uxoris ejus matildis reginae , et filii eorum willielmi regis , et omnium parentum suorum et meorum ; necnon e●… pro salute domini mei henrici regis , et uxoris ejus matildae reginae , et filii eorum willielmi , et filiae eorum ma●…ildis , pro statu quoque regni sui necnon et pro salute animae meae et uxoris meae , et filii mei ; willielmi , et omnium liberorum meorum , pia devotione et devota largitione , offero deo et ecclesiae gluniacensi , &c. it being usual both in that and succeeding ages for subjects and officers to our kings , to endow monasteries and churches with lands , to pray for the spiritual and temporal prosperity of the persons , souls , and realms of their kings , queens , their sons , children and successors in the first place , as well as for their own souls , wives , childr●…ns , and posterities , mentioned only in the second and last place in their charters and endowments , of which there are many presidents in the first and second parts of monasticon anglicanum , collected by mr. roger dodsworth and mr. william dugdale , to whom i refer the reader for fuller satisfaction . * pope pascal the first , in his epistle to k. henry the 〈◊〉 touching the liberties of the church of ely , as he begins his epistle with , salutem et apostolicam benedic . so he thus ends it , omnipotens deus apostolorum suorum precibus et vos et prolem vestram custodiat , et caelest●… post terrenum vobis regnum concedat . the like he doth in his * epistles to him concerning archbishop anselme : concluding one of them in these words , ipse omnipotens deus in cujus manu corda sunt regum , assit hortatui nostro , assit auditui tuo ; ut juxta praecepta ejus tuas disposueris actiones , ipse regnum tuum pacis et honoris sui stabilitate ac subliminatione disponant . amen . he closeth other of his epistle to him thus , dominus te misericordia sua in potentia et probitate custodiat , et a terrena ad coeleste ( regnum ) perducat . amen . again , haec si feceris , pro te dominum , ipso adjuvante exorar●… curabimus , et de peccatis tam tui , quàm conjugis tuae sanctorum apostolorum meritis absolvimus . goffridus abbas vindocinensis in france , in his epistola●…um l. . epist. . to king henry the . of england , hath this prayer for , and profession of his constant fidelity to him . h clarissimo duci normannorum , et praecellentissimo regi anglorum henrico , carissimo domino & praecordiali amico , frater goffridus vindocinensis abbas , in presenti prospere semper et feliciter vivere , et in futuro manere cum rege angelorum . v●…strae magnitudini , dul●…issime pater et domine , significavi iter nostrum ; et quia vobis sensi esse contrarium , itineris statim mutavi propositum . vester itaque servus , testis est mihi deus , in vestra fidelitate remaneo ; in qua , quandiu vixero , indesinenter permanebo . quod quando et quomodo exce●…entiae vestrae placuerit , secundum meum posse , operibus comprobabo . ualeat dominus meus rex et vigeat ; quem omnipotens deus ab omni adver●…tate defendat , et tribuat ei quod bene desiderat . anselme archbishop of canterbury begins his epistles to this king henry during his exile thus , suo reverendo domino henrico regi anglorum anselm . cantuariensis archiepiscopus , fidele servicium , cum orationibus : & fideles orationes cum fideli sevicio . and concludes them thus ; omnipotens deus sic regnet in ●…orde vestro ut vos per eundem regnetis in gratia ejus . omnipotens deus sic in hoc et in aliis actibus vestris dirigv ac vestrum secundum voluntatem suam , ut post hanc vitam perducat vos ad gloriam suam . amen . in his commentary and exposition on the tim. . , , . he presseth the duty of praying for kings , though pagans and persecutors in these words , hujusmodi preces siant pro omnibus hominibus , &c. et pro illis etiam de quibus minus videbatur , id est , pro regibus , licet sint mali et sanctis infesti : pro omnibus qui in sublimitate secularium potestatum positi sunt , sicut consules et d●…ces , quia de omni genere hominum convertentur ad religionem , et perveniant ad salutem , et de eis qui fastu et elatione secularis potentiae fidem et humilitatem videntur abhorrere ; ●…cut cernimus , quod ipst reges , desertis idolis , pro quibus persequebantur christianos , unum verum deum cognoverunt et colunt , et ideo pro illis orandum fuit , cum etiam persequerentur ecclestam ; ad hoc etiam orandum est pro principibus , ut nos qui sub illis sumus vitam agamus quietam a persecutione , ut conversis principibus gentiles non audeant inquietare nos movendo persecutiones pro impietate idolatriae , nec haeretici tranquillitatem nostram turbare praesumant volentes corrumpere castitatem fidei quorundam . in pace principum quies et regnum servatur ecclesiarum . nam in bellis et discordiis eorum dissipatur tranquillitas , tepefcit pietas , solvitur disciplina vel districtio . qua soluta , infirmiorum castitas violatur . et ideo pro his orandum est , ne eveniant haec per dissentionem principum : unde et per jeremiam dominus . judaeis qui in babylone captivitenebantur , praecepit dicens , quaerite pacem civitatis ad quam transmigrare ●…os fecit , et orate pro ea ad dom. quia in pace illius erit par v●…bis . babylon vero ( quae dicitur confusio ) societatē iniquorum significat , judaei autē cives supernae jerusalem qui in hoc seculo pe●…egrinantur inter malos , et regibus atque principibus tributa xeddant , et ●…aetera quae salvo dei cultu constitutio secularis exigit . idcirco debet orare pro pace eorum , quia in pace eorum erit illis pax : ●…tique interim temporalis , quae bonis malisque communis est . utimur ergo et nos pace babylonis , ex qua per fidem et coe●…stis patriae d●…siderium ità populus dei laetabitur , ut apud hanc interim peregrinetur . pax autem nostra propria et b●…um deo est per fidem , & in aeternum cum illo per speciem . orate ( inquit ) pro pace principum , et pro salute omnium , quia hoc agere est bonum , id est , utile ecclesiae , & acceptum , id est , gratum atque placitum coram deo salvatore nostro : qui-s●…ut nos salvat , ita & omnes homines vult salvos fieri , & ad agnitionem veritatis venire , &c. omne genus hominum intelligan●…us per quascunque differentias distributum , reges principes , nobiles , ignobiles , sublimes , humiles , &c. hoc enim bonum est coram salvatore , id est , ut pro talibus 〈◊〉 . hoc quippe deus bonum judicavit , ut oratione humilium dignaretur salutem praestare sublimibus . this was the received doctrine of this great learned arch-bishop of canterbury , anselme , both under king w●…ll . rufus , and h. the i. queen maud his daughter and heir to the crown , by her a charter , founded and granted to the abby of bardesley , sundry lands , pro dei amore , & pro anima h. regis patris mei , et m. reginae , matris meae , & parentum & antecessorum meorum ; & pro salute g. comitis andegaviae domini mei , & mea , & h. haeredis mei , et aliorum filiorum meorum ; et pro pace et stabilitate regni angliae . in her charters of confirmation and grant to the abbyes of kingeswood , stoneley , cogeshale , and st. frideswide in oxford , she hath the like expressions : for all which the monks there were obliged to pray . king stephen by his respective b charters , of grant and con●…mation to the monasteries of feversham , billewas , sibeton and other abbies , gave and confirmed land●… and liberties to them , pro salute animae meae , & mathi●…dis re ginae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & e. filii mei , et aliorum puerorum meorum , et 〈◊〉 meorum regum angliae , et nominatim pro anima regi●… hen●…ici et fratr●…m meorum ; by prayers to be made in t●…em by the monks therein ●…or that purpose . king henry the ii. by his c charters of grant and confirmation of lands and liberties to the abbies and monasteries of st. maryes in york , eton , abberbury , feversham , q●…arrera , st. maryes near dublin in ireland , mir●…val , flexley , croxd●…n , w●…teham and tavystock , granted sundry lands and franchises to them , pro dei amore , pro salute animae meae et reginae meae , et haeredum meorum , et pro anima regis henrici avi , & pro animabus antecessorum nostrorum , et omnium parentum , majorum , et antecessorum meorum regum angliae , et successorum nostrorum , et matris meae imperatricis , et puerorum meorum : to be obtained by their prayers , inserting this clause into his charter of confirmation to st. maries in york , ne aliquis haeres vel successor quaerat relevamen vel aliquod dominium praeter orationes et preces , et eleemosynam animae suae de beneficiis vel eleemosynis quas aliquis dedit praedictae abbathiae . king ( a ) henry the d . comming into england to be crowned after king stephens death , ut decebat tantum & tàm beatum virum , cum summa laetitia et multis prae gaudio lachrymantibus , in regem benedictus est , in throno regni splendidissimè collocatus est . de cujus temporis beatitudine sic diximus heroicè : writes henry huntingdon . anglia lethali jamdudum frigore torpens , nunc solis fervore novi rediviva calescens , erigis impressum terrae caput , & vacuatis tristitiae lachrymis , pro laetitia lachrymaris cum lachrymis haec verba tuo profundis alumno , spiritus es , caro sum : tu nunc intrante revixi . anno . ( t ) there falling out a difference between this king and thomas becket archbishop of canterbury , pope alexander thus begins all his epistles to the king on beckets behalf . alexander , &c. dilecto filio henrico illustri regi anglorum , salutem et apostolicam benedictionem . advising him so to govern his realm to the honour of god , and tranquillity and peace of his church , ut regnum temporale conservet , et p●…st illud det tibi deus ●…ine fine mansuram . and archbishop becket , though in exile , begins his epistle to the king the same year in these words : reverendissimo domino suo henrico dei gratia , illustri anglorum regi , &c. salutem , et utinam per omnia benefacere . and ends it thus , bene valeat semel et semper dominus meus , anno . * robert abbot of wallatia , and . other ambassadors of king henry sent to rome about reckets businesse , began their epistle to the king with charissimo domino henrico illustr . angliae regi , &c. salutem , & facile in omnibus et ubique servitium . closing it thus , ualeat et vigeat sublimitas vestra , confortamini in domino , & exultet cor vestrum . reginald elect bishop of bath begins his epistle from rome to this king , with salutem in eo qui dat salutem regibus . and manuel emperor of constantinople , thus salutes him in the beginning of his epistle to him . salutem et omne bonum . pope lucius in his epistle to him , anno . wisheth him , salutem et apostolicam benedictionem . the patriark of antioch begins his epistle to him with this option , in illo regnare per quam reges regnant . the master of the temple tricius , in his epistle wisheth him , salutem in eo q●…i dat salutem regibus . ( b ) stephanus tornacensis episcopus inscribes his first epistle to this king , thus . henrico r●…gi anglorum cum omni prosperitate gloriam sempiternam . ( c ) petrus blesensis arch-deacon of bath , thus begins his , , , , and . epistles to him . henrico dei gratia , illustrissimo anglorum regi , &c. salutem in eo per quem regesregnant . his . epistle to him is thus concluded . bene valeat charissimus dominus meus , diuque ac faeliciter vivat et regnet richard archbishop of canterbury his epistle to him begins with salutem , et in regno temporali , ●…egni coelestis memoriam et amorem . and the archbishop of rhoane ( the . epistle of petrus blesensis beginning with the salutation used in his . epistle ) ends with this prayer . bene valeat altissimus dominus , et deus qui se contra eum in superbia et abusione erigunt , reportet in virtute altissimi gloriam et triumphum . king richard the . by his respective charters granted and confirmed several lands , liberties , and privileges to the monasteries and churches of stratford , halwiel , frampton , wells , budesley , revesly , boxele and homecoltram , pro amore dei , et pro salute nostra , et a. reginae matris nostrae , in liberam et perpetuam elemosynam ; for which the monks were to pray . king ( a ) john by several charters granted and confirmed several lands and liberties to the respective monasteries of f●…ssa , st. katherine near exeter , thikehued , st. neth d●…re , farendon , shaftesbury , and wolfraughauton , pro salute animae h. regis avi patris nostri , pro salute nostra et 〈◊〉 nostrorum et omnium ancecessorum et successorum nostrorum , & pro salute animo h. regis patris nostri , et matris sui imperatricis , et antecessorum et 〈◊〉 nostrorum : which the monks in all these monsteries were obliged constantly to pray for , in all their publike and private masses and devotions . king ‖ henry the d. granted and confirmed several lands and privileges to the abbies and monasteries of danington , f●…ssa , flamsted , cesthont , wilburt●…sse , lillichurch , wotton , new-minster near morpeth , parcolude , kemmer , jorevall , holmcoltram , bynedone , leiselege , lenton and tarente , pro salute animae nostrae , et h. regis et ●…aeredam nostrorum et omnium ●…egum angliae , et omnium fidelium , et animarum ante●…rum nostrorum , et patris mei , et matris meae , et pro totius nostri progen . in remissionem peccatorum et salvationem , et pro statu regni mei , which the abbots , priors and monks in these respective churches , we●… constantly to pray for both in publike and private . the prior and covent of ( a ) st. alba●… , in their letters to king henry the d. touching the election and presentation of a new abbot , anno . used this ●…tile and prayer . excellentissimo domino suo & in christo reverendissimo , henrico dei gratia regi angliae , &c. e. prior sancti albani & ejusdem loci conventus , cum omni humilitate & devotione , aeternam in domino salutem . the prior and covent of bath , ( b ) anno . begin and end their letters to king henry the d. and his queen , concerning the election of the bishop of bath and wells , in this form , and with these prayers for them . serenissimo domino henrico dei gratia regi angliae , &c. devoti sui ●…umilis th. prior & conventus ba●…honiae , salutem et debitam cum orationibus 〈◊〉 reverentiam et fidelitatem , &c. in omnibus quae nostrae erunt possibilitatis vestris pa●…ati sumus affec●…uose parere mandatis . ●…alvat et vigeat dominatio vestra per tempora longa . 〈◊〉 regia 〈◊〉 ●…estra semper in domino . conservet vos 〈◊〉 et populo suo altissimus per ●…pora longiora . ualeat et tigeat serenitas vestra et ●…liorum vestrorum per tempora longa . ualeat serenitas vestra semper in domino . which were their daily prayers for thē , in their publike and private devotions , in their churches and cells as well as in their letters . and likewise for king adelstan , edwar●… , edgar , ethelred , kenulphus , henry the i. and king stephen , benefactors to the priory of b●…th , whose anni●…rsaries they solemnized every year , with solemn prayers and alms , as the leger book records . in the vigil o. ‖ st. matthew , anno . when prince edward eldest son and heir of king henry the . was sick , the said king writ to all the religious persons remaining within the circuit of london , where the said edward lay sick , ut 〈◊〉 orarent pro pueri incolumitate●… that they should devoutly pray for the recovery and health of the child . whereupon , amongst others , he writ specially to the abbot and covent of st. alban , ut pro ipso orantes , that praying for him , all the monks should solemnly sing a masse , whose first collect should be of st. alban , but the second for the sick prince : namely , omnipotens & sempiternè deus salus aeterna credentium , &c which being done , per dei gratiam , puero sanitas est restituta . haec idcircò dixerim ( writes the historian ) propter murmur populi dicentis , ecce laici orant dominum et exaudiuntur et quare non orat papa & facit pro causa sua , imò nostra & universalis ; ecclefiae orare : imò rapinis inhiat pecuniae indefessus . dictumque est & affirmatum , quod non sine lac●…rymis scribo ; plus confidit in pecuniae thesauris , quam fidelium precibus vel eleemosy●…is . the * abbots of the order of black monks , assembling at the abby of bermond●…shie , in the year . ordained by common-council , quod ipse dominus rex ab ipsis omnibus impetravit , ut pro ipso et regina dicatur quotidie in missa quae in veneratione beatae virginis canitur in eorum ecclesiis , collecta celebis , deus in cujus manu ; for the preservation and welfare of the king and queen . king ‖ henry the d. being very sick at westminster in the lent , anno . and despairing of his recovery , se orationibus ecclesiae commendavit , recommended himself to the prayers of the church . whereupon the monks of westminster fearing to lose such a patriot , went in pilgrimage bare-foot , in a rainy season to the new temple , and there singing a masse for the king , and returning thence in the same manner as they went , it was told them , that the king had recovered of his sicknesse . whereupon he commanded the monks by his mandates , that they should ●…ing gaude at in coelis , quod convaluit precibus monachorum . george cassandar in his h preces ecclesiasticae , hath sundry forms of prayers for christian king●… , emperors , princes , and kingdoms , collected out of several antient liturgies , missals , letanies , and canonical houres ( used antiently in most monasteries and churches as well in england as in other kingdoms , during the reign of king henry the d. and in the kings reigns preceding and succeeding him ) which i shall here insert . deus qui populis tuis virtute consulis , & amore dominaris , da huic f●…mule tuo spiritum sapientiae cum regimine disciplinae , ut tibi toto corde devotus , in regni regimine maneat semper idoneus tuoque munere ipsius temporibus securitas ecclesiae dirigatur , ut in tranquillitate devotio christiana permaneat . ut in bonis operibus perseverans , ad aeternum regnum te duce valeat pervenire , per eundem dominum . ; omnipotens sempiterne deus qui famulum tuum regni fastigis dignatus es sublimare , tribue ei quaesumus ut ita in hujus seculi cursu in commune salutem disponat , quatenus a tuae veritatis tramite non recedat . per eundem dominum nostrum . deus qui scis humanum genus nulla virtute posse subsistere , concede propicius , ut famulus tuus n quem populo tuo voluisti praeferri , ita tue fulciatur adjutorio quatenus quibus potui praeesse , valeat & prodesse per dominum . omnipotens sempiterne deus coelestium terrestriumque moderator , qui famutuum n. ad regni fastigium dignatus es provehere , concede propitius , ut a cunctis adversitatibus libertatus , & ecclesiasticae pacis dono muniatur , & ad aeternae pacis gaudia te donante pervenire mereatur . per dominum nostrum . quaesumus omnipotens deus , ut famulus tuus n. qui tua miseratione suscepti regni gubernacula , virtutum etiam omnium à te percipiat incrementa , quibus decenter armatus , & vitiorum monstra devitare , & hostem superare , & ad te qui via , veritas & vita es , gratiosus valeat pervenire . per dominum nostrum . deus in cujus manu corda sunt regum , inclina ad preces humilitatis nostrae aures misericordiae tuae , & f●…mulo tuo imperatori nostro regimen tuae appone sapientiae , ut haustis de tuo fonte eonsiliis , & tibi placeat , & super omnia regna praecellat . per dominum nostrum . deus cujus regnum est omnium seculorum , supplicationes nostras clementer exaudi , & christianorum regnum tibi subditum protege , ut in tua virtute fidentes , & tibi placeaut , & super omnia regna praecellant . per eundem dominum nostrum . deus qui providentia tua coelestia simul & terrena moderaris , propiciare christianorum rebus & regibus ; ut omnis hostium fortitudo te pro nobis pugnante frangatur . per eundem domiuum nostrum . propiciare domine precibus famulorum tuorum : & propter nomen tuum christiani nominis defende rectores : ut falus servientium tibi principum , pax tuorum possit esse populorum . per eundem dominum . deus regnorum omnium regumque dominator , qui nos & percutiendo 〈◊〉 , & ignoscendo conservas , praetende misericordiam tuam , ut tranquillitate pacis tua potestate firmata , ad remedia correctionis utamur . per dom. nostrum . these were the constant publick and private prayers and devotions of the clergy and people for their kings , princes , and their kingdoms heretofore , not unseasonable for our present times . in my perusal of the clause rolls in the tower of london , i have observed sundry memorable writs and mandates issued by king edward the , , . ●…ichard the . and other of our kings , to their bishops , clergy , abbots , freers predicants , minors , and other religious orders , upon sundry emergent occasions , requiring and commanding them , to make frequent and fervent supplications , prayers , i●…tercessions , and thanksgivings unto god alone , ( not saints , or angels ) in times of war , danger , treaties , and the like , for his special assistance , direction , protection , blessing , and favour , upon the king , queen , prince of wales , the royal issue , kingdom , nobles , armies , the kings counsels , treaties , affairs of all sorts , and for publike peace and prosperity : which writs , because very rare , pious , pertinent to my present theme , suitable to the state of our affairs , and never hitherto published in print , i shall here insert the chiefest of them at large , pretermitting all others of like nature for brevitie sake , those here transcribed comprehending in them the form and substance of the residue , except only writs for masses , dirgees , and prayers for deceased kings , queens , and princes , of which there are ( a ) many presidents ( heterogeneal to my subject matter ) which i shall totally passe by . claus. e. . m. . dorso . rex archiepiscopo eborum , &c. salutem . cum inter magnificum principem dominum regem franciae illustrem consanguineum nostrum , et nos , aliqua sint exorta propter quae ad partes intendimus transmarinas personaliter nos conferre , cum dicto rege super hiis habituri colloquium et tractatum . credentes firmiter et sper●…tes , quod felicior votis nostris effectus adveniret si devotorum intercessionibus ●…djuvemur , paternitatem vestram aff●…ctuosè requirimus et rogamus , quatenus apud deum preces devotas suppliciter effundatis , et à vestris subditis illud idem fieri injungatis , ut in hujusmodi negotio prosequendo , tractando ac etiam ordinando , sic deus & dominus regat et dirigat actus nostros , quod cooperante unigenito dei filio jesu christo , labor noster in hac parte ita possit fructuosus haberi , quod cedat ad laudem sui nominis , ac statum quietum & prosperum regni nostri pariter & honorem , necnon ad totius christianitatis commodum & profectum . t. r. apud sanctum albanum , decimo die febr. consimiles literae diriguntur a. dunolm . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur i. epo . karliel . consimiles literae diriguntur o. line . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur w. elyen . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur r. norwyc. epo . consimiles literae diriguntur i. wynton . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur g. cic●…str . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur i. roffen . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur th. exon. epo . consimilies literae diriguntur n. sarum . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur r. london . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur w. bath . & well . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur r. coventr . & lichf . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur g. wygorn . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur . assav●…n . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur th. heref. epo . consimiles literae diriguntur bangor . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur custod . spiritualitatis archiepiscopatus cant. sede vacante , mutatis tamen mutandis , viz. ubi paternitatem , &c. ibi devotionem , &c. consimiles lite●…ae custodi episcopatus landaven . sede vacante diriguntur . consimiles literae diriguntur m. meneven . electo . claus. e. . dorso m. . rex venerabili in christo patri r. eadem gratia cant. archiepo . totius angliae primati salutem . evidentem causae nost●…ae justiciam quam vos latere non credimus , ferventi studio hactenus prosecuti , et adhuc summo opere prosequentes , pro recuperatione et prosecuti terrae nostrae vascon . tanquam coronae regiae et honori regni nostri angliae hereditario jure annexae , de qua rex ●…rancia nos injustè exhae●…edare conatur , ad partes ips●…s ducatus , gentes nostras nupe●… cum potentia quam tunc commode potuimus , et nunc demum edmundum fratrem nostrum cum honorabili comitiva nobilium dicti regni duximus destinand . sanè ●…um in ●…omine non ●…it auxilium sed è coele , ac propter hoc , ●…porteat impotentiam nostram divinae manus praesidiis sustentari , paternitatem vestram requirimus & rog●…mus , quatenus non solum nostram set vestram justitiam intuentes , & corda vestra sursum habentes ad dominum , apud eum , ut haec & alia quae neg●…tic expedire cognoveritis antedi●…to , procedant salubriter & in ma●… us nostris prosperè dirigantur , devotis supplicationibus insistatis . cumque ob reverentiam ●…edis apostolicae , et ad ve●…erabilium patrum s. albanem & s. penestren . episcoporum sanctae romanae ecclesiae cardinalium requisitionem instantem , ad tractandum de treugis et pace cum rege praedicto super guerris , dissensionibus & discordiis quibuscunque inter ipsum & nos exortis & motis , sollempnes nuncios nostros ad partes miserimus transmarinas ad praesentiam cardinalium praedictorum , piam affectionem vestram excitet quaesumus debitum caritatis , ad divinam mi●…ericordiam vestris intercessionibus implor , ut praesentis temporis tempestuoso procellarum turbine quiescente , uberior a tempora sub tranquillioris aurae serenitate succedant , quodque ad felicite●… h●… & alia peragenda , quae cepimus , dextera regis regum 〈◊〉 adjuti , ea ad laudem ipsius et honorem nostrum , ac commodum regni nostri ad optatum effectum deducere valeamus , praemissa vero omnibus vestris subditis in vestra dioc. constitutis specialibus orationibus facienda , per vos injungi petimus & mandari . t. r. apud sanctum albanum primo die ja●…arii . consimiles literae diriguntur i. e●…rum , archiepo . archiepo . primati , et episcopis subscriptis , videlicet , j. episcopo roffen . r. epo . london . o. epo . lincoln . r. epo . norwycen . w. epo . elyen . g epo . cicestr . j. epo . wynton . th. exon. epo . n. epo . sarum . w. bathon . & wellen. epo . g. wygorn . epo . r. hereford . epo . a. epo . bangor .. assaven . epo . j. electo landaven . j. karleolen . epo . a. epo . dunolmen . custod . spiritualit . covent . & lychf. sede vacante . electo meneven . vel ejus vices gerenti , ipso agente in partibus transmarinis . claus. e. . m. . dorso . rex dilecto sibi in christo abbati sancti augustini cantuar. salutem . evidentem causae nostrae justiciam , &c. ut supra usque ibi praesidiis sustentari : et tunc dicitur , vos requirimus & rogamus quatenus , &c. ut supra . praemissa vero omnibus vestris subditis specialibus orationibus facienda , per vos injungi petimus & mandari . t. rege apud crucem roes vij . die januar. consimiles literae diriguntur abbatibus subscriptis , videlicet , exempti . abbati de sancto albano . abbati de waltham . exempti . abbati de sancto edmundo . abbati de evesham . cisterc. abbati de furneys . abbati de salley . abbati de novo monasterio . abbati de jeroval . abbati de fontibus . abbati de bella landa . abbati de melsa . premostrat . abbati de neuhous . abbati de croxton . abbati de alnewyck . abbati de eyleston . abbati de sancta agatha . magistro ordinis de sempingham fratri williemo de ●…otham priori provinciali de ordine fratrum praedicatorum in angl. ministro o●…dinis fratrum min or in angl. &c. quod ipsi in singulis domibus specialibus orationibus , &c. claus. e. . m. dors . rex religioso viro in christo sibi dilecto . priori principiali ordinis fratrum praedi●…atorum in an●…l . salute●… . qualiter pro tranquillitate & pace regni nostri , ad proterviam & maliciam scotorum reprimendam qui regnū nostrum hostiliter invaserunt , hactenus sumus nos ipsi in periculis expositi , & jam ad partes praedictas cum comitiva nobilium dicti regni nostri , ad praesens proponimus deo dante , dirigere gressus nostros , non credimus vos latere . et quia in h omine non est auxilium sine deo , 〈◊〉 propter hoc oportet impotentiam nostram divinae manus praefidiis sustentari , vos affectuosè requirimus & rogamus , quatenus consratribus vestris singularum domorum vob is subditarum dare velit is in mandatis , ut deum & dominum nostrum protectorem pro nobis suppliciter exorent . ita q●…od per ipsorum orationum devotarum suffragia , gratiam nobis 〈◊〉 , nosque ac liberos nostros & regnum nostrum sua 〈◊〉 ab omnibus adversitatibus tueatur . dat. apud langele xxx die octobr. confimiles literae diriguntur pro rege generali ministro fratrum minorum in angl. t. ut supra . claus. e. . dorso . m. . rex religiosis viris in christo sibi dilectis fratribus de ordine minorum ad generale capitulum apud notingham proximo conventuris salutem , & spiritu sancto dirigi in agendis . attendentes beneficia saera orationumque devotarum suffragia ad divinam misericordiam impetrandam multum humanae conditionis fragilitati prodesse inter alia opera pietatis ; considerantesque nos pro curis & rebus mundialibus quibus circa regni nostri regimen involuti sumus , saluti nostrae spirituali prout nobis expediret intendere non valere ; devotionem vestram requirimus & rogamus quatenus nos , margaretam reginam angl. consortem nostram carissimam , edwardum principem walliae , primogenitum nostrum , caeterosque liberos nostros , ac populum nobis commissum beneficiorum & suffragiorum vestrorum fore participes concedentes , pronobis , & ipsis , ac statu regni , expeditioneque negotiorum nobis incumbencium supplicationes assiduas & orationes devotas altissimo offeratis , ut hic sua pietate nos & ipsos dirigat per suorum semitam mandatorum , & post diem extremum salvationis locum nobis & ipsis dignetur misericorditer indulgere , statumque regni nostri conservare prosperum & tranquillum . t. rege apud strivelyn xxix . die julii . per breve de privato sigillo . ibid. m. . rex religiosis viris & in christo sibi dilectis , magistro ordinis fratrum praedicatorum , ac diffinitoribus & fratribus universis in generali capitulo suo apud tolosam proximo congregandis salutem & spiritu sancto dirigi in agendis . dum conditionem humanae fragilitatis attendimus , & qualiter omni creaturae tam sublimi quàm humili , praetereuntibus suo cursu diebus , praesentis vitae finis apropriat , attenta consideratione pensamus , sic praevenire cupimus quantum nobis ex alto permittitur diem mortis , ut aeterni clemencia judicis dignetur nostri de suae gratiae plenitudine misereri . verum cum devotorum orationum suff●…agia , inter alia pietatis opera multum prosint ad divinam misericordiam impetrandam , de vobis quorum ordinem benevolentiae specialis savore prosequimur , ut salutem nostram zelemini , & pro nobis , margareta regina angl. consorte nostra carissima , edward●… principe wall. primogenito nostro , & caeteris liberis nostris , ac statu prospero regni nost●…i , preces devotas domino offeratis , plenam fiduciam optinentes , devotionem vestram requirimus & rogamus quatenus nunc & in futurum dignam sollicitudinem impendatis & infi●…tis assiduis supplicationibus & intercessionibus apud deum , ut hîc sua pietate nos dirigat per suorum semitam mandatorum , & post diem extremum salvationis locum nobis dignetur misericorditer indulgere , ●…atumque praedicti regni nostri conservare prosperum & tranquillam universitatem vestram religiosam diu conservet altissimus in caritate continua & perfecta . dat. apud dumfermelyn primodie januarii . eadem m. . rex religiosis viris & sibi in christo carissimis magistro ordinis fratrum minorum , & diffinitoribus ac 〈◊〉 universis in generali capitulo suo apud as●…sium prox . conventuris , salutem & bravium pro lab●…re perenniter duraturum . nos qui curis sumus & r●…bus 〈◊〉 involuti , & circa regimen regni nostri incessantibus actibus & continuis meditationibus occupati , pro animae animae n●…strae salute contemplationi prout haberemus necesse intendere nequeunte●… , ac advertentes quod beneficia vestra sacra , orationumque vestrarum suffragia nobis in praesenti & etiam in futuro esse poterunt plurimum fructuosa , religiosum cetum vestrum & singulos frarres adunatos in co requirimus & rogamus , quate●…s nos , margaretam rrginam angliae , consortem nostram karissimam , edwardum principem walliae primogenitum nostrum , caeterosque liberos nostros , ac populum nobis commissum suffragiorum & beneficiorum vestrorum fore participes coneedentes , pro nobis , statu regninostri , & expeditione negotiorum nobis incumbeneium hiis diebus pia precamina apud altissimum aff●…ndatis , ut sic regnum temporale regere valeamus quod in regno coelesti partem haereditariam consequan●…r . conservet vos altisfimus in caritate continua & perfecta . dat apud dumfermelyn xi . die decembr . claus. e. . m. . rex religiosis viris & fibi in christo dilectis magistro ordinis fratrum praedicatorum ac diffinitoribus fratribus universis in generali capitulo suo paris proximo conventur . salutem & spiritu sancto dirigi in agendis . dum conditionem humanae fragilitatis attendimu , & qualiter omni creaturae quam sublimi quàm humili , praetereuntibus suo ●…ursu diebus praesentis vitae finis appropriat , attenta consideratione pensamus , sic praevenire cupimus quantum nobis ex alto permittitur , diem mortis , ut aeterni clemencia iudicis dignetur nostri de suae gratiae plenitudine misereri . verum cum devotarum orationum suffragia inter alia pietatis opera multum prosint ad divinam misericordiam impetrandam , de vob●… quorum ordinem benevolentiae specialis favore prosequimur , ut salutem nostram zelemini , & pro nobis , consorte nostr●… , et liberis nostris , ac statu prospero regni nostri preces denotas offeratis , plenam fiduciam optinentes , devotion●…m vestram requirimus & rogamus quatenus nunc & in futurum dignam sollicitudinem impendatis , et insistatis assiduis supplicationibus et inter cessionibus apud deum , ut hîc suapietate no dirigat per suorum semitam mand atorum , et post diem extre mum , salvationis ●…ocum nobis dignetur misericorditer ind●… gere , statumque regni nostri conservare prosperum et tranquillum . vniversitatem vestram religiosam diu conservet altis simus in c●…e continua et perfecta . dat. apud wolnesey●… viii . die aprilis . claus. e. . m. . dorso . rex religiosis viris & in christo sibi dilectis priori provinciali ac fratribus universis ordinis sancti augustini in generali capitulo suo apud lincoln proximo conventuris , salutem , & spiritu sacro dirigi in agendis . fidelium devotio ad religiosorum s●…ffragia imploranda eo f●…rventius excitatur , quo speratur preces 〈◊〉 religiosorum apud altissimum gratiosius exaudiri , et exinde fidelibus sic implorantibus de supernis majora commoda provenire . considerantes itaque nos rebus mundialibus quorum disp●…tioni vacare nos oportet undique involutos , quominus saluti animae nostrae prout nobis expediret intendere valeamu●… , firmaque credulitate tenentes , per preces et orationes vestras summum bonum gratiae coelestis posse facilius impretrari , devotionem vestram attentis precibus requirimus et rogamus , 〈◊〉 nos , reginam consortem nostram & liberos nostros , ac statum regni nostri ei qui mensurae termino non arctatur sedulis intercessionib us commendet is , ipsius clemenciam suppliciter implorantes , ut nobis concedat sic regnum temporale regere , negociaque nos et statum regni et aliarum terrarum nostro dominio subjectarum sua mediante ineffabili gratia ordinare , quod in regno coelesti partem haereditariam consequamur , quodque actus nostri ad laudem sui nominis , et ad noctrum , regnique nostri et terrarum praedictarum cedere valeant commodum et honorem . t. r. apud carliolum xx . die maij. per breve de privato sigillo . claus. e. . m. . dorso . rex religiosis viris in christo sibi dilectis fratribus de ordine minorum ad generale capitulum suum apud toles conventur . salutem , & spiritu sancto dirigi in agendis . attendentes beneficia sancta , orationumque devotarum suffragia , ad divinam misericordiam impet●… andam multum humanae conditionis fragilitati prodesse inter alia opera pietatis , consider antesque nos pro curis et rebus mundialibus quibus 〈◊〉 regni nostri regimen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saluti nostrae spirituali prout nobis expediret intendere non valere , devotionem vestram requirimus et rogamus quatinus nos , margaretam reginam angliae consortem nostram carissimam , edwardum principem walliae primogenitum nostrum , caeterosque liberos nostros , ac populum nobis commissum beneficiorum et suffragiorum vestrorū fore parti●…ipes concedentes , pro nobis & ipsis , ac statu regni nostri , expeditioneque negociorum nobis incumbentium supplicationes assiduas et or ationes devotas alti●… offeratis , ut hîc sua pietate nos et ipsos dirigat per suorum semitam mandatorum , et post diem extremum salvationis locum nobis et ipsis dignetur misericorditer indulgere , statumque regni nostri conservare prosperum et tranquillum . t. r. apud lauretost . to die febr. claus. e. . m. . dorso . rex dilectis sibi in christo magistro ordinis fratrum praedicatorum , ac diffinitoribus & fratribus universis in generali capitulo suo apud argentem in aleman . in festo pentecostes proximo futur . conventuris salutem , & spiritu sancto dirigi in agendis . inter caetera quae fructum salutis repromittere credimus , hoc praecipuè in spei nostrae fulcimentum accedit , quod nos assi●…uarum deprecationum justorum fulti praesidio divinam propitiationem facilius consequemur . de vobis itaque ut nostram ac reginae consortis nostrae liberorumque nostrorum salutem , necnon statum prosperum regni nostri & expeditionem felicem negotiorum nobis incumbentium hiis diebus zelemini , plenam in domino fiduciam optinentes , devotionem ve●…ram affectuo è requirimus & rogamus , quatinus apud illum qui est vera salus et qui temporalitatis et perpetuae felicitatis tribuit la●… gitatem , nos , reginam , consortem nostram , et liberos nostros , a●… statum regni nostri devotè supplicationis studio commendetis , ipsius clemenciam qui mensurae termino non artatur suppliciter exorantes ut sic regnum temporale regere , negociaque nostra praedicta expeditioni felici pro suae subventionis dexteram mancipare possimus , quod hoc ad laudem sui nominis , et ad nostrum regnique nostri commodum cedere valeat & honorem : quodque nos post supremum vitae nostrae exitum in regno coelesti partem haereditariam consequamur . dat. apud lauretost . primo die decembris . to pretermit the charter of king edward the first to the abby of abe●… , pro salute animae nostrae & animar●… omnium antecessorum & haeredum , seu aliorum nostrorum successorum . and his charter of translation of demhall to the abby of valle-royal , pro salute animae nostrae , & pro salute animae celebris memoriae domini henrici patris nostri , & animarum haeredum & successorum nostrorum . which the monks in these houses were constantly to pray for . claus. . edw. . m. . dorso . rex venerabili in christo patri w. eadem gratia eborum archiepiscopo , angliae primati salutem . quanto in magnis ●…t arduis peragendis negotiis divinum praesidium instanciùs & devotiùs imploratur , tanto exinde speratur successus prosperior & felicior provenire . hinc est , quod cum inclytae memoriae domino edwardo nuper rege angl. patre nostro viam universae carnis ingresso , de quo mentis amaritudine intimè premim●…r et tur●…r , onus regiminis regni angl. nobis iucumba●… ‖ jure haereditario , si●…t scitis , ●…ires nostras ad on●…s hujusmodi portand . absoue de●…otarum orationum suffragiis cernimus penitus impotentes : vestramigitur paternitatem affectuosis precibus requirimus et rogamus , quatinus apud eum per quem reges regnant , & principes dominantur preces devotas suppliciter effundatis , & illud idem à religiofis et aliis vestris subditis universis fieri injungatis , ut regnum nostrum et alias terras nobis subditas , semper in statu prospero & pacifico conservare ; nosque ea sub ipso fic regere & tueri per suorum semitas mandatorum ad nostri et ip●…us regni dictarumque terrarum honorem , commodum et quietem con●…edere dignetur , quod pro temporali regno in regno caelesti partem haereditariam consequamur , &c. tefte rege apud 〈◊〉 . xxviij . die octobr. eodem modo scribitur subscriptis , viz. j. karl . episcopo . t. ●…ff . episcopo . a. 〈◊〉 . episcopo , & pa●… . 〈◊〉 . j. cistercien . episcopo . h. winton . episcopo . j. lincoln . episcopo . w. bath . & well . episcopo . r. elien . episcopo . r. hereford . episcopo . j. norwych . episcopo . w. coventr . & lych. episcopo . r. london . episcopo . custodi spiritualitatis episcopatus wigorn. sede vac custodi spiritualitatis episcopatus exon. sede vac . vestram igitur d●…votionem , &c. & illud idem toti conventui , & subditis vestris universis , &c. abbati sancti augustini cantar . abbati west●… . abbati de sancto albano . abbati de sancto edmundo . abbati de evesham . magistr . ordinis de sempringham . ministro generali ordinisfratrum minorum in angl. quod , &c. & à gardianis fratribus & subditis suis , &c. priori pro●…li 〈◊〉 fratrum praedicatorum in angl. &c. & à sing●…s prioribus fratribus et subitis , &c. ibid. rex venerabili in christo patri w. eadem gratia 〈◊〉 . archiepiscopo angliae primati salutem . deus redempto●… omnium et creator , qui hominem ad imaginem et simi●…em suam fecit , cla●…ae memoriae dominum 〈◊〉 dudum regem angliae progenitorem nostrum paci●… et justiciae fe●…idum zelatorem , quem aliàs constat magnis ●…isse ●…tum insigniis et meritorum praeconiis decoratum , ●…per ab hac 〈◊〉 prout sibi plac●… evocavit , de quo cordis amaritudinem , angustias et dolores intrinsecus non immeritò ●…nemus . cum itaque opus sanctum et salubre apud altissimum censeatur pro defunctis ut a suorum mole peccaminum liberentur , 〈◊〉 et suppliciter exorare ; paternitatem vestram affectuosè requirimus et rogamus , quatinus ipsius patris nostri exequias sollempniter celebrantes , animam ejus cum m●…rum decantatione et aliis 〈◊〉 suff●… deo vivo et vero qui aufert spiritum principum specialiter commendetis , ac ab omnibus religiosis et aliis subditis vestris in dioc. vestra per missarum decantationes et alia hujusmodi suffragia faciatis similiter commendari , ut vestris et ipsorum patrociniis et precibus adjuta , coelestis regni solium ingredi et in 〈◊〉 beatitudine citius valeat collocari . t. rege apud westm. xxx . die octobr. anno , &c. primo . eodem modo scribitur episcopis , abbatibus , magistro de ordinis sempryngham , ministro generali ordinis fratrum minorum in angl. priori provinciali ordinis fratrum praedicatorum in angl. superius nominatis . claus. e. . m. . dorso . rex religiosis viris et in christo sibi dilectis magistro ordinis fratrum praedicatorum ac diffinitoribus et fratribus universis in capitulo suo generali ad tholosam in proximo celebrand . salutem et spiritus sancti gratia in favore caritatis dirigi in agendis . quanto in●…ffabilis divinae miser●…is praesidium in urge●… necessitatibus seu agendis quibuslibet humilius et devotius imploratur , tanto ut nostra tenet fiducia , successus prosperior et eventus felicior subsequuntur . quamobrem de vestra devotione et sincera in domino caritate specialiter confidentes , ac sperantes quod eo nostram ac isabellae reginae angliae consortis nostrae , necnon et edwardi primogeniti nostri salutem , statumque prosperum et tranquillum regni nostri angliae , aliorumque terrarum nobis subditarum , ac felicem expeditione●… negotiorum nobis incumbentium hiis diebus tenerius diligatis , quo nos ad vestram praecipue ordinem nostros affectus hactenus direximus , & devotione fratrum ejusdem ordinis fiduciam gessimus ampliorem , firma etiam credulitate tenentes per orationum ●…strarum suffragia nobis inestimabile bonum coel●… munificentiae in nostris dirigendis et peragendis negotiis uberius affuturum ; caritatem vestram sinceris affectibus requirimus et rogamus , quatinus domino nostro 〈◊〉 christo qui est omnium vera salus , et per qu●…m reges regnant et principes dominantur , nos , reginam consortem nostram , et dominum primogenitum nostrum sedulis precibus et devotis orationibus commendetis ; ipsius clementiam suppliciter ●…antes , ut 〈◊〉 regni temporalis regimen , quod ipso disponente suscepimus , dictaque negotia nostra prosperè expedire per suae suventionis potentiam valeamus , quod ad laudem sui nominis , nostrique ac regni , et aliarum terrarum nostrarum utilitatem cedere valeant et honorem . dat. apud westminst . xxiiii . die aprilis . claus. anno e. . m. . dors . rex dilectis sibi in christo cancellario , magistris & scholaribus universitatis oxon salutem . benè novit , ut credimus , vestra discretio , qualiter pro bono pacis & reformatione concordiae inter nos & regem franc. de consilio & assensu praelatorum & aliorum magnatum regni nostri , uxorem nostram sub magna amoris confidentia ad ipsum regem nuper transmisimus , sperantes ficut nobis certitudinaliter per nuncios domini summi pontificis , qui tam ad ipsum regem quam ad nos pro tractatu concordiae fuerant destinati , & etiam per nostros nuncios tunc in partibus franciae existentes promissum extitit , quod ipsa à praefato rege fratre suo posset quaecumque peteret impetrare , & quod ejus interventu firma pax & amoris integritas inter nos & ipsum regem , absque amissione juris seu patrimonii nostri , seu alicujus personae de nostris reformari debuissent , et post haec dicto negocio non secundum promissa , set alium totaliter exitum , sicut nostis , sortiente , cum parati essemus in portu dover . ad transfretandum versus partes franc. de consilio praelatorum & magnatum praedictorum ac dictorum nunciorum , ●…ato etiam rege ad hoc assensum praebente , dictum ducatum no●…rum & omnes terras nostras quas habuimus in regno franc. edwardo filio nostro primogenito donavimus , sub certa forma habendum , ipsumque ad dictum regem franc. transmisimus pro homagio suo pro ducatu & terris praedictis faciendo . et 〈◊〉 quae amoris dulce dine pro pace egimus ut guerrarū discrimina vitarentur , nobis in felle conversa sunt amaritudinis & guerrae materias habundantius administrant . detinuit siquidem idem rex & adhuc detinet dictos nost●… 〈◊〉 uxorem & filium , ac magnam partem ducatus praedicti , quanquā homagiū ipsius filii nostri pro integro receperit , & jam refiduum missis exercitibus satagit occupare . receptat insuper inimicos & rebelles nostros & eos fovet , & quasdam naves quorundam mercatorum nostrorum nuper per gentes suas supra mare cepit hostiliter , & interfectis mercatoribus & marinariis in eis inventis infra regnum franc. abduci fecit , aliasque nos de guerra multipliciter persequitur tam per teriam quàm per mare . propter quod nos pro defensione regni nostri navigium nostrum mi●…mus supra mare , ad refraenand . maliciam gentium ipsius regis si qui fortè ingredi vellent regnum nostrum . ver●…m quia nobis relatum est , quod aliqui fautores , ut credimus , dictorum inimicorum veritatem nostram in praemissis fal●…s relationibus satagentes depravare , sinistra de nobis & aliquibus ●…delibus nostris praedicare non verentur , ut avertant 〈◊〉 nobis corda subditorum nostrorum , qui ex simplicitate frequenter falsis narratoribus fidem praebent . nos ipsorum maliciis obviare & veritatem rei gestae cunctis patefieri cupientes , vobis in fide & dilectione quibus nobis tenemini firmiter injungen do 〈◊〉 , quod ad confuta●…dam hujusmodi malevolorum 〈◊〉 , pr●…missa omnia & singula in publicis sermonibus & 〈◊〉 ●…onibus vestris recitari , & palam exponi faciatis , ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rerum universis & singulis nota fiat . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vos quatinus vos et qu●… vestrum pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 statu regni nostri mi●… 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 largitionibus , et aliis operibus pi●… ac jugis et devotis precibus jugiter ●…atis apud altissimum creatorem , quatinus 〈◊〉 sua pietate nos regat et 〈◊〉 in mundi 〈◊〉 turbinibus per suorum semitam ma●…rum , ●…tu 〈◊〉 regni nostri conservet ●…olumem , et sua in●…ili potentia a malignorum 〈◊〉 tueatur . teste rege apud porcester . v. die septemb. eodem modo mandatum est cancellar . magistris & scolaribus universitatis cantebrig . ibid. eadem m. . do●… . rex venerabili in christo patri w. eadem g●…atia archiepiscopo cantur . totius angliae primati salutem . benè novit vestra discretio , nec potest vobis ut credimus in memoriam non venire , qualiter pro bono pacis & reformatione concordiae inter nos & regem franc. de vestro & aliorum praelatorum ac magnatum consilio & assensu , uxorem nostram sub magna amoris confidentia ad ipsum regem nuper transmisimus , sperantes ●…ut nobis certitudinaliter per nuncios domini summi pontificis , qui tam ad ipsum regem quàm ad nos pro tra●…tatu concordiae fuerant destinati , ac etiam per nostros nuncios tunc in partibus franc. exi●…entes promissum extitit quod ipsa à praefato rege fratre suo posset quaecumque peteret impetrare , & quod ejus interventu firma pax & amoris integritas inter nos et ipsum regem absque amissione juris seu patrimonii nostri , seu alicujus personae de no●…ris reformari debuissent : & post haec dicto negotio non secundum promissa , sed alium totaliter exitum sicut nostis sortiente , cum parati essemus in portu dovor . ad transfretandum versus parte●… franciae , de consilio vestro ac aliorum praelatorum & magnatum praedictorum ac dictorum 〈◊〉 , praefato etiam rege ad hoc assensum praebente , dictum ducatum nostrum & omnes terras nostras quas habuimus in regno franciae edwardo filio nostro primogenito donavimus sub certa forma habendum , ipsumque ad dictum regem franciae transmisimus pro homagio suo pro ducatu & terris praedictis faciendo . et ecce quae amoris dulcedine pro pace egimus , ut guerrarum discrimina vitarentur , nobis in felle conversa sunt amaritudinis , et guerris materias habundantius administrant . detinuit siquidem idem rex et adhuc detinet dictos nostros uxorem et filium , ac magnam partem ducatus praedicti , quamquam homagium ipsius filii nostri pro integro recipe●…it , & jam residuum missis exercitibus satagit occupare . receptat insuper inimicos et rebelles nostros et eos fovet , et quasdam naves quorundam mercatorum nostrorum nuper per gentes suas supra mare cepit hoftiliter , et interfectis mercatoribus et marinariis in eis inventis , infra regnum franc. abduci fecit , aliasque nos de guerra multipliciter prosequitur tam per terram quàm per mare . propter quod nos pro defensione regni nostri , navagi●… nostrum misimus supra mare ad refraenandam maliciam gentium ipsius regis , si quae fortè ingredi vellent regnum nostrum . verum quia nobis relatum est , quod aliqui fautores , ut credimus , dictorum inimicorum , veritatem nostram in praemissis falsis relationibus satagentes depravare , sinistra de nobis et aliquibus fidelibus nostris praedicare no●… verentur , ut avertent à nobis corda subditorum nostrorum , qui ex simplicitate frequenter falsis narra●…oribus fidem praebent . nos ipsorum maliciis obviare , et veritatem rei gestae cunctis patefieri cupientes , vobis in fide et dilectione quibus nobis tenemini firmiter injungendo mandamus , quod ad confutandam hujusmodi malevolorum audaciam , praemissa omnia prout gesta fuerunt in publicis sermonibus et aliis congregationibus per totam dioc. vestram recitari et palam exponi faciatis , ut series gestarum rerum universis et singulis nota fiat , et contra hujusmodi falsa et sinistra de nobis et fidelibus nostris praedicantes tales et tam rigidas censuras promulgare studeatis , ut hujusmodi saltim timore à suis temeritatibus compescantur . rogamus insuper vos quatinus clerum et populum vestrae diocae●…s salubribus exhortationibus commoneatis , ipsosque praelatos inferiores , religiosos et alios , ac rectores ecclesiarum in fingulis ecclesiis per totam dioces . vestram commoneri et exhortari faciatis , ut ipsi pro nobis et prospero statu regni nostri missarum solempniis , eleemosynarum largitionibus et aliis operibus pietatis , ac jugis et devotis precibus jugiter insistant apud altissimum crea●…em , quatinus ipse sua pietate nos rega●… et dirigat 〈◊〉 mundi hujus turbinibus per suorum semitam man●…atorum statum regni nostri conservet incolume●… , et sua ineffabili potentia a malignorum incursibus ●…tur . 〈◊〉 universis et singulis vestris suffraganeis injungatis , quod ●…psi et eorum quilibet praemissa omnia et singula per singulas ecclesias suorum dioces . praedicari et exponi 〈◊〉 , et clerum et populum ut orati●…nibus et aliis pietatis operibus , ut praemittitur , iugiter insistant , studeant salubriter exhortari . et nos de eo quod inde duxeritis faciendum per vestras literas distincte et aperte cum celeritate qua poteritis certificare curetis . t. r. apud claryndon xii . die augusti . consimiles literae diriguntur archiepiscopo eborum angliae primati . claus. e. . m. . dorso . rex religiosis viris et sibi in christo dilectis priori et fratribus ordinis fiatrum praedicatorum ad capitulum generale apud oxon cele braudum conventuris , salutem et spiritu sancto dirigi in agendis . dum conditionem humanae fragilitatis at●…endimus , et qualiter omni creaturae tam sublimi quàm humili praetereuntibus suo cursu diebus praesentis vitae finis apropriat , attenta consideratione pensamus , sic praevenire cupimus quant●… nobis ex alto permittitur , diem mortis , ut aeterni clementia judicis dignetur nostri de suae gratiae plenitudine misereri . uerum cum devotarum orationum suffragia inter alia pietatis opera multum prosint ad divinam misericordiam impetrandam , de ●…is , quorum ordinem benevolentiae specialis favore prosequimur , ut salutem nostram zelemini , et pro nobis ac statu prospero regni nostri preces devotas domino offeratis , plenam fiduciam optinentes , 〈◊〉 vestram requirimus et rogamus , qua●…inus 〈◊〉 et in futurum dignam sollicitudinem impendatis , et insistatis assiduis supplicationibus et intercessionibus apud drum , ut hic sua pietate nos dirigat per suorum semitam mandatorum et post diem extremum salvationis locum nobis dignetur misericorditer elargiri , statumque praedicti regni nostri conservare prosperum et tranquillum . ●…itatem vestram religiosam diu conservet ●…issimus in caritate continua et perfecta . t. r. apud porcestr . vi . die septembr . king * edward the d. granted and confirmed by his charters to the respective abbyes and monasteries of st. denny , lyllye , gratia d●…i , st. julian , charter-house london , sundry lands and revenues , ad missas , orationes , & 〈◊〉 divina servicia facienda ●…ro anima nostra , et matris nostrae et pro animalus antecessorum & successorum nostrorum , primogenito nostro & haeredum suorum , &c. which the abl ots and monks were daily and constantly to perform in these abbyes and monasteries without intermission . 〈◊〉 cl. e. . part . m. . dors . he issued his w●…its for a publick thanksgiving and victory over the scots . rex venerabili in christo , patri s. eadem gratia archiepiscopo cantuarien●…i , totius angliae primati salutem . sedens in trono gloriae qui sui dispositione non sallitur , dilectos suos in oportunitatibus visitat uberius quàm creatae rationis intentio sciat aut valeat invenire : ipse quidem dominantium dominus misericordiam suam nobiscum licet inmeritis magnificè mirificans hiis diebus , funestam scotorum inimicorum nostrorum rabiem et ipsorum perfidam feritatem qui partes regni nostri boreales nuper coad●…atis viribus hostiliter invadentes , depraedationes , strages et incendia , necnon & alia mala quae poterant crudeliter perpetrarunt , ordini , aetati vel sexui non parcentes , & demum contra nos et nostrum exercitum propè berewycum die lunae prox . ●…nte festum sanctae margaretae virginis proximo praeterit . videlicet decimo nono die julii , in induratae spiritu superbiae & antiquatae suae maliciae ad praeliū se parantes virtutis suae potentia mirabiliter dissipavit , ipsos in manu n●…stra victori ●…so praesidio concludendo ; quos in eo qui dat salutem regibus , ac de nostra justicia confidentes in timo●…e domini , licet in perdicione hominum non laetemur , in campo certaminis devi●…s absque laefione magna , l●…ur altissimus , gentis nostrae , et castrum ac uillam berewici nobis reddi a 〈◊〉 domino ●…am habemus , de quibus gratiarum omnium largitori laudes exsolvimus , ut possimus humiles et devotas , ineffabilem ipsius clemen●…iam 〈◊〉 , ut signum quod nobiscum fecit in bonum incrementis faciat felicibus faecundare , pacis firmantae 〈◊〉 spem conceptam , quae ●…bis ad vestri recreationem et publicam regni nostri laeti●…iam divina contemplando magnalia nunciamus . et quia inter 〈◊〉 humanae reparationis remedia humilem apud deum 〈◊〉 instantiam 〈◊〉 vinae gratiae credimus multipliciter inductivam , paternitatem vestram affectuose requirimus et rogamus , quatinus salvatoris nostri clementiam pro concessa nobis caelitus victoria , devotis laudibus attollatis , et a vestris subditis faciatis ut convenit , devotione celebri venerari ; ipsos salutaribus monitis inducentes , ut intentis orat●…onum suffragiis nos miserationi divinae sedulo recommendent , recommendareque velitis vosmetipsi , quod commissum nobis regimen ad dei beneplacitum , defensionem ecclesiae , regni nostri honorem , commodum et quietem , conservationem , augmentum ac redintegrationem jurium nostrorum regalium , ac nostri et subditorum nostrorum salutem animarum agere , et in justicia roborari nostris temporibus feliciter valeamus . t. r. apud berewicum super twedam xxii . die julii . confimiles literae diriguntur archiepiscopo eborum & singulis episcopis angliae & walliae , ac episcopis subscriptis , videlicet archiepiscopo burdegal . episcopo aquen . episcopo agenen . episcopo brion . episcopo basaten . episcopo adduren . rot. parl. an. ed. . n. . entre les peticions des comones & les respons sur les ainsi ensint . premerement priant les dites comones , que pleze a lour dite seigneur lige prier as ercevesqes euesqes , et a toute la clergie pur prier pur son estat , et la pees et bon government de la terre , et pur la continuance de sa bone volente diverse ses dites comones . r. il plest au roi de les prier . clause . r. . m. . dorso . rex venerabili in christo patri w. eadem gratia archiepiscopo cantuar. totius angliae primati , salutem . ut praevisa jacula minus laedant , et gravissimis nostri & nostrorum periculis salubrius obvietur , inimicorum fallaces insidias , & malicias mortiferas satis expedit esse notas . super quo vos scire volumus , quod ab annis teneris quibus deo volente regni gubernacula suscepimus , semper in votis gessimus preecipuis ut subditi nostri in quorum utique quiete quiescimus , in pace firma sub nostro regimine ponorentur ; et propterea tractatus per inclitae memoriae dominum e. nuper regem angliae avum nostrum , 〈◊〉 tunc adversario suo franciae inchoatos , continuare fecimus , facientes adversario nostro franciae jam praesenti diversas 〈◊〉 pacis multociens offerri , cum detrimento non modico juris nostri , ad finem evitandi subditorum nostrorum gravamina , ac justificandi coram rege regum cui nihil est absconditum , causam nostram , et finaliter ut nihil in nobis deesset , quin praedicta pace habenda poneremus ultimum posse nostrum , johannem regem castellae et i egionis , ducem lancastr . primo per se , et d●…inde ipsum et thomam comitem buk . patruos nostros carissimos ad diversos tractatus pacis cum nonnullis aliis praelatis , proceribus et consiliariis nostris , cum potestate plenaria fecimus destinari . set pars adversarii praedicti videns praefatos patruos nostros ad omnem pacem rationabilem prout eis injunximus inclinatos , dictum tractatum pacis et quamplures ipsius articulos quibus antea consenserant , per cavillationes et subterfugia declinarunt , et tanquam aspides surdae obtur antes aures suas nolentes intelligere ut benè agerent , ca quae pacis er ant audire adeò contempserunt , quod patrui dicti adversarii , 〈◊〉 viz. butricen . et burgundiae qui soli potestatem tractandi 〈◊〉 eodem receperant , cum praefatis patruis nostris in 〈◊〉 medio inter cales et boloniam ubi partes extiterant primitus conventuri * et promisso , pro praedicto tractatu , licet multociens requisiti , convenire penitus recusabant ; jactantes se , ut dicitur , nedum haereditatem nostram ultramarinam , set r●…gnum nostrum angliae se velle hostiliter in●…dere , et nobis locum et gentem auferre , ac totam linguam anglicanam absque consideratione status , aetatis , sexus , aut personae destruere , ipsumque regnum ( quod a●…t ) imbuere nova lingua : set non placeat pietati divinae quod ea nobis accidant quae minantur , 〈◊〉 meritè dicere possumus , quod quaesivimus pacem , et ecce turbacio , et pro tanto dile●…nem vestram atttentè requirimus et rogamus , quatinus praefatas inimicorum malicias induratas clero et populo vestrae dioc. exemptis et non exemptis , clarè intimari et inter eos publicari debitè fariatis , ipsos vobis quantum ex alto permittitur inducentes , ut ad propulsandam tantam inimicorum proterviam in causa regni communi et justissima spir●…●…nis assumant , et pro nostri nostrorumque fidelium , totiusque regni salvatione et tutela , pits apud deum orationum suffragiis intercedant . t. rege apud westm. xxi . die octobr. confimilia brevia diriguntur episcopis subscriptis sub eadem dat . videlicet , a. archipiscopo eborum angliae primati . r. episcopo london . w. episcopo wynton . tho. episcopo elien . h. episcopo norwycen . w. episcopo cicesir . j. episcopo bathou & wellen . r. episcopo coventr . & lich. joh. episcopo dunolm . tho. episcopo karliol . r. episcopo sarum . tho. episcopo exon. j. episcopo hereford . tho. episcopo 〈◊〉 . h. episcopo w●… . j. episcopo lincoln . a. episcopo m●… . j. episcopo bangoren . tho. episcopo landaven . l episcopo assaven . claus. . r. . m. . dors . rex venerabili in christo patri w. eadem gratia archiepiscopo cantur . totius angliae ●…rimati , salutem . cum nuper considerantes qualiter inimici nostri franc. & alii quamplures sibi adhaerentes , regnum nostrum angliae pluribus locis saepius invaserunt , mal●… intolerabilia tam per terram quàm per mare perpetrantes , & insuper de hoc minimè conte●…ti ecclesiam sanctam populumque , & ligeos 〈◊〉 s●…bvertere , & penitus destruere de die in diem totis viribus ●…is se parant , & conantur ; de ●…nsu consilii nostri ordinaverimus dilectum consanguineum & fidelem nostrum ricardum comitem arundel admiralum nostrum angliae , ad proficiscendum in obsequium nostrū super mare , una cum nonnullis magnatibus & aliis fidelibus nostr●… in comitiva sua , ad maliciam & proterviam praedictorum hostium nostrorum ( gratia mediante divina ) propulsandam , ac ecclesiam & regnum praedicta protegenda & salvanda . verum quia ad praemissa peragenda & complenda absque devotarum orationum suffragiis vires nostras cernimus penitus impotente●… ; ac sperantes indubiè quod quantò in magnis & peragendis negociis divinum praesidium instantius & devotius imploratur , tantò exinde successus prosperior & felicior proveniat & sequatur ; vestram paternitatem & devotionem affectuosis precibus requirimus & rogamus , quatinus tam grandibus periculis quae ecclesiae & regno praedictis oculata fide indies suo jure conspicitis debite consideratis , 〈◊〉 vestros ac religiosos & alios subditos vestros unive●…s ve●…ae provinciae , ad devotionem suam erga summum regem elevandam , eò specialius quò magis sciveritis vel poteritis juxta possibilitatem tanta necessitate causante indicatis cum effectu , ut ipsi apud altissimum de quo omnis gratia procedit , tota mentis solicitudine preces & orationes devotissimas effundant & devotis precibus & intercessionibus ac processionibus & missarum celebrationibus ad gratiam dei impetrandam pro nobis statuque ecclesiae & regni praedictorum , & specialiter praedicto consang●…ineo nostro ac aliis magnatibus & fidelibus nostris praedictis qui corpora sua propter salvationem ecclesiae sanctae ac regni & totius populi praedictorum periculis exponere non evitant assiduè insistant apud deum ut ipse deus statum nostri ecclesiaeque & regni praedictorum conservare dignetur prosperum & tranquillum dictoque consanguineo nostro ac aliis magnatibus & fidelibus nostris praedictis in actibus suis expeditionem felicem pro sua magna misericordia gratiosius tribuat & concedat . teste rege apud westm xx . die martii . consimilis breve dirigitur a. archiepiscopo ebor. angliae primati 〈◊〉 eadem data . rex venerabili in christo patri r. eadem gratia episcopo london salutem . cum nuper , &c. ut semper usque ibi debitè considerantes ; et tunc sic universos & singulos clericos & ●…bditos vestros tam regulares quam seculares vestra dioc . ad devotionem , &c. ut supra t. ut supra . consimilia b●…ia diriguntur episcopis subscriptis sub ●…dem data , viz. w. episcopo wynton . th. episcopo elien . h. episcopo norwicen . th. episcopo cicestr . i. episcopo dunolm . th. episcopo karliol . r. episcopo sarum . th. episcopo exon. i. episcopo hereford . th. episcopo roffen . h. episcopo wigorn. i. episcopo lincoln . a. episcopo meneven . i. episcopo bangoren . w. episcopo landaven . l. episcopo assaven . w. episcopo bathon & well . r. episcopo covent . & lich. claus. . r. . m. . dors . rex venerabili in christo patri w. eadem gratia archiepiscopo cantuar. totius angliae primati salutem . cum ecclesia catholica seu populus regni nostri cujus regimen●…nobis à domino prae●… , in pace & prosperitate absque devotarum orationum suff●…giis altissimo reddendis , aliquandiu persistere non valeat . et quia speramus indubiè quod quantò divinum praesidium instantius et devocius imploretur , tantò exinde successus prosperior & felicior proveniet & succedet . vestram paternitatem & devotionem affectuosis precibus requirimus & rogamus , quatinus praemissis devotè & condign●… consideratis , universos & singulos clericos & subditos vestros tam regulares quàm seculares vestrae dioc , ad devotionem suam erga summum regem elevandam 〈◊〉 ●…pecialius quò magis sciveritis vel poteritis juxta possibilitatem inducatis cum effectu , ut ipsi apud altissimum de quo omnis gratia procedit , tota mentis solicitudine preces & orationes devotissim●… eff●…ndant , & devotis precibus & inte●…cessionibus ac processionibus & missarum celebrationibus ad gratiam dei impetrandam pro nobis , ac statu ecclesiae sanctae , paceque & tranquillitate regni praedicti assid è insistant apud deum : ut ipse deus , statum ecclesiae nostrique & regni praedicti con●…vare dignetur prosperum & tranquillum , & nobis ac populo nostro regni praedicti actibus nostris gratiam & expeditionem felicem pro sua magna misericordia gratiosius tribuat & concedat . teste rege apud westm. xxvii . die aug. per ipsum reg●…m . consimilia brevia diriguntur subscriptis sub eadem data , viz. th. archiepiscopo ebor. angliae prim. r. episcopo london . w. episcopo wynton . i. episcopo ●…lien . h. episcopo norwicen . r. episcopo ●…icestr . w. episcopo dunolm . th. episcopo karliol . i. episcopo sarvm . th. episcopo exon. i. episcopo hereford . w. episcopo roffen . h. episcopo wygorn . i. episcopo lincoln . i. episcopo meneven . i. episcopo bangoren . e. episcopo landaven . a. episcopo assaven . r. episcopo bath . & w●…llen . r. episcopo covent . & lich ; claus. anno . r. . m. . dors . rex venerabili in christo patri w. eadem gratia archiepiscopo can●… . totius angliae primati , salutem . cum propter bonum regimen ac prosperam & felicem gubernationem terrae nostrae hiberniae ac fidelium ligeorum nostrorum ibidem , nec●…on propter castigationem & j●…stificationem inobedientium & 〈◊〉 contra ligeanciam suam in terra nostra praedicta , si qui fuerint , simus ad partes illas personaliter jam profecti . et quia ad onus regiminis regni nostri angliae & terrae nostrae praedictae quod nobis ab alto committitur supportandum , & ad ecclesiam sanctam ac regnum & terram nostra praedicta , nec non legeos nostros corundem protegendos , & debite gubernandos absque summo dei praesidio ac devotarum orationum , suffragiis pro nobis effluentius altissimo reddendis , vires ●…as ce●…nimus penitus impotentes ; ac sperantes indu●… , quod quantò in magnis & peragendis negotiis nostris divinum adminiculum instantius & devotius imploratur , tantò exinde successus prosperior & felicior proveniat & sequatur . vestram paternitatem & devotionem affe●…uosis precibus requirimus & rog●… quatinus praemissis condignè & devotè consideratis , suffraganeos vestros ac religiosos , & alios subditos vestros universos vest●…ae provinciae ad devotionem suam erga summum regem elevandam , eò 〈◊〉 quò magis scive●…itis ve●… pot●…itis juxta possibilita●…em tanta necessitate causante inducatis cum effectu , ut ipsi apud altissimum de quo omnis gratia procedit , tota mentis solicitudine preces & orationes devotissimè infundant , & devotis precibus & intercessionibus ac processionibus & mi●…arum celebrationibus ad specialem gratiam dei impetrandam pro expeditione nostra ac aliorum magnatum & fidelium nobiseum in excereitu nostro in partibus p●…aedictis existentium , qui corpora nostra propter salvation terrae illius pericusis * ponere non evitamus , assiduè insistant a pud deum , ut ipse deus statum nostrum ecclesiaeque & regni , ac terrae praedictorum conservare dignetur prosperum & tranquillum , nobisque & fidelibus nostris in actibus nostris in terra nostra praedicta & alibi expeditionem felicem pro sua magna pietate misericorditer tribuat & concedat . teste edmundo duce eboru●… custode angliae apud westm. xv . die octob. consimile breve dirigitur th. episcopo ●…borum angliae primati sub eadem data . rex venerabili in christo patri r. eadem gratia episcopo london salutem . cum propter bonum regimen , &c. ut supr●… usque ibi consideratis , et tunc sic ; universos & singulos clericos & subditos vestros tam regulares quam seculares vestrae dioc . ad devotionem suam erga summum regem , &c. ut super , teste ut supra . consimilia brevia diriguntur subscriptis sub eadem data , viz. w. episcopo wynton . i. episcopo lincoln . i. episcopo sarum . r. episcopo bath . & w●…ll . r. episcopo covent . & lich. i. episcopo elien . w. episcopo dunolm . th. epi●…copo karliol . r. episcopo 〈◊〉 . w. episcopo roffen . i. episcopo hereford . h. episcopo wygorn . th. episcopo exon. i. episcopo meneven . h. episcopo norwicen . i episcopo bangoren . t. episcopo landaven . custodi 〈◊〉 . episcopatus 〈◊〉 . king richard the d . in the . year of his reign , confirmed by his charter to the abby of graces near the tower of london , founded by king edward his grandfather , sundry lands and tenements , in respect of the various dangers to which he and the kingdom were in humane reason exposed to , by land and sea , beyond recovery . ad missas et alia divina officia singulis diebus ce●…ebrandas et faciendas in abbatia praedicta pro salubri statu et prosperitate nostra dum vixerimus , et pro anima nostra dum ab hac luce migraverimus , & pro anima ejusdem a●…i nostri specialiter , & animabus omnium aliorum progenitorum haeredum & successorum nostrorum & omnium fideli●… defunctorum in perpetuum . and michael de la poole , founded the monastery at kingston upon hull , confirmed by king richard the d . granting sundry lands to the prior , monks and their successors upon this condition ; volumus itaque & ordinamus , quod praefati prior & monachi & eorum successores habeant specialiter in missis , orationibus , & aliis divi●… serviciis recommendatum , statum nobilistimi domini regis ricardi praedicti . & nostrum , ( and of several others particularly mentioned ) dum vixerimus , & cum ab hac luce migraverimus , orent , celebrent & celebrari facient pro animabus nostris , ac specialiter et continuè pro anima dicti domini nostri regis edwardi defuncti , and of several others particularly mentioned , & pro quibus orare tenemur , et omnium fidelium defunctorum . i could adde many more writs and mandates , of the former nature , upon extraordinary occasions , out of the clause rolls of king john , hen. the d. edw. the d. henry the , , & . edward . h. , . edward . queen elizabeth , king james , and king charles ; which because they would rather surfit than delight or instruct the readers , i shall wholy pretermit . king henry the th . founded a monaste●…ie at shene , the grounds and ends whereof he thus expressed in his charter . cum excelsae majestatis exennia quae gloriam nostri regiminis de die in diem ubertim , ut ipsi videmus , extollant , ritè à nobis gratiarum vendicant actiones , justissimum credimus ut eo medio in auctorem tendant quo nobis ab auctore fluxerunt , nomine salvatoris ; ut sicut per mediatorem dei et hominum dominum jesum ad nos indignos , de paetre luminum , bona cuncta procedunt , ità nostrae laudes quamvis inutiles per cundem jesum christum et datorem gratiarum , & omnis boni principium revertantur . whereupon he granted and confirmed for him and his heirs sundry lands to this monastery free from all secular exaction and service , pro 〈◊〉 et aliis divinis offictis inibi faciendis pro salubri statu nostro dum vixerimus , ac anima nostra cum ab hac luce migraverimus , & animabus parentum & progenitorum nostrorum & omnium fidelium defunctorum : necnon pro pace , tranqutilitate et qutete populi et regni nostri : ac insuper pro aliis pietatis operibus ibidem sustinendis , ministrandis , et supportandis juxta ordinationem nostram , haereredum et executorum nostrorum in hac parte plenius faciendam ; which was accordingly executed . king edward the th . by his charter of febr. in the first year of his reign , granted the priory of shirburn to the hospital of st. julian called domus dei in the town of southampton , in augmentationem divinae cultus infra hospitale nostrum sancti juliani , &c necnon ut dilecti nobis in christo magister jahannes pereson , nunc custos hospitalis praedicti , acnunc capellani et fratres ejusdem hospitalis , ac successores sui , pro salubri statu nostri et haeredum et successorum nostrorum dum agimus in humanis , necnon pro animabus nostris cum universae carnis viam ing●…essi fuerimus , necnon pro animabus recolendae memoriae principis ricardi●…uper ●…uper ducis eborici patris nostri , &c. et omnium aliorum primogenitorum nostrorum imperpetuum specialiter exorare tene●… . king henry the th . appropriated the churches of potte●… spiry and eggemond to the priory and covent of st. anne by coventre founded by his ancestors , ut iidem prior & conventus , pro bono statu nostro , ac consortis nostrae , liberorumque nostrorum , ac 〈◊〉 matris n●…strae , deum altissimum deprecen●… indies et exorent ; 〈◊〉 missam de spiritu sancto pro nobis semel in ebdomade duran●…e vita nostra faciant celebrari , et quendam solempnem annualem obitum pro anima nostra cum ab hac luce migraverimus , custodiant et observent . in the book entituled horae beatissimae mariae , ad ligituum ecclesiae 〈◊〉 ritum , printed parisiis , . ( the . year of king henry the th but generally used throughout england some hundreds of years before ) f. . there is this set form of prayer for the king of england for the time being . deus regnorum et christiani maximè protector imperii , da servo tuo h. regi nostro de hoste triumphum , ut qui tua providentia extitit coronatus , tuo semper munimine tutus sit et securus , per christum dominum nostrum . and in processinale ad usus insignis ecclesiae sarum , parisiis . f. . , . ●… meet with these short prayers & ejaculations then and formerly publickly used in all processions for our successive kings . domine salvum sac regem . regem nostrum ac principes , &c. in omni sanctitate custodi . salvum fac regem n stram famulum tuum : et exaudi nos in die quo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 te . all our antient missals , offices , howers , primers , in times of popery , containing the like prayers , and such as i have formerly recited out of * cassander his preces eeclesiasticae , together with prayers for their souls after their deaths : which according to the modern use of the church of rome are popish , vain , sinfull , superstitious , implying and presupposing a purgatory : but according to their primitive use and institution , pious and religious , importing no purgatory at all , as learned bishop usher proves at large in his answer to the jesuites challenge , of prayers for the dead , p. to . to which i refer the reader ●…or fuller satisfaction herein , and concerning the forementioned prayers for , and charters of our kings to monasteries to pray for their own , their ancestors , saccessors , heirs , and others souls when departed out of this world. i could adde many prayers made for king henry the ●…th . in sundry epistles and dedications of books unto him , but for brevity i shall omit all but . the . is pope leo the th . his bull to him in the . year of his reign , sub●…cribed with all the cardinals hands ; wherein he conferred on him the title of defender of the faith , for w●…iting a book against luther , in defence of pardous , the papacy , and . sacraments , which bull begins thus . * leo episcopus , servus servorum dei. charissimo in christo filio , henrico angliae regi , fidei defensori , salutem et 〈◊〉 benedictionem ; and is closed with this benediction and prayer for him and his posterity perpetuum hoc & immortale gloriae tuae monumentum posteris tuis relinquere , illisque viam ostendere , ut si tali titulo ipsi quoque ins●…gniri optabunt , talia etiam opera efficere , praeclaraq●…e majestatis 〈◊〉 vestigia sequi studeant , quam prout de nobis & dicta sede optim●… merita est , unâ cum uxore & filiis , ac omnibus qui à te & ab illis nascentur nostra benedictione in nomine illi●…s à quo illam concedendi potestas nobis data est , larga & liberali manu benedicentes , altissimum illum qui dixit ; per me reges regnant , & principes imperant , & in manu sua corda sunt regum , rogamus et obsecramus , ut eam in suo sancto proposito confirmet , ejusque devotionem multiplicet , ac praeclaris pro sancta fide gestis ita illustret , ac toti orbi terrarum conspicuam reddat , ut judicium quod de ipsa fecimus eam tam insigni titulo decorantes , à nemine falsum aut vanum judicari possit . demum mortatis bujus vitae finito curriculo sempiternae illius gloriae consortem atque participem reddat . the is william wraghton ( an acute protestant writer ) who in his epistles to king henry the th . before his two books , intituled , the hunting of the romish fox , printed at basyl , . and his reseuing of the romish fox , against stephen gardner , printed . wisheth him prosperity both of body and soul , closing his last epistle to him with this prayer . god grant you health both of body and soul , victory over your enemies , and grace to do in this our matter of religion as shall be most to the glory of god , and the profit of the common-wealth , amen ; and he closeth his last treatise with this prayer , god save the king. the third is our learned protestant divine , thomas beacon , who in his * path-way unto prayer ( dedicated to the lady anne grey ) ch . . hath this godly exhortation to all private christians . let u●… flee to god at all times with h●…mble obsecrations and hearty requests let our prayers be continual . let us in all our prayers seek the glory of god , the advancement of his most blessed word , and the health of our own souls . let us pray for the preservation of the kings most excellent majesty ( h. . ) and for the prosp●…rous successe of his ●…ntirely-beloved son , edward , our prince , that most angel-like impe. let us pray for all the lords spiritual and temporal : specially for those that have the regiment of the publick-weal under the kings graces highness . let us pray for the ministers of gods word , that they may freely speak the truth of christs gospel , as it becommeth them . let us pray for all men universally , chiefly for the inhabitants of this realm of england , that they may all bear a faithfull heart both towards god and our king. upon the reformation of religion , and abolishing of popish missals , psalters , howers , 〈◊〉 , and portuasses by king edward the sixth in his parliament & edw. . ch . . the king by advice of his convocation and parliament , commanded a book of common-prayer and administration of the sacraments in the english tongue , to be used in all churches and chapels throughout the realm , by the statutes of e. c. . & , & e. . c. . wherein there was not only a prayer for the king in the letany , but in a special collect , agreeing in substance with those in our later books of common-prayer , hereafter cited . in this pious kings reign , the bishops and ministers in their epistles and dedications to him , and in their prayers before & after their sermons , usually prayed most heartily and particularly for his long life , religious and prosperous reign , and spiritual , temporal , and eternal felicity . and john bale bishop of ossery , in his image of both churches , or paraphrase upon st. johns revelation , printed . in the iast page thereof , exhorts all gods meek-spirited servants in their daily prayer , afore all other to remember that most worthy minister of god , king edward the sixth , which hath so sore wounded the beast , that he may throw all his superstition into the bottomlesse lake again , ( from whence they have comen ) to the comfort of his people . our learned a thomas beacon in his preface to the flower of godly prayers , dedicated to anne dutchesse of somerset , as he doth exceedingly blesse god for the extraordinary zeal and piety of king edward the th . in delivering his realm from antichristian tyranny and popery , reforming the church , propagating true religion , and in giving us this most worthy prince to be our king : so he hath this particular b prayer for the king , to be used by all private christians daily in their respective families and closets with zeal and devotion . almighty god , c king of kings , and lord of lords , which by thy divine ordinance hast appointed temporal rulers to govern thy people , according to equity and justice , and to live among them as a loving father among his natural children , unto the advancement of the good , and punishment of the evil , we most humbly beseech thee favourably to behold edward thy servant , our king and governour , and to breath into his heart through thy holy spirit , that wisdom , that is ever about the throne of thy majesty , whereby he may be provoked , moved , and stirred to love , fear and serve thee , to seek thy glory , to banish idolatry , superstition , and hypocrisy out of this his realm , and unfeignedly to avance thy holy and pure religion among us his subjects , unto the example of other forein nations . o lord defend him from his enemies , send him long and prosperous life among us , and give him grace not only in his own person , godly and justly to rule , but also to appoint such magistrates under him , as may be likewise affected both toward thy holy word , and toward the common-we●…l ; that his subjects living under his dominion in all godlinesse , peace and wealth , may passe the time of this our short pilgrimage in thy fear and service , unto the glory of thy blessed name , which alone is worthy all honour for ever and ever . amen . next after this , follow●… one prayer for the kings council . and after that , ( d ) a prayer for the common peace and quietnesse of all realms : very seasonable for our times . and in his ( e ) pomaunder of prayer , he hath this prayer of subjects or commons . as it is thy godly appointment , o lord god , ( f ) that some should bear rule in the world to see thy glory set forth , and the common peace kept , so is it thy pleasure again , that some should be subjects and inferiours to others in their vocation , although before thee there is no respect of persons . and for as much as it is thy good will , to appoint me in the number of subjects , i beseech thee to give me a faithfull and an obedient heart unto the high powers , that there may be found in me no disobedience , no unfaithfullnesse , no treason , no falsehood , no dissimulation , no insurrection , no commotion , no conspiracy , nor any kind of rebellion in word or deed against the civil magistrates : but all faithfulnesse , quietnesse , subjection , humility , and whatsoever else becommeth a subject that i living here ; ( g ) in all lowlynesse of mind , may at the last day , through thy favour be lifted up into everlasting glory , wh●…re ●…hou , with the father and the holy ghost livest and reignest very god for ever . amen . these were the godly , loyal , fervent , daily publick and private prayers of protestant ministers and subjects for king edward the th . in that age. queen mary , a popish prince , succeeding king edward , set aside the book of common-prayer , and introduced popish missals , proc●…ssionals , howers , primers , and popery again , wherein they publickly prayed for her in the forecited manner under our popish king●… ; her zealous protestant bishops , ministers , and subjects likewise making fervent constant prayers for her : but some over-zealous , anabaptistical fanaticks using some unchristian expressions in their prayers against her , ( h ) that god would cut her off , and shorten her daies , of which there was complaint made in parliament ; whereupon there was this special act made against such prayers , anno . , & phil. & mar. ch . forasmuch as now of late diverse noughty , seditious , malicious , and heretical persons , not having the fear of god before their eyes ; who in a divellish sort , contrary to the duty of their allegiance , congregated themselves together in conventicles , in divers and sundry prophane places within the city of london , esteeming themselves to be in the true faith , where indeed they are in errors and heresies , and out of the true trade of christs catholick religion , and in the same places at several times using their phantastical and schismatical services , have of their most malicious and wicked stomachs prayed against the queens majesty , that god would turn her heart from idolatry to the true faith ( which was good and christian ) or else to shorten her daies , or take her quickly out of the way . which prayer was never heard or read to have been used by any good christian man , against any prince , though he were a pagan and infidel , and much lesse against any christian prince , and especially so virtuous a princess as our soveraign lady that now is , is known to be , &c. for reformation whereof it is enacted , that every such person and persons which since the beginning of this parliament have by expresse words and sayings , prayed , required or desired , or hereafter shall pray by express words or sayings , that god would shorten her daies , or take her out of the way ( whose life almighty god long preserve ) or any such like malicious prayer , amounting to the same effect , their promoters & abetters therein , shall be taken , reputed and judged traytors , and every such praying , requiring and desiring , shall be judged , taken and reputed high treason . and the offendors therein , their procurours and abetters being thereof lawfully convict , according to the laws of this realm , shall have , suffer and forfeit as in cases of high treason . provided alwaies , and be it enacted , that if any person or persons shall be indicted for any the offences aforesaid , done and perpetrated during this session of this present parliament , and upon his or their arraignment , shall shew him or themselves penitent for their offence , and submit him or themselves to the kings and queens mercy , and humbly desire the same , before such justices or commissioners before whom he or they shall be arraigned , that then no judgement of conviction , or attaindour of treason , shall be given against any such person or persons , so being penitent and submitting themselves . and in every such case , the justices or commissioners before whom such person or persons shall be arraigned , shall have authority by virtue of this act , to prescribe , adjudge and appoint such corporal punishment , other than death , to such offender and offenders , as to them by their discretion shall seem convenient ; and upon that penance prescribed and done , to be discharged of the said treason , comprised in that judgement . these prayers were much against and directly contrary to the judgement of ( i ) archbishop cranmer , bishop farrer , bishop hooper , rowland taylor , john philpot , john bradford , edward crome , john rogers , laurence saunders , edward laurence , miles coverdale bishop of ●…xon , and other of our godly protestant bishops and ministers , who soon after suffered as martyrs ; they in their letter the . of may anno dom. . professing , that as obedient subjects we shall behave our selves towards queen mary , and all that be in authority , and not cease to pray to god for them , that he would govern them all , generally and particularly , with the spirit of wisdom and grace , and so we heartily desire , and humbly pray all men to do , in no point consenting to any kind of rebellion or sedition against our soveraign lady the queens highnesse : but where they cannot obey , but they must disobey god , there to submit themselves with all patience and humility , to suffer as the will and pleasure of the higher powers shall adjudge : as we are ready through the goodness of the lord , to suffer whatsoever they shall adjudge us unto . and bishop hooper writ an apolo●…y against the slanderous report made of him , that he should encourage and maintain such as cursed qu. mary , printed . wherein his innocency and loyalty to the queen , in praying for her , are vindicated at large . in this parliament k there being a general opinion that queen mary was with child by king philip her husband , there was a special act made , that in case queen mary should die , during her childs minority , that king philip should have the education and protection of him : in which act. the lords spiritual and temporal , and commons assembled in parliament , have firm hopes and confidence by the goodnesse of almighty god , that he will of his infinite goodnesse give the queens majesty and highnesse strength , the rather by our continual prayers , so passe well the danger of deliverance of child , &c. upon this occasion , the popish bishops , clergy , and churchmen , made many processions , masses , collects and prayers , to be daily said in all churches for qu. maryes safe deliverance and her issue , recorded at large by mr. fox , where you may peruse them : in one of which prayers there were these expressions . give unto our queen thy servant , a little infant in fashion and body , comely and beautifull , in pregnant wit , notable and excellent . grant the same to be in obedience like abraham , in chastity and brotherly love like joseph , in meeknesse and mildnesse like moses , in strength and valour like sampson : let him be found faithfull as david , after thy heart ; let him be wise among kings , as the most wise solomon ; let him be like job , a simple and an upright man , fearing god and eschewing evil ; let him finally be garnished with the comlinesse of all virtuous conditions , and in the same let him wax old and live , that he may see his childrens children to the third and fourth generation . and give ●…nto our soveraign lord and lady king philip , and queen mary , thy blessings , and long-life upon earth , and grant that of them may come kings and queens , which may stedfastly continue in faith , love and holinesse . and blessed be their seed of our god , that all nations may know , thou art only god in all the earth , which art bl●…ssed for ev●…r and ever . amen . after queen maries decease , anno . masses and popish prayers being again abolished , and the book of common prayer restored by the parliament of eliz. ch . . there were the same prayers publickly used for the queen , both in the letany and collects , as were formerly used for king edward ; and in sundry books dedicated to her majesty , and prayers published during her reign , there were many loyal and zealous p●…ayers , supplications and intercessions , made to god for her long life and prosperous reign , over-tedious to recite at large , and vulgarly known ; and in all or most prayers , morning and evening , for private families and christians , there were special petitions to god for her majesty , some of them being printed with the bibles themselves , then in use ; and likewise at the end of most quarto bibles under king james , and king charles . i shall touch only upon some few presidents of many . in the . year of her reign , john veron , ( divinity lecturer at pauls ) in the close of his dedicatory epistle to her majestie , before his fruitfull treatise of predestination , prayes thus . christ jesus of his tender mercy and goodnesse , vouchsafe to defend and preserve your most gracious highnesse , from all your enemies , and with his holy spirit , so to fill , strengthen and comfort your princely heart , that ye may at all times boldly set forth his glory , and maintain it to your lives end . which the lord long continue to his honor. in the th . year of queen elizabeth , there was a collection of prayers in latin , intituled preces privatae , printed by william seres , and published by the q●…eens special privilege and authority ; wherein not only the duty of subjects is set down , out of mat. . . rom. . tim. . , , . tit. . . & pet. . but these special prayers , psalms and hymnes made to god , to be used daily in private closets and families for the queen . domine pater coelestis , rex regum & dominus dominantium , omnium principum gubernator & rector , intimis votis te suppliciter quaesumus reginam nostram elizabetham , benigno vultu 〈◊〉 , eique singulari gratia & ●…piritu sancto ità semper ●…ssistere digneris , ut voluntatem tuam ubique exequatur , & secundum saluberimam normam mandatorum tuorum , omnem vitam transigat . accumula in illam coelestia tua dona , ut diu feliciter nobis imperet , hostes fortiter devincat , tandemque in c●…lesti gloria vivat in aeternum , qui vivis & regnas deu●… , per omnia saecula saeculorum . amen . after which follow the same prayers for her in latin in the letany , as in the english letany in the book of common-prayer : and the same collects for her in latin , as for her and the king in english. then there ensue , psalmi selecti & peculiares pro rege vel regina , to wit , psalm , & , & . applyed to the king and queen litterally , with domine salvum fac regem , & exaudi nos in die in qua invocaverimus . after that precatio d exemplum orationis salomonis , pro regina . domine deus qui serenissimam nostram reginam super nos regnare fecisti , eamque in medio populi tui , ut in aequitate nos regat & in cordis integritate subditos suos judicet constituisti : mitte illi quaeso de coelis sanctis tui●… , & à sede majestatis tuae assistricem tuam sapientiam , ut ei semper adsit , & apud eam perpetuò resideat , ut sciat quod tibi acceptum sit . dies praetereà super dies ejus adj●…cito , eique tàm benignè principali tua gratia adesto , ut & in hac vita grata sint tibi opera ejus , & in futuro tecum regnet in omnem aeternitatem , per christum dominum et servatorem nostrum . amen . salvam fac domine reginam , nec unquam avertas faciem faciem ab ea . uitam longaevam tribu●… illi : et sub umbra ●…uarum alarum protege eam . amen . after these follow this prayer , pro christianis magistratibus . misericors deus ac coelestis pater , in cujus manu est omnis terrena potestas & magistratus , per te constitutos , ad supplicium malorum , & defensionem bonorum ; in eujus potenti dextera ●…ita sunt omnia jura & leges imperatorum , te supplices oramus pro principe nostro , proque eis qui sunt ei à consiliis , & qui rempublicam administrant , ut gladium ipsis per te commissum , in fide vera & timore dei rectè gerant , eoque pro tua voluntate & jussu utantur . obumbret eos virtus & sapientia altissimi . illuminet & conservet eos in amore dei divina tua gratia . da illis ô domine sapientiam & intellectum . concede quietam gubernationem , ut omnes subditos in veritate sidei , dilectione & justitia , quae tibi cordi sit , regant , & dicto audientes conservent . proroga ipsis dies vilae suae , et annos multos largire , ut prospera & laudata ipsorum functione , nomen tuum & sanctificetur & laudetur in omne aevum . amen . towards the end of the book follow certain latin prayers and graces to be used before and after meals , to which there is this conclusion added . gratiarum actiones à cibo , semper concludantur hac precatiuncula : deus 〈◊〉 ecclesiam , regem vel reginam custodiat , consiliarios ejus regat , populum universum tueatur , & pacem nobis donet perpetuam . amen . in imitation whereof this prayer was commonly used in all colleges , schools , hospitals , families throughout the realm , in their graces after every meal . god save his church , our king , queen , ( prince , the rest of the royal issue , when there were such living ) and realms . god send us peace in jesus christ our lord. amen . the like prayers in english for the queen to be used in in christian families , we●…e published by john field , in his prayers and meditations for the use of private families , . the kings psalms , and queens prayers , . in christian private prayers by edw. deering . in the 〈◊〉 of ●…rayers , set o●…t ●…y iohn rogers , anno . in 〈◊〉 prayers set out by henry bull , anno . in tho. sampsons prayers . with sundry others . but i shall close up all with bishop iewels prayer for the quee●…s majesty , in his epistle to her prefixed to his apology of the church of england , printed . and after re-printed . god evermore enflame and direct your majesty with his holy spirit , that the zeal of his house may sincerely devour your gracious heart , that you may safely walk in the wayes of your father david , that you may utterly abandon all groves and hill-altars , that you may live an old mother in israel , that you may see an end of all distractions , and stablisht peace and unity in the church of god. amen . and with the prayer of doctor thomas bilson , in the close of his epistle to her majesty before his books of , the true difference between christian subjection and unchristian rebellion , ( a very learned and seasonable treatise , wherein he produceth * some testimonies of fathers praying for heretical and persecuting emperors . ) the king of kings and lord of lords bless and preserve your majesty ; and as he hath begun a good and glorious work in you , and in the realm by you , so continue the same by lightening you with his holy spirit , and defending you with his mighty arm , as he hath done from the day that he chose you to be the leader and guider of his people , that you may long keep them in truth and peace by the assi●…tance of his grace , to the prayse of his glory , increase of the godly , and grief of his and your subjects . even so 〈◊〉 iesus . the clergy of england assembled in convocation , anno . the first year of king iames his reign , in their constitations and canons ecclesiastical then agreed upon by them , ratified and published by the kings authority under his great seal , did thus evidence to the wor●…d their loyalty to the king and his royal posterity . can. . as our duty to the kings most excellent majesty requireth , we first decree and ordain , that the archbishop of canterbury , ( from time to time ) all bishops of this province , or deans , archdeacons , vicars , and all other ecclesiastical persons , shall faithfully keep and observe , and ( as much as in them lyeth ) shall cause , to be observed and kept of others , all and singular laws and statutes made for the restoring to the crown of this kingdom , the antient jurisdiction over the state ecclefiastical , and abolishing of all forein power repugant to the same . furthermore , all ecclesiastical persons having cure of souls , and all other preachers , and readers of divinity lectures , shall to the uttermost of their wit , knowledge and learning , purely and sincerely ( without any colour or dissimulation ) teach , manifest , open , and declare four times every year ( at the least ) in their sermons and other collations and lectures , that all usurped and forein power , ( forasmuch as the same hath no establishment nor ground by the law of god ) is for most just causes taken away and abolished : and that therefore no manner of obedience and subjection within his majesties realms and dominions , is due unto any such forein power : but that the kings power within his realms of england , scotland and ireland , and other his dominions and countries , is the highest power under god , to whom all men as well inhabitants as born within the same , do by gods laws owe most loyalty and obedience , afore and above all other powers and potentates in the earth . canon ii. impug●…ers of the kings supremacy censured . whosoever shall hereafter affirm , that the kings majesty hath not the same authority in causes ecclesiastical , that the godly kings had among the jews , and christian emperours in the primitive church , or impeach in any part his regal supremacy in the said causes restored to the crown , and by the laws of this realm therein established , let him be excommunicated ipso facto , and not restored but only by the archbishop after his repentance and publick revocation of those his wicked errors . canon xxxvi . subscription required of all such who are to be made ministers . no person shall hereafter be received into the ministry , ●…or either by institution or collation admitted to any ecclesiastical living , nor suffered to preach , to chatechize , or to be a lecturer , or reader of divinity in either univerfities , or in any cathedral or collegiate church , city , or market-town , parish-church , chapel , or in any other place within this realm , except he be licenced by the archbishop , or by the bishop of the diocesse , ( where he is to be placed ) under their hands and seal , or by one of the two universities under their seal likewise , and except he shall first subscribe to these three articles following , in such manner and sort as we have here appointed . . that the kings majesty under god , is the only supreme governour of this realm , and of all other his highnesse dominions and countries , aswell in all spiritual or ecclesiastical things or causes , as temporal : and that no forein prince , person , prelate , state , or potentate , have or ought to have jurisdiction , power , superiority , preeminence , or authority ecclesiastical or spiritual , within his majesties said realms , dominions and countreys , &c. and can. . they prescribed this form of prayer to be used by them in their prayers before all their ser-lectures , and homilies . and herein i require you , most especially to pray for the kings most excellent majesty our soveraign lord charles , king of england , scotland , france and ireland , defendor of the faith , and supreme governour in these his realms , and all other his dominions and countries , over all persons , in all causes , aswell ecclesiastical as temporal . ye shall also pray for the kings most honourable councel , and for all the nobility and magistrates of this realm , that all and every of these in their several callings , may serve truly and painfully to the glory of god , and the edifying and well governing of his people , remembring the account that they must make . also ye shall pray for the whole commons of this realm , that they may live in true faith and fear of god , in humble obedience to the king , and brotherly charity one to another . which all ministers and preachers duly observed ; usually adding this clause thereunto ; that god out of his infinite mercy , would grant so to blesse the kings majestie , and his royal issue with a perpetual posterity , that there might never want a man of that royal race to sway the scepter of these realms , so long as the sun and moon should ●…ndure , and till all scepters and kingdoms should be resigned at the last day into the hands of jesus christ , the king of kings . the lords spiritual , temporal and commons of the realm of england , assembled in parliament , in the first year of king james , do thus expresse and declare their own and the whole kingdoms unspeakeable joys , acclamations and thanksgivings unto god , and their own and their posterities signal loyalty , affection , and devotion to king james , his heirs and royal progeny for ever , in the statute of jacobi ch . . intituled , a most joyfull and just recognition , of the immediate , lawfull , and undoubted succession , descent and right of the crown●… great and manifold were the benefits ( most dread and most gracious soveraign ) wherewith almighty god blessed this kingdom and nation , by the happy union and conjunction of the two nobles houses of york and lancaster , thereby preserving this noble realm , formerly torn and almost wasted with long and miserable dissention and bloodie civil war. but more inestimable and unspeakable blessings are thereby powred upon us , because there i●… derived and grown from and out of that union of those two princely families , a more famous and greater ●…nion , ( or rather a re-uniting ) of two mighty , famous , and antient kingdoms , ( yet antiently but one ) of england and scotland , under one imperial crown , in your most royal person , who is lineally , rightfully , and lawfully descended of the body of the most excellent lady margaret , eldest daughter of the most renowned king henry the th . and the high and noble princesse queen elizabeth his wife , eldest daughter of king edward the th . the said lady margaret being eldest sister of king henry the th . father of the high and mightie princesse offamous memorie , elizabeth late queen of england . in confideration whereof , albeit we your majesties l●…yal and faithfull subjects of all estates and degrees , with all possible publike joy and acclamation , by open proclamations within few houres after the decease of our late soveraign queen , acknowledging thereby , with one full voice of tongue and heart , that your majesty was our only , lawfull and rightfull leige lord and soveraign , and by our unspeakable and general rejoycing , and applause at your majesties most happy inauguration , and coronation : by the affectionate desire of infinite numbers of us of all degrees , to see your royal person , and by all possible outward means , have indeavoured to make demonstration of our inward love , zeal , and devotion to your most excellent maj●…stie , our undoubted rightfull leige soveraign lord and king : yet , as we cannot do it too often or enough , so can there be no means or way , so fit both to sacrifice our unfeined and heartie thanks to almighty god , for blessing us with a soveraign , ador●…ed with the rarest gifts of mind and body , in such admirable peace and quietnesse , and upon the knees of our hearts to agnize our most constant faith , obedience , and loyalty to your majestie , and your royal progenie , as in this high court of parliament , where all the whole body of the realm , and every particular member thereof , either in person or representation ( upon their own free elections ) are by the laws of this realm , deemed to be personally present . to the present acknowledgment whereof to your majestie , we are the more deeply bounden and obliged , as well in regard of the extraordinarie care and pains , which with so great wisdom , knowledge , experience , and dexteritie , your majestie ( since the imperial crown of this realm descended to you ) have taken for the continuance and establishment of the blessed peace both of the church of england in the true and fincere religion , and of the common-wealth , by due and speedy administration of justice , as in respect of the gracious care and inward aff●…ction , which it pleased you on the first day of this parliament so lively to expresse by your own words , so full of high wisdom , learning , and virtue , and so repleate with royal and thankfull acceptation of all our faithfull and constant endeavours , which is , and ever will be to our inestimable consolation and comfort . we therefore your most humble and loyal subjects , the lords spiritual and temporal , and the commons in this present parliament assembled , do from the bottom of our hearts , yield to the divine majestie , all humble thanks and prayses , not only for the said unspeakable , and inestimable benefits , and blessings above mentioned , but also that he hath further enriched your highnesse with a most royal progenie , of most rare , and excellent gifts and forwardnesse , and in his goodnesse is like to increase the happy number of them . and in most humble and lowly manner , do beseech your most excellent majestie , that ( as a memorial to all posterities , amongst the records of your high court of parliament for ever to endure , of our loyalty , obedience , and harty and humble affection ) it may be published and declared in this high court of parliament , and enacted by authority of the same , that we ( being bounden thereunto , both by the laws of god and man ) do recognize and acknowledge , ( and thereby expresse our unspeakable ioyes ) that immediately upon the dissolution and decease of elizabeth late queen of england , the imperial crown of the realm of england , and of all the kingdoms , dominions , and rights belongiug to the same , did by inherent birthright , and lawfull and undoubted successien , descend and come to your most excellent m●…jestie , as being lineally , iustly and lawfully , next and sole heir of the blood royal of this realm , as is aforesaid . and that by the goodnesse of god almighty , and lawfull right of descent , under one imperial crown , your majestie is of the realms and kingdoms of england , scotland , france , and ireland , the most potent , and migh●…y king , and by gods goodnesse , more able to protect , and govern us your loving subjects , in all peace and plentie , than any of your noble progenitors . and thereunto we most humbly , and faithfully do submit , and oblige our selves , our heirs and posterities for ever , until the last drop of our bloods be spent and do beseech your majestie to accept the same , as the first fruits in this high court of parliament , of our loyalty and faith to your majestie and your royal progenie , and posterity for ever . which if your majestie shall be pleased ( as an argument of your gracious acceptation ) to adorn with your majesties royal assent , ( without which , it can neither be complete and perfect , nor remain to all posteritie according to our most humble desire , as a memorial of your princely and tender affection towards us ) we shall adde this also to the rest of your majesties unspeakable and inestimable benefits . in which act there are these particulars , very seasonable and observable , in respect of the present posture of our publike affairs . . that the happy union and conjunction of our divided kingdoms , formenly torn and wasted , with long and miserable dissentions and bloody civil wars , between competitors for the crown , and the king and subjects , is a great and unspeakable benefit and blessing to the kingdom and nation , bestowed on them by god himself . . that the re-uniting not only of the two , but three mighty , famous and antient kingdoms of england , scotland and ireland , under one imperial crown , and heredirary king , is a far more inestimable and unspeakable blessing to all . kingdoms and nations . . that there is no interregnum in law in the realm and crown of england , but that immediately upon the decease of the king thereof ; the imperial crown of the realm of england , and of all the kingdoms , dominions , and rights belonging to the same , do by inherent bi●…thright , and lawfull and undoubted succession , lineally , justly , and lawfully descend to the next heir of the blood royal , before he be publikely crowned king. as this act in direct terms declares , and ( a ) all the judges of england , unanimously adjudged in the case of watson , and cleark , . popish priests , ( who held king james no lawfull king , before he was crowned , and thereupon conspired to imprison him in the tower , &c. for which they were both condemned and executed as traytors ) hill. . jacobi ; as had been oft adjudged before in the first . years of king h. . and in the cases of queen jane , the dukes of northumberland and suffolk , the lord rochford , sir john gates , sir , thomas palmer and others , condemned , in levying war against her , and executed mariae , for treason against qu. mary , before she was crowned , to deprive her of the crown ; which both the peers and judges of the realm , and the parliament of mariae , ch . . adjudged treason within e. . against the mistaken doctrine of mr. thomas scot , and some temporizing lawyers of late years . . that it is the duty and practice of all loyal and saithfull subjects , of all estates and degrees , with all po●…sible publike joyes , unspeakable general rejoycings , acclamations , applauses , affectionate desires , & by other means to proclaim , acknowledge and crown their lawfull hereditary kings , after the decease of their ancestors , and to make all possible demonstrations of their cordial loyalty , love , zeal and affection to them both in and out of parliment , being obliged thereunto both by the laws of god and man. . that this act of parliament , and the oathes of supremacy and allegiance , do both in point of law , loyalty , justice , conscience , oblige the whole english nation , their heirs and posterities for ever , to be true , faithfull , loyal and obedient to king james , his heirs and poste●…itie for ever , ( and so to our present king ) till the last drop of their blood be spent , as to their undoubted , lawfull , and hereditary kings and soveraigns . . that a numerous hopefull royal progeny , likely to continue and perpetuate the hereditarie succession of the crown in the true regal line , is an extraordinarie blessing and happinesse to the kingdom , for which they are all bound both in and out of parliament , to render all humble thanks and praises unto god. to this i shall subjoyn the statute of iaco●…i , ch . . entituled , an act for a publick thanksgiving to almighty god every year , on the fifth day of november . forasmuch as almightie god hath in all ages shewed his power and mercy , in the miraculous and gracious deliverance of his church , and in the protection of religious kings and states : and that no nation of the earth hath been blessed with greater benefits than this kingdom now enjoyeth , having the true and free profession of the gospel under our most gracious soveraign lord king iames , the most great , learned and religious king that ever reigned therein , enriched with a most hopefull and plentifull progeny , proceeding out of his royal loyns , promising continuance of this happinesse and profession to all posterity : the which many malignant and devillish papists , iesuites and seminary priests much envying and fearing , conspired most horribly , when the kings most excellent majesty , the queen , the prince , and all the lords spiritual and temporal , and commons should have been assembled in the upper house of parliament upon the fifth day of november in the year of our lord . suddenlie to have blown up the said whole house with gunpowder ; an invention so inhuman , barbarous and cruel , as the like was never before heard of , and was ( as some of the principal conspirators thereof confesse ) purposely devised and con●…luded to be done in the said house , that where the sundry necessarie and religious laws for preservation of the church aud state were made , which they falsly and slanderously term cruel laws : enacted against them and their religion , both place and persons should be all destroyed and blown up at once , which would have turned to the utter ruine of this whole kingdom , had it not pleased almighty god , by inspiring the kings most excellent majestie with a divine spirit , to interpret some dark ph●…ses of a letter shewed to his majestie , above and beyond all ordinarie construction , thereby miraculously discovering this hidden treason not many hours before the appointed time for the execution thereof : therefore the kings most excellent majestie , the lords spiritual and temporal , and all his majesties faithfuil and loving subjects , do most justly acknowledge this great and infinite blessing to have proceeded merely from god his great mercy . and to his most holy name do ascribe all the honour , 〈◊〉 and praise . and to the end this unfeigned thankfulnesse may never be forgotten , but be had in perpetual remembrance , that all ages to come may yield praise to his divine majesty for the same , and have in memorie this ioyfull day of deliuerance . be it therefore enacted by the kings most excellent majestie , the lords spiritual and temporal , and the commons in this present parliament assembled , and by the authoritie of the same , that all and singular ministers in everie cathedral and parish-church , or other usual place of common prayer within this realm of e●…gland , and the dominions of the same , shall alwaies upon the fifth day of november , say morning prayer , and give unto almighty god thanks for this most happy deliverance . and that all and everie person and persons inhabiting within this realm of england , and the dominions of the same , shall alwaies upon that day diligentlie and faithfullie resort to the parish church or chapel accustomed , or to some usual church or chapel where the said morning prayer , preaching , or other service of god shall be used , and then and there to abide orderlie and soberlie during the time of the said prayers , preaching , or other service of god there to be used and ministred . and because all and everie person may be put in mind of this dutie , and be the better prepared to the said ●…oly service , be it enacted by authoritie aforesaid , that every minister shall give warning to his parishioners publikelie in the church at morning prayer , the sunday before everie such fifth day of november , for the due observation of the said day . and that after morning prayer or preaching upon the said fifth day of november , they read publicklie , distinctlie , and plainlie this present act. upon this occasion there was a special book of prayers and thanksgivings , complied by the bishops and clergy , prescribed by authority to be annually read in all churches and chapels , on the th . of november , wherein ( amongst others ) there were four remarkable prayers and thanksgivings relating to the king , queen , prince , all the royal posterity , nobility , and magistrates , which i shall here insert . i. almighty god , who hast in all ages shewed thy power and mercy , in the miraculous and gracious deliverances of thy church , and in the protection of righteous and religious kings , and states , professing thy holy and eternal truth , against the wicked conspi●…acies , and malicious practises of all the enemies thereof : we yield unto thee from the very ground of our hearts all po●…le praise and thanks for the wonderfull , and mighty deliverance of our gracious sovaraign king l●…mes , the queen , the prince , and all the royal branches , with the nobility , clergy , and commons of this realm assembled together in parliament , by ●…opish treachery appointed as sheep to the slaughter , and that in most barbarous and savage manner , no age yielding example of the like cruelty intended toward●… the lords anointed , and his people . can this thy goodness o lord , be forgotten worthy to be written in a pillar of marble , that we may ever remember to praise thee for the same , as the fact is worthy a lasting monument , that all posteritie may learn to detest it ? from this unnatural conspiracy , not our merit , but thy mercy , not our foresight , but thy providence hath delivered us , not our love to thee , but thy love to thy anointed servant , and thy poor church , with whom thou hast promised to be present to the end of the world . and therefore not unto us , not unto us , lord , but to thy name be ascribed all honour and glorie in all churches of the saints , throughout all generations : for thou lord hast discovered the sn●…s of death , thou hast broken them , and we are delivere d ; be thou still our mighty protector , and scatter our cruel enemies , which delight in blood : infatuate their counsel , and root out their babylonish and antichristian sect , which say of ierusalem , down with it , even to the ground . and to that end strengthen the hands of our gracious king , the nobles and magistrates of the land with iudgement and iustice , to cut off ●…hese workers of iniquity , ( whose religion is rebellion , whose faith is faction , whose practise is murthering of souls and bodies ) and to root them out of the confines and limits of this kingdom , that they may never prevail against us , and triumph in the ruine of thy chu●…h : and give us grace by true and serious repen●…ance , to avert these and the like judgements from us . this lord we earnestlie crave at thy mercifull hands , togethe●… with the countenance of thy powerfull protection over our bread soveraign , the whole church , and these realms , and the speedie confusion of our implacable enemies , and that for thy dear sons sake , our onlie mediator and advocate . ii. almighty god and heavenly father , which of thy everlasting providence and tender mercy towards us , hast prevented the extreme malice and mischievous imagination of our ensmies , revealing and con●…nding their horrible and devilish enterprise plotted against our soveraign lord the king , his royal house , and the whole s●…ate of this realm , for the subversion thereof , together with the truth of thy gospel and pure religion amongst us , and for the reducing of popish superstition and tyranny into this church and land : we most humbly prayse and magnifie thy glorious name , for thine infinite gracious goodnesse in this our marvellous deliverance ; we confesse it was and is thy mercy , thy mercy alone , ( most mercifull father ) that we are not cons●…med , that their snare is broken , and our soul is escaped . for our sins cryed to heaven against us , and our iniquities justly called for judgement upon us : but thy great mercy towards us hath exalted it self above judgement , not to deal with us after our sins , to give us over ( as we deserved ) to be a prey to our enemies , but taking our correction into thine own hands , to deliver us from their blood-thirsty malice , and preserve from death and destruction our king and stat●… , with thy gospel and true religion amongst us : good lord give us true repent●…nce , and unfeigned conversion unto thee , to prevent further judgements : increase us more and more in lively faith and fruitfull love in all obedience , that thou mayest continue thy loving favour with the light of thy gospol , to us and our posterity for evermore . make us now and alwaies truely thankfull in heart , word and deed , for all thy gracious mercies , and this our special deliverance . protect and defend our soveraign lord the king , with the queen and all the royal progeny , from all treasons and conspiracies , preserve them in thy faith , fear and love , under the shadow of thy wings against all evil and wickednesse , prosper their reign with long happinesse on earth , and everlasting glory following in the kingdom of heaven . bless the whole state and realm with grace and peace , that with one heart and mouth we may praise thee in thy church , and alwaies sing joyfully , that thy mercifull kindness is ever more and more towards us , and the truth of the lord endureth for ever , through jesus christ o●…r only saviour and redeemer , amen . iii. eternal god , and our most mighty protector , we thy people of this land , confesse our selves , above all the nations of the earth , infinitely bound unto thy heavenly majesty for thy many unspeakable benefits conferred and hea●…ed upon us , especially for planting thy gospel among us , and placing over us a most gracious king , a faithfull professor and defendor of the same both which exasperate the enemies of true religion , and enrage their thoughts to the invention of most dreadfull designs : all which notwithstanding it hath pleased thee bitherto , either to prevent or overthrow : at this time principally thou hast most strangely discovered an horrible and cruel plot and device , for the massacring as well of thy d●…ar servant and our dread soveraign , as of the chief states assembled in thy fear , for the continuance of thy truth and good of this realm . we humbly present ourselves at thy feet , admiring thy might and wisedom , and acknowledging thy grace and favour , in preserving them and the whole realm by their safety : beseeching thee for thy son iesus christ his sake to continue still thy care over us , and to shield our gracious king under the shadow of thy wings , that no mischievous attempt may come near , nor the sons of wickednesse may hurt him , but that under him we may still enioy this his peaceable government , with the profession of the gospel of thy son iesus christ , to whom with thee and the holy ghost , &c. ; iv. o god , infinit in power and of endless mercy , we give thee all possible thanks , since it hath pleased thee so miraculously to discover , and defeat the mischievous plots of thine and our enemies : thou hast delivered our dread soveraign from the snares of the fowler , and his nobles from the fire of the fury of the wicked : he shall rejoyce in thy salvation , and we his people shall tryumph in this thy wonderfull deliverance , thy gospel shall prosper , and thine adversaries shall be confounded . and multiply ( good lord ) we beseech thee , thy great goodnesse towards our gracious king , and his kingdoms , from this time forth , through jesus christ our lord , amen . after this deliverance from this horrid powder-plot , there were these . forms of prayers used in the commons house by the speak●…rs during the parliaments session , very seasonable for our times , wherein they expressed their loyalty and devotion to the king and his royal progeny . a prayer used by the speaker of the commons house of parliament . i. o god , most great and glorious , which dwellest in the heavens over all , yet humblest thy self to behold the things that are done upon the earth : we , the people and sheep of thy pasture , assembled by thy providence , to the performance of this high service , whereupon the honour of thy name , the beauty of thy church amongst us , the glory of the king , and wealth of our state doth depend , knowing , that without thee , we can do nothing : do , at this time , with fear and reverence , in the beginning of our consultations , first look up unto thee ( from whom wisedom and happie successe doth come ) praying thee to look down upon us , who first look up unto thee ( from whom wisdom and happie successe doth come ) praying thee , to look down from heaven upon us with the eye of thy mercy ; to draw near unto us with the presence of thy grace : to prepare us all with counsel and understanding ; and to be president , and director of all our conferences : that those things may be propounded , conceived , allowed , and confirmed , which may best please thee , and most directlie and soundly uphold the honour of thy name , the ●…nceritie of thy worship ; the safety of our king ; and peace of thy people : even for thy son our lords sake . and that we may not our selves , be any hinderance to the obtaining of these our defires , either by means of any sin formerly committed , or of any corruption yet remaining in us : we humblie pray thee , to forgive our sins , and blot out all our iniquities : and to stand reconciled unto us , in an everlasting covenant of peace , as if we had never sinned against thee . and , because our hearts by nature are not fit for good cogitations ; create a new heart , and renew a right spirit in us : remove far from us all vain-glorious humour of advancing our private profit , all envious humour of disgracing other mens gifts , all malicious humour of hurting anie mans person : and ( finally ) all froward humour of opposing our selves , against just , needfull , and godly things , by whomsoever propounded . furnish us with knowledge , wisedom , and zeal , by sending down thy spi●…it into our hearts , that we may understand , discern , prefer , and set forward all things tending to the advancement of thy glorie , and such as may be thought worthie our assent and furtherance . and , because all good things are not of equal goodness , nor all needfull things of equal necessitie : let our care and zeal be equallie proportioned to the degrees of things in g●…nesse and necessitie different . and therefore , first , make us carefull of the glory of thy name ( which is the high end of all thy counsels and works , and ought to be the last , and first respect of all our purposes and doing●… ) and therein , let our especial care be , to provide for the continuance of thy word , and religious practice of thy worship by the ministery and means that christ hath planted in his church : next , let the good of this whole island move our care and zeal ; which consisting in the safety and honour of the king , and the enacting and executing of good laws ; let us be wisely carefull , and faithfully zealous for the person of our king , whom thou the king of kings hast in mercy set over us . and because no law can be good , that is not agreeable to thy law , which containeth the fundamental equity of all laws : in making laws to govern thy people , let us alwaies have an eye unto thy law , not digressing from the holy equity thereof : and what through thy mercy , we shall here profitably enact , we pray thee , through the whole kingdom it may be truly executed , that our great labour may not be disgraced with little fruit . and forasmuch as we all and every one of us have , in this place , with wonder and astonishment , and without any merit of ours , found a most evident assurance of thy mercy and goodnesse , in a miraculous deliverance from the greatest danger , by popish treachery tha●… ever was attempted or threatned , towards our king , our state and us : give us ( good lord ) hearts above the hearts of men , to offer unto thee in the same place , a daily sacrifice of thanksgiving in the highest measure ; together with a fervent and incessant zeal , care , and diligence in all our proceedings , for the setling of the peace and happy estate of thy church amongst us : the preservation of our king ; his royal progeny ; our selves , and our posterity : and for the preventing , suppressing , and final rooting out of the spring , issue , and fruit of all such hellish and popish hearts , intentions , and practices : to the everlasting praise and glory of thy blessed name . hear us , we pray thee ( o father of mercy ) in these our most humble and needfull petitions : forgive and answer us , according to thy fatherly and great goodnesse , for jesus christ his sake , to whom with thee and the holy ghost , three persons , and one god , be all praise , glory , and power , now , and forever , amen . a prayer for the parliament , used also in the house ii. almighty god , which by thy holy prophet david art most truly said , to stand in the congregation of princes , and givest judgement in the midst of the mighty men of the world , and through whom princes do reign , law-makers do disce●…n j●…st things , lords bear rule , and all judges of the earth execute judgement , and for that cometh of thee all counsel and equity , all understanding and strength : grant unto us here gathered together in thy name , that wisdom which is alwaies assistant to thy seat , to give knowledge to our feeble and ignorant minds send down ( we beseech thee ) the same wisdom out of thy holy heavens , and from the throne of thy majesty , that is may be now with us , and labour with us , whereby we surely knowing what is acceptable unto thee , may be led through it to the debating , weighing and final determining of those matters , by the which thy blessed name may be glorified , thy catholick church of england confirmed and increased , the kings assurance established , the common tranquillity of this realm safely maintained , and last of all , all estates and people thereof , in true obedience and charity united and knit together . grant this , o god , for thy only sons sake jesus christ our lord , amen . in the lords house , the collects and prayers in the common prayer book and letany for the king , queen , prince , and royal posterity , with other prayers were daily used by the bishops , and peers during their session . to mention all the particular prayers for the king , queen , and royal posterity , comprised in books of private prayers and devotion ( as the practice of piety , and the like ) and * epistles dedicatory , perfixed to hundreds of b●…oks , and sermons , dedicated to king james , by bishops , ministers , and others of all sorts , and in usual graces before and after meals , would be both infinite , and nauseous , being commonly known , and obvious to all , and therefore i shall wholy pretermit them , the substance of them being comprised in those prayers already mentioned . i shall now proceed to the reign of our late king charles ; who as he had constant supplications and prayers made for him in all cathedral and parish churches , chapels , colledges , most private families , and in our parliaments themselves , by name , during all king james his reign , as duke of york and prince of wales ; so after his comming to the crown march . . till january . he had the like publike and private prayers , intercessions , and supplications , made for him throughout his . realms , as king , and for his queen and royal posteritie , not only by our preaching ministers , in their prayers before their sermons , and by most others in their morning and evening family and closet prayers , & graces before or after meales , as our own experience attests , but likewise these special set prayers , petitions and collects in our letany , and common prayer book , which i shall here transcribe , because almost quite forgotten , by above . whole years discontinuance in most churches & families too . in the publike l●…tany , ordered to be read thrice every week , or oftener upon occasion , there are these several prayers , and petitions to god , that it would please thee to keep and strengthen in the true worshipping of thee , in righteousnesse and holinesse of life , thy servant charles , our most gracious king and governor . that it may please thee to rule his heart in thy faith , fear and love ; and that he may evermore have affiance in thee , and ever seek thy honour and glory . that it may please thee , to be his defender and keeper , giving him the victory over all his enemies . that it may please thee to blesse and preserve our gratious queen mary , prince charles , and the rest of the royal issue . after every of which several prayers , and supplications , all the people severally answered ; we beseech thee to hear us good lord. after which followed these two prayers , for the kings m●…jestie , the queen , prince and royal issue , and read twice every day in most places . o god our heavenly father , high and mighty , king of kings , and lord of lords , the only ruler of princes , which dost from thy throne behold all the dwellers upon earth , most heartily we beseech thee with thy favour to behold our most gracious soveraign lord king charles and so replenish him with the grace of thy holy spirit , that he may alwaies incline to thy will , and walk in thy way ; endue him plentifully with heavenly gifts , grant him in health and wealth * long to live , strengthen him that he may 〈◊〉 and overcome all his enemies ; and finally , after this life , he may attain everlasting joy and felicity , through jesus christ our lord , ; amen . almighty god , the father of thine elect and of their seed ( which bishop laud changed into , the fountain of all goodnesse ) we humbly beseech thee to blesse our gracious queen mary , prince charles , and the rest of the royal issue : endue them with thy holy spirit , enrich them with thy heavenly grace , prosper them with all happinesse , and bring them to thine everlasting kingdom , through jesus christ our lord , amen . in the prayer for the whole estate of christs church , there is this clause , relating to kings in general , and king charles in particular . we beseech thee also to besee●…h and defend all christian kings , princes , and governors , and specia●…y thy servant charles our king , that under him we may be godly , and quietly governed . when these prayers and collects with the book of common-prayer , were suspended , by the directory of the publike worship of god , in most places throughout the . kingdoms of england , scotland , and ireland , printed by order of both houses , martii . yet the substance of them was still continued by the very directory it self , during the heat of the late wars , between the king and parliament : witnesse p. , . of publike prayer before the sermon , wherein all ministers are directed , to pray for all in authority , especially for the kings majesty , that god would make him rich in blessings , both in person and government , establish his throne in religion and righteousnesse , save him from all evil counsel , and make him a blessed and glorious instrument for the conservation and propagation of the gospel , for the encouragement and protection of those that do well , and the terror of all that do evil , and the great good of the whole church , and of all his kingdoms , for the conversion of the queen , the religious education of the prince , and the rest of the royal seed , for the comforting of the afflicted queen of bohemia , sister to our soveraign , and for the restitution and establishment of the illustrious prince charls , elector palatine , ( much more then now of our illustrious long-exiled king charles ) to all his dominious and dignities . to pretermit all prayers made for king charles , in epistles perfixed to hundreds of books , of all sorts , dedicated to him whiles prince of wales , and king of england , scotland , and ireland ; i shall conclude only with . short prayers of this nature , in . of our learnedest late deceased antiquaries dedicatory epistles to his majesty , being of . several professions . the first is mr. john seldens , in the cloze of his dedicatory epistle to his mare clausum , londini . inexuperabilem tibi felicitatem , sanctissima illa majestas , quae tuae archetypa est , praestet conservetque . the . is sir henry spelmans in the end of his dedicatory epistle before the first tome of his councils , londini . dei vicario , ecclesiae nutricio , fidei defensori carolo , dei gratia magnae britaniae , franciae , & hiberniae regi , &c. magno , pio , augustissimo , deus optimus maximus , regi am vestram majestatem , sobolemque sere●…ssimum , ecclesiae et britaniis imperpetuum sospitet beatissime the , is , most learned , renowned and pious archbishop ush●…r , who thus winds up his epistle to king charls , perfixed to his britannicarum ecclesiarum antiquitates , dublini , . deus optimus maximus , regum suorum custos et vindex , vitam ●…ibi det prolixam , imperium securum , domum tutam , exercitus ●…rtes , senatum fidelem , populum probum ; * veteris ecclesiae pro imperatoribus s●…is vota haec solemnia , pro tua et tuorum salute redintegrat et toto animi affectu numini divino nuncupat , serenissimae tuae majestatis servus humilimus , iacobus armachanus . the very next day after the most illegal trial , condemnation and bloody execution of our late soveraign lord king charles by that prodigy of lawyers john bradshaw , and his assessors , in the new created high court of injustice , against the ( a ) votes and protests of the secluded lords , and secured commons , one of the then secured members ( out of his loyalty to his majesty , and his royal heir and successor whose rights he strenuously asserted in his speech in the house , for which he was seized and imprisoned by the army dec. . . ) at his own charge printed , . of the ensuing ( b ) proclamations , which he caused to be sent to most sheriffs and mayors throughout england and wales , and some of them to be pasted up at westminster , and elsewhere in and about london , notwithstanding the anti-parliamentary , and antimonarchical junctoes strict proclamation to the contrary , under pain of high treasons and the most capital punishments ; which deterred others both from crowning and proclaiming their hereditary soveraign , according to their former oathes , covenants , and printed remonstrances . a proclamation proclaiming charles prince of vvales , king of great britain , france and ireland . wee the noblemen , iudges , knights , lawyers , gentlemen , free-holders , marchants , marchants , citizens , yeomen . seamen , and other freemen of england , doe , according to our allegiance and covenant , by these presents heartily , joyfully and unanimously acknowledge and proclaim the illustrious charles prince of wales , next heir of the blood royal to his father king charles ( whose late wicked and trayterous murther we doe from our souls abominate , and all parties and consenters thereunto ) to be by hereditary birthright , and lawfull succession , rightfull and undoubted king of great britain , france and ireland , and the dominions thereunto belonging . and that we will faithfully , constantly and sincerely , in our several places and callings , defend and maintain his royal person , crown and dignity with our estates , lives , and last drop of our bloods , against all opposers thereof ; whom we do hereby declare to be traytors and enemies to his majestie and his kingdoms . in testimony whereof , we have caused these to be published and proclaimed throughout all counties and corporations of this realm , the first day of february , in the first year of his majesties raign . god save king charles the second . this short ejaculatorie prayer and acclamation god saue the king , subjoyned to this proclamation , was not only used at the corouations , tryumphs , and publiek receptions in cities , colleges , villages , corporations , of all our own , & forein kings , as i have elswhere touched ; but constantlie annexed at the end all our statutes at large , printed after everie session of parliament from ●… h. . till caroli , and at the close of all our kings , & queens p●…blick ( d ) proclamations , yea ecchoed out by our sheriffs , heralds , cryers , officers , who proclaimed them , and by the generalitie of the people present at such proclamations ; and it was likewise constantlie used by all cryers of all publick courts of iustice , assises , sessions of the peace , eyres and gaol deliveries upon sundrie occasions , yea by everie malefactor , acquitted or admitted to his clergie ; who usually cry'd , god saue the king ; neither could our kings enter into anie ●…itie , town , village , college , school , or house within their dominions , but their ears were filled with the joyfull sound of this prayer and loyal acclamation . which custom i trust will g●… into common practice again , after its over-long dis-continuance , through the treacherie , and di●…yalty of those who above all others had most obliged themselves to continue it , by their respective old oftreiterated oaths of fealty , homage , supremacy , allegiance , iustices , maiors , recorders , serjeants at law , freemen ; & their new protestations , solemn national league and covenant , commissions , trusts , offices , callings ; obliging them both in point of conscience and dutie to bear faith and true allegiance to the kings majesty , his heirs and lawfull successors , and to maintain and defend his and their persons , crowns , and all jurisdictions rights , privileges , and royal prerogatives , united , annexed and belonging to the imperial crown of their realms , against all powers , persons , invasions , plots and conspiracies whatsoever , without any apostacy , defection or detestable neutrality . which i hope they will now at last remember so far as to expia●…e all former violations of them , by their future fincere , cordial , constant , inviolable observations , by their dailie publick and private fervent prayers , supplications , intercessions , thanksgivings , to god for his majesties restitution , long life , and prosperous reign ; and by ecchoing out this usual acclamation upon all occasions , according to its pristine frequent use throughout our realms and dominions . i have thus at large by histories , records and presidents of all times & sorts , ( to which sundrie more might be accumulated ) irrefragably evidenced the constant un-interrupted practical loyaltie of our christian predecessors , in making publick and private supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings for our christian kings in this island , whether of the british , saxon , english , danish , norman , or scotish race , and for their queens , their royal posterity , and kingdoms , in their publick and private devotions , and in their epistles , addresses , and dedications to them ; to the inrent they may now at last excite , encourage , provoke , and enflame our degenerated disloyal , undutifull , men-fearing , time-serving generation conscienciously to revive , and cons●…antlie to practise this long neglected christian dutie , as being the principal means prescribed by god himself , and pursued by his saints i●… all ages , to produce that publick peace , unitie , pro peritie and settlement which we have all so long expected and longed for , but could never yet obtain by ani●… carnal policies , fastings , humiliations , prayers , since we gave over this enjoyned duty , and can never probably hope for , much lesse actually enjoy , till we return to the cordial un-interrupted performance thereof , and to our pristine allegiance , loyaltie , obedience and subjection to our undoubted hereditary soveraign lord and king , according to our multiplyed oaths , protestations , c●…venant , the laws both of god and the land , the only rules of our consciences and practises , both as christians and subjects . and if all these with the precedent and subsequent presidents , scriptures , examples , authorities , our own present pressures , dissentions , confus●…ons , decay of trade , hopes of settlement , peace and prosperity , will not perswade our whole ●… . kingdoms to this their bounden duty , that black character which the apostle gives to the obstinate hard-hearted jews , upon whom wrath was come to the uttermost , will be ours too , thes. . . who both killed the lord jesus christ ( their king ) and their own prophets , and have persecuted us , and they please not god , and are contrary to all men . — * pudet haec opprobria nobis , et dici potuisse , & non potuisse refelli . ovid. chap. vii . i have heretofore ( in the th . chapter ) presented you with sundry presidents of the primitive christains sigual loyaltie and pietie to their very persecuting heathen emperors , in making fervent publick and private prayers , supplications and intercessions unto god for their long life , health and prosperitie . to which i shall adde two presidents more . the first out of the annals of eutychius patriarch of alexandria ( translated out of arabick into latin by learned mr. po●…ock ) printed oxoniae . who relates this of the christians under ( a ) marcus antonius severus , ( a great persecutor of them ) magnae hic calamitatis & tristitiae diuturnae christianis author fuit , multis sub illo martyrium passis . ejus tempore magna fuit fames , siccitasque & pestis , dum per biennium non plueret , adeo ut parum abesset , quin rex & populus imperio ipsius subdi●…s fame & peste perirent ; qui ergo christianos rogar●…nt , ut precibus a domino suo pluviam impetrarent : * illis igitur preces ad dominum nostrum fundentibus magnam pluviae copiam demisit , quo pacto sublata est et fames , et pestis , both from this persecuting emperor and his subjects . the second is the memorable storie of the emperor maximinianus , who was smitten by god with several diseases for persecuting the christians , so that his flesh did rot away , and worms crept out of his bowels , and he lay prostrate on the earth , stinking in such sort that no man could come nigh unto him ; all his companions admiring , and his very enemies pitying him for what had thus befallen him . whereupon ipse verò ad se reversus ; hoc forsan quod patior ( inquit ) inde mihi accidit , quod christianos interfecerim . liter as ergò ad omnes provincias suas dedit , ut christianos quicunque in carceribus essent , dimitterent , eosque honore afficerent , nec ullum 〈◊〉 damnum inserrent ; rogarent autem ut inter precandum pro imperatore vota ●…underent ; orantibus ergo pro imperatore christianis ac preces fundentibus , deus ipsi sanitatem restituit , adeo ●…t viribus et sanitate melius quam antca gauderet , as eutichyus : or , ( c addit 〈◊〉 à mandatum , ut statas solitasque pro imperatore pre●…s ad deum funderemus : christianos christiana sua templa exaedifieare , rem maturare , consueta officia in illis facere , preces pro imperii statu fundere , he publishing . edicts in the christians behalf . ( d ) undè christiani hac indulgenti●… concessa devincti , debent deo suo obnixe supplicare pro nostra , pro reipublicae , pro sua ipsorum salute , ut quovi●… modo cum public●…s rerum stotus integer & incolumis retineatur , tum ipsi in suis familiis absque c●…ra & sollicitud●…e vitam traducere queant , as eusebius & nicepborus , record the story . lo here this persecuting bloodie pagan emperor restored to his perfect health , by the prayers of the christians whom he slew , imprisoned , persecuted in his health ; yet behold his desperate ingratitude both to god and them . ille verò ubi sanitati restitutus convaluisset , ad majorem impietatis gradum quàm antea prolapsus , in omnes ditiones su●… scribens , christianos occidi jussit , & ne professionis ejus quispiam in imperio ejus relinqueretur , neve urbem aut oppidum incolere sinerentur , sed penitus extirparentur . interfecti sunt ergo è christianis , qua viri , qua feminae , qua pueri , plures quàm numer ari possint , adeo vt prae occisorum multitudine plaustris delati in mari , & in deserto projicerentur . but god soon after smote him with an ulcer in his bowels , which tortured him extremely , corroded and eat out his bowels , caused his verie eyes to fall out of his head upon the ground , burnt up his flesh which was severed from his bones , so as he perished by a most miserable death , confessing that god had deservedlie punished him in this sort , for his madnesse and rashness against christ and his members . constantine the great e ( born and declared emperor first of all in this our island of britain , the first professed christian of all the roman or other emperors in the world ) about the year of our lord . having conquered this tyrant m●…ximinianus in the field , he and the christians sang prayses unto god for his great victorie , in the words of moses and the israelites after pharaoh his overthrow , exodus . , to . after which entring into rome in tryumph with great pomp , he was there received by all the people , both men , women and children , senators and other noble persons running out by troops to meet him with joyfull countenances , willing minds , happy acclamations , and unsatiable joy , as their deliverer , the conservatour of their countrie , and most benign patron . but he as one having the fear of god naturally residing in his mind , not p●…ed up with these triumphant acclamations and popular applauses , nor yet with the proclamation of his prayses , yet very conscious of the ayd given him from god , commanded immediatelie , that the banner of our saviours passion should be ●…et in the hand of his statue . which being set up in the most famous place in rome , holding the sign of the crosse in his right hand , he commanded this following inscription to be engraven thereon in roman letters ; in this wholsom sign , the true cognisance of fortitude , i have delivered the city from under the tyrants yoke , and set the senate and people of rome at liberty , and restored them unto their pristine greatnesse and splendor . after ( f ) maximinianus the tyrants death , an utter enemy to all pietie and godliness , through the grace of almighty god churches were re-edified , and erected from ●…he foundations , the gospel of jesus christ freely preached , professed and propagated ; maximinianus by publick edicts , proclaimed the chiefest and most deadly enemy , the most impious , wicked , pernicious and malicious tyrant , and most execrable hater of god. all tables and inscriptions set up in every city to his and his childrens honour , were either thrown down from aloft to the ground , or obliterated , or blotted out with a deformed & black colour : in like manner all statues erected to his honour being tumbled down , were broken in piece●… , and exposed to the laughter and derision of such who would abuse them . all his persecuting instruments , favorers and partisans , were in like manner disgraced , disofficed , and some of them slain . the christian bishops , ministers , and prosessors of the gospel , made and sang special songs of prayse and thanksgiving unto god almighty , the king and governour of all things , and to jesus christ his son , the redeemer of their souls , and author of their internal and external peace , enjoyed under thei●… christian emperor ; whose prayses they extolled , as you may read at large in eusebius , ecles . hist. . . c. , , , , and de uita constantini , , , & . after which cons●…antine ( i ) pre●…cribed to all his soldiers and subjects as well pagans as christians , a set form of prayer to god for ●…imself and his sons , to be said every day , or lords day at least ; recited in the ( k ) former chapter . this first christian emperor , in the first general * council of nice , anno . when he dismissed the many bishops there assembled by him from all parts ( whereof . came from our isle of ( l ) britain ) with a grave exhortation , to pres●…rve mutual concord ; added this request to them in the close thereof , ut pro ipso ad deum preces obnixe funderent , that they would earnestly powre forth prayers for him unto god. ( m ) eusebius further records of him , that whereas he esteemed that the prayers of pious men , were of great moment to him , and to the safety and preservation of the whole common-wealth , towards which seeing he reputed them necessary , he did not only upon all occasions throw himself down as a supplicant unto god , uerum etiam ut pro se ab ecclesiae praesidibus supplicaretur , mandabit , but likewise commanded that supplications should be made for him by the rectors of the church ; which they accordinglie performed . in the th . year of his reign , ( n ) when a certain priest praysed him to his face , as worthy to enjoy the chief power of all things in this life , & to reign together with the son of god in the life to come ; he signifying his dislike therof , exhorted him , not to use such flattering words concerning him for time to come ; but rather to contend for him with prayers from god , that he might seem worthy to be the servant of god both in this life , and that which is to come . the same year this emperor having assembled a very great synod of bishops and priests to ierusalem to the dedication of the temple he had there built ; some of them adorned that solemnity with prayers and disputations , others with elegant orations , sermons and interpretations of obscure places of scripture : others who could do none of these , supplie●…es deopreces , &c. offered up humble prayers and supplications unto god for common peace , for the c●…urch of god , and for the emperor himself , the author of these most excellent things , and for his chi●…dren who were dear to god. in his ( n ) expedition against the persians , communicating his design unto the bishops , and desiring some of them to be alwaies present with him who were most fit to discharge the duties of piety , they readilie promised to follow and not to depart one step from him , but to go on warfare with him , et apud deum supplicibus vovotis se pugnaturos , and that they would fight with god for him against his enemies with supplications and prayers : whereupon being greatly delighted with this expression of their wills and endeavours , he caused a magnificent tabernacle to be made in form of a church , in quo deo victoriarum datori ipse cum episcopis supplicaret . wherein he with his bishops might make supplications to god the giver of victories . when he lay upon his death-bed , his centurions , and captains of the army coming to his chamber , deploring his condition , longioremque et vitam optarent , and wishing him a longer life : he answered them , he had now obtained true life , ( after his baptism ) and that he only understood of what felicity he was made partaker ; and therefore he would hasten and not procrastinate his migration unto god. upon the tydings of his death , all his gards renting their cloaths , casting their bodies upon the ground , and knocking their heads against it , sending forth mournfull voyces with great sorrow and clamours , calling him their lord , prince , emperor , and in the interim bewayling him not as a lord and tyrant , but as pious and natural children do their father . the centurions and other officers and souldiers predicated him their saviour , keeper , benefactor ; the whole army with all reverence desired him as flocks of sheep their shepheard ; all the people throughout every city running up and down manifested the secret wound and grief of their minds by outcries and clamours , and the rest walked with dejected countenances as if they were astonished ; every one reputing that this calamity had principally hapned to himself , and miserably afflicting themselves , as bereaved of the common safety of human life . all the dukes , earls , and assembly of princes , who were formerly accustomed to reverence and bow down unto him , observing their pristine use and custom , going in at set times saluted the emperor lying in his herse , as if he were alive even after his death , bowing themselves to the ground ; the senate , with all the rest of the magistrates and people doing the like reverence to him . upon which eusebius hath this memorable observation , solus vero iste beatus imperator etiam mortuus regnavit , cum ei soli post hominum memoriam , vel ipso deo authore , omnes qui solebant , honores tanquàm superstiti tribuerentur . nam ●…um is solus ex omnibus imperatoribus , regemomnium deum & christum ejus omnibus vitae actionibus , piè sanctèque col●…erit , jure sanè etiam hunc honor●…m solus adeptus est , ut dei voluntate , quod in eo morte sepultum erat , tamen apud homines regnaret , ut ista scilicet ratione nobis deus significaret , animarum regnum , his qui non prorsus obduruerunt , nunqu●…m consenescere , nunquàm emori . his two sons being absent when he died , there were some select captains out of the whole army , eminent for their fidelitie , sent to acquaint them with his death , the news whereof being spread throughout all the legions , they all with one mind and consent presently resolved , as if great constantine himself were alive , neminem praeter ejus filios romani imperi●… principem agnituros ; and soon after all resolved , that they should not only be called caesars , but likewise augusti , which being a title of the greatest dignity of all sorts , is the proper note of the greatest empire . the senate , people , and whole city of rome exceedingly lamented this emperors death , did the same reverence to his pictures , as to himself whiles living ; and painting the effigies of heaven in its proper colours , pictured him above the coelestial orbs , resting in the heavenly assembly . at his funeral the souldiers , p●…iests and people standing round about his herse expressed their affections and devotions towards him in every kind they could : ●… quibus divinus per preces cultus exhibitus est . whose prayses when they gloriously predicated ; jam populus frequens 〈◊〉 cum saverdotibus non sine lachrymis , et sane magno cum gemitu , preces pro anima imperatoris fundebant ( to wit , * that it might speedily be united to his body again at last by a most joyfull resurrection , not delivered out of purgatorie ) in quo & illi gratum atque optatum pro principe offici●…m praestabant : & deus ipse singularem benevolentia●… ergà famulum suum ostendit , quod post mortem charis e●… jus ac germanis filiis , patris sui successoribus●… imperium donasset . this was the signal loyalty , piety and devotion of the christian bishops , priests , nobles , senators , souldiers and people of all sorts , in that age , to this first christian emperor constantine , both living and after his decease , and to his royal posterity after him , worthy our imitation . constantine the d . son of constantine the great , degenerating from his fathers faith and pietie , favoured the arrian heresy , and very much persecuted the orthodox bishops , who maintained the deity of our saviour jesus christ ; yet they and the orthodox christians ceased not to make constant fervent publick and private prayers unto god for his long life , health and prosperous reign . among others athanasius bishop alexandria , ( the chiefest champion against the arrians ) though exceedingly persecuted , injured , deprived and banished by him , merely for his zeal in defending the orthordox faith , and the godly christians under his charge , were very loyal and consciencious in discharge of this duty , as is evident by these notable passages in his apologia ad constantinum imperatorem , against the arrians calumnies , who falsely accused him , for holding intelligence with magnentius ( the murtherer of his brother constans ) who wipes off that calumny by this argument , that he made prayers for this prince in the open assembly of the people , and likewise for the emperors safety , ( q ) pro salute tua vota facio . quapropter dum te contemplatus fuissem in illo ( constante imperatore ) illumque in te , quî fieri potuisset ut illi malidicere sustinerem , aut hosti illius literas mittere , ac no●… potius pro tua salute 〈◊〉 precesque funders , quod et feci . hujus rei testis est praecipuus dominus , qui exaudivit te , & largitus tibi est integrum à majoribus tuis relictum imperium : testesque sunt qui tam affuerunt philicesumus qui fuit dux aegypti , ruffinus , item & stephanus , ( and four more there named ) agentes in rebus . nihil enim aliud dixi , quàm precemur pro salute 〈◊〉 imperatoris censtantii & statim , universus populus una voce acclamavit , christe auxiliare constantio , et magna cum perseverantia has preces continuavit . ; after which excusing the peoples meeting in the great church of theona built by the emperor , before it was consecrated by his order , because the multitude of the people was so great , that the other churches could not hold them ; he addes , festum erat paschae , & tanta vis populorum aderat , quantum christianorum in urbe esse christicola principes optarunt . cum igitur & ecclesiae paucae parvaeque essent , magnoque tumultu posceretur ut in magna ecclesia conventus celebrarentur , atque ibidem preces pro tua salute fierent , quod et factum est , egone adhortationibus , &c. nec tamen celebrata sunt à nobis encaenia , sed tantummodo precationum synaxis habita est . tu autem religiosissime imperator , ubinam malles populum manus extendere , et pro te orare , ibine , ubi ethnici oberrabant ? an in loco tuum nomen titulumque referrente ? quem cum in praesenti dominicum universi appellarent , &c. ecce domine jesu christe rex regum , veri fili dei unigeniti , verbum & sapientia patris reus agor . quia tuam misericordiam populus suis orationibus convenit , & per te , patrem deum omnium imprecavit , idque pro salute famuli tui pientissimi constantii . sed tamen gratiae sunt tuae lenitati , quod de precibus populi & de tuis ritibus in crimen vocari . tu tamen interim deo dilectissime auguste vivas per multos annorum recursus , & solemnia dedicationis perficias . preces enim omnium pro tua salute factae nihil impediunt encaeniorum festum &c. if then this godly orthodox bishop , and all other orthodox bishops and christians thus constantly prayed to god for this cruel persecuting arrian emperor , that christ would be propicious to him , that he might continually live in safety , and reign in peace , and live many years ; and stiled him , most religious and gracious empenor , and prince ; i shall thence infer , with our learned doctor thomas bilson against the jesuites , in the true difference between christian subjection , and unchristian rebellion part . p. , . hear you deaf of ears , and dull of hearts : the church of christ prayed for heretical princes in the midst of their impiety and tyranny : and when it was objected to athanasius , that he and others wrote letters to one that rebelled and took arms against the prince , he made answer , uincat quaeso apud te veritas , &c. i bese●…ch you let truth take place with you , and leave not this suspition upon the catholick church , as though any such things were written or thought of by hristians , and especially by bishops . how far then were these men from your humours , which pro●…esse to depose ( yea murder ) princes , and not only license subjects to rebel , but intice them to kill their soveraigns , as you did lately parr●… , with pardon , praise , and recompence both here and in heaven ? st. hilary bishop of poyctiers wrote thus to this arrian emperor constantius , not long after athanasius , in the orthodox christians behalf . we beseech your clemey●…y to permit , that the people may have such teachers as they like , such as they think well of , such as they chuse , and let them solemnize the divine mysteries , and make prayers for your safety and prosperity . the godly western bishops assembled by this arrian emperor consta●…tius to the council of ariminum , and there long detained by him from their cures , writ two epistles to him from thence , to dismisse them to their bishoppricks before the cold winter approached . in the first they write thus . we beseech you that you cause us not to be ●…anished , nor stayd from our churches , but that the bishops , together with the people may live in peace and tranquillity , and may humb●…y pray for your health , kingdom and sa●…ety , in which the divine majesty long preserve you : pro tua salute , imperio , & pace orantes , quam tibi divinum largiri dignetur prolixam ; so nicephorus renders it ; but others thus , supplicantes deo pro pace tui imperii pariter & salutis , quam tibi dominus in perpetuum largiatur . they conclude their second letter to him in these words . * for this cause we b●…seech your clemency the second time , most religious lord and emperor , that you command us to depart to ●…ur churches , if it so please your godlinesse , before the sharpnesse of winter come , that we may make our 〈◊〉 prayers together with the people , to the almigh●…y god , and our lord and saviour christ for your empire ( or reign ) as we have alwaies accustomed in times past , and yet cease not to do , and now wish to continue . here we have a most pregnant double testimony of all these godly bishops assembled in full council , of their own and the peoples constant and continual custom , both for time past , present , and to come , to powre forth ●…ervent publick prayers , supplications and thanksgivings to god , for the health , reign , safety and prosperity of their christian emperors , though arrians and persecutors of them ; much more then was it their constant usage when orthodox and protectors of them , thus to d●… . st. cyril bishop of hierusalem thus recites the practise of the christian●… in his age in this particular : we pray to god for the common peace of the church throughout the world , for our kings , their forces and adherents . st. ambrose bishop of millain flourishing in the year of christ . in his book , de uocatione gentium , l. . c. . reciting the tim. , , , . thus descants upon it . de hac ergo doctrinae apostolicae regula qua ecclesia universalis imbuitur ne in diversum intellectum nostro evagemur arbitrio , quid in ipsa universalis ecclesia sentiat , requiramus , quia nihil dubium esse poterit in praecepto si obedientia concordat in studi●… . praecepit itaque apostolus , 〈◊〉 per apostolum dominus qui loquebatur in apostolo , fieri obsecrationes , & postulationes , gratiarum actiones pro omnibus hominibus , pro ●…egibus , ac pro iis qui in sublimitate sunt . quem ●…egem supplication is ita omnium 〈◊〉 et omnium fidelium devotio concorditer tenet , ut nulla pars mundi sit , in qua hujusmodi orationes non celebrantur a populis christianis : supplicat ergo ubique ecclesia deo non solum pro sanctis , & in christo jam regeneratis , sed etiam pro omnibus infidelibus , & inimicis crucis christi ; pro omnibus idolorum cultoribus , pro omni●…us qui christum in membris suis persequ●…ntur ; pro judaeis , quorum caecitati lumen evangelii non refulget ; pro haereticis & schismaticis qui ab unitate fidei & charitatis alieni sunt . quid autem pro istis petat , nisi ut ●… relictis erroribus suis convertentur ad deum , accipiant fidem , accipiant charitatem , & de ignor antiae tenebris liberati in a gnitionem veniant veritatis , &c. which he thus prosecutes in his commentary on tim. . , , . haec regula ecclefiastica est tradita a magistro gentium , qua utuntur sacerdotes nostri , ut pro omnibus supplicent ; deprecantes pro regibus 〈◊〉 seculi , ut subjectas habeant gentes , ut in pace positi , in tranquillitate mentis & quietè deo domino servire possumus . orantes etiam pro 〈◊〉 quibus sublimis potestas est credita , ●…t in justitia & veritate gubernent rempublicam , suppeditante rerum abundantia , & amota perturbatione seditionis succedat laetitia , &c. ut sepositis omnibus quae huic imperio infesta & inimica sunt , in affectu pietatis & castitatis deo servi●…e possumus . perturbatio enim & captivitas nec pietatem servat , nec castitatem . unde enim pius qui invidus est ? & unde ●…astitas ubi potestatis suae non est ? in his epistolarum , l. . epist. . ad gratianum augustum , he thus expresseth his fervent prayers for him . et nocte & die in tuis castris cura & censu locatus , orationum excubias praetendebam , & si invalidus merito , sed affectu sedulus . et haec quidem pro tua salute deferebamus , pro nobis faciebamus . nihil hic adulationis est si scit ipse arbiter quem fateris & in quem piè credis , me non solum officio publico debitas pend●…re preces , sed etiam amore privato . which epistle he concludes with this prayer for this emperor . ' beatissimum te & florentissimum deus omnipotens pater domini nostri jesu christi tueri aetate prolixa , et regnum tuum in summa gloria et pace perpetua , confirmare dignetur , domine imperator auguste , divino electe judicio , princiyum gloriosissimo . in his epist. l. epistola . ad theodosium imperatorem , he concludes with this prayer . beatissimus & florentissimus cum sanctis pignoribus fruaris tranquillitate perpetua imperator auguste . to pretermit all other passages of this kind , in his funeral oration , de obitu valentiniani imperatoris , he hath this passionat expression , nulla inhonoratos vos mea transibit oratio : nulla nox non donatus aliqua precum mearum contexione transcurret . omnibus oblationibus frequentabo , &c. q●…am nostrae vitae temporibus fulcire curaremus , ut de nostris annis viveret , qui fungi non potuit suis : which he thus concludes . te quaeso summe deus ut clarissimos juvenes matura resurrectione suscites & resuscites , ut immaturum hunc vitae istius cursum matura resurrectione compenses ; to which this other passage in his oration , de obitu theodosii imperatoris , might be added , * da requiem perfectam servo tuo theodosio , requiem quam praeparasti sanctis tuis . this godly emperor theodosius ( as * eutychius patriarch of alexandria records ) was by the joynt and fervent prayers of the christians in constantinople ( who spent the whole night in supplications , and beseeched god and our lord jesus christ , ut nobis regem eligat , & quemcunque ipse elegerit nobis regem praeficiamus ) miraculously elected and chosen emperor , beyond all human expectation , being of a very poor and mean condition , as he there relates . gregory bishop of n●…ssa in his excellent book de oratione , p. . hath this memorable passage . oratio corporum robur est , abundantia domus , recta iuris ac legum in civitate constitutio , regni vires , belli trophaeum , pacis securitas , dissidentium conciliatio , conjunctorum conservatio , &c. therefore it was certainly used by all christians , churches , bishops , ministers , subjects , for their kings and kingdoms to effect these publick ends , especially in times of war and danger . the . godly ( u ) bishops assembled together in the first general council of constantinople , anno . in their epistle to the emperor theodosius , not only render publick thanks to god for advancing him to the empire for the peace of the church , and maintenance of the orthodox faith , but likewise pray to god for the establishment of his empire in peace and righteousnesse for many generations , and his temporal and eternal joy and beatitude , in these ensuing words , initio quidem nostri ad tuam poetatem scripti , gratias agamus deo , qui 〈◊〉 pietatis imperium constituit ad communem pacem ecclesiarum , & sanae fidei confirmationem ; agentes autem deo debitas gratias , necessaria quoque ea , quae acta sunt in sancto concilio , ad tuam referri●…us pietatem , &c. dominus autem imperium tuum in pace et iustitia stabiliat , transmittatque et producat in multas et infinitas usque generationes , atque ad terrenam potentiam caelestis quoque regni gaudium et fructum adjiciat . gratificetur deus orbiterrarum , ut te , qui reverà pietatis studiosissimus , deique amantissimus imperator es , valentem , omnibusque 〈◊〉 rebus florentem et excellentem 〈◊〉 , id quod sancti etiam ab illo praecibus et votis petunt et orant . this being the general usual prayer of all bishops , saints and christians for him under his empire , both in their churches , closets & epistles to him . the bishops assembled in the council of aquileia , whereof st. ambrose was one , in their epistle to gratian , valentinian and theodosius the emperors , use this benediction and thanksgiving for their advancement to the empi●…e . b●…nedictus deus pater domini nostri jesu christi qui vobis romanum imperium dedit et benedictus dominus noster jesus christus , unigenitus dei filius , qui regnum v●…strum sua pietate custodit , apud quem gratias agimu●… vobis 〈◊〉 principes quod & fidei vestrae studium probavistis , &c. ; concluding with this prayer and option for them , ut vos , deo praestante , triumphetis , qui paci ecclesiarum quietique 〈◊〉 . st. jerom in his commentary ( and caelius sedulius too in his exposition on the tim. . , , . ) presse the duty of praying for kings , though pagans , and persecutors ; in the same words and manner almost , as st ambrose , & chrysostom , theodoret , primasius and rhemigius ( hereafter cited ) and comment . in danielem c. . v. . tom. . p. . upon daniels words to king nebuchadnezzar ; rex in aeternum vive ; he thus paraphraseth : honorat honorantem se , et 〈◊〉 vitam impreca●…ur ee●…ernam , though cast into the lions den by his command . st. chrysostom archbishop of constantinople , though very much persecuted by the emperor and empresse for his zeal and piety , yet zealously presseth the duty of prayer for kings , and all in authority , though infidels , and wicked , homilia . in epistolam ad corinthios . c. . quod oporteat orare pro infideli , audi quid dicat paulus . obsecro primum omnium fieri obsecrationes , orationes , postulationes , gratiarum actiones pro omnibus hominibus . quod autem non essent omnes fideles est cuivis perspicuum . et rursus , pro regibus , & omnibus qui in sublimitate constituti sunt . quod autem ii essent impii & iniqui , hoc quoque est perspicuum . deinde causā quoque orationis dicens , subjungit . hoc enim bonum est & acceptum coram deo salvatore , qui omnes homines vult salvos fieri , & ad agnitionem veritatis venire . in his homilia . in epist. . ad timotheum , c. . he thus comments on these words of paul. quasi communis quidam totius orbis pater , sacerdos est : dignum igitur est ut omnium curam agat , omnibusque provideat , sicut et deus cujus ministerio servit & fungitur vice ; idcirco ait , obsecro igitur primum omnium fieri obsecrationes & orationes , &c. quid autem sibi vult quod ait , primum omnium ? in obsequio scilicet quotidiano , perpetuoque divinae religionis ritu . atque id noverunt fideles quomodo diebus singulis mane et vespere orationes 〈◊〉 ad dominum pro omni mundo et regibus ; et omnibus qui in sublimitate sunt positi , obsecrationes ab ecclesia fiant . sed fortè quis dixerit , pro omnibus quod ait , tantum fideles intelligi voluisse . at id verum non esse , quae sequuntur ostendunt . denique ait , pro regibus : neque enim tunc reges deum colebant , verum multis postea temporibus in infidelitate quàm per seriem successionis acceperant , perstiterunt . deinde ut omnis assentationis suspicio tolleretur , cum 〈◊〉 , pro omnibus , tunc demum , pro regibus , addidit : si enim tantum pro regibus dixisset , 〈◊〉 non deessent qui adulationis gratia illum ita scripsisse putarent . quoniam vero consequens esse cernebat , ut christiani animus ad ista torpesceret , neque hujusmodi admitteret monita , siquidem pro gentili sacramentorum tempore preces oporteret offerre , vide quid secutus adjunxit , ut ex consideratione lucri admonitionem facilius , libentiusque susciperent ; ut quietam inquit & tranquillam degamus vitam . ac si diceret , in eorum salute securitas vestra consistit . deus enim pro utilitate communi hujusmodi principatus instituerit . quàm igitur absurdum est , cum illi idcirco militant , & arma circumferant , ut nos in tranquillitate atque ocio simus , nos pro periclitantibus , ac nostri causa labores suscipientibus preces effundere detrectemus ? non igitur assentandi gratia hujusmodi mandatum dedit , verum * iustitiae servavit leges : nisi enim illi servarentur , atque inter bella & hostes prosperè agerent , necessariò & nostra omnia turbis tumultibusque plena essent . nam nos aut militare opus fuisset , ac per nosmet eadem subire pericula concisis illis , aut fugere vagosque per orbem terrarum ferri . sunt enim , inquit , hujusmodi veluti obices quidam hostibus oppositi per quos nos in pace servemur . bellorum tria sunt genera , unum quòd à barbaris excitatur . bellum quod a barbaris ingruit , regum industria atque virtus sedat ; quibus et nos orationibus succurrere opus est , &c. deprecationes inquit , orationes , interpellationes , gratiarum actiones . deo quippè oportet referre gratias etiam pro sucessionibus aliorum ; quod scilicet * solem oriri faciat super malos & bonos , & pluit super justos & injustos . vides ut ille non modo per orationis studium , verum etiam per gratiarum actiones nos conjungat atque conglutinat ? qui enim necessariò cogitur deo referre gratias pro felicibus proximorum successibus , ipsum quoque amore compellitur sibique familiarius jungi . he addes much more in the moral or use , to like effect . in his homilia . de incompraehensibili dei natura , he hath this memo rable passage touching prayer in general , & for a sick king in special . minimè igitur agendum & pro his ( insanis & haereticis ) preces agamus supplicemusque domino . aptissima enim arma oratio est , thesaurus certe perpetuus , divitiae inexhaustae , portus quietus , occasio tranquillitatis , denique author , parens , fons , & radix bonorum omnium & innumerabilium oratio est , atque etiam regia ipsa facultate potior & superior . saepius itaque evenit , ut cum rex ipse aegrotet , cubet , febriat , ardore laboret , & adsint medici , adsint clientes familiares , proceres , milites , duces ; non ars medicorum , non amicorum praesentia , non familiarium administratio , non medicamentorum copia , non apparatus magnificentia , non pecuniarum facultas , non aliud quicquam rerum humanarum possit reddere infestantem morbum leviorem . at si quis valens familiaritate apud deum accesserit , ac corpus languidum duntaxat tetigerit , et syncere pro eo oraverit , languorem omnem expellet ; & quod non divitiae , non numerus ministrorum magnus , non medecinalis scientia , non regius fastus efficere possit , hoc unius pauperis atque egeni oratio potuit . oratiouem dico , non tamen illam & defidiosam , sed eam quae intenta examino dolente , & corde contrito proficiscatur . haec enim est quae in coelum scandere valeat . to 〈◊〉 all passages to this effect in his , , & . homilies ad populum antiochiae , and in his two homilies de davide & saul , i shall conclude with these set forms of prayers for kings in the liturgy or masse , which is attributed to * chrysostom , and printed with his works . memento domine augustissimorum et dei observantium regum nostrorum . diaconus . pro augustissimis et deo deditis regibus nostris , toto palatio , et exercitu illorum dominum rogemus . populus . domine miserere . diaconus . ut illos in bello adjuvet , & subjiciat pedibus illorum omnem hostem & inimicum . dominum rogamus . populus . domine miserere . adhucte invocamus pro 〈◊〉 et christum amantibus nostris regibus , omni palatio et exercitu illorum . da illis domine pacificum robur , ut & nos in tranquillitate illorum pacatam & quietam vitam agamus in omni pietate & religione . pacem mundo tuo da , ecclesiis tuis , sacerdotibus , regibus nostris , exercitui , & omni populo tuo , &c. amen . st. augustin de civitate dei l. . c. . thus presseth this duty , and the reasons of it . quoniam quamdiu permixtae sunt ambae civitates , utimur & nos pace babylonis . ex qua ita per fidem dei populus liberatur , ut apud hanc interim peregrinetur . propter quod & apostolus 〈◊〉 ecclesiam , ut oraret pro regibus ejus atque sublimibus , addens , & dicens , ut quietam & tranquillam vitam agamus cum omni pietate & charitate . et propheta jeremias quum populo veteri dei venturam praenunciaret captivitatem , & divinitus imperaret , ut obedienter in babyloniam irent , deo suo etiam ista patientia servientes , monuit & ipse , ut oraretur pro illis , dicens , quia in pace ejus erit pax vestra ; utique interim temporalis , quae bonis malisque communis est . pax autem nostra propria , & hic est cum deo per fidem , & in aeternum erit cum illo per speciem . in his book de catechezandis rudibus , he prosecutes this more largely . extiterunt reges babyloniae sub quibus illi serviebant , qui ex eorum occasione commoti quibusdam miraculis cognoscerent & colerent & coli juberent unum verum deum , qui condidit universam creaturam . jussi sunt autem pro eis orare , a quibus captivi 〈◊〉 , & eorum pace pacem sperare ad gignendos filios , & domos aedificandas , & plantandos hortos & vinea●… . post septuaginta autem anos promittitur eis ab illa captivitate liberatio . hoc autem totum figuratè significat ecclesiam christi in omnibus sanctis ejus qui sunt cives hi●…rusalem coelestis servituram fuisse sub regibus hujus seculi : dicit enim & apostolica doctrina ; ut omnis anima sublimioribus potestatibus subdita sit , & ut reddantur omnibus omnia , cui tributum t●…ibutum , cui vectigal vectigal , &c. quae salvo domini nost●…i cultu constitutionis humanae principibus ●…edditur . quando & ipse dominus , ut nobis hujus sanae doctrinae praebe et exemplum , pro capite hominis quo erat indutus , tributum luere non dedignatus est . jubentur autem etiam servi christiani & boni fideles , dominis suis temporalibus aequanimiter●…fideliterque servire , quos judicaturi sunt , si usque in finem iniquos invenerint , aut cum quibus aequalicer regnaturi sunt , si & illi ad verum deum conversi fuerint . omnibus autem praecipitur servire humanis potestatibus atque terrenis quousque post tempus praefinitum , ab istius saeculi confusione tanquam de captivitate babyloniae sicut hierusalem liberetur ecclesia . ex cujus captivitatis occasione , ipsi etiam terreni reges relictis idolis , pro quibus persequebantur christianos , unum verum deum & christum dominum cognoverunt & colunt . pro quibus apostolus paulus jubet orare , etiam cum persequerentur ecclesiam . sic enim dicit ( tim . , , . ) obsecro , &c. itaque per ipsos data est pax ecclesiae , quamvis temporalis tranquillitas temporis ad aedificandas spiritualiter domos , & plantandos ho●…tos & vineas . nam ecce modo per i●…tum sermonem aedificamus atque plantamus , & hoc fit per totum orbem terrarum , cum pace regum christianorum , sicut idem dicit apostolus : dei agricultura , dei ecclesia estis . in his book ad paulum episcopum , paraphrasing upon the tim. . , , . shewing the differences between supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings , he addes , pro omnibus hominibus , pro regibus , &c. ne quisquam sicut se habet humanae cogitationis infirmitas existimaret ista non esse facienda pro his à quibus persecutionem patiebatur ecclesia , cum membra christi ex eorum essent hominum genere colligenda . unde addit & adjung it , hoc enim bonum est & acceptum coram salvatore nostro deo ; qui omnes homines vult salvos fieri , & in agnitionem veritatis venire . theodoret bishop of cyrene , in his interpretation in tim. . , . pro regibus , & omnibus qui in sublimitate sunt : thus descants , valdè sapienter hominum commune p●…aeposuit , ne quis orationem pro regibus assentationem existimaret . quia enim e●…ant impii , qui tunc dominatum obtinebant , & pietatis aperti hostes , docet iustam esse causam cur pro cis oretur . vt quietam & tranquillam vitam agamus in omni pietate & castitate . si enim illi in pace degant nos quoque sumus tranquillitatis participes , ac in quiete ac silentio leges pietatis adimplemu●… . ita e●…iam captivi judaei qui erant babyloniae , ad eos qui in juda●…●…elicti erant , scripserunt , ut pro nabuchodono●…or et 〈◊〉 ejus filio deo preces funderent . dominus autem apostolus non solum ubi est causa 〈◊〉 pro eis fieri orationes , sed etiam ut ab impietate cessantes , ediscant pietatem : as he proves by the subsequent words . * sanctorum enim deprecatio est commune omnium malorum remedium : non solum autem medetur aegritudinibus corporis , sed etiam animis convenientem exhibet cu●…ationem ; as he addes in the life of maco . in his interpretation upon daniel , c. . . and the queen said , o king live for ever : rex in secula vive , rex in secula vive . he writes , haec autem erat praefatio qua subjecti regibus , eos tunc salutabant , & ad hoc usque tempus mos invaluit : quidem enim imperiti , reges eos , qui nunc sunt 〈◊〉 vocare consueverunt : in syngraphis quoque commerciorum hoc quidam ascribunt , stultitiae magis qu●…m impietatis damnandi . and c. . v. . da●…iel respondet , dicens , rex in secula vive , &c. usitatam praefationem sermonibus praeponit , videlicet , licet et tibi rex diutissime vivere . the bishops assembled in the great * synod of 〈◊〉 , held about the year . in their th . epistle , pientissimis ac deo dilectissin is theod●…sio & valentiniano victoribus , triumphatoribus & semper augustis , made this prayer for them : deus autem omnium , regnum vestrum multis annorum revo utionibus custodiat pientissimi uictores ac ●…emper augusit . and in their . epistle to these emperors , the businesse being ended for which they were convened , they prayed the emperors to dismisse them from ephesus . ut ordinationi futuri episcopi incumbamus , & in fide jam & pietate confirmata nos oblectemus , purasque et synceras pro dominatione vestra preces domino christo destinemus . primasius bishop of utica in africa , in his commentary , on tim. . , , . comments thus , obsecratio firmior eratione est . 〈◊〉 alit●…r . obsecrationes sunt pro peccatis 〈◊〉 is vel prae entilus ; orationes , pro adipiscendis que sp●…ramus ; postulationes cum pro aliis intervenimus ; gratiarum actiones , cum ea quae possimus , impetramus , velcerte , pro universis dei beneficiis gratias laudesque referimus . gratiarum actiones , gratias agamus ei qui nos dignos fecit pro aliis impetrare . pro omnibus hominil us , etiam pro persecutoril us . pro regibus omnil us qui in sublimitate sunt , ut quietam & tranquillam vitam agamus in omni pietate & castitate . ut cognoscant deum , sive ut subjectas habeant gentes : in eorum enim pace nostra consistit : si enim christiani sunt 〈◊〉 persecutionis impetus . pope leo the . flourishing about the year of christ , . in his . epistle to the emperor theodosius , writes thus : ecce ego christianissime imperator cum consacerdotitus meis implens erga reverentiam elementiae vestrae synceri 〈◊〉 officium , cupiensque vos per omnia placere deo , cui pro vob●…s ab ecclesia supplicatur : & epistola . to the same emperor , he hath the same passage . in his . epistle to the emperor martian he writes thus , unde ineffabiliter deo gratias ago , qui eo tempore quo oboritura haereticorum scandala praesciebat , in imperii fastigio collocavit ; in quibus ad totius mundi salutem , & regia potentia , & sacerdotalis vigeret industria . epist. . to the empresse pulcheria , he thus expresseth himself : per quam significationem clementiae vestrae , absolutè me gaudere , & incessabilibus a deo precibus postulare ; ut vos et romanae reipublicae , et catholicae ecclesiae in omni prosperitate conservet . in his epist. . to the emperor leo , he writes , non desinimus gratias agere , & providentiam dei in fidei vestrae fervore benedicere , qui sancto & catholico spiritu , ita haereticorum impudentiae restitistis , &c. his epistola . to the same emperor , begins thus , multo gaudio mens mea exultat in domino , & magna mihi est ratio gloriandi , cum clementiae vestrae excellentissimam fidem ingeri per omnia donis gratiae caelestis agnosco , &c. and epist. . to the same emperor leo , he informs him , sciat igitur clementia vestra omnes ecclesias dei cum laude vestra exu●…tare pariter et laetari : inveniemur impares in gratiarum actione , s●… nostri tantum oris angustiis universalis ecclesiae gaudia celebremus , &c. in the general council of chalcedon , anno . consisting of no lesse than . bishops and fathers of the church , they all unanimously cried out several times with this acclamation , multi anni imperatoribus , multi anni augustae ( placidiae ) multi anni imperatoribus ; multi anni imperatoribus ; deus qui hoc fecit ; multi anni imperatorum ; magnorum imperatorum multi anni multi anni senatus ; multi anni judicum ; orthodoxorum multi anni . haec integra adunitio , haec pax ecclesiarum . piissimis & christi amantibus nostris , nostris imperatoribus , flavio valentiniano & flavio 〈◊〉 , victoribus ac triumphatoribus semper augustis , multi anni . ; after which divers archimandratae ( or abbots ) in their epistle to the emper●…r martianus , pray thus for him , ut iterum per sanctos patres sancta fide confirmata , poss●…mus reliquum tempus vitae nostrae caste & pie vivere , & in pace incessanter consue●…as orationes offerre domino nostro christo pro diuturnitate aeterni vestri imperii , qui et sua bona voluntate invisibiliter nobis donavit imperium divinissimi augusti . after this actio . martianus the emperor making . orations to the council , the one in latin , the other in greek , recorded in the acts thereof , all the whole * council at the end of both his orations cryed out , omnes clamaverunt ; multi anni imperatori ; multi anni augustae ; orthodoxis multos annos ; martiano novo constantino multos annos ; imperatori multos annos ; augustae orthodoxae multos annos ; martiano amatore christi , vestrum nobis duret imp●…rium , sempex nobis imperatis , digne ex orthodexa fide . amatoribus christi procul invidia . after this having tendered a confession of their faith to the emperor , omnes clamaverunt . omnes sic credimus , &c. martiano novo constantino , novo paulo , novo david multos annos . david imperatori pro domino vitam ci novo . constantino , novo martiano . uos es●…is pax orb●…s , pie domine . dominus vitam e●… conservet . vos , fides nostra . christus quem honoras , ipse te custodiet . orthodoxam fidem tu roborasti . sicut apostolici ità creditis . augustae mu tos annos . uos lumina orthodoxae fidei . propter haec ubique pax est . lumina pacis , domine tu custodi . luminaria mundi , domine tu custodi . perpetua memoria novo constantino . quae ex genere orthodoxa est , deus eam custodiat . eam quae semper p●…a est deus custodiat . pia orthodoxa , quae contraria est haereticis , deus eam rustodiat . omnes haereticos tu fugasti , nestorium & eutichen tu persecuta es . absit invidia a vestco imperio . fideles imperatores sic honorantur . deus custodiat potestatem vestram . deus pacificet imperium vestrum . martianus novus constantinus . pulcheria nova helena . zelum helenae tu sectaris . uestra vita , muninem cunctorum est , vestra fides , ecclesiarum gloria est . after which the emperor rendring publick thanks to god for composing the manifold discords of those who had erred concerning the faith , and that now , in unam eandemque religionem omnes nunc una voluntate convenerimus , sperantes celerimam vestris ad divinitatem precibus , & curae omnia pacem nobis a deo donari . omnes clamaverunt . haec digna vestro imperio . haec propria vestri regni , &c. coelestis rex , terrenum custodi . per te firmata fides est . coelestis rex augustam custodi . per te fides firmata est . unus deus qui hoc fecit . coelestis rex augustam custodi , dignam paci , &c. per vos fides , per vos pax . haec oratio ecclesiarum : haec oratio pastorum . after this again , omnes clamaverunt , multos annos imperatori ; multos annos augusto pio et christiano , augustae orthodoxae multi anni . multos annos piae et matricae christi . imperium vestrum deus custodiat , &c. in perpetuum maneat vestrum imperium . after which in this council , actio xi . bassianus bishop of ephesus humbly petitioned the emperors valentinian and martian to be restored to his bishoprick , & goods , of which he was forcibly dispossessed by soldiers without hearing , * ut iis potitus , consuetas orationes r●…feram incessanter deo pro vestrae potestatis imperio . it being the custom of that and former ages for bishops and people to make supplications , prayers and intercessions for the emperors in all their publick churches and assemblies . rhemigius bishop of rhemes in his * explanatio , in epist. . ad tim. c. . , , . makes this abridgement of the contents of this chapter , vult pro regibus & magistratibus , fieri orationes , et gratiarum actiones . then explaining the precept , obsecro , &c. beatus apostolns dirigens haec verba timotheo , in illo tradidit omnibus episcopis & presbyteris , omnique ecclesiae formam , quomodo debent missarum solemnia celebrare , & pro omnibus hominibus orare : quam formam , id est , exemplum omnis ecclesia modo tenet , &c. ne fortè diceret aliquis ; non debemus orare pro regibus infidelibus , & judicibus ac ducibus , ●…uia pagani sunt ; praecepit apostolus pro omnibus hominibus orare : eodem spi●…itu aff●…atus quo & hieremias propheta ; qui milit epistolam judaeis , qui erant in babylone , ut orarent pro vita regis nebuchadonozor filiorumque e●…us , & pro pace civitatis , ad quam ducti erant captivi ; inquiens , ideo debetis orare pro eis , quia in pace eorum erit pax vestra : similiter & apostolus reddit causam quare talia praecipiat : ut tranquillam & quietam , id est pacificam , vitam agamus in omni pietate & castitate . pietas est cultus , & religio omnipotentis dei. ideò ergo orandum est se●…vis dei , pro vita regis , et pace 〈◊〉 , ut ipst liberius possint dedi . i esse in cultu et religione dei. quia plerumque dum hostes fugant servos dei à propriis sedibus , & discurrerent bella & seditiones per regna , ut non possint in cultura dei esse intenti per omnia sicut tempo●…e pacis . pietas etiam est miserico●… , quàm debemus impendere pauperibus & indigentibus . si erg●… depraedamur ab hostibus , non possumus opus misericordiae exercere , quia non valet impendere alteri , qui non habet undè semetipsum sustentet . sed ut habeamus , unde eleemosynam tribuamus , orand●… est pro vita regis ac principum , et pro pace regni , & ut agamus vitam nostram in omni castitate corporis tempore pacis ; utcumque & nimia difficultate servari potest castitas . quando verò depraedatur regnum à praedonibus & hostibus , nequaquam potest servari , quia domini qui depraedati sunt captivos , expleant voluntatem & immunditiam suam cum eis , ut libet , nec valent resistere . quapropter orandum est pro salute et vita fidelium regum et principum , ut longo tempore conservati pacem habeat regnum , et magis ac magis proficiant in melius . pro infidelibus quoque orandum est ut proficiant in melius et transeant ad fidem , &c. pope gregory the . in his epistles writen to emperors , kings and queens , hath many prayers unto god for them , some of them recited in the * precedent chapter , relating to england , i shall insist only upon some others , epist. l. . epist. mauricio augusto , he hath this passage . tunc magis dominorum exercitus contra hostes crescit , quanto dei exercitus ad orationem creverit ; by their prayers , tears and fastings for the emperor , epist. l. . epist. . mauricio augusto , he concludes with this prayer for him . inter haec ergò omnia incerta ad solas lachrymas redeo , petens , ut idem omnipotens deus piissimum dominum nostrum et sua hic manu regat , et in illo judicio liberum ab omnibus delictis inveniat . epist. l. . epist. . constantinae augustae : he hath this passage . et in redemptoris nostri largitate confido , quia bonum hoc in serenissimo domino ( mauritio ) & pi●…mis filiis in coelestis quoque patriae retributione recipietis . in omnipotenti autem domino confido , quia longam piissimis dominis vitam tribuet ; lib. . epist. . mauritio augusto , he concludes thus . quatenus deus omnipotens , qui placitam sibi catholicae rectitudini●… integritatem clementiam vestram amare cernit atque defendere , et hic devictis hostribus pacatae vos imperare reipublicae , et cum sanctis in aeterna faciat vita r●…gnare . the like expressions he useth epist. . brunichildae reginae francorum . he begins his epistle mauricio augusto , with , inter annorum curas , & innumerabiles sollicitudines quas indefesso studio pro christianae reipublicae regimine sustmetis , magna mihi cum universo mundo laetitiae causa est , quod pietas vestra custodiae fidei , quà dominorum fulget imperium , p●…aecipua solicitudine semper invigilat . unde omninò confido quia sicut vos dei causas religiosae mentis amore tuemini , ita deus vestras majestates sua gratia sue●…ur et adjuvat . lib. epist. . mauricio august●… ; he begins thus . omnipotens deus , qui pietatem vestram pacis ecclesiasticae fecit esse custodem , ipsa vos fide servat , &c. pro qua re totis precibus deprecamur , ut bonum hoc omnipotens deus serenitati dominorum , piaeque eorum soboli , et in praesenti seculo , atque in perpetua remuneratione retribuat . epist. . mauritio aug●…sto , he concludes with this prayer for him . omnipotens autem deus serenissimi domini nostri vitam , et ad pacem sanctae ecclesiae , et ad utilitatem reipublicae romarae per tempora longa custodiat . certi enim sumus quia si vos vivitis , qui coeli dominum timetis , nulla contra veritatem superbia praevalere permittetis , lib. . epist. . brunichildae reginae francorum : he ends with this prayer for her . omnipotens deus sua vos protectione custodiet , atque a per●…dis gentibus regnum vestrum sui brachii extensione defendat . uosque post longa annorum ●…urricula ad gaudia aeterna perducat . the like prayer he makes epist . theodelindae longobardarum reginae , videlicet , dei nostri misericordiam deprecamur , ut bonorum vicem & retributionem in corpore & in anima , hîc & in futuro compenset , &c. epist. . theoderico & theoberto regibus franciae , he begins and ends thus : summum in regibus bonum est , justiciam colere , ac sua cuique jura servare , & subjectis non sinere quod potestatis est fieri , sed quod aequum est custodire , &c. q●…atenus per hoc aequitatem sacerdoti●…us custoditis , eorum precibus an●…e dei semper occul●…s floreatis . epistola . richaredo regi wisigothorum , he is verie copious in rendering thanks to god for him , as being a chief instrument in converting the goths to the christian faith , concluding with this prayer for him . omnipotens deus in cunctis a●…ibus vestris , coelestis brachi●… extensione vos protegat , vobisque et praesentis vi●…ae prospera , et post multa annorum curr●…cula gaudia concedat aeterna . lib. . epist. . mauri●…io augusto ; he and the clergy thus prayed for him . pro quare lachrymabili prece omnes deposcimus , ut omnipotens deus qui clementiae vest●…ae corda compunxit , incolume in amoris sui constantia dominorum servet imperium , ut victorias eorum in cunctis gentibus auxilio suae majestatis extendat . see his epistola , , , , , , . to several kings and queens , wherein he renders t●…anks and makes prayers for them unto god , lib. . epist. . he recites the murther of the emperor mauritius , with all his . sons , brother , and some of his nobles by phocas ; after which phocas who usurped the empire , and leontia his empresse sending their statues to rome , kal. maij , acclamatum est eis in lateranis in basilica julii , ab omni clero vel senatu , exaudi christe , phocae augusto et leontiae augustae vita : so much did they flatter this bloody murderer of his soveraign lord and his royal issue , and invader of his crown . and epist. . phocae augusto , pope gregory him●…elf thus courts and prayes for him . considerare cum gaudiis & magnis gratiarum actionibus libet , quantas omnipotenti domino laudes debemus , quod remoto jugo tristitiae ad libertatis tempora sub imperialis benignitatis vest●…ae pietate pervenimus , &c. san●…a itaque trinitas vitam vestram per longa tempora custodiat , ut de bono vestrae pietatis quod tardè suscepimus , ●…iutius gaudeamus . lib. . epist. . brundechildae reginae francorum ; he concludes with this prayer for her , omnipotens deus excellentiam vestram in suo timore semper cu●…todiat , atque ita vestra vota ad filiorum excellentislimorum regum nepotum vestrorum sospitate adimpleat , ut stabile vobis gaudium de eorum semper incolumitate sicut cupitis , habere concedat . and epist. . theodorico regi francorum , de pace in republica facienda , ( fit for our age and condition ) he prays thus for him . sancta trinitas in suo semper faciat vos timore proficere , & ita cor vestrum placita sibi moderatione disponat , ut & subjectis vestris de vobis , & postmodum vobis de se gaudium fine fine concedat . i shall conclude with his epist. l. . epist. . leontiae augustae fraught with thanksgivings , gratulations and prayers for her . quae lingua loqui , quis animus cogitare sufficiat , quanta de serenitate vestri imperii omnipotenti deo gratias debemus , quod tam dura longo tempore pondera cervicibus nostris amota sunt , & imperialis culminis leve jugum subiit , quod libeat portare subjectis . reddatur ergò creatori omnium ab hymnidicis angelorum choris gloria in coelo , persolvatur ab hominibus gratiarum actio in terra , quia universa respublica quae multa maeroris pertulit vulnera , nunc consolationis vestrae invenit fomenta . unde nobis necesse est omnipotentis dei misericordiam enixius exorare , ut cor v●…strae pietatis sua semper dextera teneat , ejusque cogitationes coelestis gratiae ope dispenset ; quatenus tranquillitas vestra tantò rectius valeat sibi servientes regere , quantò dominatori omnium noverit , minus deservire . in amore catholicae fidei faciat defensores suos , quos fecit ex benigno opere imperatores nostros . in●…undat in vestris mentibus zelum simul et mansu●…m , ut semper pro fervore valeatis , et quidquid in deo exceditur non inultum relinquere , et si quid vobis delinquitur parcendo tolerare . det vobis in vestra pietate p●…lcheriae augustae clementiam , quae pro zelo catholicae fidei in sacta synodo helena nova vocata est . omnipotens dei misericordia largiora vobis cum prissimo domino spacia vivendi concedat , ut quo vestra longius vita extenditur , subjectorum omnium , consolatio validius confirmetur , &c. ipse ergo sit vestri custos imperii , sit vobis protector in terra , sit pro vobis intercessor in coelo ; ut per hoc quod relevatis duris ponderibus in vestro imperio subjectos gaudere facitis , post multa annorum tempora in caelesti regno gaudeatis . the . council of toledo anno under king reccaredus , thus extoll and pray for him . cui à deo aeternum meritum ; cui aeterna corona ; cui praesens gloria & aeterna nisi verè catholico , orthodoxo reccaredo regi ? ipse sit deo & hominibus amabilis , qui tàm mirabiliter glorificavit deum in terris . mareulfus a monk flourishing about the year of our lord , . in his * formularum , l. . c. . concessio regis ad privilegium granted to an abby : makes this the only usual form in that age of kings confirmations of lands , and privileges to monasteries , expressed in their charters : ut pro aeterna salute , vel faelicitate regis , constanster delectet ipsis monachis , immensam domini pietatem jugiter implorare . and c. . confirmatio regis , de omni corpore facultatis monasterii : ut vos & successores vestri , uti necessitas fuerit , in conditionibus ipsius monasterii , pro salute nostra crebrius exorare valeant . and cap. . praeceptum de episcopatu : there is this clause in the usual form of kings grants of any vacant bishoprick : quatenus dum ecclesiam sibi à dispensatione divina commissam , strenuè regere atque guberna●…e videtur , nobis apud aeternum retributorem mercedem suffragia largiantur , & ille pro peccatorum nostrorum mole , indesinenter immensum dominum debeat deprecari . this being one principal end of kings erecting and endowing monasteries , bishopricks and churches , that the abbots , monks , bishops , priests and people might therein constantly pray for the safety , prosperity and felicity of them , their royal families , posterity , and realms ; as all their charters , confirmations , and instruments evidence . the . council of toledo , anno . under king sisenandus : as it denounced this solemn excommunication thrice one after another , against all traytors who should attempt to m●…der or dethrone the king , or us●…p his crown , against their oath of allegiance to him . quicunque ergo ex nobis , vel totius hispaniae populis qualibet conjuratione , tractatu vel studio , sacramentum sidei suae quo pro patriae gentisque gothorum statu vel conservatione regiae salutis pollicitus est , teme●…erit , aut regem nece attractaverit , aut potestate regni exuerit , aut p●…aesumpsione tyrannica regni fastigium usurpaverit , anathema sit in conspectu dei patris & angelorum , atque ab ecclesia catholica , quam perjurio prophanaverit , efficiatur extraneus , & ab omni coetu christianorum alienus , cum omnibus impietatis suae sociis . anathema maranatha hoc est , perditio in adventu domini sint , & cum juda scarioth pa●…tem habeant ipsi & socii eorum . amen . so also they made this devout prayer for this king. pax , & salus , et diuturni●…as piissimo & amatori christi domino nostro sisenando regi . corroboret ergo christi gratia regnum illius gentisque gothorum in fide catholica annis et meritis , protegat illum usque ad ultimam senectutem summi dei gratia , & post praesentis regni gloriam ad aeternum regnum transeat , sine fine regnet , qui in seculo feliciter imperat , ipso praestante , qui est rex regum et dominus dominorum , cum patre & spiritu sancto in secula seculorum . amen . the th council of toledo under king chintilla , anno as it provides for the safety of the kings person , the royal issue , and their possessions ; prohibiting all calculation of their nativities , or aspiring after their crowns , and reviling of them , under pain of excommunication : so all the bishops and nobles in it concluded with this prayer for their king. donet ei dominus & de inimicis triumphum , & de beatudine gaudium : custodiat eum protectione assidua , muniat bonae voluntatis suae circumspectione tutissima , cujus regnum manet in secula seculorum . the . council of toledo under king suintilla , anno . as it provides for the safety of the kings person , and of the royal posterity : with a quis ferat , aut quis christianus toleranter videat regiam sobol●…m aut potestatem expoliari rebus , aut privari dignitatibus , & c ? cap. , . so it concludes with this prayer for the king , cap. . donet ei dominus optimo principi diu●…urnum in saeculo praesenti triumphum , & in parte justorum perpetuum regn●…m , felicibusque annis felix ipse in longa felicitate fruatur , et divinae dexterae protectione ubique muniatur . in the . general council of constantinople under constantinus pogonatus , pope agatho , and the synode of rome consisting of . bishops , prayed thus for him in their several epistles to him , pro incolumitate atque exaltatione fortissimi vestri imperii unanimiter incessabiles domino preces effundentes . dei majestatem fideliter obsecrare pro longe vitate atque perfecta prosperitate vestrae fortitudinis imperio divinitus concedenda , &c. and this whole general council thus unanimously cryed out with loud joyfull voyces , and prayed to god for him ( q ) sancta synodus exclamavit : multos annos imperatori : christo dilecto imperatori multos annos . pium & christianum imperatorem damine conserva ; aeternum permaneat vestrum imperium . orthodoxam fidem tu confirmasti . after which this whole council in their gratulatory oration to him , pray thus for him , omnes unanimiter atque consonanter acclamamus ; domine salvum fac regem nostrum , qui post te corroboravit fidei fundamentum : benedicito vitam ejus , dirige gressus cogitationum ejus , conterat virtutem inimicorum suorum , et resistentes ei continuo corruant , quia fecit judicium & justitiam sempiternam , &c. this emperor dying before this general council dissolved , and justinian succeeding in the empire , , all the fathers assembled therein in their ( r ) oration to him , close it with this prayer for him , dominus imperium tuum stabiliat ac confirmet in pace et justitia , et generationum generationibus transmittat , et terrenae quoque potentiae adjiciat , et etiam coelesti regnofruaris . a the . council of toledo under king chindasiundus , and the . bishops in it , make this prayer for him . ut memorato principi cum prosperitate praesentis regni , futuri etiam largiant●…r praemia gaudii , ipso praestante qui in trinitate unus deus vivit et gloriatur in saecula saeculorum . b in the . council of toledo k. recesuinthus presented himself amongst the prelates , abbots , priors , earls the●… present , that they might commend him in their prayers to almighty god , which they did . c the . council of toledo held in the th . year of his reign , made this prayer for him , obsecrantes ejus misericordiam largam ut serenissimo domino et amabili christo recesuintho principi glorioso , ita praesentis vitae felicitatem impe●…dat , ut angelicae beatitudinis gloriam , post longaeva tempora concedat : atque ita nos ejusdem felicitate laetos semper efficiat , ut in terra viventium remunerandos attollat . d the council of toledo in the . year of king recesuinthus , as it provides for the safety of his person , and crown in subjecting all clergymen and monks , who shall wittingly violate their general oaths made for the safety of his royal person and realm , to deprivation , and the kings justice , c. . so. c. . all present in it pray thus to god for him . a quo petimus et optamus , ut porrecta in longitudine felicium dierum sacratissimi principis vita , eam omni gloriarum decore perpetua faciat pollere salute . e the council of cavailon under king clodoveus assembled in the church of st vincent , pray the intercession of this holy martyr , ut longaevitatem supradicti principis suo suffragio mereamur . f the . council of toledo in the th . year of king uuambanus ( or bamba ) made this prayer for him , det ergo eidem principi dominus , et cursum praesentis vitae in pace transire , et post diuturna tempora , ad se in pace , rem●…ssis iniquitatibus pervenire : qualiter et hîe ●…elicia tempora ducat , et felix cum omnibus , quibus principatur , ad christum sine confusione perveniat : ut , quia per eum corona nostri ordinis in melius restauratur , coronam futuri regni capiat ex hoc in regione vivorum regnans cum christo insaecula saeculorum . amen . the council of * bracara in the same year , concludes with this prayer for king bamba , sit pax , salus et diuturnitas , piissimo & amatori christi domino nostro uuambano regi : divinam postulantes clementiam , ut gloria christi regnum ejus corroberet usque ad ultimam senectutem , praestante ipso qui cum patre & spiritu sancto vivit & gloriatur in trinitate d●…us , in saecula saeculorum . amen . the . council of toledo under king evingius , c. . is closed up with this prayer for him : * sanctae trinitatis poscimus inenarrabile numen & gloriosam in●…ffabilis potentiae majestatem , ut det amatori christi serenissimo domino nostro atque amantissimo evingio principi , imperare clementer , regnare feliciter , habere de elementis fructum , obtinere de justitia praemium , de pietate trophaeum , quò & hic invictus victor hostium semper appareat ; & post diuturna hujus seculi curricula , ad regnum aeternum cum suis omnibus coronandus pervenire , praestante deo & salvatore nostro jesu christo domino nostro , qui cum patre & spiritu sancto in trinitate vivit & regnat deus , in secula seculorum . amen . the synode of frankford on the mene under charles the great , thus prayed for him . catholicum atque clementissimum semperque inclytum dominum carolum regem , omnipotens & sancta trinitas sua cum gratia circumcingat , suaque dextra semper protegat et defendat , ut faciat semper quae illi sunt placita , quatenus coelestibus fretus armis inimicos nominis christi auxilio fultus de caelo , ad terram prosternat . barbaras etiam nationes , infinita deus omnipotens ditioni ejus potentia subdat , ut ex hac occasione ad agnitionem perveniant veritatis , et cognoscant verum et unum deum creatorem suum , &c. multipliceter pax in diebus ejus , ut sit sancta ecclefia libera , et ab omni strepitu mundi secura qua libertate christus eam liberavit , &c. indulgeat miseratus captivis , subveniat oppressis , dissolvat fasciculos deprimentes : sit consolatio viduaarum , miserorum refrigerium : sit dominus et pater ; sit rex et sacerdos , fit omnium christianorum moderantissimus gubernator , auxiliante domino nostro jesu christo , qui cum patre et spiritu sancto vivit et regnat deus in trinitate perfecta per omnia secula seculorum . amen . the judgements and practices of this kinde of our venerable beda ; of boniface archbishop of mentz , and lullus his successor ; of the council of glovesho and calchuth ; and of abbat alchuvinus and others : from the year , to . you have already cited in the * precedent chapter . the synod of * towers in france , under charles the great , c. . decreed : primò omnium admonuimus generaliter cunctos , qui nostri conventui interfuêre , ut obedientes sint domino excellentissimo imperatori nostro , et fidem quam ei promissam habent inviolabiliter conservare studeant . orationes quoque assiduas intentè fundere pro ejus stabilitate ac incolumitate omnes se velle secundum nostram admonitionem unanimiter professi sunt , ut misericordia divina longiori aevo illius m●…nsuetudinem conservare dignetur , &c. the council of * mentz about the same time under charles the great , c. , &c. made this prayer for him and his posterity : in nomine patris et filii , et spiritus sancti ; gloriosissimo et christianissimo imperatori carolo augusto , verae religionis rectori , ac defensori dei ecclesiae , una cum prole sua , ejusque fidelibus , vita et salus , honor et benedictio , cum victoria fine fine mansura . the council of * cavailon the same year under this charles the great , thus decreed : omnis iste conventus gratissima deliberatione decrevit , ut ab omnibus indes●…nenter orationes fiant pro vita et incolumitate , pro salute animae et corporis domini imperatoris prolisque ejus ; pro statu regni , &c. the synod of * rhemes the same year under the same emperor decreed : ut pro domino imperatore s●…aque nobilissima prole , orationes et oblationes , quae pro ipsis hactenus deo omnipotenti oblatae sunt augeantur , ut eos suis temporibus in praesenti seculo cum omni saelicitate custodiat , et in futuro cum sanctis angelis suis pia miseratione gaudentes efficiat . the like is decreed in capitularia caroli magni & ludovici , l. . c. . fredericus lindebrogus codex legum antiqu . p. . the * synod of paris under lewis & lotharius , anno . l. . c. . as it presseth all obedience , subjection , and loyalty to kings , so it prescribes constant prayers for them , from the tim. . concluding thus : si enim hieremias propheta dei , pro vita idololatrae regis nebuchadonozor orare admonet , quantò magis pro salute christianorum regum do omnibus ordinibus deo est humiliter supplicandum ? the * synod of paris under bishop odo made this decree : praecipitur districtè omnibus presbyteris ut pro domino rege faciant specialem commemorationem quando poterunt . a theodulphus abbas floriacensis , et aurelianensis episcopus in his poems to ludovicus the emperor thus prays for him . inclite caesar ave , ludovice serene , valeque , et tibi cun●…ipotens det bona cuncta deus . orbis te totus laudat , veneratur , amatque , et monitis paret , sedulus undè tuis , &c. grates pro vestrâ summa pietate rependam . aeterno patri , qui vos regnare potenter , et mores sanctos servare salubriter egit , prospera multigenis concedens cuncta triumphis , &c : uos pater , et gnatus , sanctus quoque spiritus omni tempore concedat domino praestan●…e valere . in his poem , ( b ) in adventu caroli filii augustorum , he hath this salutation , and prayer for him . salve regum sancta proles . nullus ordo , nulla rerum , mens & lingua , cor , voluntas , salve regum sancta proles , dicat omnis plebis agmen , dives , pauper , sospes , aeger , salve regum sancta proles , chare christo carole . nunc silescat vastitas , laudem dando personet . chare christo carole , &c. clerus ipse primitus , consonent in laudibus . chare christo carole , &c. which salve is . times more repeated in that poem , with other prayers for prince charles . in his poem , e in adventu lotharii imperatoris , he useth the●…e prayers for and acclamations to him . imperator magne vivas . gaudeat totum tuorum , omnis aetas , omnis ordo , imperator magne vivas , sancta lothari , maria virgo , et simul eum patre magno , imperator magne vivas , et valens junctis beatis , uestra pax in pace cunctos , intus , extra , longe , juxta , britto cedat , atque bulgar uita , virtus et potestas , fama felix te sequatur summa summae trinitati , quae gubernet et coronet , imperator magne vivas . semper et feliciter , which is ten times repeated . agmen hic fidelium , corde dicens intimo , semper et feliciter , te cum fratribus , servet , armet , protegat , semper et feliciter . hoc precetur omnibus , firmet apta subditos , fulgeat concordia , omnis ardor hostium , robur et victoria , atque vitae praemia , sit per aevum gloria , te per omne seculum , semper et feliciter . * walafridus strabus abbot of st. gall , in his poem to ludovicus the emperor makes this expression of his loyalty to , and prayes thus for him . vilia pro meritis sunt haec munuscula vestris , sed tamen ex pleno quae dat amore fides . quam vobis servare diu , totumque per aevum , hanc animam veluti nitar ad usque obitum . quid mihi , quid possit consistere clarius unquam , gloria quàm domini continuata pii , &c. * ipse pio vires , divinaque munera regi , et clarum aeterno tempore det columen . pacem consilio faciet retinere salubri , quem paci aeternae muneribusque parat , haec vos cum vestris repetitus saepius annis , haec ad festa deus provehat incolumes . in his verses to the a empresse judeth , he prayes thus for her , and hers . — orabo quod ipse hactenus orabam , quaeque petenda reor . uita , praesidio , pace et solamine christi , uos vestrosque simul tempus in omne frui . proxima sanctorum quod nos per festa dierum , plenius acturos credimus et volumus . in another ( b ) poem to her , in reference to her name judeth , he prays thus for her . nomine quem sequitur , factis da christe sequatu●… , pace , fide , pietate , animo , sermonibus , ausis , dogmate , consiliis , successu , et prole fideli , &c. laeta cubans , sit laeta sedens , sit laeta resurgens , laetetur que poli faelix in sede locata . in his other c verses to her , he prays thus . uos vestrosque dei semper miserata potestas , protegat , exaltet , ffrmet , regat , armet , adornet . and in his d poem to charles the emperors son by judeth , he prays thus for him . majestas tibi cuncta dei det prospera semper , et vitae aeternae dulcia dona seret . haymo bishop of halberstat in germany , interpretatio . in epist. tim. c. . v. , , . hath the self-same commentary , and words , pressing the duty of praying for kings , as remigius forecited . hincmarus archbishop of rhemes in france , flourishing under charles the great , and lewis his sonne , one of the learnedest scholars in that age , in his * epistola . ad ludovicum balbum regem , who desired his advice , how hee might settle and govern his distracted kingdom in peace , in such a time of confusion , as we now are in ; returns him this answer , in an epistle thus directed . domino ludovico regiglorioso , sit semper salus et uita . . that he should elect good counsellers of state , quia boni reges constituti bonos sibi consiliarios adhibuerunt , & per bonos reges & bonos consiliarios regimen populi multa bona habuerunt . ly . ut seniores et regni su●… primores convocaret , ut omnes communi concilio de communi necessitate et utilitate tractetis : ( the best means of publike peace and settlement , as he proves by sundry former presidents ; ) nec in exordio regni vestri inter primores regni de vestro regimine oriatur discordia , quae non sine impedimento possit esse sedata . et regni primores qui vobiscum sunt , sic seipsos & suas voluntates contemperent , ne alios istius regni primores ad scandalum per suam cupiditatem , aut negligentiam provocent . ly . that when this great parliamentary council of the nobles , and great men of the realm should assemble , they should treat of these . heads , very pertinent and seasonable for our times . primò , qualiter vos in regimine regni cum honore & salvamento , ac supplemento de his quae necessaria sunt , cum regno ac domo vestro possitis insis●…ere . secundò , ut capitulum , de honore sanctae ecclesiae & sacerdotum & servorum dei debito privilegio ad effectum perduci possit ; ut & ecclesiae in isto regno per occasionabiles cicadas & per indeletas consuetudinarias exactiones , quae tempore pipini , caroli & ludovici non fuerunt , ante annos viginti impositas , non affligantur . tertio , qualiter regni primores cum debita sereniate & honore ergà vos consistere possint , & caeteri nobiles homines in regno securitatem habeant , ne per diversa ingenia a suis opibus , quas habere potuerint , despolientur : quia postquam radix omnium malorum cupiditas in regno isto exarfit , ut nullus , aut poenè nullus honorem , aut aliquod bonum ●…ine precio possit adquirere , aut tenere , aut securitatem habere ; pax , & consilium & justicia , atque judicium , sicut necesse fuerat , locum in isto regno non habuerunt . quartò , ut inveniatis cum deo & vestris fidelibus , qualiter istae rapinae & depraedationes in isto regno cessent , & miser iste populus , qui jam per plures annos perde praedationes diversas & continuas & per exactiones ad normannos repellandos affligitur , aliquod * remedium habeat , & justitia & judicium quae quafi emortua apud nos sunt , reviviscant : quia usque modo , jam ante plures annos locum in isto regno defensio non habent , sed redemptio & tributum , & non solum pauperes homines , sed & ecclefias quondam divites tàm emarciatas habent . quintò , ut concordiam quae secundum deum est , inter fideles dei & vestros haberi , & vigere quantum potueritis , satagatis ; & vos talem ergà eos pr●…paretis , ut verum con●…ilium vobis dare possint & audeant , &c. sexto , ut inveniatis cum deo & ve●…tris fidelibus , qualiter pacem & amicitiam secundum deum cum vestris sobrinis , patrui vestri filiis , & juvenum adjutorium vobis ad dei voluntatem , & sanctae eccle●…ae ac vestrum honorem , at communem fidelium vestrorum salvationem exhibeatis . caeterum qualiter haee ad effectum perveniant , et caetera necessaria inveniantur , et assequautur , deus est exorandus , &c. faciendum est judicium pro iniquorum correctione , et pro injuriam sustinentium directione , non pro malevolentiae ultione , nec pro justam causam habentium oppressione , &c. sollicitè unicuique ambulandum est cum deo suo , et regi precipuè , qui sub tantis erit in poenis in futuro seculo , si malus fuerit , super quantos fuerit in isto seculo , in quo se à malitia non correxit , et non fecit judicium et justitiam , et non ambulavit sollicitè cum deo suo . ‖ in the front of his d . epistle to the emperor charles the grosse , praesentem et futuram optat prosperitatem et gloriam ; advising him : ut ecclesiam gallicanam poenè collapsam restituat , regni dissidia tollat , justitiae leges apud primores aequè ac subditos sartas tectas conservare , divinum aux●…lium per preces crebro imperare , impios et sceleratos coercere ; orphanorum et pupillorum patrocinium suscipere ; humilitatem , caritatem , mansuetudinem erga omnes sectari , improborumque societatem et ●…itatem defugere : as the readiest way to publick peace , unity and prosperity . his d. and th . epistles are full of excellent instructions for young kings : and his th . very pertinent to our condition . the emperor lewes the d . being dead , charles the bald king of france went into italy to obtain the imperial crown from the pope : which his brother lewes , king of germany , taking in ill part , attempted in his absence to invade the realm of france . whereupon divers bishops and nobles of france being doubtfull what to do in this difficult cause , craved the advice of their metropolitan , hin●…rus archbishop of rhemes ; who in this epistle adviseth them at large : in tanta discrimine , confug●…endum esse ad arma spiritua●…ta orationum , jejuniorum , aliorumque id genus p●…aesidiorum ; et in fide proprii regis caroli , licet absit , fort●…r persistendum ; nec oves ulla ratione , quantum vis ludovicus vi invadat regnum , deserendas , ipsasque reges libere de suis erratis commonefaciendos , 〈◊〉 ●…i parere nolint , etiam à corpore christi abscindendos ; quod multorum s. patrum exemplis fusè probat . after his debate of the difficulties and dangers on both sides in resisting the unjust invador of his brothers realm , and deserting charles their absent lawfull king , he resolves thus : nos episcopi domini nostri caroli , si acciderit ut consulere ei non possimus , ficuti cupimus in temporali sui regni defensione atque tuitione , et consulamus ei in debitae fide●… observatione . consulamus et nobis dei cooperatione in pia dei erga illum observatione , et continua mentis devotione atque pro eo apud deum ●…t sanctos ejus obsecratione , &c. consulamus et nobis ne pro quacunque cupiditate vel temporali emolumento ab illius debita fide exorbitantes , quenquam in illius regnum missis episcopis , vel quibuscunque internunciis , invitemus , nec pro abbatiis , vel hono●…ibus temporalibus , atque rebus , vel facultatibus nos venundemus , iudae similes effecti , qui abiens ad iudaeos dixit ; quid vultis mihi dare , & ego vobis eum tradam ? est etiam , quoniam ab alio quocunque justè & rationabiliter credi non poterimus neque debemus , si quocunque terreno lucro vel illata injuria , salva in deum fide , seniori nostr●… ( regi ) fidem non servaverimus , &c. consulamus etiam quantum adjuvante domino poterimus , sociis & commilitonibus nostris , exhortantes eos , ut fidem debitam apud eum observent , &c. consulamus etiam ei , si fortè quis fuerit , qui in absentia ejus regnum ipsius moliatur subripere , ut moneamus emn de sacramentis inter se , et seniorem nostrum factis , quae rex noster se servare velle fatetur , et proponemus ei sententiam domini prolatam per jeremiam prophetam contra sedechiam , qui juravit nebu●…hadonozor gentili regi in nomine domini ezech. . & hierom. ibid. ( whose severe judgement on him for this perjury he recites at large out of king . together with the danger of perjury out of st. augustin , epist. . who stiles it , gravissimum peccatum ) si autem & contra praepofitum suum agentibus consulere non potuerimus ; secundum verba ( a ) sancti ambrosii , consulamus nobis , ne faciamus quacunque cupiditate , vel adulatione , vel deceptione , vel communicatione undè vituperetur ministerium nostrum , & perdamus nomen bonum , &c. et non solum in vectigalibus stipendiariis militiae , & ecclesiis debitis , et regibus deservire jubemur , verum et in orationibus , sicut augustinus in libro ( b ) de civitate dei ostendir , ( whose words he recites at large . ) after which he thus winds up this most learned and seasonable epistle , worthy reading . si denique rex noster fuerit , annuente deo reversus , recipiamus eum cum gaudio , & de sibi ac ecclesiae atque regni necessariis in postmodum procurare episcopaliter illum commoneamus , et prosperitati suae congaudeamus ; si vero , quod non optamus , aliter judicio dei contigerit , devotionem ac fidem debitam erga illum sinceriter custodientes , ●…icut scriptum est , dicamus corde , dicamus & ore domino , exultaverunt filiae iudae , id est , confessionis humillimae , in omnibus judiciis tuis domine . this was the advice of that le●…rned loyal bishop in that age upon this occasion . gerbertus archbishop of rhemes , afterwards pope sylveste●… the d . as he hath this expression of his loyalty to the emperor otho , epist. . non dicatur reus , cui pro caesare stare semper fuit gloria , contra caesarem ignominia . so in his his . epistle , adelaidi imperatriei , he concludes thus : meae●… ●… imperatori ) asservavi , eam matri servabo ; si nequeo praesens , saltem absens , benè loquendo , bene optando , bene orando . he begins his . epistle othoni imperatori thus . domino & glorioso othono semper augusto gerbertus gratia domini remorum episcopus , quicquid tanto imperatori dignum . and in his . epistle to diedericus the bishop , in the person of prince charles the emperors nephew , he thus brands him for his perjury and treachery to the emperor , and the republick . diederico hypocritarum ideae , imperatorum infidelissimo , prolisque parricidae , ac in communi hosti reipublicae . tu divina & humana confundisti jura . cur pastor ali officio minas intendis ? quasi verò tu pastor , & non lupus rapax , & non potius alter judas apostolus , qui dominum suum . perdidit argenteis , & tu episcopus qui dominum tuum regem haeredem regni regno privasti spe famosissimi quaestus , &c. ( b ) fulbertus carnotensis episcopus , inscribes his , , & , & . epistles to robert king of france thus . domino suo regi roberto lenignissimo , fulbertus dei & sui gratia carnotensis episcopus , in gratia regis regum s●…mper manere ; statu plenae felicitatis ; in perpetuum regnare . cursum honesti continuum ad beatitudinem finis . he concludes his , , , & epistles to this king , with valeteregaliter ; vale nunc & semper . vigeat excellentia vestra . he inscribes his . epistle with this option : aeterni regis consortium ; and ends it thus : omnipotens deus dilatet imperium vestrum , et dextra vos semper protegat ad pacem sanctae ecclesiae ; uitam vobis longae●…am tribuat , et sua vos benedictione in omnibns exornet . his . epistle is thus directed : nobilissimo regi danemarchiae cnuto , fulbert . dei gratia carnotensium episcopus , cum suis clericis et monachis orationis suffrag●…um . in which he writes : te non modo christianum , verum etiam erga ecclesias atque dei servos benignissimum largitorem agnoscimus . unde gratias agentes regi regum , ex cujus dispositione talia descendunt ; rogamus ut ipse regnum tuum in vobis prosperari faciat , et animam tuam a peccatis absolvat , per aeternum & consubstantialem sibi unigenitum christum dominum nostrum in unitate spiritus sancti . amen . and his epist. is thus directed , dilectissimo domino suo roberto , regi ac reginae constantiae , verum in domino constantissimo fulbertus humilis carnot . episcopus fidelitatis obsequium et orationum suffragium , quantum scit et potest . i preterm it his other prayers and options of this kind , epist. , , , &c. oecumenius in his enarratio in tim. . , . useth the self-same words and passages touching prayers , intercessions and supplications for kings , as st. chrysostom and theodoret , forcited , p. , , , &c. the like doth theophylact , upon the tim. . , . whom they both follow . st. bernard abbot of clarevall thus begins and proceeds in his epistola . ad ludovicum regem francorum ( written in the name of all the cistercian abbots and monks ) eximio regi francorum ludovico , stephanus abbas cisterciensis , totusque conventus abbatum et fratrum cisterciensium , salutem , sospitatem et pacem in christo iesu. rex coeli et terrae regnum vobis in terra donavit , donaturus et in coelo , si quod accepistis justè & sapienter amministrare studueritis . hoc est quod uobis optamus , et pro uobis oramus , ut et hic fideliter , et illic feliciter regnetis . caeterum vos quonam consilio , eisdem nostris pro uobis orationibus , quas , si recolitis , olim tàm humiliter requisistis , modo tàm acriter repugnatis ? qua enim fiducia manus pro vobis levare possumus ad sponsum ecclesiae , quam ita et sine causa , ut putamus , ausu inconsulto contristaris ? gravem siquidem adversum vos apud eundem sponsum , et dominum suum querimoniam deponit , dum quem acceperat defensorem , sustinet oppugnatorem , &c. alioquin si non meremur exaudiri , sed contemnimur , et nos , fratres et amici vestri , et qui quotidie oramus pro uobis , et filiis uestris , et regno ex hac jam noveritis parvitatem nostram , &c. ; he begins his epistle , ad ludovicum juniorem regem francorum , with this loyal preface , and seconds it with his constant prayers day and night . si totus orbis adversum me conjuraret , * ut quippiam molirem adversus regiam majestatem , ego tamen deum timerem , & ordinatum ab eo regem offendere temerè non auderem . nec enim ignoro ubi legerim ; qui potestati resistit , dei ordinationi resistit , &c. non contristabit per illum & de illo ecclesiam suam , in quem et de quo in tantis plura laetificavit : quem suo munere contulit , sua longanimitate servabit ; et si quid aliter sapitis , et hoc ipsum vobis revelabit , et erudiet corda in sapientia . hoc optamus , hoc oramus die et nocte . he begins his epistle to this king thus , libentèr quidem sicut ipse fateri dignamini , etiam propria testante conscientia , quae ad honorem vestrnm et regni vestri utilitatem spectant , pro nostro exiguo posse et quaerimus & quaeremus : though he sharply reprehends him therein : in his epistle to this king ( who oppugned the church ) he writes thus . profectò stabimus & pugnabimus usque ad mortem , si it a oportuerit , pro matre nostra , armis quibus licet , non scutis et gladiis , sed precibus fletibusque ad deum . et ego quidem qui me memini praeter quotidianas preces , quas pro pace et salute vestra , atque regno coram domino suppler ipso teste fundebam . and why so ? insuper et fratri vestro , ejusque militibus balastariisque domos episcopales contra jus et phas inhabitandas , et res ecclesiae in hujusmodi nefarios usus profligandas audacter nimium exponitis . dico vobis non erit diu inultum , si haec it a facere pergitis , &c. his episile begins thus , ludovico dei gratia excellentissimo regi francorum , bernardus clarevallis vocatus abbas , fidelis suus , salutem à rege regum , & domino dominantium ipsi , et dilectae ejus , et filiis ejus . regn●… terrae & jura regnorum tune sanè sana suis dominis atque illaesa persistunt , si divinis ordinationibus ac dispositionibus non resistunt , &c. he addes , colligitur concilium . quid in hoc detrahitur regiae gloriae , regni utilitatibus ? ibi un●…versae ecclesiae commendabitur ac rememorabitur excellenciae vestrae prompta et specialis devotio , qui regum primus , aut certè inter primos rabiei persequentium eandem matrem vestram strenuissimè , et christianissimè defendendo obviastis . ibi gloriosè ab ingenti illa multitudine debitae gratiae referentur vobis : ibi a millibus sanctorum orabitur pro vobis et vestris . he begins his epistle , thus . henrico illustrissimo regi anglorum , b. abbas dictus de clarevalle , honorem , sospitatem & pacem . and his epistle , thus . lothario dei gratia imperatori augusto , b. abbas de clarevalle . si quid potest peccatoris oratio , benedictus deus , qui vos elegit , et erexit cornu salutis nobis ad laudem et cloriam nominis sui , et reparandum imperii decus , ad subveniendum ecclesiae suae in tempore malo , postremo , ad operandum etiam nunc salutem in medio terrae . from all which passages it is most apparent , that this devout abbot , with all the abbots , monks , clergy , and councils in that age , did constantly pray for their own christian kings , their queens , sons , posteritie , and other kings & emperors , wishing all health , safety , happinesse , prosperity to them , and their realms , for the churches happinesse , and did blesse god for their reigns , exaltations , successes , piety , zeal , and government . petrus abbas cluniacensis , epist. l. . epist. . sigivardo norwegiorum regi , prefaceth his epistle with this salutation ; in praesenti faeliciter , in futuro , faelicissimè cvm christo regnare : & begins it with this thanksgiving to god : omnipotenti et aeterno regi toto cordis affectu gratias agimus , qui menti vestrae favorem et amorem suum inspirare dignatus , in vobis amorem coelestium terrenis affectibus praevaluisse ostendit , &c. and thus closeth it , ipsi omnium bonorum largitori grates quas possumus agimus ; et ut hoc ad effectum perducere satagatis , votis omnibus exoramus . epist. . glorioso principi et magnisico constantinopolitanae urbis imperatori , ioan ni cale , he wisheth , salutem ab eo qui dat salutem regibus : beginning with this thanksgiving . gratias omnipotenti regi regum , cujus regnum regnum est omnium seculorum , qui imperatoriam majestatem vestram super omnes christiani nominis principes exaltavit , et ad tenendam toto orbe ecclesiam suam , velut in medio orientis , occiedentis , aquilonis constituit , &c. et ut aliquid beneficii spiritualis vo●…is istud facientibus , rependamus , ficut praedecessores nostri ac nos ipsi , reges francorum , reges anglorum , reges hispanorum , reges roman●…rum , ipsos impera●…ores , ac vicinos vobis reges ungarorum confratres et comparticipes omnium beneficiorum cluniacensis congregationis fecimus ( by their daily prayers for them ) ità sublimitatem vestiam , ex parte omnipotentis dei , &c. in eisdem et spi●…itualibus benesiciis , plen●… et perfectè , in quantum licet , suscipimus : ut omnipotens salvator et hîc temporale regn●…m vobis adaugeat et conservet , et in futuro , cum sanctis regibus vos ad sempiternum perducat . amen . he begins his . epistle to the king of i●…rusalem with the like salutation and thanksgiving to god. epist●…la l. . epist. . illustri et religioso regi siciliae , domino et amico r●…tgerio , he useth the very same salutation , blesseth god for him , and ends with this prayer for him : inde laetamur , inde in domino gloriamur , inde celsitudinem vestram , etsi vultu incognitam , verae dilectionis brachiis amplectimur : et ut ad honorem nominis sui , et ad s●…lutem populi sui omnipotens salvator vestram regalem potentiam magnificet et con●…ervet , humiliter et frequenter precamur . epist. l. . epist. . to the same king rotgerio : he wisheth , bonorum regum dignitatem et honorem : beginning it with gratias omnipotenti regi regum , qui sublimitatem vest●…am inter universos christiani orbis reges ac principes quadam specialis magnificentiae gloria insignivit , quadam gloriosi nominis fama singulariter exaltavit . adding , personam vestram regnumque omnipotenti deo , religiosisque tam nostris , quam aliis congregationibus , studiosissime commendavi . epistola illustri ac magnifico principi , domino ludovico regi francor●…m , is prefaced with this option : feliciter hîc regnare , regemque regum in regno ac decore fuo videre : and begins with , licet regis aeterni militiam , quam per te regem terrenum contra inimicos crucis suae armare disposuit , ad peregrina euntem comitari non valeam : devotione tamen , oratione , consilio , et auxilio , quali quantoque potero , prosequi concupisco , &c. i shall only adde , epist. l. . epist. . magnifico principi , domino rotgero , regi siciliae , frater petrus humilis cluniacensium abbas , salutem praesencem et regnum sempiternum . audientes obitum ●…liorum , vestrorum valdè doluimus , et t●…m pro sospitate vestra , quàm pro omnibus illorum , missas celebrari , orationes ad deum fundi , eleemosynas fieri , in conventu nostro praecepimus . non solum autem nunc sed et saepe diebus solempnibus et majoribus capitulis nostris , inter alios reges amicos et benefactores nostros , vestri memoriam frequentamus . stephanus tornacensis episcopus , thus ends his epistola . illustri , r. hungariae regi : ualeat sanctitas vestra et regnum vestrum coram domino . and he inscribes his epistle thus . canuto illustri dacorum regi , salutem , vitam et victoriam , and concludes it in this manner , ualeat et crescat in dies semper magnificentia vestra . i could draw down a continual series of authorities almost every year , from the year of our lord . till this present , pressing and practicing this duty of prayer for kings , in publick and private , in their commentaries , epistles , and other writings ; but to avoid prolixity , i shall refer the readers to hugo de sancto victore , petrus lombardus , nicholaus gorrhan , anselmus laudensis , petrus commestor , hugo cardinalis , dion . carth●…sianus , nicholaus lyranus , hugo de sancto victore , isiodor clarius , vitus theodorus , johannis sarisburiensis , alexander alesius , jo. arboreus , jo. bradmyllerus , tho. de vio cajetanus , calvin , bulinger , gualther , hemmingius , arrias montanus , nic. hemingius , and. hyperius , and. scaynus , nic. selneccerus , dan. tossanus , fran. titeburamus , jo. brandmyllerus , jo. faber , egidius hunnius , jo. miyer , alf. salmeron , guil. estius , jo. gagneius , claud. guilliandus , cornelius a lapide , junius , beza , marlorat , lamb. danaeus , cl. espencaeus , ant. fayus , phil. melancthon , wolf. musculus , jo. piscator , frid. balduinus , deodatus , georg. dibuadius , georg. wenirichius , adam . sasbout , pet. steuartius , jodoc . willichius , hug●… grotius , dr. hamond , and others in their commentaries , explanations , and annotations on the tim. . , , . the harmony of conf●…ssions , chapter of the civil magistrate , who all presse this duty in point of precept and practice , as well for pagan as christian , vitious and tyrannical , as virtuous and gracious , heretical and popish , as well as orthodox and protestant kings and emperors . as for the forms of publick and private prayers for them , i shall refer you to all antient and modern missals , processionals , pontificals , ceremonials , psalters , primers , letanies , manuals , books of prayers and devotions , which are almost infinite in all popish and protestant kingdoms throughout the world. i shall only recite a few publick prayers of this nature , for example sake . the . is m●…ssa aethiopum , or the usual forms of common prayers used in all the aethiopian churches : wherein there are these , preces pro rege da domine pacem , regi nostro claudio , et principibus ejus , & judicibus ejus , & subditis ejus , orna eos omni genere pacis , rex pacis pa●…em da nobis , quoniam omnia dedisti nobis . the . is the antient prayers used for the roman emperors in churches : deus regnorum omnium & christiani maximè protector imperii : da servo tuo imperatori nostro r. triumphum virtutis tuae scienter excolere , ut qui tua constitutione est princeps , tuo munere sit potens , per eundem dominum nostrum . deus qui ad praedicandum aeterni regis evangelium , romanorum imperium praeparasti , praetende famulo tuo imperatori nostro r. arma coelestia , ut pax ecclesiarum nulla turbetur tempestate bellorum , per eundem dominum nostrum . these two forms of publick prayers are still retained in missale romanum ex decreto concilii tridentini , printed salamanticae , . orationes ad diversa , p. , . and missale romanum ex decreto pii quinti antuerpiae . orationes ad diversa , p. , . to which there are these two prayers , pro rege subjoyned . quaesumus omnipotens deus ut famulus tuus , n. rex noster , qui tui miseratione suscepit regni gubernacula , virtutum etiam omnium percipiat incrementa : quibus decenter ornatus , & vitiorum monstra devitare , & ad●…te qui via , veritas & vita es , gratiosus valeat pervenire . per dominum . munera quaesumus domine , o●…lata sanctifica , ut & nobis vnigeniti tui corpus fiant , et regi nostro ad optiennda●… animae corporisque salutem ; et ad peragendum injunctum officium , te largiente , usquequaque proficiant . per eundem dominum nostrum jesum christum . what other prayers have been used for them , i have before transcribed , p. . to which i shall adde , that in most * litanies , there is this prayer inserted . et regibus , et principibus christianis pacem et veram concordiam donare digneris ; te rogamus . never more seasonable to be used than now . in the pontificale romanum , restored and published by command of pope clement the . printed antuerpiae . p. , . there is this set form of receiving the emperor , when he comes to any city , or notable towu , by the clergy thereof in way of procession , intituled , ordo ad recipiendum processionaliter imperatorem . quando imperator venit ad aliquam urbem vel oppidum insigne , clerus urbis obviam venit ei processionaliter , extrà portam , &c. imperator , ex equo descendens , &c. sub baldachino ducitur usque ad ecclesiam . processio praecedit immediatè imperatorem , &c. whiles they go in procession towards the church , divers anthems and hymes are sung ; and when the emperor enters into the church , the bishop or chief minister , turning towards the emperor , saith , deum judicium tuum regi da : and the chorus answer , et justitiam tuam filio regis , u. salvum sac n. imperatorem nostrum domine . r. deus meus sperantem in te . u. mitte ei auxilium domine de sancto . r. et de sion tueri eum . u. nihil proficiat inimicus in eo . r. et filius iniquitatis non opponat nocere ei . u. fiat pax in virtute tua . r. et abundantia in turribus ejus . u. dominus exaudi orationem meam . r. et clamor meus ad te veniat . u. dominus vobiscum . r. et cum spiritu tuo . dremus . deus in cujus manu sunt corda regum , inclina ad preces humilitatis nostrae aures misericordiae tuae , et imperatori nostro famulo tuo n. regimen tuae sapientiae appone , ut haustis de tuo fonte consiliis , et tibi placeat , et super omnia regna praecellat . praetende domine quaesumus , famulo tuo n. imperatori nostro dexteram caelestis auxilii , ut te toto corde perquiret , et quae digne postulat assequi mereatur . per christum dominum nostrum . amen . after which follows p. , . ordo ad recipiendum processionaliter regem ; almost in the self-same words with some variation only in the anthem ; and this prayer . deus , cui omnis potestas & dignitas famulatur , da huic famul●… tuo regi nostro n. prosperum suae dignitatis effectum , in qua te semper timeat , tibique ●…ugiter placere contendat . per christum dominum nostrum . amen . ibidem p. . follows , ordo ad recipiendum processionaliter principem magnae potentiae , little different from that of kings . and p. . ordo ad recipiendum processionaliter imperatricem vel reginam . where the responsory is fitted to these persons ; and then this prayer ensues . oremus . deus , cujus providentia insua dispositione non fallitur , ineffabilem clementiam tuam supplices exoramus , ut sicut esther reginam , israeliticae plebis causa salutis , ad regis assueri thalaemum , regnique sui consortium transire fecisti : ità hanc famulam tuam christianae p●…ebis salutis gratia , ad gratiam tuam transire facias ; ●…ut tibi super omnia ●…ugiter placere desideret , et te inspirante , quae tibi placita sunt , toto corde perficiat , et dextera tuae potentiae illam semper hic et ubique circumdet . per christum dominum nostrum . amen . i shall cloze up this chapter with the decree of the * synod of towers in france , anno . imprimis , deo optimo maximo haec synodus referendas gratias censuit , ( prout refert ) quod divini ejus spiritus affl●…tu , christianissimus rex noster , ecclesiae dei statum ac ordinem modis omnibus roborare disponens ; conciliorum provincia lium in universo galliae regno celebrationem gratam non solum habuerit , sed eam etiam indici procuraverit : hi●…c futurum sperans , ut quae summo nostro malo diutius gr●…ssatae sunt haereses , radicitus extirpentur , & quibus turpiter ecclesia deformatur , prorsus aboleantur abusus , ac toti galliae mult is jamdudum seditionibus , ac perturbationibus afflictae , omnium bonorum votis desiderata pax plenissime restituatur . idcircò summopere exoptat , et humilibus a deo precibus obnixe contendit haec synodus , ut regem tam pium , tamque religiosum fidei suae conservatione stabiliat , aequa justitiae rogatione muniat , pacem et locupletem reddat , misericordiae fulciat affectibus , virium fortitudine roboret , commissa sibi regni gubernacula discreto moderamine tenere concedat , ut commissos sibi populos benigne regat , aeque judicet , et ad pietatis jura modificetur , illum et piissimam religiosamque ejus sponsam virili prole fructuosoque regni successore locupletet , ejusque optimam matrem , quam diutissime conservet . itaque cum sancta sit et augusta regum majestas , sitque ut sacrilegus et parricida , qui vel re vel verbo tenus regem violet quod priscis cautum est conciliis , quodque praesertim in synodo apud ; lauriacum pagum andegavensem habita pridem fuit constitutum , renovans haec synodus statuit . quandoquidem religioni inimicum , & hominibus constat esse perniciosum , futura curiosius perscrutari , & fata principum eorumque casus inquirere , cum seriptum sit ; non est vestrum nosse momenta , vel tempora , quae pater posuit in sua potestate : hoc decreto censemns , ut quisquis inventus fuerit talia perquisivisse , et vivente principe de alio regni successore habendo confilium in●…sse , sibique hac in re socios conciliasse , a conventu catholicorum excommunicationis sententia expellatur . quin etiam pro perversis hominum moribus emendandis salubri deliberatione censemus , ne quis in principem maledicta congerat : scriptum est enim a legislatore ; principem populi tui ne maledixeris . quod si quis fecerit , excommunicatione ecclesiastica plectatur . nam si maledici regnum dei non possidebunt ; quantò magis talis ab ecclesia necessariò pellitur , qui divinae sententiae violator , atque i●… principem peccans , invenitur ? si quis contra regiam dignitatem dolose , callide et perniciose machinari comprobatus fuerit , nisi dignissime satisfecerit , anathematizetur . si quis potestati regiae ( quae non est nisi a deo ) contuinaci ac inflato spiritu , contra anthoritatem et rationem pertinaciter contradicere praesumpserit , et ejus justis imperi●…s obtemperare noluerit , anathema sit . chap. viii . i now proceed in the last place to the solemn publick prayers , acclamations , supplications , thanksgivings , collects , usually made at the solemn coronations of christian emperors , kings and queens , and the homage and oaths of allegiance and fidelity then commonly sworn to them by their p●…elates and nobles , especially in england . i shall begin with ( a ) corippus , who poetically relating the manner of the coronation of the emperor justin , and his empresse sophia , anno , ( he living in that age ) brings in the patriarch of constantinople , thus praying for him , and the people supplicating and praying for their happiness , long life , and prosperous reign , with united reiterated shouts and acclamations . postquàm cuncta videt ritu praefecta priorum pontificum summus , plaenaque aetate venustus adstantem benedixit eum , coelique potentem exorans dominum , sacro diademate jussit augustum sancire caput , summoque coronam , imponens apici , &c. after which the people justinum , sophiamque pares duo lumina mundi esse ferunt . regnate pares in saecula , dicunt ; felices annos dominis felicibus orant ; inson●…it vox illa diu tandemque quievit . ; cautacbuthenus , histor. l. . c . recording at large the ceremonies used at the coronation of the emperors of constantinople , and particularly of the inauguration of andr●…mocis the younger , anno . informs us , that the patriarch of constantinople ascending upon a scaffold : patriarcha precationes ad imperatorum unctionem compositas , alias submissa , alias clara voce , omnibus audientibus ordine recitat , ac deum , ei qui ungendus est propitiat , &c. patriarcha verò ad soleam consistens , pro imperatore , imperatrice , et eorum populis preces pronunciat . after which diaconus sublata voce inquit , memor sit dominus deus potentiae imperii vestri , in regno suo ubique , nunc et semper , et in secula seculorum , addens , amen . deinceps et reliqui diaconi ac sac●…rdotes adeuntes , idem comprecantur . after his consecration he ascends into the catechumeum , where he may be seen of all , where there is a hymn sung to his prayse , et sanctis acclamationivus ab omnibus excipitur . as touching the ceremonies used at the coronations of the roman emperors , and the several prayers , collects , oaths made at them , you may consult at leisure , hieromymus balbus de coronatione ad carol. . c. , & . gunther . lib. . onuphrius de comitiis imperatoriis , c. , . bartholomeus chassaneus , catalog . glor. mundi pars . consid . . krantzius saxoniae hist. l. . c. . sigonius de regno ital. l. , , , . aventinus annal. boyorum , l. . antonius sabinus , georgius flammin . grimstones imperial history and others in the lives of the emperors charles the th . maximilian , & . matthias & ferdinand . the form of the emperors coronation in italian , printed and above all others melchior goldastus politica imperialia : part. . discurs . . the old ( b ) ordo romanus antiqu. de divinis catholicae ecclesiae officiis et ministeriis , compiled about . years after christ , as iodocus coccius , and others apprehend , prescribes this form of consecration , prayers , and collects at the empe●…ors coronation , which i shall recite , because omitted by mr. selden ; it begins thus , incipit ordo romanus , ad benedicendum imperatorem orationem primam det episcopus de castello albanensi ante portam argenteam . oremus . deus in cujus manu corda sunt regum , inclina ad preces humilitatis nostrae aures misericordiae tuae , & principi nostro regimen tuae appone sapientiae , ut haustis de tuo fonte confiliis , & tibi placeat , & super omnia regna praecellat . per dominum . orationem secundam det episcopus portuensis intra ecclesiam beati petri apostoli , in medio rotae . deus inenarrabilis auctor mundi , ut supra scriptum est in ordinatione regis . deinde vadat ante confessionem beati petri apostoli , & prosternat se pronus in terram , & archidiaconus faciat litaniam . qua finita , episcopus ostiensis ungat ei oleo exorcizato brachium dextrum & inter scapulas , & dicat orationem istam . domine deus omnipotens cujus est omnis potestas & dignitas , te supplici devotione atque humillima prece deposcimus , ut huic famulo tuo n. prosperum imperatoriae dignitatis concedas effectum , ut in tua dispositione constituto , ad regendam ecclesiam tuam sanctam nihil praesentia officiant , futuraque non obsistant , sed inspirante sancti spiritus tui dono , populum sibi subditum aequo justitiae libramine regere valeat , & in omnibus operibus suis te semper timeat , tibi jugiter placere contendat . per. pontifex ergo stet sursum ante altare , & imponat ei diadema super caput , dicens : accipe signum gloriae in nominae patris , & filii , & spiritus sancti , ut spreto antiquo hoste , spretisque contagiis omnium vitiorum , sic judicium & justitiam diligas , & misericorditer vivas , ut ab ipso domino nostro jesu christo in consortio sanctorum aeterni regni coronam percipias . qui cum patre & spiritu tuo sancto vivit & regnat deus , per insinita secula seculorum . resp. amen . alia coronae impositio . accipe coronam à domino deo tibi praedestinatam , habeas , teneas , atque possideas , & filiis tuis post te futuris ad honorem deo auxiliante derelinquas . exaudi domine preces nostras , & famulum tuum n. ad regendum rom. imperium constitutum , ut per te regere incipiat , & per te fideliter regnum custodiat . qui vivit & regnat . oremus . prospice omnipotens deus serenis obtutibus hunc gloriosum imperatorem nostrum n. & sicut benedixisti abraham , isaac , & jacob , require supra in benedictione regis . alia . deus pater aeternae gloriae , sit adjutor tuus & protector , & omnipotens benedicat tibi , preces tuas in cunctis exaudiat , et vitam longitudine dierum adimpleat , et semper in sua voluntate custodiat , thronum regni corroboret , gentes populumquetuum ad nutum tuum subjiciat , et à peste et fame tuis temporibus conservet , inimicos tuos confusione i●…duat , et super te christi sanctificatio floreat , et super caetera regna excellentiorem faciat , ut qui tribuit in terris imperium , ipse tibi in coelis cum electis suis conferat habere consortium . per. to this 〈◊〉 shall subjoyn the ceremonies and prayers made at the coronation of the emperor of russi●… , recorded both in latin and english in the * marginal authors . the solemities used at the russe emperors coronation , are on this manner . in the great church of precheste ( or our lady ) within the emperors castle is erected a stage , whereon standeth a skreen , that beareth upon it the imperial cap and robe of very rich stu●… . when the day of the inauguration is come , there resort thither , first , the patriarch with the metropolitans , abchbishops , bishops , abbots , and priors , all richly clad in their pontificalibus . then enter the deacons with the q●…ier of singers . who so soon as the emperor setteth foot into the church , begin to sing : many years may live noble theodore juanowich , &c. whereunto the patriarch and metropolitan , with the rest of the clergy , answer with a certain hymn , in form of a prayer , singing it altogether with a great noise . the hymn being ended , the patriarch with the emperor mount up the stage , where standeth a seat ready for the emperor . whereupon the patriarch willeth him to sit down ; and then placing himself by him upon another seat provided for that purpose , boweth down his head towards the ground and saith this prayer : o lord god , king of kings , and lord of lords , which by thy prophet samuel did dest choose thy servant david , and anoint him for king over thy people israel , hear now our prayers , and look from thy sanctuary upon this thy servant theodore , whom thou hast chosen , and exalted for king over these thy holy nations ; anoint him with the oyl of gladnesse , protect him by thy power , put upon his head a crown of gold and precious stones , give him length of daies , place him in the seat of justice , strenthen his arm , make subject unto him all the barbarous nations . let thy fear be in his whole heart , turn him from an evil faith , and from all error , and shew him the salvation of thy holy , and universal church , that he may judge thy people with justice , and protect the children of the poor , and finally attain everlasting life . this prayer he speaketh with a low voyce , and then pronounceth aloud : all praise and power to god the father , the son , and the holy ghost . the prayer being ended , he commandeth certain abbots to reach the imperial robe , and cap : which is done very decently , and with great solemnity , the patriarch withall pronouncing aloud : peace be unto all . and so he beginneth another prayer to this effect : bow your selves together with us , and pray to him that reigneth over all . preserve him ( o lord ) under thy holy protection , keep him , that he may do good and holy things , let justice shine forth in his daies , that we may live quietly without strife and malice . this is pronounced somwhat softly by the patriarch , whereto he addeth again aloud : thou art the king of the whole world , and the saviour of our souls ; to thee the father , son , and the holy ghost , be all prayse for ever and ever . amen . then putting on the robe and the cap , he blesseth the emperor with the sign of the crosse : saying withall , in the name of the father , the son , and the holy ghost . the like is done by the metropolites , archbishops and bishops : who all in their order come to the chair , and one after another blesse the emperor with their two fore-fingers . then is said by the patriarch another prayer , that beginneth : o most holy virgin mother of god , &c. after which a deacon pronounceth with a high loud voyce : many years to noble theodore , good , honourable , beloved of god , great duke of volodemer , of mosko , emperor and monarch of all russia , &c. whereto the other priests and deacons , that stand somewhat far off by the altar or table , answer singing , many years , many years to the noble theodore ; the same note is taken up by the priests and deacons that are placed at the right and left side of the church , and then altogether they chaunt and thunder out , singing : many years to the noble theodore , good , honourable , beloved of god , great duke of volodemer , mosko , emperor of all russia , &c. these solemnities being ended , first commeth the patriarch with the metropolites , archbishops and bishops , then the nobility and the whole company in their order , to do homage to the emperor , bending down their heads , and knocking them at his feet to the very ground . to these prayers and acclamations used at the coronations of christian emperors , i shall only annex the prayer of the very turks themselves , at the coronation of their mahometan emperors ( which they doubtlesse derived from the christians ) thus briefly related by leunclavius . when * selim the d . after the death of his father soliman was placed in the imperial throne , inde per urbem , proclamationes more majorum factae , quibus , vota primum concipiebant●…r ut anima solimanis in paradiso foelix aevum ager●…t , ac in perpetua gloria quiesceret : deinde , multos ut annos viveret sultanus selimes chan , prosperique status incremento continuo frueretur . i now proceed to the prayers and benedictions used at the coronation of christian kings and queens , beginginning with those in forein pa●…ts . * ordo romanus antiquus , de divinis ecclesiae catholicae officiis , contains and relates them in this manner , incipit ordo ad regem benedicendum , quando novus à clero & populo sublimatur in regnum . primum enim exeunte illo thalamum , unus archiepiscopus dicat hanc orationem . omnipotens sempiterne deus , qui famulum tuum n. regni fastigio dignatus es sublima●…e , tribue ei quaesumus , ut ita in praesenti collecta multitudine cunctorum in commune salutem disponat , quatenus à tuae veritatis tramite non recedat . per , &c. postea suscipiant illum duo episcopi dextra laevaque honorificè parati , habentes reliquias collo pendentes . caeteri autem clerici solenni apparatu ornati , praecedente sancto evangelio & duabus crucibus cum incenso boni odoris , ducant illum ad ecclesiam , responsorium canentes : ecce mitto angelum meum . cum vers . israel si me audieris . cuncta eum plebe sequente : ad ostium autem ecclesiae clerus subsistat , & dicat alius archiepiscopus hanc orationem . deus qui scis genus humanum nulla virtute posse subs●…stere , concede propitius , ut famulus tuus n. quem populo tuo voluisti praeferre , ita tuo fuleiatur adjutorio , quatenus quibus potuit praeesse , valeat & prodesse . per. introeuntes autem clerici ecclesiam , hanc decantent antiphonam . domine salvum fac regem , & exaudi nes in die qua invocaverimus te . psal. exaudiat te dominus . totum . usque introitum chori . tunc dominus metropolitanus dicat hanc orationem . omnipotens sempiterne deus , coelestium terrestriumque moderator , qui famulum tuum ill . ad regni fastigium dignatus es provehere , concede quaesumus , ut à cunctis adversitatibus liberatus , & ecclesiasticae pacis dono muniatur , & ad aeternae pa●…is gaudia , te donante pervenire mereatur . per. tunc designatus princeps pallium deponat , atque inter ●…us episcoporum perductus in chorum usque ad altaris gradus incedat , cunctoque pavimento tapetibus & palliolis contecto , ibi humiliter totus in cruce prostratus jaceat cum episcopis & presbyteris hinc inde prostratis , caeteris autem in choro litaniam breviter psallentibus , id est , duodecim apostolos , totidemque martyres , confessores , & virgines . et inter caetera inferenda sunt ista . ut hunc famulum tuum illust . in regem eligere digneris . te rogamus audi nos . ut eum benedicere , & sublimare digneris . te rogamus audi nos . ut eum ad imperii fastigium perducere digneris . te rogamus audi nos . et caetera huic benedictioni convenientia . finita litania erigant se episcopi , sublevatumque principem interroget dominus metropolitanus his verbis . vis sanctam fidem à catholicis viris tibi traditam tenere , & operibus justis observare ? resp. volo . vis sanctis ecclesiis ecclesiarumque ministris tutor & defensor esse ? respon . volo . vis regnum tibi à deo concessum , secundum justitiam patrum tuorum , regere & defendere ? respon . in quantum divino fultus adjutorio ac solatium omnium fidelium suorum valuero , ita me per omnia fideliter acturum esse promitto . deinde ipse dominus metropolitanus affatur populum his verbis . vis tali principi ac rectori te subjicere , ipfiusque regnum firma fide stabilire , atque jussionibus illius obtemperare , juxta apostolum , omnis anima potestatibus sublimioribus subdita sit , regi , quasi praecellenti : tunc ergo à circumstante clero & populo unanimiter dicatur . fiat . fiat . amen . postea vero eo devotè inclinato , dicatur ab episcopo h●…c oratio . benedic domine hunc regem nostrum illust . qui regna omnia moderaris à seculo , & tali eum benedictione glorifica , ut davidicae teneat sublimitatis sceptrum , & glorificatus in ejus protinus reperiatur merito . da ei tuo inspiramine cum mansuetudine ita regere populum , sicut salomonem fecisti regnum obtinere pacificum . tibi semper cum timore sit subditus , tibique militet cum quiete . sit tuo clypeo protectus cum proceribus , & ubique tua gratia victor existat . honorifica eum prae cunctis regibus gentium , felix populis dominetur , et feliter eum nationes adornent . vivat inter gentium catervas magnanimus , sit in judiciis aequitatis singularis , locupletet eum tua praedives dextera , frugiferam obtineat patriam , & ejus liberis tribuas profutura . praesta ei prolixitatem vitae per tempora , et in diebus ejus oriatur justitia . a te robustum teneat regiminis solium , et cum jocunditate et justitia , aeterno glorietur in regno . per dominum . omni potens aeterne deus , creator omnium , imperator angelorum , rex regnantium , dominusque dominantium , qui abraham fidelem samulum tuum de hostibus trumphare fecisti : moysi & josue populo praelatis multiplicem victoriam tribuisti , humilemque david puerum tuum regni fastigio subl●…asti , & salomonem sapientiae pacisque ineffabili munere ditasti , respice quaesumus ad preces humilitatis nostiae , & super hunc famulum tuum ill . quem supplici devotione in regem elegimus , benedictionum tuarum dona multiplica , eumque dextera tuae potentiae semper & ubique circunda , quatenus praedicti abrahae fidelitate firmatus , moysis mansuetudine fretus , josue fortitudine munitus , davidis humilitate exaltatus , salomonis sapientia decoratus , tibi in omnibus placeat , & per tramitem justitiae inoffenso gradu semper incedat , ecclesiamque tuam deinceps cum plebibus sibi annexis ita enutriat ac doceat , muniat , & instruat , contraque omnes visibiles & invisibiles hostes , eidem potenter regaliterque tuae virtutis regimen administret , & ad verae fidei pacisque concordiam eorum animos , te opitulante , reformet , ut horum populorum debita subjectione fultus , condigno amore glorificatus , ad paternum decenter solium tua miseratione conscendere mereatur . tuae quoque protectionis galea munitus , & scuto inseparabili jugiter protectus , armisque caelestibus cicundatus , optabilis victoriae triumphum fideliter capiat , terroremque suae potentiae infidelibus inferat , & pacem tibi militantibus laetanter reportent per dominum nostrum , qui virtute crucis tartara destruxit , regnoque diaboli superato , ad coelos victor ascendit , in quo potestas omnis regumque consistit victoria , qui est gloria humilium , & vita salusque populorum , qui tecum vivit & regnat deus per omnia secula seculorum . amen . deinde ab alio episcopo haec dicatur oratio . deus inenarrabilis auctor mundi , conditor generis humani , gubernator imperii , confirmator regni , qui ex utero fidelis amici tui patriarchae nos●…ri abrahae praeelegisti regem seculis profuturum , tu praesentem regem hunc ill . ●…um exercitu suo per intercessionem omnium sanctorum ubere benedictione locupleta , & in solium regni firma stabilitate connecte . visita eum ●…cut moysen in rubo , jesum nave in praelio , gedeon in ag●…o , samuelem in templo , et in illa eum benedictione sidera , ac sapientiae tuae rore profunde , quam b. david in psalterio , salomon filius , te remunerante , percepit è coelo . sis ei contra acies inimicorum lorica , in adversis galea , in prospe●…is patientia , in protectione clypeus sempiternus , & praesta , ut gentes illi teneant fidem , proceres sui habeant pacem , diligant charitatem , abstineant se à cupiditate , loquantur justitiam , custodiant veritatem . et ita populus iste pullulet , coalitus benedictione aeternitatis , ut semper maneant tripudiantes in pace victores . quod ipse praestare dignetur qui tecum vivit . tunc dominus metropolitanus ungat de oleo sanctificato caput , pectus , & scapulas , ambasque compages brachiorum ipsius ita dicendo : ungo te in regem de oleo sanctificato in nomine patris , & filii , & spiritus sancti . et dicant , ane . pax tibi . et cum spiritu tuo . deinde ungat sibi manus de oleo sanctificato ita dicendo : ungantur manus ista de oleo san●…ificato unde uncti fuerunt roges & prophetae , & sicut unxit samuel david in regem ut sis benedictus , & constit●…tus rex in regno isto super populum istum , quem dominus deus tuus dedit tibi ad regendum ac gubernandum . quod ipse p●…aest . sequitur . prospice , omnipotens deus , serenis obtutibus hunc gloriosum regem , et sicut benedixisti abraham , isaac , et jacob , sic illum largis benedictionibus spiritualis gratiae cum omni plenitudine tuae potentiae irrigare atque perfundere dignare . tribue ei de rore coeli , & de pinguedine ●…errae abundantiam frumenti , vini & olei , & omnium frugum opulentiam ex largitate divini muneris longa per ●…empora , ut illo regnante , sit sanitas corporum in patria , & pax inviolata sit in regno , & diguitas gloriosa regalis palatii maximo splendore regiae potestatis oculis omnium fulgeat , luce clarissima clarescat , atque splendere quasi splendidissima fulgura , maximo perfusa lumine videatur . tribue ei omnipotens deus , ut fit for●…issimus protector patriae , & consolator ecclesiarum , atque coenobiorum sanctorum maxima cum pietate regalis munificentiae , atque ut fit fortissimus regum , triumphator hostium , ad opprimendas rebelles & paganas nationes . sitque suis inimicis satis terribilis p●…ae maxima fortitudine regalis potentiae optimatibus quoque atque p●…aecelsis , proceribusque ac fidelibus sui regni sit magnificus & amabili●… et pius , ut ab omnibus timeatur , atque diligatur . reges quoque de lumbis ejus per successiones temporum futurorum egrediantur regnum hoc regere totum , et post gloriosa tempora , atque felicia praesentis vitae gaudia sempiterna in perpetua beatitudine-habēre mereatur . quod ipse praestare , spiritus sancti gratia , humilitatis nostrae officio in te copiosa descendat , ut sicut manibus nostris indignis oleo materiali oblitus , pinguescis exterius , ita . ejus invisibili unguine delibutus impi●…guari merearis interius , ejusque spirituali unctione perfectissimè semper imbutus , & illicita declinare tota mente & 〈◊〉 discas seu valeas , & utilia animae tuae jugiter cogitare , optare , atque operare queas . auxiliante domino nostro jesu christo , q●…i cum deo patre & eodem spiritus . &c. alia . deus qui es justorum gloria & misericordia peccatorum qui mifisti filium tuum preciofissimo sanguine fuo genus humanum redimere , qui conteris bella , et propugnator es in te-sperantium , et sub cujus arbitrio omnium regnorum continetur potestas , te humiliter deprecamur , ut praesentem famulum tuum n. in tua misericordia confidentem benedicas , eique propitius adesse digneris , ut qui tua expetit protectione defendi , omnibus sit hostibus fortior . fac eum domine beatum esse et victorem de inimicis suis : corona eum corona justitiae et pietatis , ut ex toto corde et tota mente in te credens tibi deserviat , sanctam tuam ecclesiam defendat et sublimet : populumque à te sibi commissum justè regat , nullus insidiantibus malis eum in injustitiam vertat . accende domine cor ejus ad amorem gratiae tuae per hoc unctionis oleum , unde unxisti sacerdotes , reges , et prophetas , ●…uatenus justitiam diligens per tramitem similiter justitiae populum ducens , post peracta à te disposita in ●…egali excellentia annorum curricula , pervenire ad aete●…na gaudia mereatur per eundem dominum . per omnia secula seculorum . resp. amen . dominus vobiscum . resp. et cum spiritu tuo . sursum corda . resp. habemus ad dominum . gratias agamus domino deo nostro . respon . dignum & justum est . praefatio . vere dignum , &c. usque deus . creator omnium , imperator angelorum , rex regnantium , dominus dominantium , qui abraham fidelem famulum tuum de hostibus triumphare fecisti , moysi et josue populo praelatis multiplicem victoriam tribuisti , humilemque david puerum tu●…m regni fastigio sublimasti , et salomonem sa pientiae pacisque ineff●…ili munere ditasti : respice quaesumus ad preces humilitatis nostrae , et super hunc famul●…m tuum n. quem supplici devotione in regem elegimus , benedictionum tuarum dona in eo multiplica : eumque dexter : tuae potentiae semper et ubique circunda , quaten●…s praedicti abrahae fidelitate firmatus , ●…oysis mansuet●…dine ●…etus , josue fortitudine munitus , davidis humilitate exaltatus , salomonis sapientia decoratus , tibi in omnibus placeat , et per tramitem justitiae in offenso ingress●… semper incedat . ecclesiam ergo tuam d●…inceps cum ple●…bus sibi annexis ita enutriat et instruat , contraque omnes visibiles et invisibiles hostes eidem potenter rega●…terque tuae virtutis regimen administret , et ad verae fidei paci●…que concordiam , eorum animos , te opitulante , reformet : ut horum populorum debita subjectione fultus , cum digno amore glorificatus , ad paternum decenter solium tua miseratione conscendere mereatur . tuae quoque protectionis galea munitus , & scuto insuperabili jugiter protectus , armisque coelestibus circundatus , optabilis victoriae triumphum feliciter capiat , ter●…remque suae potentiae infidelibus inferat , & pacem tibi militantibus laetanter reportet , per dominum nostrum qui virtute crucis tartara destruxit , regnoque diaboli superato , ad coelos victor ascendit , in quo potestas omnis , regumque consistit victoria , qui est gloria humilium , & vita salusque populorum , qui tecum vivit & regnat deus . s. dei filius jesus christus dominus noster , qui à patre oleo exultationis unctus est prae particibus suis , ipse per praesentem sacri ungu inis infusionem , spiritus paraclyti super caput tuum infundat benedictonem , eandemque ad interiora cordis tui penetrare faciat , quatenus hoc visibili & tractabili dono invisibilia percipere , & temporali regno justis moderaminibus executo , aeternaliter cum eo regnare merearis : qui solus sine peccato rex regum , vivit & gloriatur , cum deo patre in unitate ejusdem spiritus sancti deus . postea ab episcopis ensem accipiat , & cum ense totum regnum sibi fideliter ad regendum sciat commendatum , & dicatur : accipe gladium per manus episcoporum licet indignas , vice tamen & auctoriate sanctorum apostolorum consecratas , tibi regaliter impositum , nostiaeque benedictionis officio in defensionem sanctae dei ecclesiae divinitus ordinatum . et esto memor , de quo psalmista prophetavit , dicens : accingere gladio tuo super femur tuum potentissime , ut in hoc per eundem vim aequitatis exerceas , molem iniquitatis potenter destruas , & sanctam dei ecclesiam ejusque fideles propugnes ac protegas , nec minus sub fide falsos , quam christiani nominis hostes execres ac destruas viduas & pupillos clementer adjuves , ac defenda●… , de●…olata restau●…es , restaurata con●…erves , ulciscaris injusta , confirmes benè disposita , quatenus haec in agendo , virtutum triumpho gloriosus , justitiaeque cultor egregius , cum mundi salvatore , cujus typum geris in nomine , fine fine merearis regnare . qui cum patre & spiritu sancto vivit et regnat . accinctus autem ense , similiter ab illis armillas & pallium et annulum accipiat , dicente metropolitano . accipe regiae dignitatis annulum , et per hunc in te catholicae fidei cognosce signaculum , quia ut hodie ordinaris caput et princeps regni ac populi , ita perseverabis auctor a●… stabilitor christianitatis , et christianae fidei , ut felix in opere , locuples in fide , cum rege regum glorieris per aevum , cui est honor et gloria per infinita . postea sceptrum & baculum accipiat , dicente fibi ordinatore . accipe virgam virtutis atque aequitatis , quia intelligas mulcere pios , et terrere reprobos , errantibus viam pandere , lapsis manum porrigere , disperdasque superbos , et releves humiles , et aperiat tibi ostium jesus christus dominus noster qui de seipso ait , ego sum ostium : per me si quis introierit , salvabitur . et ipse qui est clavis david , & sceptrum domus israel : qui aporit , & nemo claudit , claudit & nemo aperit . sitque tibi auctor , qui educit vinctos de domo carceris , sedentemque in tenebris , et umbra mortis , et in omnibus sequi merearis eum , de quo david propheta cecinit , sedes tua dcus in seculum seculi , virga aequitatis , virga regni tui , et imitando ipsum , diligas justitiam , et odio habeas iniquitatem : quia propterea unxit te deus tuus , ad exemplum illius , quem ante secula unxerat oleo exultationis prae participibus suis , jesum dominum nostrum . postea metropolitanus reverenter coronam capiti regis imponat , dicens : accipe coronam regni , quae licet ab indignis episcoporum tamen manibus capiti tuo imponitur , eamque sanctitatis gloriam et honorem , et opus fortitudinis expressè signare intelligas , et per hanc te participem ministerii nostri non ignores , ita ut sicut nos in interioribus pastores , rectoresque animarum intelligimur , ●…u quoque in exterioribus verus dei cultor , strenuusque contra omnes adversitates ecclesiae christi defensor , regnique tibi à deo dati , et per officium nostrae benedictionis vice apostolorum omniumque sanctorum tuorum regimine commissi , utilis executor , regnatorque proficuus semper appareas , ut inter gloriosos athletas virtutum gemmis ornatus , et praemio sempiternae felicitatis coronatus , cum redemptore ac salvatore jesu christo , cujus nomen vicemque gestare crederis , fine fine glorieris , qui vivit et imperat deus , cum deo patre in unitate spiritus sancti , per omnia secula seculorum . amen . et ab ●…o statim dicatur benedictio super eum , quae et tempore synodi super regem dicenda est : benedicat tibi dominus custodiatque te , et sicut te voluit super populum suum esse regem , ita in praesenti seculo felicem et aeternae felicitatis tribuat esse consortem . amen . clerum ac populum , quem sua voluit opitulatione in tua sanctione congregari , sua dispensatione et tua administratione , per diuturna tempora faciat feliciter gubernari . amen . quatenus divinis monitis parentes , adversitatibus carentes , bonis omnibus exuberantes , tuo imperio fideli amore obsequentes , et in praesenti seculo tranquillitate fruatur , et tecum aeternorum civium consortio potiri mereantur . quod ipse praestare dignetur , cujus regnum et imperium sine fine permanet in secula seculorum . benedictio dei patris et filii , et spiritus sancti , descendat super te . amen . deinde coronatus , honorificè per chorum ducatur de altari ab episcopis usque ad solium canente clero : resp. desiderium animae ejus tribuisti ei domine . deinde dicit sibi dominus metropolitanus . sta , et tene amodo locum , quem hucusque paterna successione tenuisti , haereditario jure tibi delegatum per auctoritatem dei omnipotentis , et praesentem traditionem nost●…am , scilicet omnium episcoporum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dei. et quanto clerum sacris altaribus propinquiorem perspicis , tanto ei potiorem in locis congruis hono●…em impendere memineris , quatenus mediator dei et hominum , te mediatorem cle i et plebis , hoc in loco domin●… metropolitanus sedere eum faciat super sedem , dicendo : ) in hoc regni solio confirmet & in regno aeterno secum regnare faciat jesus christus dominus noster , rex regun●… , & dominus dominantium , qui cum deo patre et spiritu sancto vivit et regnat in secula seculorum . respon . amen . post haec det illi oscula pacis . cunctus autem coetus clericorum tali rectore gratulans , sonantibus campanis , hymnum alta voce concinant , te deumlaudamus . tunc episcopus metropolitanus missam celebret plena processione . incipit benedictio reginae in ingressu ecclesiae . omnipotens aeterne deus , fons & origo totius bonitatis , qui foeminei sexus fragilitatem , nequaquam reprobando aversaris , sed dignanter comprobando ●…otius eligis , & qui infirma mundi eligaendo , fortia quaeque confundere decrevisti , quique etiam gloriae virtutisque tuae triumphum in manu judith foeminae olim judaicae plebi de hoste saevissimo resignare voluisti : respice quaesumus ad preces humilitatis nostrae , & super hanc famulam tuam n. quam supplici devotione in reginam elegimus , benedictionum tuarum dona multiplica , eamque dextera tuae potentiae semper & ubique circunda , ut ambone muniminis tui undique firmiter prot●…cta , visibilis seu invisibilis hostis nequitias triumphaliter expugnare valeat , & una cum sara , atque rebeeca , lia , & rachel , beatis reverendisque foeminis , fructu uterisui soecundari seu gratulari mereatur , ad decorem totius regni , statumque sanctae dei ecclesiae regendum , ne●…non protegendum per christum dominum nostrum , qui ex intemerato beatae mariae virginis alvo nasci , visitare ac renovare hunc dignatus est mundum , qui tecum vivit & gloriatur , deus in unitate spiritus sancti per immortalia secula seculorum . item benedictio ejusdem ante altare . d●…us qui solus habes immortalitatem , lucemque habitas inaccessibilem , cujus providentia in sui dispositione non fallitur , qui fecisti quae ventura sunt , & vocas ea quae non suut , tanquam ea quae sunt : qui superbos aequo moderamine de principatu dejicis , atque humiles dignanter in sublime provehis , ineffabilem misericordiam tuam supplices rogamus , ut sicut hester reginam , israelis causa salutis , de captivitatis suae compede solutam , ad regis assueri thalamum , regnique sui consortium transire fecisti , ita hanc famulam tuam n. humilitatis nostrae benedictione christianae plebis gratia salutis , ad dignam sublimemque , regis nostri copulam , regnique sui participium misericorditer transire concedas : & ut in regalis foedere conjugii semper manens pudica , proximam virginitati palmam obtinerc queat , tibique deo vivo & vero in omnibus & super omnia jugiter placere desideret , & te inspirante , quae placita sunt toto conde perficiat . per. sacri unctio olei . spiritus sancti gratia , humilitatis nostrae off cio , in re copiosa descendat , ut sicut manibus nostris indignis , oleo materiali oblita pinguescis exterius , ita ejus invisibili unguine delibuta , impinguari merearis interius : ejusque spirituali unctione perfectissime semper imbuta , & illicita declinare tota mente & spernere discas seu paleas , & utilia animae tuae jugiter cogitare , optare , atque operari queas , auxiliante domino nostro jesu christo , qui cum deo patre , & eodem spiritu sancto vivit & regnat deus in secula seculorum . coronae positio . officio indignitatis nostrae seu congregationis , in reginam benedicta , accipe coronam regalis excellentiae : quae licet ab indignis , episcoporum tamen manibus capiti tuo imponitur , undè velut exterius auro & gemmis redimita enites , ita & interius auro sapientiae , virtutumque gemmis decorari contendas : quatenus post occasum hujus seculi cum prudentibus virginibus sponso perenni deo nostro jesu christo digne & laudabiliter occurrens , regiam coelestis aulae merearis ingredi , qui cum deo patre , & spiritu sancto vivit & regnat deus , per infinita secula seculorum . amen . to these i shall subjoyn the prayers for and benedictions of christian kings and queens at their coronation , in pontificale romanum clementis viii . pontif. max. jussu restitutum atque editum , antuerpiae . fol . &c. de benedictione et coronatione regis . cum rex est coronandus , episcopi regni ad civitatem , ubi coronatio ●…eri debet , convocantur . rex triduanum jejunium devotè peragit , per hebdomadam praecedentem , videlicet quarta et sexta feria , et sabbato . dominica verò proxima sequenti coronatur , qua ipse rex se ad communionem parat . ecclesia verò ipsa metropolitana , sive cathedralis , ubi solemnitas celebrabitur , paretur et ornetur , quò melius fieri poterit . ad altare majus parantur ea quae consueta sunt parari , pontifice celebrante ; et credentia juxta altare cum rebus opportunis . super altare ponitur gladius , corona , et sceptrum regi danda , et oleum catechumenorum , bombyx ad ligan●…um et extergendum brachium regis , et inter scapu●…as post unctionem , fascia ad ligandum bombycem in brac●…o . paratur in ecclesia , in loco competenti , thalamus siv●… suggestum pro rege , in quo sit regalis sedes orna●… , et thalamus ipse sit ornatus pannis sericets , et au●…s . sed advertendum est , quòd al●…tudo thalami non sit ma●…r quàm gradus supremus al●…s . paratur exiam in loco convenienti tentorium , sive papilio , sub quo rex vestes regales , pro regni consuetudine , quae 〈◊〉 pro eo parantur , suo tempore recipit . et si regina etiam simul ●…st coronanda , pariter pro ea illius ●…amus , non longè . regio , sed illo aliq●…lùm humi●…r ; et ita s●…nt situandi thalami , ut inde possint videri altare et pon●…fex celebrans . parantur e●…am ante altare hinc et inde sedes , pro numero episcoporum coronationi interessentium . die autem dominica , qua rex benedicendus et coronandus est , omnes episcopi conveniunt manè in ecclesia , in qua hoc fieri debet ; et metropolitanus sive pontifex , ad quem spectat , parat se solemniter cum ministris , missam celebraturus , paramentis tempori convenientibus . episcopi verò ind●…ur supra rochetum ( vel supra superpelliceum , si sint religiosi ) amictu , st●…la , pluviali a●…bo , et mitra simplici . quibus omnibus paratis , metropolitanus in faldistorio ante medium altaris posito sedet cum mitra , et episcopi parati hinc et inde super sedibus pro eis paratis , quasi in modum coronae sedentes , sibi assistunt . interim rex vestibus militaribus indutus , cum suis praelatis domesticis non paratis , ac baronibus , nobilibus , et aliis , venit ad ecclesiam ; et cùm fuerit prope presbyterium , duo priores episcopi ex paratis veniunt e●… obviàm , et cum mitris capita illi aliquantulum inclinantes , ipsum inter se medium , birreto deposito , usque ante metropolitanum deducunt : cui rex caput inclinans , humilem reverentiam exhibet ; qua facta , prior episcoporum deducentium stans , detecto capite , versus ad metropolitanum , dicit intelligibili voce : reverendissime pater , postulat sancta mater ecclesia catholica , ut praesentem egregium militem ad dignitatem regiam sublevetis . interrogat metropolanus : scitis illum esse dignum & utilem ad hanc dignitatem ? ille respondet : et novimus , & credimus eum esse dignum , & utilem ecclefiae dei , et ad regimen hujus regni . metropolitanus dicit : deo gratias . tunc sedet rex medius inter duos episcopos deducentes , congruenti spatio à metropolitano , ita ut illi faciem vertat ; ip●… etiam deducentes episcopi , senior ad dexteram , alius ad sinistram regis se collocant , ut et ipsi ad alterutrum factes vertant . quibus sic sedentibus , postquam aliquantulùm quieverint , metropolitanus coronandum regem admonet , dicens : cum hodie per manus nostras , optime princeps , qui christi salvatoris nostri vice in hac re fungimur ( quāvis indigni ) sacram unctionem et regni insignia sis suscepturus ; benè est , ut te priùs de onere , ad quod destinaris , moneamus . regiam hodie suscipis dignitatem , et regendi fideles populos tibi commissos curam sumis . prae●…larum sanè inter mortales locum , sed discriminis , laboris , atque anxietatis plenum . verùm , si consideraveris , quòd omnis potestas à domino deo est , per quem reges regnant , et legum conditores justa decernunt , tu quoque de grege tibi commisso ipsi deo rationem es redditurus . primùm , pietatem servabis , dominum deum tuum tota mente ac puro corde coles . christianam religionem , ac fidem catholicam , quam ab incunabulis professus es , ad finē usque inviolatam retinebis , eamque contra omnes adversantes pro viribus defendes . ecclesiarum praelatis , ac reliquis sacerdotibus condignam reverentiam exhibebis . ecclesiasticam libertatem non conculcabis . justitiam , sine qua nulla societas diu consistere potest , erga omnes inconcussè administrabis , bonis praemia , noxiis debitas poenas retribuendo . viduas , pupillos , pauperes , ac debiles ab omni oppressione defendes . omnibus te adeuntibus benignum , mansuetum , atque affabilem , pro regia tua dignitate te praebebis . et ita te geres , ut non ad tuam , sed totius populi utilitatem regnare , praemiumque benè factorum tuorum , non in terris , sed in coelo expectare videaris . quod ipse praestare dignetur , qui vivit et regnat deus , in saecula saeculorum . resp amen . rex electus accedit ad metropolitanum ; et coram eo , detecto capite , genuflexus , facit hanc professionem , dicens : ego n. deo annuente futurus rex n. profiteor , et promitto coram deo , et angelis ejus , deinceps legem , justitiam & pacem ecclesiae dei , populoque mihi subjecto , pro posse & nosse , facere ac servare salvo condigno misericordiae dei respectu , sicut in consilio fidelium meorum meliùs potero invenire . pontisicibus quoque ecclesiarum dei condignum & canonicum honorem exhibere ; atque ea , quae ab imperatoribus & regibus ecclesiis collata & reddita sunt , inviolabiliter observare . abbatibus , comitibus , & vasallis meis congruum honorem , secundum consilium fidelium meorum , praestare . defnde ambabus manibus tangit librum evangeliorum , quem metropolitanus ante se apertum tenet , dicens , sic me deus adjuvet , & haec sancta dei evangelia . postcà rex electus metropolitani manum reverenter osculatur . his expeditis , illo genuflexo manente , metropolitanus , deposita mitra , surgit , et stans versus ad ipsum coronandum , dicit competenti voce sequentem orationem , quam etiam dicunt omnes pontifices parati , similiter sine mitris stantes ; dicunt etiam omnia alia benedictionem et coronationem ipsam concernentia , voce submissa . metropolitanum tamen in omnibus observantes , et imitantes . oremus . omnipotens sempiterne deus , creator omnium , imperator angelorum , rex regum , & dominus dominantium , qui abraham fidelem servum tuum de hostibus triumphare fecisti , moysi & josue populo tuo praelatis multiplicem victoriam tribuisti , humilemque david puerum tuum regni fastigio sublimasti , & salomonem sapientiae pacisque ineffabili munere ditasti ; respice , quaesumus domine , ad preces humilitatis nostrae , & super hunc famul●…m tuum n. quem supplici devotione in regem eligimus , benedictionum tuarum dona multiplica , eùmque dexterae tuae potentia semper & ubique circumda : quatenus praedicti abrahae fidelitate firmatus , moysi mansuetudine fretus , josue fortitudine munitus , david humilitate exaltatus , salomonis sapientia decoratus , tibi in omnibus complaceat , & per tramitem justitiae inoffenso gressu semper incedat ; tuae quoque protectionis galea munitus , & scuto insuperabili jugiter protectus , arm●…sque coelestil us circumdatus , optabilis de hostibus sanctae crucis christi victoriae triumphum feliciter capiat , terroremque suae potentiae illis inferat , & pacem ti●…i militantibus laetanter reportet . per christum dominum nostrum , qui virtute sanctae crucis ta●…tara destruxit , regnoque diaboli superato , ad coelos victor ascendit , in quo potestas omnis , regn●…que consistit victoria , qui est gloria humilium , & vita salùsque populorum : qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . resp. amen . post haec metropolitanus cum mitra procumbit supra faldistorium . rex verò ad ejus sinistram in terram se prosternit , aliis praelatis paratis ante sedes suas similiter procumbentibus . tunc cantores incipiunt , et prose quuntur litanias , choro respondente . cum dictùm fuerit , ut omnibus fidelibus , &c. resp. te rogamus audi nos . metropolitanus surgit , et accepto baculo pastorali in sinistram manum , super electum regem prostratum , dicit : ut hunc electum in regem coronandum benedicere digneris . r. te rogamus audi nos . secundò dicit . ut hunc electum in regem coronandum benedicere et consecrare digneris . r. te rogamus audi nos . producendo semper super eum signum cru●…is . idcm dicant et faciunt episcopi parati , genuflexi tamen permanentes . quo dicto , metropolitanus redit ad accubitum , cantoribus resumentibus , et perficientibus litanias . quibus finitis , metropolitanus , deposita mitra , surgit , ill●… prostrato , atque episcopis , deposita mitra , genuflexis manentibus , versus ad coronandum , dicit : pater noster . v. et ne nos inducas in tentationem . r. sed libera nos à malo . v. salvum fac servum tuum domine . r. deus meus sperantem in te . v. esto ei domine turris fortitudinis . r. a facie inimici . v. nihil proficiat inimicus in eo . r. et filius iniquitatis non apponat nocere ei . v. domine exaudi orationem meam . r. et clamor meus ad te veniat . v. dominus vobiscum . r. et cum spiritu tuo . oremus . praeteude domine , huic famulo tuo dexter am coelestis auxilii : ut te toto corde perquirat ; & quae dignè postulat , consequi mereatur . actiones nostras , quaesumus , domine , aspirando praeveni , & adjuvando prosequere : ut cuncta nostra oratio & operatio à te semper incipiat , & per te coepta finiatur . per christum dominum nostrum . r. amen . post haec metropolitanus sedet , accipit mitram , et electus rex coram eo genuflectit ; et circumastantibus praelatis paratis cum suis mitris in modum coronae , metropolitanus intingit pollicem dexterae manus in oleum catechumenorum , et inungit , in modum crucis , illius brachium dexterum , inter juncturam manus , et juncturam cubiti , atque inter scapulas , dicens hanc orationem . deus , dei filius , jesus christus dominus noster , qui à patre oleo exultationis unctus est , prae participibus suis ; ipse per praesentem sanctae unctionis infusionem spiritus , paracliti super caput tuum benedictionem infundat , eandemque usque ad interiora cordis tui penetrare faciat : quatenus hoc visibili & tractabili oleo , dona invisibilia percipere , & temporali regno justis moderationibus executo , aeternaliter cum eo regnare merearis , qui solus sine peccato , rex regum vivit & gloriatur cum deo patre in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . oremus . omnipotens sempiterne deus , qui hazael super syriam & jehu super israel per eliam , david quoque & saulem per samuelem prophetam in reges inungi fecisti ; tribue , quaesumus , manibus nostris opem tuae benedictionis , & huic famulo tuo n. quem hodie , licet indigni , in regem sacra unctione delinimus , dignam delibutionis hujus efficaciam , & virtutem concede : constitue , domine , principatum super humerum ejus , ut sit fortis , justus , fidelis , providus , & indefessus regni hujus & populi tui gubernator , infidelium expugnator , justitiae cultor , meritorum & demeritorum remunerator , ecclesiae tuae sanctae & fidei christianae defensor , ad decus & laudem tui nominis gloriosi , per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . quo facto , metropolitanus lavat et abstergit manus , surgit cum mitra , descendit ante altare ; ubi deposita mitra , stans cum suis ministris facit confessionem . rex verò electus ad partem se retrahit , et genuflexus cum suis praelatis domesticis idem facit . similiter et episcopi parati sine mitris stantes , bini et bini confessionem dicunt . finita confessione , metropelitanus ascendit ad altare , et procedit in missa , more solito , usque ad allelujah , sive ultimum versum lractus , vel sequentiae , exclusive , prae atis paratis jux●… suas sedes stantibus , vel sedentibus , prout tempus requirit . interim schola inchoat introitum , et prosequitur in missa ; et rex à suis ducitur in sachristiam , vel sub papillione ad hoc parato , ubi inter scapulas et brachium inunctum bombyce benè abstergitur , et induitur regalibus indumentis , ex more regni paratus itaque rex , et ornatus , procedit cum suis praelatis , baronibus , et aliis ad eminentem et ornatum thalainum , in ecclesia sibi praeparatum , et ibi super a●…quo faldistorio ornato genuflexus incumbens , audit missam , quam praelati sui non parati circumstances etiam genuflexi legant usque ad allelujah , sive ultimum versum tractus , vel sequentiae , exclusivè . missa dicitur de die ; et cum oratione diei , dicitur pro ipso electo rege , sub uno per dominum , haec ora●…o . quaesumus , omnipotens deus , ut famulus tuus n. rex noster , qui tua miseratione suscepit regni gubernacula , virtutum etiam omnium percipiat incrementa ; quibus decenter ornatus , et vitiorum monstra devitare , et ad te , qui via , veritas , & vita es , gloriosus valeat pervenire . per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in uni●…te spitus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculor●…m . r. amen . oraduali cantato , metropolitanus sedet ante altare cum mitra in faldistorio , et rex à suis associatus medius inter priores praelatos paratos ad metropolitanum reducitur ; cui facta reverentia , ut prius , gen●…it coram eo . tunc metropolitanus accipit gladium , quem unus ministrorum sibi porrigit de altari , et illum evaginatum tradit in manus regis , dicens : accipe gladium de altari sumptum per nostras manus , licet indignas , vice tamen & auctoritate sanctorum apostolorum consecratas , tibi regaliter concessum , nostraeque benedictionis officio , in defensionem sanctae dei ecclesiae divinitus ordinatum ; & memor esto ejus , de quo psalmista prophetavit , dicens : accingere gladio tuo super femur tuum potentissime ; ut in hoc per eunde●… vim aequitatis exerceas , molem iniquitatis potenter destruas , et sanctam dei ecclesiam , ejusque fideles propugnes ac protegas ; nec minùs sub fide falsos , quàm christiani nominis hostes execres , ac dispergas ; vid●… & pupillos clementer adjuves , ac defendas ; desolata restaures , restautata conserves ; ulciscaris injusta , confirmes benè disposita : quatenus haec agendo , virtutum triumpho gloriosus , justitiaeque cultor egregius , cum mundi salvatore sine fine regnare merearis . qui cum deo patre , & spiritu sancto , vivit et regnat deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . his expeditis , ensis à ministris in vaginam repo●…tur ; et metropolitanus accingit ense regem , dicens : accingere gladio tuo super femur tuum potentissime , & attende , quòd sancti non in gladio , sed per fidem vicerunt regna . et mox rex accinctus surgit , et eximit ensem de vagina , illumque viriliter vibrat ; deinde super brachium sinistrum tergit , et in vaginam reponit ; atque ●…erum coram metropolitano genuflectit . tunc ei corona imponitur , quam omnes praelati parati , qui adsunt , de aitari per metropolitanum sumptam manibus tenent , ipse metropolitano ●…llam regente , capiti illius imponente , ac dicente : accipe coronam regni , quae , licet ab indignis , episcoporum tamen , manibus capiti tuo imponitur . in nomine patris , & filii , & spiritus sancti , quam sanctitatis gloriam , et honorem , & opus fortitudinis , significare intelligas ; & per hanc te participem ministerii nostri non ignores . ita , ut sicut nos in interioribus pastores rectoresque animarum intelligimur , ita & tu in exterioribus verus dei cultor , strenuusque contra omnes adversitates ecclesiae christi defensor assistas ; regnique tibi à deo dati , & per officium nostrae benedictionis in vice apostolorum , omniumque sanctorum , regimini tuo commissi ●…tilis executor , proficuusque regnator semper appareas ; ut inter gloriosos athletas , virtutum gemmis ornatus , & praemio sempiternae felicitatis coronatus , cum redemptore ac salvatore nostro jesu c risto , cujus nomen vicemque gestare crederis , ●…e fine glorieris . qui vivit et imperat deus , cum patre & spiritu sancto , in saecula saeculorum r. amen . posteà metropolitanus dat ei adhuc 〈◊〉 s●…ptrum , dicens : accipe virgam virtutis ac veritatis , qua intelligas te obnoxium mulcere pios , terrere reprobos , errantes viam docere , lapsis manum porrigere , disperde●…e superbos , & relevare humiles : & ape●…iat tibi ostium jesus christus dominus noster , qui de semetipso ait , ego sum ostium , per me ●…i quis introierit , salvabitur : qui est clavis david , & sceptrum domus israel ; qui aperit , & nemo claudit ; claudit , & nemo ape●…it . sitque tibi ductor , qui educit vinctum de domo carceris , sedentem in tenebris & umbra mortis : & in omnibus sequi merearis eum , de quo david propheta cecinit , sedes tua , de●…s , in saeculum saeculi ; virga directionis , virga regni tui ; & imitando ipsum , diligas justitiam , et odio habeas iniquitatem , quia proptereà unxit te deus , deus tuus , ad exemplum illius , quem ante saecula unxerat oleo exultationis , prae participibus suis , jesum christum dominum nostrum , qui cum eo vivit & regnat deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen tunc regi surgenti discingitur ensis , et in vagina datur alicui , qui eum ante regem immediatè portat . et metropolitanns cum aliis prae'atis paratis deducit regem , sceptrum in manu et coronam in capite f●…tem medium inter se à dexteris , et digniorem praelatum paratum à sinistris regis incedentom , ad solium supra thalamum ; et adjuvante cum digniore p●…ato praedicto , inthronizat regem in solio , dicens : sta , & retine amodò locum tibi à deo delegatum , per auctoritatem omnipotentis dei , & per praesen em traditionem nostram , omnium scilicet episcoporum , caete●…orumque dei servorum ; & quantò clerum sacris altaribus propinquiorem perspicis , tanto ei potiorem in locis congruis honorem impendere memineris ; quatenus mediator dei & hominum te mediatorem cleri et plebis permanere faciat . deinde me●…ropolitanus , deposita mitra , stans versus ad altare inchoat , schola prosequente , hymnum : te deum laudamus . qui totus dicitur : quo incepto , metropolitanus accedit ad dextram regis : ibi continuò manens , usque ad finem hymni ; et eo finito , metropolitanus stans , ut priùs , ad dexteram regis sine mitra , dicit super illum versus . firmetur manus tua , et exaltetur dextera tua . r. justitia et judicium praeparatio sedis tuae . v. domine exaudi orationem meam . r. et clamor meus ad te veniat . v. dominus vobiscum . r. et cum spiritu tuo . oremus . deus , qui victrices moysi manus in oratione firmasti , qui quamvis aetate languesceret , infatigabili sanctitate pugnabat ; ut dum amalech iniquus vincitur , dum profanus nationum populus subjugatur , exterminatis alienigenis , hereditati tuae possessio copiosa servi●…et ; opus manuum tuarum pia n●…strae orationis exauditione confirma : habemus & nos apud te , sancte pater , dominum salvatorem , qui pro nobis manus suas extendit in cruce ; per quem etiam precamur , altissime , ut , tua pctentia suffragante universorum hostium frangatur impietas ; populusque tuus , cessante formidine , te solum timere condiscat . per eundem cbristum dominum nostrum . r. amen . oremus . deus inenarabilis auctor mundi , conditor generis humani , confirmator regni , qui ex utero fidelis amici tui patriarchae nostri abrahae praeelegisti regem saeculis profuturum : tu praesentem insignem regem hunc cum exercitu suo per intercessionem beatae maria semper virginis , & omnium sanctorum , uberi be●…edictione locupleta , & in solium regni firma stabilitate connecte : visita eum , sicut visitasti mcysen in rubo , josu●… in praelio , gedeonem in agro , samuelem in templo ; & illa eum siderea benedictione , ac sapientiae t●…ae rore perfunde , quam beatus david in psalterio , salomon filius ejus , te remunerante , percepit de coelo . sis ei contra acies inimicorum lorica , in adversis galea , in prosperis sapientia , in protectione clypeus sempiternus . et praesta , ut gentes illi teneant fidem , pro●…eres sui habeant pacem , diligant charitatem , abstineant se à cupiditate , loquantur justitiam , custodiant veritatem : & ita populus iste sub ejus imperio pullulet , coalitus benedictione aeternitatis ; ut semper tripudiantes maneant in pace , ac ●…ictores . quod ipse praestare dignetur , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . quibus finitis , metropolitanus cum prae'atis paratis redit ad sedem suam , vel faldistorium propè altare , et ( nisi sit coronanda regina ) dicitur alleluia , sive ultimus versus tractus , vel sequentiae evangelium , et alia usque ad offertorium inclusivè . quo dicto , metropolitanus residet in faldistorio suo ante medium altaris cum mitra ; et rex à suis praelatis , et baronibus associatus , venit ante metropolitanum , coram quo genuflexus , detecto capite , offert ei aurum , quantum sibi placet , et manum metropolitani recipientis osculatur . deinde ad solium suum revertitur . metropolitanus lavat manus , surgensque accedit ad altare , et prosequitur missam usque ad communionem . cum secreta diei dicitur pro rege , sub uno per deminum nostrum . secreta . munera , quaesumus domine , oblata sanctifica : ut et nobis unigeniti tui corpus et sanguis fiant ; et regi nostro ad obtinendam animae corporisque salutem , et ad peragendum injunct●…m officium , te largiente , usquequaque proficiant . per e●…ndem dominum nostrum jesum christum silium tuum , qui teeum vivit et●… egnat in unitate spi●…itus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . pax d●…ur regi per primum ex praelatis paratis , cum instrum●…nto ad hoc ordinato . postquam metropolitanus se de corpore , et sanguine , quem totum sumere debet , communicaverit ; rex , detecto capite , de thal●…mo suo accedit ad al●…are , coram quo , in supremo gradu genuflectit , et metropol●…anus conversus ad regem , ipsum communicat . rex , priusquam communionem suma●… , osculatur manum dexteram metropolitani ; et sumpta communione , ex calice de manu metropolitani se purificat , et purifica●…us ad thalamum suum revertitur . metropolitanus verò ●…blutionem sumit ; et accepta mitra , lavat manus , e●… perficit mifsam . cum postcommunione diei , dicitur pro rege , sub uno per dominum , postcommunio . haec , domine , oblatio salutaris famulum n. regem nostrum ab omnibus tueatur adversis ; quatenus eccle●…iasticae pacis obtineat tranquillitatem , & post istius temporis decursum ad aeternam perveniat haereditatem . per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . in fine metropolitanus dat benedictionem solemnem , ●…s suprà ; qua data , singuli ad sua revertuntur . de benedictione & coronatione reginae . siverò tunc regina benedicenda sit et coronanda , quàm primùm , ipso rege inthronizato , et orationibus expletis , metropolitanus cum praelatis paratis ad altare reversus in faldistorio sedet . rex de solio suo surgens , cum comitiva sua , coronam in capite et sceptrum in manu gestans , ante altare ad metropolitanum proficiscitur ; et facta ei reverentia , stans , detecto capite , petit reginam benedici , et coronari , sub his verbis : reverendissime pater , postulamus , ut consortem nostram nobis à deo conjunctam benedicere , & corom reginali decorare dignemini , ad laudem & gloriam salvatoris nostri jesu christi . deinde ad solium suum revertitur . tunc regina , quae in aliquo loco ad partem in ec●…lesia á principio steterat , à duolus episcopis paratis , non his qui regem deduxerunt , sed primis post eos , crine soluto , & capit●… velato , in vestibus suis communibus ad metropolitanum ante altare deducitur ; & facta metropolitano reverentia , coram illo gen●…ctit , & ejus manum osculatur . tunc surgit metropolitanus cum mitra , & infaldistorio procumbit . regina verò ad ejus sinistram in terram se prosternit ; & inchoantur ac perficiuntur litaniae , ut suprà : quibus finitis , metropolitanus , deposita mitra , surgit , & stans versus ad illam ante se genuflexam , dicit sequentem orationem intelligibili voce ; quam etiam , & alia sequentia , astantes praelati parati submissa voce dicunt . oremus . omnipotens sempiterne deus , hanc famulam tuam n. coelesti benedictione sanctifica , quam in adjutorium regni reginam eligimus ; tua ubique sapientia doceat , & comfortet , atque ecclesia t●…a fidelem famulam semper agnoscat . per eundem dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus . deinde , extensis manibus ante pectus , dicit : per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . v. dominus vobi●…cum . r. et cum spiritu tuo . v. sursum corda . r. habemus ad dominum . v. gratias agamus domino deo nostro . r. dignum & justum est . verè dignum & justum est , aequum & salutare , nos tibi semper & ubique gratias agere . domine sancte , pater omnipoten●… , aeterne deus : honorum cunctorum auctor ac dist●…butor , benedictionumque omni●…m largus infu●…or , t●…ibue super hanc famulam tuam re●…inam benedictionis 〈◊〉 copiam ; & quam humana electio sibi praeesse gaudet , tua 〈◊〉 electioni●… & benedictionis in●…sio accumulet . concede ei , domine , auctoritatem regiminis , consilii magnitudinem , sapientiae , prudentiae , & intellectus abundantiam , religionis ac pietatis custodiam ; quate●…s mereatur benedici & augmenta●…i in nomine , ut sa●…a ; 〈◊〉 & faecunda●…i , ut rebecca ; contra omnium 〈◊〉 vitiorum monstra , ut judith ; in regimine regni eligi , ut esther . u●… , quam humana nititur fragilitas benedice●…e , coelestis potius intimi roris repleat infusio . et q●…ae à nobis eligitur & benedicitur in reginam , à te mereatur obtinere praemium aeternitatis perpetuae . et sicut ab hominibus sublimatur in nomine , ita à te sublimetur fide & operatione . illo etiam sapientiae tuae eam ro●…e perfunde , quem beatus david in repromissine & filius ejus salomon percepit in locupletatione . sis ei , domine , contra cunctorum ictus inimicorum lorica ; in adversis galea ; in prosperis sa pientia ; in protectione clypeus sempiternus . sequatur pacem , diligat charitatem , abstineat se ab omni impietate ; loquatur justitiam , custodiat veritatem ; sit c●…ltrix justitiae et pietatis , amatrix religionis . vigeatque praesenti benedictione in hoc aevo annis plurimis , & in sempiterno sine fine aeternis . quod sequitur , dicit planè legendo ; ita famen , quòd à circumstantibus audiatur . per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . qua praefatione exple●…a , se●…et metropolitanus ; et accepta mitra , inungit in modum crucis cum oleo catechuminorum illius brachium dexterum , inter juncturam manus , et juncturam cubi●… , atque inter scapulas , ●…cens : deus pater aetern●… gloriae sit tibi adjutor , & omnipotens benedicat tibi , preces tuas exaudiat ; vitam tuam longitudine dierum adimpleat ; benedictionem tuam jugiter confirmet ; te cum omni populo in aeternum conservet ; inimicos tuos confufione induat ; et super te christi sanctificatio , atque hujus olei infusio floreat : ut , qui tibi in terris tribuit benedictionem , ipse in coelis conferat meritum angelorum ; ac benedicat te , et custodiat in vitam aeternam jesus christus dominus noster , qui vivit & regnat deus , in saecula saeculorum . r. amen . quo facto , surgit regina , et à suis ducitur ad sacristiam , seu papilionem , ubi rex regales vestes indutus est ; ibi et ipsa induitur vestibus reginalibus , quibus induta reducitur ad metropolitanum adhuc cum mitra in faldistorio sedentem , qui imponit illi ante genu●…exae coronam , dicens : accipe coronam gloriae , ut scias te esse consortem regni , populoque dei semper prosperè consulas ; et quantò plus exaltaris , tantò ampliùs humilitatem diligas , et custodias , in christo jesu domino nostro . et mox dat ei sceptrum , dicens : accipe virgam virtutis ac veritatis , et esto pauperibus misericors , et affabilis ; viduis , pupillis , & orphanis , diligentissimam curam exhibeas ; ut omnipotens deus augeat tibi gratiam suam , qui vivit et regnat in saecula saeculorum . r. amen . quo facto , surgit regina ; & episcopi parati , qui ipsam ad altare deduxerunt , eam associant usque ad suum thalamum , ubi sedet in solio suo , matronis ejus ipsam comitantibus : deinde dicitur alleluia , sive ultimu●… versus tractus , vel sequentiae , evangelium , & ●…ffertorium . quo dicto , r gina cum rege à suis tantùm ●…ssociati , vadunt ad ●…fferendum metropolitano in faldistorio ante medium altaris sedenti , de auro quantum volunt , & manum metropolitani recipientis osculantur : deinde revertuutur ambo ad thalamum suum , et proceditur in missae usque ad communionem . data pace regi et reginae per primum ex praelatis paratis , cum instrumento ad hoc ordinato ; rex et regina à suis tantùm associati descendunt de thalamis , et veniunt ad altare , ubi in supremo gradu genuflectunt : et percepta communione , metropolitanus ponit ambas hostias consecratas super patenam , et conversus ad regem et reginam , eos communicat . rex , priusquam communionem sumat , osculatur manum dexter am metropolitani ; cum simili modo communicat reginam , quae similiter ejus manum osculatur : et successivè ambos ex calice suo purificat ; qui purificati ad thalamos suos revertuntur , eo ordine quo venerunt . m●…tropolitanus verò ablutionem s●…mit ; et accepta mitra , lavat manus , perficitque missam , et in fine dat benedictionem solemnem . qua data rex et regina vadunt ad palatium suum ; et metropolitanus atque alii pr●…lati omnes deponunt vestes sacras , et ad propria quisque revertitur . de benedicione et cor●…natione reginae s●…lius . si rege ●…am pridem coronato , regina sola , ut conjux illius , coronanda sit parantur duo thalami , et a●…ius locus , in quo regina à principio officii usque ad tempus corona●…tonis expecta●… . uocantur omnes praelati regni , atque omnia alia fiunt , quae supra pro coronatione reg sordinata sunt . die autem statuto , metropolitano et praelatis in ecclesia constitutis , et se vestientibus , rex vestibus regalibus indutus cum corona in capite , et sceptro in manu , ense praecedente , à suis associatus venit ad ecclesiam , et ascendit thalamum suum ; et metropolitano ac praelatis omnibus paratis , incipitur missa , more solito , et continuatur usque ad alleluia , sive ultimum versum tractus , vel sequentiae , exclusivè . tunc rex coronam et sceptrum ferens descendit de thalamo suo ; et metropolitano in faldistorio ante altare cum mitra sedente , stans , detecto capite , petit ab eo reginam benedici , et coronari , sub his verbis : reverendissime pater , postulamus ut consortem nostram nobis à deo conjunctam benedice●…e , et corona reginali decorare dignemini , ad laudem et gloriam salvatoris nostri jesu christi . deinde ad thalamum suum revertitur : et regina , quae usque tunc in aliquo loco ad partem in ecclesia steterat , à duobus prioribus praelatis paratis , crine soluto , et capite velato , ducitur ad metropolitanum ante altare sedentem ; et facta ei reverentia coram eo genuflectit , et ejus manum osculatur . tunc surgit metropolitanus , et cum mitra procumbit supra faldistorium . regina verò ad ejus sinistram se in terram prosternit , et inchoantur litaniae , et perficiuntur , atque omnia alia fiunt , quae suprà in coronatione reginae dicta sunt , usque ad offertorium ; ad quod poterit rex cum regina procedere , vel regina sola , prout regi placebit . facta communione per metropolitanum , communicatur regina . deinde perficitur missa , et in fine metropolitanus dat benedictionem solemnem , &c. de benedictione et coronatione reginae ut regni dominae . si verò regina coronanda est ut regni domina , et absque rege , tunc paratur thalamus unus in ecclesia ; vocantur praelati regni , et omnia alia similiter fiunt , quae suprà pro coronatione regis ordinata sunt . die statuto , conveniunt in ecclesia , in qua coronatio fieri debet ; ubi metropolitanus , aut alius ad quem spectat , cum episcopis aliis parat se , et sedent ante al●…are , ut suprà dictum est . interim regina consuetis vestibus induta , cum suis praelatis , baronibus , et matronis , atque aliis domesticis venit ad ecclesiam ; et cùm fuerit prope presbyterium , duo priores episcopi parati v●…niunt ei 〈◊〉 , et cum mitris capi a ilii aliquantu●…um inclinantes , ipsam inter se mediam usque ad metropolitanum deducunt : cui regina caput inclinans , ●…umilem reverentiam exhibet ; qua facta , prior ipsorum deducentium detecto capi●… , versus ad metropolitanum , dicit : reverendissime pater , postulat sancta mater ecclesia catholica , ut praesentem circumspectam mulierem ad dignitatem reginalem sublevetis . tunc interrogat me●…ropolanus : scitis illam esse dignam & utilem ad hanc dignitatem ? ille respendet : et novimus , & credimus eam esse dignam , & utilem ecclesiae dei , et ad regimen hujus regni . metropolitanus dicit : deo gratias . tunc sedet regina media inter ipsos episcopos deducentes congruenti spatio à metropolitano , ita ut illi faciem vertat ; ipsi etiam deducentes episcopi , senior ad dexteram , alius ad sinistram reginae se collocant , ut et ipsi ad alteru●…rum fac●…s vertant . ipsis sic sedentibus , postquam aliquantulùm quieverint , metropolitanus coronandam reg●…am admonet , dicens : cum hodie per manus nostras , circumspecta mulier , qui christi salvatoris nostri vice in hac re fungimur ( quāvis indigni sacram unctionem et regni insignia sis suscepturus ; benè est , ut te priùs de onere , ad quod de●…inaris , moneamus . regiam hodie suscipis dignitatem , et regendi sideles populos tibi commissos curam sumis . p●…aeclarum sanè inter mortales locum , sed discriminis , laboris , atque anxietatis plenum . verùm , si consideraveris , quòd omnis potestas à domino deo est , per quem reges regnant , et legum conditores justa decernunt , tu quoque de grege tibi commisso ipsi deo rationem es redditura . primùm , pietatem servabis , dominum deum tuum tota mente ac puro corde coles . christianam religionem , ac fidem catholicam , quam ab incunabuli●… professa es , ad finem usque inviolatam retinebis , eamque contra omnes adversantes pro viribus defendes . ecclesiarum praelatis , ac reliquis sacerdotibus condignam reverentiam exhibebis . ecclesiasticam libertatem non conculcabis ; justitiam , fine qua nulla societas diu consistere potest , erga omnes inconcussè administrabis , bonis praemia , noxiis debitas poenas retribuendo . viduas , pupillos , pauperes , ac debiles ab omni oppressione defendes . omnibus te adeuntibus benignam , mansuctam , atque affabilem , pro regia tua dignitate te praebebis . et ita te geres , ut non ad tuam , sed totius populi utilitatem regnare , praemiumque benè factorum tuorum , non in terris , sed in eoelo expectare videaris . quod ipse praestare dignetur , qui vivit et regnat deus , in saecula saeculorum . resp. amen . regina electa accedit ad metropolitanum ; et ge●…flexa facit hanc professionem , dicens : ego n. deo annuente futura regina n. profiteor , et promitto coram deo , et angelis ejus , deinceps legem , justitiam & pacem ecclefiae dei , populoque mihi subjecto , pro posse & nosse , facere ac servare , salvo condigno misericordiae dei respectu , sicut in consilio fidelium meorum meliùs potero invenire . pontisicibus quoque ecclesiarum dei condignum & canonicum honorem exhibere ; atque ea , quae ab imperatoribus & regibus ecclesiis collata & reddita sunt , inviolabiliter observare . abbatibus , comitibus , & vasallis meis congruum honorem , secundum consilium fidelium meorum , p●…aestare . deinde ambabus manibus fangit librum evangeliorum , ( quem metropolitanus coram ea super genibus aper●…um tenet , inferiori parte libri reginae versa ) ●…icens , sic me deus adjuvet , & haec sancta dei evangelia . et post regina electa metropolitani manum reverenter osculatur . quo facto , m●…tropolitanus surgit , et cum mitra procumbit in faldistorio . regina verò ad ejus sinistram in terram se prosternit . et cantores incipiunt , schola prosequente , litanias ; in quibus cùm dictum f●…erit , ut omnibus fidelibus , &c. r. te rogamus audi nos . metropolitanus surgit , et accepto baculo pastorali in sinistra , super illam dicit : ut hanc electam in reginam coronandam ●…enedicere digneris . r. te rogamus audi nos . secundo dicit . ut hanc electam in reginam coronandam benedicere , & consecrare digneris . r. te rogamus andi nos . producendo semper super reginam signum crucis . idem dicunt et faciunt episcopi parati , genuf●…exi tamen permanentes . quo dicto , metropolitanus redit ad accubitum , cantoribus litanias resumentibus , et perficientibus . quibus finitis , metropolitanus , deposita mitra , surgit , regina prostrata manente , et dicit super eam intelligibili voce orationem sequentem ; quam astantes episcopi , etiam sine mitris in locis suis stantes , submissa voce pronunciant . oremus . omnipotens sempiterne deus , hanc famulam tuam coelesti benedictone sanctifica , quam in gubernationem regni reginam eligimus ; tua ubique sapientia doceat , et confortet , atque ecclesia tua fidelem famulam semper agnoscat . per eundem dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus . tunc surgit regina et coram pontifice genu●…ectif . deinde pontifex mediocri voce , extensis manibus ante pectus , dicit : per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . v. dominus vobiscum . r. et cum spiritu tuo . v. sursum corda . r. habemus ad dominum . v. gratias agamus domino deo nostro . r. dignum & justum est . verè dignum & justum est , aequum & salutare , nos tibi semper & ubique gratias agere , domine sancte , pater omnipotens , aeterne deus : honorum cunctorum auctor ac distributor , benedictionumque omnium largus infusor , tribue super hanc famulam tuam reginam benedictionis tuae copiam ; & quam humana electio sibi praeesse gaudet , tua supernae electionis & benedictionis infusio accumulet . concede ei , domine , auctoritatem regiminis , consilii magnitudinem , sapientiae , prudentiae , & intellectus abundantiam , religionis ac pietatis custodiam ; quatenus mereatur benedici & augmentari in nomine , ut sara ; visita ri & faecundari , ut rebecca ; contra omnium muniri vitiorum monstra , ut judith ; in regimine regni eligi , ut esther . uc , quam humana nititur fragilitas benedicere , coelestis potius intimi roris repleat infusio . et quae à nobis eligitur & benedicitur in reginam , à te mereatur obtinere praemium aeternitatis perpetuae . et sicut ab hominibus sublimatur in nomine , ita à te sublimetur fide & operatione . illo etiam sapientiae tuae eam rore perfunde , quem beatus david in repromissine & filius ejus salomon percepit in locupletatione . sis ei , domine , contra cunctorum ictus inimicorum lorica ; in adversis galea ; in prosperis sapientia ; in protectione clypeus sempiternus . sequatur pacem , diligat charitatem , abstineat se ab omni impietate ; loquatur justitiam , custodiat veritatem ; sit cultrix justitiae et pietatis , amatrix religionis . vigeatque praesenti benedictione in hoc aevo annis plurimis , & in sempiterno sine fine aeternis . deinde dicit planè legendo ; ita tamen , quòd à circumstantibus audiatur . per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . quibus dictis , sedet metropolitanus ; et accepta mitra , intingit pollic●…m dexterae manus in oleum catechumenorum ; et inungit , in modum cruc●…s , brachium dexterum reginae inter juncturam manus , et inter juncturam cubiti , atque inter scapulas , dicens . deus pater aeternae gloriae sit tibi adjutor , & omnipotens benedicat tibi , preces tuas exaudiat ; vitam tuam longitudine dierum adimpleat ; benedictionem tuam jugiter confirmet ; te cum omni populo in aeternum conservet ; inimicos tuos confusione induat ; et super te christi sanctificatio , atque hujus olei infusio floreat : ut , qui tibi in terris tribuit benedictionem , ipse in coelis conferat meritum angelorum ; ac benedicat te , et custodiat in vitam aeternam jesus christus dominus noster , qui vivit & regnat deus , in saecula saeculorum . r. amen . quo facto , surgit regina , et ad part●…m se retrahit ubi praelati sui domestici ci assisiunt . metropolitanus verò lavat et abstergit manus , deinde accedit ante altare ; et deposita mitra , cum suis ministris facit confessionem . idem faciunt episcopi parati juxta sedes suas sine mitris stantes . facta confessione , metropolitanus ascendit ad altare , osculatur , incensat , et procedit in missa usque ad allelujah exclusivè , sive ultimum versum tractus , vel sequentiae , si dicitur , more consueto . regina verò ducitur à suis ad sacristiam , vel papillionem , ubi accipit vestes reginales . deinde redit cum illis ad thalamum , ubi manet usque ad dictum graduale ; non tamen sedet in so●…fo , sed super al●…qued scabellum sibi paratum genuflexa procumbit audiens missam . missa dicitur de die ; et cum dratione diei , dicitur pro ipsa el●…cta regina sub uno , per dominum . oratio . quaesumus , omnipotens deus , ut famula tua n. regina nostra , qui tua miseratione suseepit regni gubernacula , virtutum etiam omnium percipiat incrementa ; quibus decenter ornata , et vitiorum monstra devitare , et ad te , qui via , veritas , & vita es , gratiosa valeat perveni●…e . per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spitus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . graduali cantato , metropolitanus sedet ante altare in faldistorio cum mitra , et regina à suis associata media in●…er priores duos praelatos paratos ad metropolitanum reducitur ; cui facta reverentia , ut prius , genuflectit coram eo . tunc imponitur ●…i corona , quamomnes episcopi parati , qui adsunt , de altari per metrolitanum sumptam manibus tenent , ipso metropolitano illam regente , et capiti illius imponente , ac dicente : a ccipe coronam regni , quae , licet ab indignis , episcoporum tamen manibus capiti tuo imponitur . in nomine patris , & filii , & spiritus sancti , quam sanctitatis gloriam , et honorem , & opus fortitudinis , significare intelligas ; & per hanc te participem ministerii nostri non ignores . ita , ut sicut nos in interioribus pastores rectoresque animarum intelligimur , ita & tu in exterioribus vera dei cultrix , strenuaque contra omnes adversitates ecclesiae christi defensatrix assistas , regnique tibi à deo dati , & per officium nostrae benedictionis in vice apostolorum , omniumque sanctorum , regimini tuo commissi utilis executrix , proficuaque regnatrix semper appareas ; ut inter gloriosos athletas , virtutum gemmis ornata , & praemio sempiternae felicitatis coronata , cum redemptore ac salvatore nostro jesu christo , cujus nomen vicemque ges●…are crederis , sine fine glorieris . qui vivit et imperat deus , cum patre & spiritu sancto , in saecula saeculorum . r. amen . et mox dat e●… sceptrum in manum , dicens : a ccipe virgam virtutis ac veritatis , et esto pauperibus misericors , et affabilis ; viduis , pupillis , et orphanis , diligentissimam curam exhibeas ; ut omnipotens deus augeat tibi gratiam suam , qui vivit et regnat in saecula saeculorum . r. amen . tunc surgunt omnes , et metropolitanus cum omnibus episcopis paratis deducit reginam , coronam in capite et sceptrum in manu ferentem , mediam inter se et digniorem episcopum paratum , supra solium ; ubi stans cum mitra , unà cum eodem digniore episcopo , inthroniza●… eam in solio , dicens . sta , et retine amodò locum tibi à deo delegatum , per auctoritatem omnipotentis dei , et per praesentem traditionem nostram , omnium scilicet episcoporum , caeterorumque dei servorum ; et quantò clerum sacris altaribus propinquiorem perspi●…is , tanto ei potiorem in locis congruis honorem impendere memineris ; quatenus mediator dei & hominum te mediatricem cleri et plebis permanere faciat . deinde metropolitanus , deposita mitra , inchoat , schola sequente , hymnum : te deum laudamus . qui totus dicitur : quo incepto , metropolitanus accedit ad dextram reginae : ibi continuò manens , usque ad finem hymni ; finito hymno , metropolitanus stans , ut priùs , juxta reginam sine mitra , dicit super illam : v. firmetur manus tua , et exaltetur dextera tua . r. justitia et judicium praeparatio sedis tuae . v. domine exaudi orationem meam . r. et clamor meus ad te veniat . v. dominus vobiscum . r. et cum spiritu tuo . oremus . deus , qui victrices moysi manus in oratione firmasti , qui quamvis aetate languesceret , infatigabili sanctitate pugnabat ; ut dum amalech iniquus vincitur , dum profanus natio●…um populus subjugatur , exterminatis alienigenis , hereditati tuae poss●…ssio copiosa servi●…et ; opus manuum tuarum pia nostrae orationis exauditione confirma : habemus & nos apud te , sancte pater , dominum salvatorem , qui pro nobis manus suas extendit in cru●… ; per quem etiam precamur , altissime , ut , tua potentia s●…ffragante univer orum hostium frangatur impietas ; pop●…e 〈◊〉 , ●…ssante formidine , te solum timere condiscat . per eundem chri●…m dominum nostrum . r. amen . quibus ●…itis , me●…ropolitanus cum episcopis paratis revertitur ad sedem suam , vel faldistorium propè altare , et dicitur alleluia , sive ultimus versus tractus , vel sequentiae eva●…lium , et alia usque ad offertorium inclusivè . quo victo , metropolitanus residet in faldistorio ante medium altaris cum mitra ; et regina à suis praelatis , magnatibus , et aliis a●…ciata venit ante metropolitanum , coram quo genuflexa , offert ei aurum , quantum sibi placet , et manum metropolitani recipientis osculatur . deinde ad solium suum reveriitur . metropolitanus lavat manus , surgit , et accedit ad altare , et prosequitur missam usque ad communionem . cum secreta dici dicitur pro regina , sub uno per dominum . secreta . munera , quaesumus domine , oblata sanctifica : ut et nobis unigeniti tui corpus et sanguis fiant ; et reginae nostrae ad obtinendam animae corporisque salu●…em , et ad peragendum injunctum officium , te largiente , usquequaque proficiant . per eundem dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit et regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . pax datur reginae per primum ex praelatis paratis , cum instrumento ad hoc ordinato . postquam metropolitanus se communicaverit de corpore , et sanguine ; regina sine corona , et sine sceptro , de thalamo suo , à suis duntaxat associata , accedit ad altare , genuflectit in supremo gradu altaris , et metropolitanus conversus ad reginam eam communicat . regina , antequam sumat sacramentum , osculatur manum dexteram metropolitani ; et sumpta communione , ex calice de manu metropolitani se purificat , et purificatus ad thalamum suum revertitur cum suis , ut venit . metropolitanus verò ablutionem sumit ; et accepta mitra , lavat manus , et perficit missam . cum postcommunione diei , dicitur pro reglna sub uno per dominum . postcommunio . haee , domine , oblatio salutaris famulam tuam n. reginam nostram ab omnibus tueatur adversis ; quatenus ecclesiasticae pacis obtineat tranquillitatem , & post istius temporis decursum ad aeternam perveniat haereditatem . per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . in fine metropolitanus dat benedictionem solemnem , qua data , omnes vadunt in pace . de benedictione & coronatione regis in consortem electi . cum autem regina , jampridem , ut regni domina benedicta et coronata , deinde consortem sibi elegerit , quem posteà statuerit coronari , ad diem ordinatam vocantur omnes praelati regni ; parantur duo thalami , atque omnia alia ordinantur , prout suprà in coronatione regis posita sunt , f. . die autem statuto , metropolitano et praelatis in ecclesia constitutis , et se vestientibus , regina reginalibus vestibus induta , cum corona in capite et sceptro in manu , à suis associata venit ad ecclesiam , et ascendit thalamum suum . illis autem paratis , et suo ordine sedentibus , ut suprà in coronatione regis ordinatum est ; regina de thalamo suo discentens cum corona in capite , et sceptro in manu , venit coram metropolitano , à quo , facta ei reverentia , petit regem consor●…em suum benedici et coronari , sub his verbis : reverendissime pater , postulamus ut consortem nostram nobis à deo conjunctam benedicere , et corona reginali decorare dignemini , ad laudem et gloriam salvatoris nostri jesu christi . deinde ad thalamum suum revertitur . interim rex vestibus militaribus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad 〈◊〉 , à suis praelatis domesticis non paratis , o●… comitibus , magna●…bus regni , et aliis associatus . qui c●…m venerit propè presbyterium , d●… priores episcopi 〈◊〉 paratis ei obviàm veniunt , et cum mitr●…s capita 〈◊〉 aliquantulum inclinantes , ipsum , bireto deposito , usque ante metropolitanum deducunt ; coram quo rex caput inclinans , humilem ei reverentiam exhibet . dua facta , prior episcoporum deducentium stans , detecto capite , versus ad metropolitanum , vo●…e intelligibili dicit : revereudissime pater , postulat sancta mater ecclesia catholica , ut praesentem egregium militem ad dignitatem regiam sublevetis . et omnia alia suo ordine fiunt , prout habetur suprà sub prima rubrica de benedictione et coronatione regis , fol. . usque ad aliam rudricam de coronatione reginae , fol. . quae hic omittitur , cùm sit priùs coronata . these forms of prayers and ceremonies are used in most forein kingdoms , as spain , hungary , bohemia , poland , &c. with some little variation relating only to their particular kingdoms . m. paulus stranskie reipub. bohemiae , lugd. bat. . c. . sect . , to . p. , &c. describing at large the manner of the coronation of the kings of bohemia in later times , informs us , that after the supreme burgrave of prague hath in the name of the most blessed and undivided trinity pronounced such a one to be elected and accepted king of bohemia , all the multitude hearing this , presently cry out , ●…vat , vivat , vivat n. bohemiae rex : after which h●…ving taken his oath , the archbishop and bishops use several set prayers for him ; and all the people , as well those who are present as absent at the coronation feast , cry out with ingeminated joyfull shouts , uivat , vivat , vivat , triumphatis reipublicae hostibus n. bohemiae rex . * in france they have a particular pontifical or form of prayers , benedictions and ceremonies used at the consecration of their kings , writen and used in the year . the first year of charles the th . king of france , by his special command , and thus subscribed . ce liure du ●…acre des roys de france est a nous charles le v. de nostre nom roy de france ; & le fimes corriger , ordeiner , eserier & istorier l'an . agreeing for the most part with that in ●…rentius bochellus , decretorum ecclesiae galli●…anae , lib. . tit. . de consecratione & coronatione regis franciae , c. . p. , to . ordo ad inungendum , & coronandum regem . primò paratur solium in modum esehasaudi aliquantusum eminens contiguum exteriùs choroecclesiae inter vtrumque chorum positum in medio , in quo per gradus ascenditur . et in quo possint pares regni , & aliqui si necesse fuerit , cum eo consistere . rex autem die quo ad coronandum venerit , debet processionalitèr recipi tam à canonicis quàm à caeteris ecclesiis conventualibus sabbato praecedente diem dominicam in qua rex e●… consecrandus , & coronandus , post completorium expletum , committitur ecclesiae custodia custodibus à rege deputatis cum propriis custodibus ecclesiae . et debet rex intempestae noctis silentio venire in ecclesiam orationem facturus , & * ibidem in oratione aliquantulum , si voluerit , vigilaturus . cum pulsatur autem ad matutinas debent esse parati custodes regis introitum eccl. observantes , qui alijs hostijs ecclesiae firmius obseratis & munitis , canonicos & clericos ecclesiae deb●…nt honorisicè intromittere ac diligentèr quotienscunque opus fuerit eis . matutinae more solito decantentur quibus expletis pulsatur ad primam , quae cantari debet in aurora diei . post primam cantatam debet rex cum archiepiscopis , & episcopis & baronibus & aliis quos intromittere voluerit in ecclesiam venire antequam fiat aqua benedicta , & debent esse sedes dispositae circà altare , hinc & indè , ubi archiepiscopi & episcopi honorificè sedeant . episcopis * paribus , videlicet , primò landunensi , postea beluacensi , deinde lingonensi , posteà cathalanensi , ultimum , novi●… mensi cum alijs episcopis ( a ) archiepiscopatus remensis sedentibus seorsum inter altare & regem ab oppositis altaris non longè à rege , nec multis indecentèr interpositis . et debent canonici ecclesiae remensis processionalitèr cum duabus crucibus cereis , & thuribulo cum incenso ire ad palatium archiepiscopale . et episcopi landunensis & beluacensis , qui sunt primi pares de episcopis , debent esse in praedicta processione habentes sanctorum reliquias colle pendentes . et in camera magna debent reperire principem in regem consecrandum sedentem , & quasi jacentem supra thalamum decenter ornatum . et cum ad dicti principis praesentiam applicaverint , dicat landunensis episcopus hanc orationem . omnipotens sempiterne deus : qui famulum tuum n. fastigio dignatus es sublimare , tribue quaesumus ei , ut ita in hujus saeculi ●…ursu multorum in communè salutem disponat , quatenus à veritatis tuae tramite non recedat . ( b ) per dominum . qua oratione dicta , statim suscipiant eum duo praedicti epistopi dextera laevaque honorificè , & ipsum reverenter ducant ad ecclesiam canentes hoc ( c ) resp. cum canonicis praedictis . ecce mitto angelum meum qui praecedat te & custodiat semper . observa & audi vocem meam , & inimicus ero inimicis tuis , & affligentes te affligam , & praecedet te angelus meus . finito resp. cantetur ( d ) vers. israel sime audieris , non erit in te deus recens , neque adorabis deum alienum , ego enim dominus . observa * cunctoque eum populo sequente ad hostium ecclefiae clerus subsistat . et alter episcopus scilic et beluacensis , si praesen●… fuerit , dicat hanc orationem quae sequitur . deus qui scis humanum genus nulla virtute posse subsastere , co●…cede propitius ut famulus t●…s n. quem populo tuo voluisti praeserri , ità tuo fulciatur adjutorio ( e ) quatenus quibus potuit prae●…sse , valeat & prod●…sse . p●…r d●…inum . introeuntes autem ecclesiam p●…aecedentes canonici dicant usque ad introitum chori hanc antiphonam . domine in virtute tua laetabiter rex . finita antiphona metropolitanus cui in ecclesia expectanti ante altare per praedictos episcopos , rex consecrandus praesentabitur , ( f ) dicat hanc orationem sequentem . ( g ) ( h ) omnipotens deus , ●…stium moderator , qui samulum t●…um n. ad regni fastigium dignatus es provehere , concede quaesumus , ut à cunctis adversitatibus liberatus , & eccl , siasticae pacis dono muniatur , & ad aeternae pacis gaudia , te donante , pervenire mereatur . per dominum . q●…a oratione dicta ducant praedicti episcopi regem consecrandum ad sedendum in cathedra sibi praeparata in conspectu cathedrae archiepiscopi , & ibi sedebit donec archiepiscopus veniat cum sancta ampulla , cui venienti ass●…get rex ●…everentèr . q●…ando sacra ( i ) ampulla debeat v. nire . inter primam & tertiam debent venire monachi beati remigii processionaliter cum crucibus & cereis cum sacrosancta ampulla quam debet abbas reverentissimè deferre . sub cortina serica quatuor particis à quatuor monachis albis indutis sublevata . rex autem debet mittere de baronibus qui eam securè conducant , & cum venerit ad ecclesiam beati dion●…sii vel usque ad majorem januam ecclefiae propter turbam comprimentem , debet archiepiscopus super pilitio stola & capa sollempni indutus cum mitra & baculo , pastorali sua cruce praecedente , cum caeteris archiepiscopis & episcopis , baronibus , necnon & canonicis , si fieri potest , occurrere sanctae ampullae , & eam de manu abbatis r●…cipere , cum pollicitatione de reddendo bona side , ( k ) & sic ad a●…tare cum magna populi reverentia deferre , abbate & aliquibus de monachis pariter ( l ) cum comitantib●…s . caeteri verò monachis debeat expectare in ecclesia beati dionysii vel in capella beati nicholai , donec omma peracta fuerint , & quousque sa●…a ampulla fuerit reportata . quid susceptâ ampullâ agendum sit . ( m ) archiepiscopus ad missam se praeparat cum diaconibus , & subdiaconibus vestimentis insignioribus , & pallio ( n ) induendus , & in hunc modum indutus venit ( o ) proce●…ionaliter ad altare more solito , cui venienti , rex debet assurgere reverenter . cum autem venerit archiepiscopus ad altare , debet pro omnibus ecclesiis fibi subdi●…is à rege haee petere . ammonitio ad regem dicendo ità . a vobis perdonari petimus ut unicuique de nobis & ecclesiis nobis commissis , canonicum privilegium , ac debitam legem atque justitiam conservetis , & defensionem exhibeatis , sicnt rex in regno suo debet unicuique episcopo , & ecclesiae sibi com●…issae . responsio regis ad episcopos . promitto vobis & perdono , ( p ) quia unicuique de vobis , et ecclesiis vobis commissis , canonicum privilegium , et debitam legem atque justitiam ( q ) conservabo , et defensionem quantum potuero exhibebo domino adjuvante , sicut rex in suo regno unicuique episcopo , et ecclesiae sibi commissae per rectum exhibere debet . item haec dicit rex , & promittit & firmat juramento . haec populo christiano et mihi subdito , in christi nomine , promitto , in primis ut ecclesiae dei omnis populus christianus veram pacem nostro arbitrio in omni tempore servet ( r et superioritatem , jura , et nobilitates coronae franciae inviolabiliter custodiam , et illa nec transportato nec alienabo . ) item , ut omnes rdpacitates et omnes iniquitates omnibus gradibus , interdicam . item , ut in omnibus judiciis aequitatem et misericordiam praecipiam , ut mihi et vobis indulge at per suam misericordiam clemens , et misericors dominus . item , de terra mea ac iurisdictione mihi subdita universos haereticos ab ecclesia denotatos pro viribus bona fide exterminare studebo . haec omnia praedicta firmo juramento . tunc manum apponat libro , & librum osculetur . his factis ( s ) processionibus , statim incipiatur , te deum laudamus . sed secundum usum romanum , & aliquorum regnorum non dicitur , te deum , usque post intronizationem quae est post ( t ) orationem . sta , et retine , & videtur melius ibi dici quam hic . et duo praedicti episcopi dueunt regem per manus ante altare , qui prosternit se ante altare usque in finem , te deum . ( u ) postmodum surgit jam anteà praeparatis , & positis super altare , corona regia , gladio in vagina incluso , calcaribus aureis , sceptro deaurato , & virga ad mensuram unius cubiti vel amplius habente desuper manum eburneam . item caligis sericis & ( x ) jacinctinis per totum intextis liliis aureis , & tunica ejusdem coloris & ope●…is in modum tunicalis quo induuntur subdiaconi ad missam , necnon , & ( y ) socco prorsus ejusdem coloris & operis , qui est factus fe●…è in modum cappae sericae absque caperone , quae omnia abbas beati dionysii in francia de monasterio suo debet remis afferre , & stans ad altare custodire . tunc primo rex stans ante altare deponit vestes suas praeter tunicam sericam & camisiam apertas profundius ante & retro in pectore videlicet & inter scapulas ( z ) aperturis , tunicae sibi invicem connexis ansulis argenteis , et tunc in primis dicatur ab archiepiscopo oratio sequens . deus inenarrabilis auctor mundi . conditor generis humani , gubernator imperii , confirmator regni , qui ex utero fidelis amici tui patriarchae nostri abrahae praeelegisti regem saeculis profuturum , tu praesentem regem hunc n. cum exercitu suo per intercessionem omnium sanctorum , uberi benedictione locupleta , et in solium regnifirma stabilitate ( b ) connecta . visita eum sicut moysem in rubo , jesum nave in praelio , gedeon in agro , samuelem in templo . et illa eum benedictione siderea ac sapientiae tuae rore perfunde , quam beatus david in psalterio , salomon fili●… ejus , te remunerante , percepit è coelo . sis ei contra acies inimicorum lorica , in adversis galea , in prosperis patientia , in protectione clypeus sempiternus . et praesta ut gentes illi teneant fidem , proceres sui habeant pacem , diligant caritatem , a●…stineant se à cupiditate , loquantur justitiam , custodiant veritatem . et it à populus iste pullulet coalitus benedictione aeternitatis , ut semper maneant tripudiantes in pace victores . quod ipse praestare , ( c ) &c. qua ●…oratione dicta statim ibi à magno camerario franciae , regi dictae caligae calciantnr . et postmodum à duce burgundiae calcaria ejus pedibus astringuntur & statim tolluntur . benedictio super gladium . exaudi domine quaesumus preces nostras , & hunc gladium quo famulus tuus n. se accingi desiderat , majestatis tuae dextera ( d ) benedicere dignare , quatenus d●…fensio atque protectio possit esse ecclesiarum , viduarum , orphanorum , omniumque deo servienti●…n contra saevitiam paganorium , aliisque 〈◊〉 sit pavor , terror , et formido ( f ) postmodum r●…x , à solo archiepiscop●… , gladio accingitur , quo accincto , statim idem gladius discingitur et è vagina ab archiepiscopo ext●…itur , vaginâ super altare repos●…â , & datur ei ab archiepiscopo in manibus cum ista oratione ( g ) dic●…o quem rex in manu sua teneat cuspide elevato donec ( h ) a. confortare , &c. fuerit cantata & oratio sequens dicta per archiepiscopum . a●…ipe ( i ) hunc gladium cum d●…i ( k ) benedictione tibi collatum in quo per virtutem sancti spiritus ●…sistere et ejicere omnes inimicos tuos valeas , et cunctos sanctae dei ecclesiae adversarios , reg●…mque tibi commiss●…m tuta●… atque protegere castra dei per anxi●…ium invictissimi triumphatoris domini nostri jhesu christi . accipe inquam hunc gladium per manus nostras vice et authoritate sanctorum apostolorum cons●…cratas tibi regalit●…r im●…um , n●…que b●…dictionis officio in defensione sanctae dei eccl●…siae ordinatum divinitus . et esto memor de quo psalmista prophetavit dicens , accingere gladio tuo super femur tuum potentissime , u●… in hoc per eundem vim aequitatis exer●…as , ( l ) molam iniquitatis potenter destruas , et sanctam dei ecclesiam , ejusque fideles propugnes et protegas , nec minus sub fide ●…lsos quam christiani nominis hostes execreris ac destruas , viduas , et pupillos clem●…ntèr adjuves ac defendas , desolata restaures , r●…staurata conserves , ul●…aris injusta , confirmes bene disp●…sita , qua●…enus haec in agendo , virtutum triumpho gloriosus , justitiaeque cultor egregius cum mundi salvatore cujus ●…pum geris in nomine , sine fine mere aris regnare , qui cum patre , &c. ( m ) hic cantatur ista antiphona . confortare , et esto vir , et observa custodias domini dei tui , ut amb●…les in viis ejus et custodias ceremonias ejus , et cepta ejus et testimonià et judicia ( n ) quocunque te verteris confirmet te deus . cantata ista antiphona dicitur ista oratio post dationem gladii . deus qui providentia tua coelestia simul et terrena moderaris , propitiare christianissimo regi nostro , ut omnis ●…tium s●…orum forti●… virtute gladii spiritualis frangatur , à ( o ) t●… pro illo pugnante penitus conter●…tur , per dominum . gladium debet rex humiliter recipere de manu archiepiscopi , et devote flexis genibus offerre ad altare , et statim genibus regis in te●…am positis resumere de manu archiepiscopi , et ( p ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seneschallo franciae , si seneschallum hab●…it , sin autem , cui voluerit de baronibus ad po●…m ante se & in ecclesia usque in finem missae , et post missam usque ad palatium tradito per regem gladio , ut dictum est , dicat archiepiscopus hanc orationem . prospi●… ( a ) omnipotens deus serenis obtutibus hunc gloriosum regem n. et sicut benedixisti abraham , isaac & jacob , ( b ) & sic illum largis benedictionibus spiritualis graciae , cum omni plenitudine potentiae irrigare atque perfundere dignare . tribue ●…i de rore coeli , & de pinguedine terrae , habundantiam fr●…menti , vini & olei , & omnium frugum opulentiam , ex largitate divini muneris longa per tempora , ut illo regnante sit sanitas corporum in patria , & pax inviolata sit in regno , et dignitas gloriosa regalis palatii maximo splendore regiae potestatis oculis omnium fulgeat , luce clarissima ( c ) choruscare atque splendere , quasi splendidissima fulgura maximo perfusa lumine vid●…tur . tribue ei omnipotens deus ut sit fortissimus protector patriae , & consolator ecclesiarum atque coenobiorum sanctorum maxima cum pietate regalis munificentiae , atque ut sit fortissimus regum , triumphator hostium ad opprimendas rebelles & ( d ) paganas nationes . sitque suis inimicis satis terribilis prae maxima fortitudine regalis potentiae , optimatibus quoque atque praecelsis proceribus ac fidelibus sui regni sit munificus , & amabilis , & pius , ut ab omnibus timeatur atque diligatur . reges quoque de lumbis ejus per successiones temporum futurorum egrediantur , regnum hoc regere totum . et post gloriosa tempora atque faelicia praesentis vitae , gaudia sempiterna in perpetua beatitudine habere mereatur . quod ipse praestare ( e ) dignetur , &c. alia benedictio . benedic domine quaesumus hunc principem nostrum quem ad salutem populi nobis à te credimus esse concessum , fac eum esse annis multiplicem , vigenti atque salubri corporis robore vigentem , & ad senectutem optatam , atque demùm ad finem pervenire faelicem . sit nobis fiducia eam obtinere gratiam pro populo quam aaron in tabernaculo , helyseus in fluvio , ezechias in lectulo , zacharias vetulus impetravit in templo ; sit illi regendi virtus atque auctoritas , qualem josue suscepit in castris , gedeon sumpsit in praeliis , petrus accepit in clave , paulus est usus in dogmate . et ita pastorum cura tuum proficiat in ovile , sicut isaac profecit in fruge te , jacob dilatatus est in grege . quod ipse ( f ) , &c. oratio . deus pater aeternae gloriae sit adjutor tuus et protector , et omnipotens benedicat tibi , preces tuas in cunctis exaudiat , & vitam tuam longitudine dierum adimpleat , thronum regni tui jugitèr firmet , & gentem populumque tuum in aeternum conservet , & inimicos tuos confufione induat , & super te sanctificatio christi floreat , ut qui tibi tribuit in terris imperium ipse in coelis conferat praemium , qui vivit , &c. hucusque de gladio . posthaec praeparatur unctio in hunc modum . sed quamdiu ab archiepiscopo paratur incipit cantor . resp. gentem francorum inclytam , simul cum rege nobili , beatus remigius sumpto , caelitùs crismate , sacro , santificavit gurgite , atque spiritus sancti , plenè ditavit munere , vers. qui dono singularis gratiae in columba apparuit & divinum crisma caelitus pontifici ministravit . vers. ora pro nobis beate remigi . resp. ut digni efficiamur promiss●… us christi . oratio . oremus . deus , qui populo tuo aeternae salutis beatum remigium ministrum tribuist●… , praesta , quaesumus , ut quem doctorem vitae habuimus in terris , intercessorem babere mereamur in coelis per christum . ( g ) crisma in altari ponitur super patenam consecratam , & archiepiscopus sacrosanctam ampullam , quam abbas beati remigii attulit super altare , debet aperire , & inde cum acu aurea , aliquantulum de oleo caelitus misso attrahere , & crismati parato in patena diligentiùs cum digito immiscere ad inungendum regem , qui solus inter universos reges terrae hoc glorioso praesulg●…t privilegio , ( h ) ut oleo caelitùs misso singularitèr inungatur . paratâ unctione qua rex debet inungi ab archiepiscopo , debent dissolvi ansulae aperturarum vestimentorum regis ante et retrò , et genibus regis in terram positis , prostrato super faldistorium ; archiepiscopo etiam consimiliter prostrato . duo archiepiscopi vel episcopi incipiunt letaniam . tunc archiepiscopus ab accubitu surgens , et ad regem consecrandum se volvens , baculum pastoralem cum finistra tenens dicat hos versus , choro post eum quem●…ibet integrè repetente . vt hune praesentem famulum tuum n. in regem coronandum benedicere digneris . te rogamus audi nos . secundo dicit . benedicere , & sublimare digneris , te rogamus . tertio dicit benedicere , sublimare , & consecrare digneris , te rogamus . quo dicto , et à choro responso , redit ad accubitum , episcopis resumentibus et prosequentibus letaniam . ut regibus , & principibus christianis pa●…m & concordiam donare digneris . te rogamus audi nos . ut cunctum populum christianum precioso sanguine tuo redemptum conservare digneris . te rogamus audi nos . ut cunctis fidelibus defunctis requiem aeternam donare digneris . te rogamus audi nos . ut nos exaudire digneris . te rogamus audi nos . fili dei. te rogamus audi nos . agnus dei qui t●…llis peccata mundi , parce notis domine . agnus dei qui tollis peccata mundi , ex●…di nos domine . agnus dei qui tollis peccata mundi , miserere notis . christe audi nos . kyrie eleyson . christe eleyson . kyrie eleyson . letania finita , metropolitanus surgens , rege et episcopis prostratis manentibus , annunciat . pater noster . et ne nos . salvum fac ser●… tuum . deus meus , sperantem in te . esto ei , domine , turris fortitudinis . a facie inimici . nihil proficiat 〈◊〉 in eo . et filius iniquitatis non opponat nocere ei . domine exaudi . et clamor . dominus ●…obiscum . et cum spiritu tuo . orem●… . oratio . praetende quaesumus domine huic famulo tuo n. dexteram coelestis auxilii , ut te toto corde perquirat , & quae dignè postulat assequi mereatur . per dom. resp. amen . alia oratio . actiones nostras , quaesumus , domine aspirando praeveni , & adjuvando prosequere , ut cuncta nostra operatio & o●…tio , à te semper incipiat , & per te coepta finiatur . per dom. item archiepiscopus debet super regem dicere has oratiotiones , antequam eum inungat , et debet sedere sicut sedet quando consecrat episcopos . te invocamus domine , san●…e pater omnipotens , aeternae deus , ut hunc famulum tuum n. quem tuae divinae dispensationis providentia in primordio plasmatum usque in hunc praesentem diem , juvenili flore laetantem crescere con●…i : cum tuae pietatis dono ditatum , plenumque gratia veritatis de dic in diem coram deo & hominibus ad meliora semper proficere fa●… , ut summi regiminis solium , gratiae supcrnae largitate gaudens suscipiat , & misericordiae tuae muro ab hostium adversitate undique munitus , & plebem sibi commissam cum pace propitiationis , & virtute victoriae regere mereatur , per dominum . alia oratio . deus qui populis tuis virtute consulis & amore dominaris , da huic famulo tuo spiritum sapientiae tuae cum regimine disciplinae , ut tibi toto corde devotus , in regni regimine semper maneat idoneus , tuoque munere ipsius temporibus s●…ritas 〈◊〉 dirigatur , & in tranquillitate devotio 〈◊〉 permaneat , ut in bonis operibus perseverans , ad aeternum r●…m te duce valeat pervenire . per. alia oratio . in diebus ejus oriatur omnibus aeq●…itas & justitia , amicis adjutorium , inimicis obstaculum , humilibus solatium , elatis corr●…ctio , divitibus doctrina , pauperibus pietas , peregrinis pacificatio , propriis in patria pax & securitas , unumquemque secundum suam mensuram moderatè g●…bernans , seipsum sedulus discat , ut tua irrigatus compunctione toto populo tibi placita praebere vitae possit exempla , & per viam veritatis cum grege gradiens sibi su●…dito opes frugales habundanter acquirat , simulque ad salutem non solum corporum sed etiam cordium à te concessam , cuncta accipiat . sicque in te cogitatum animi consiliumque omne componens , plebis gubernacula cum pace simul & sapientia semper invenire videatur . teque auxiliante praesentis vitae prosperitatem et prolixitatem percipiat , & per tempora bona vsque ad summam senectutem perveniat , hujusque fragilitatis finem perfectum ab omnibus vitiorum vinculis tuae pietatis largitate liberatus , & infinitae prosperitatis praemia perpetua angelorumque aeter●…a comm●…rcia consequ●…tur . per dom. consecratio regis . omnipotens sempiterne deus creator ac gubernator coeli , & terrae conditor , & dispositor angelorum et hominum , rex regum , et dominus dominorum , qui abrabam fidelem fam●…lum tuum de hostibus triumphare fecisti , moysi et josue populo tuo praelatis multiplicem victoriam tribuisti , humilem quoque 〈◊〉 tuum david regni fastigio sublimasti , cumque de ore leonis , ●…t de manu bestiae atque goliae , sed et de gladio maligno saul et omni●…m inimicorum ●…jus liberasti , et solomonem sapientiae pacisque in●…ffabili munere ditasti ; respice propitius ad preces nostrae humilitatis , et super bunc famulum tuum n. quem supplici devoti devotione in hujus regni regem pariter eligim●…s , benedictionum tuarum dona multiplica , eumque dextera potentiae tuae ubique circunda , quatenus praedicti abrahae fidelitate firmatus , moysi mansuetudine fretus , josue fortitudine munitus , david humilitate exaltatus , solomonis sapientia decoratus , tibi in omnibus complaceat , et per tramitem justitiae inoffenso gressu semper incedat , et totius regni ecclesiam deinceps cum plebibus sibi annexis ita enutriat ac doceat , muniat et instruat , contraque omnes visibiles et invisibiles hostes idem potenter regaliter que tuae virtutis regimen administret , ut regale solium videlicet [ a ] saxonum , merciorum , nordanchimbrorum sceptra non deserat , sed ad pristinae fidei pacisque concordiam eorum animos tè opitulante reformet , ut utrorumque horum populorum debita subjectione fultus , cum digno amore glorificatus per longum vitae spatium paternae apicem gloriae tua miseratione unitum stabilire et gubernare mereatur , tuae qu●…que protectionis galea munitus , et scuto insuperabili jugiter protectus , armisque coelestibus circundatus , optabilis victoriae triumphum de hostibus faelicitèr capiat , terroremque suae potentiae infidelilus inferat , et pacem militantibus laetantèr reportet , virtutibus necnon quibus prae●…atos fideles tuos decorasti , multipliei honoris benedictione condecora , et in regimine regni sublimiter colloca , et oleo gratiae spiritus sancti perunge . per dominum nostrum qui virtute crucis tartara destruxit , regnoque diaboli superato , ad coelos victor asoendit . in quo potestas omnis regnumque consistit et victoria , qui est gloria humilium et vita sal●…sque populorum , qui tecum , &c. hîc inungatur inunctione crismatis et olei de caelo missi priùs ab archiepiscopo confecti in patena sicut superius dictum est . inungat autem archiepiseopus eum primò in summitate capitis de dicta unctione , secundò in pectore , tertiò inter scapulas , quartò in compagine brachiorum et dicat cuilibet unctioni . ungo te in regem de oleo sanctificato in nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti . dicant omnes . amen . dum haec unctio agitur cantent assistentes hanc antiphonam . unxerunt solomonem sadoch sacerdos , et nathan propheta regem in gyon , et accedentes laeti dixerunt , vivat r●… in aeternum . facta unctione et cantata antiphona , dicat archiepiscopus hanc orationem . christe perunge hunc regem in regimen undè unxisti sacerdotes , reges , ac prophetas , acmartyres qui per fidem vicerunt regna , operati sunt justitiam , atque adepti sunt promissiones . tua sacratissima unctio super caput ejus defluat , atque ad interiora descendat , et cordis illius intima penetret , et promissionibus quas adepti sunt victoriosissimi reges , tua gratia dignus efficiatur quatenus et in praesenti saeculo faelicitèr regnet , et ad eorum consortium in coelesti regno perveniat per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui unctus est oleo laetitiae p●…ae consortibus suis ; et virtute crucis potestates aerias debellavit , tartara deftruxit , regnumque diaboli supera●…it , et ad coelos victor ascendit , in cujus victoria * manu omnis gloria et potestas consistunt ; et tecum vivit et regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . amen . alia oratio . deus electorum fortitudo et humilium celsitudo , qui in primordio per eff●…onem diluvii mundi crimina castigare voluisti , et per columbā ramum olivae portantem pacē terris redditam demonstrasti . iterumque sacerdotem aaron famulum tuū per unctionem olei sa●…dotem sanxisti , et postea per hujus unguenti infusionem ad regendū populum ifraeliticum sacerdotes , reges , ac prophetas perfecisti , vultumque ecclesiae in oleo exhilarandum per propheticam famuli tui vocem david , esse praedixisti : ita quaesumus , omnipotens deus pater , ut per hujus creaturae pinguedinē hunc servum tuum sanctificare benedictione digneris , eumque in similitudinem columbae pacem simplicitatis populo sibi commisso praestare , et exempla aaron in dei servitio diligenter imitari , regnique f●…stigia in consiliis scientiae et aequitate judicii semper assequi , vultnmque hilaritatis per hunc olei unctionem , tuamque benedictionem te adjuvante toti piebi paratum habere faciat . per dominum . alia oratio . deus dei filius dominus noster jesus christus , qui à patre ●…leo exultationis unctus est prae particibus suis , ipse per praesentem sacri unguinis in●…usionem spiritus paracliti super caput tuum infundat benedictionem , eandemque usque ad interiora cordis tui penetrare faciat , quatenus hoc visibili et tractabili dono invisibilia percipere , et temporali regno justis moderaminibus executo , 〈◊〉 cum ●…o regnare merearis . qui solus sine peccato rex regum vivit , et gloriatur cum deo patre in unitate ejusdem spiritus sancti deus . per , &c. * his dictis orationibus connectuntur ansulae aperturarum vestimenti regis ab archiepiscopo vel sacerdotibus vel diaconibus propter unctionem . * ●…enedictio cujuscunque regalis ornamenti . deus rex regum , & dominus dominantium , per quem reges regnant , & legum conditores jura decernunt , dignare propitius benedicere hocregale ornamentum , & praesta ut famulus tuus rex noster qui illud portaturus est ornamento bonorum morum & sanctarum actionum in conspectu tuo fulgeat , & post temporal●…m vitam aeternam quae tempus non habet sine fine possideat , &c. et tunc à camerario franciae induitur tunica * jacinctina , & desuper so●…o ita quod dexteram manum habet liberam in * apertura socci , & super soccum elevatum sicut elevatur casula sacerdoti . tunc ab archiepiscopo ungantur sibi manus de praedicto oleo caelitiùs misso ut supra , & dicat archiepiscopus . ungantur manus istae de oleo sanctificato unde uncti fuerunt reges , & prophetae , & sicut unxit samuel david in regem ut sis benedictus , & constitutus rex in regno isto quem dominus deus tuus dedit tibi ad regendum , & gubernandum . quod ipse praestare , &c. deinde dicat arichiepiscopus hanc orationem . deus qui es justorum gloria , & misericordia peccatorum , qui ●…isisti filium tuum preciocissimo sanguine suo genus humanum redimere , qui conteris bella , pugnator es in te sperantium , & sub cujus arbitrio omninm regnorum continetur potestas , te humilitèr deprecamur ut praesentem famulum tuum n. in tua misericordia confidentem in praesenti sede regali benedicas , eique popitius adesse digneris ; ut qui tua expetit protectione defendi , omnibus hostibus sit fortior . fac eum domine beatum esse , & victorem de inimicis suis. corona eum corona justitiae & pietatis , ut ex toto corde , et tota mente in te credens tibi deserviat , sanctam ecclesiam tuam defendat , & sublimet , populumque à te sibi commissum justè regat , et nullis insidiantibus malis eum injustitia convertat . accend●… domine cor ejus ad amorem gratiae tuae , per hoc unctionis oleum , unde unxisti sacerdotes , reges et prophetas , quatenus j●…stitiam diligens per tramitem similitèr incedens justitiae , post peracta à te deposita , in regali excellentia annorum curricula perv●…re ad aeterna gaudia mereatur . per ●…undem , &c. facta autem manuum unctione , inungat rex ante pectus . posteà si voluerit rex cyrotecas subtiles induere ficut faci●…nt episcopi dum consecrantur , ob reverentiam sanctae unctionis ne manibus nudis aliquid tangant ; primò ab archiepiscopo benedicentur cyrotecae iu haec verba sequentia . oratio . omnipotens creator qui homini ad imaginem tuam creato manus digitis discretionis insignitas tanquam organum intelligentem ad rectè operandum dedisti , quas fervari mundas praecepisti , ut in eis anima digna portaretur , & tua in eis dignè contractarentur mysteria ; benedicere , & sanctificare digneris haec manuum tegumenta , ut quicunqne reges hiis cum humilitate manus suas velare voluerint , tam cordis quàm operis munditiam tua misericordia subministret . per christum . et aspergantur cyrotecae aqua benedicta , deinde imponantur manibus regis per archiepiscopum dicentem . circunda domine manus hujus famuli tui n. munditia novi hominis qui de coelo descendit , ut quemadmodum jacob dilectus tuus pelliculis * edorum opertis manibus paternam benedictionem oblato patri cibo potuque gratissimo impetravit , sic & iste gratiae tuae benedictionem impetrare mereatur . per eundem dominum nostrum jesum christum qui in similitudinem carnis peccati tibi obtulit semetipsum . amen . vel si rex maluerit cyrotec●… non babere , tunc facta manuum unctione dictisque orationibus ad eam spectantibus episcopi adsistentes eum cotone manus regis abstergant , et mica panis vel cum sale fricent , deinde lavent sibi manus , quibus lotis et manibus etiam archiepiscopi , benedicat archiepiscopus annulum sic dicens . oremus . oratio . deus totius creaturae principium & finis , creator & conservator humani generis , dator gratiae spiritualis , largitor aeternae salutis in quo clausa sunt omnia , tu domine ●…uam emitte benedictionem super hunc annulum , ipsumque benedicere , et sanctificare digneris , ut qui per eum famulo tuo honoris insignia concedis , virtutum praemia largiaris , quo discretionis habitum semper retineat , & verae fidei fulgore praefulgeat , sanctae quoque trinitatis armatus munimine miles inexpugnabilis acies diaboli constantèr evincat , & sibi veram salutem mentis & corporis proficiat . per christum . * benedictio annuli . deus coelestium terrestriumque conditor creaturarum , atque humani generis benignissimus reparator , dator spiritualis gratiae , omniumque benedictionum largitor , qui justitiam tuae legis in cordibus credentium digito tuo , id est , unigenito tuo scribis . tui magi in egipti resistere non valentes continuabant dicentes , digitus dei hic est , immitte spiritum sanctum tuum paraclitum de coelis super hunc annulum arte fabrili decoratum , & sublimitatis tuae potentiae ità eum emundare digneris , ac omni nequitia lividi venenosique serpentis procul expulsa metallum à te bono conditore creatum * munimine à cunctis sordibus inimici maneat . amen . alia oratio . benedic domine & sanctifica annulum istum , et mitte super eum septiformem spiritum tuum quo famulus tuus eo fruens annulo fidei subarratus , virtute altissimi sine peccato custodiatur , & omnes benedictiones quae in scripturis divinis reperiuntur super eum copiosè descendant , ut quaecunque sanctificaverit sanctificata permaneant , et quaecunque benedixerit , spirituali benedictione benedicantur . per , &c. deindè datur ei ab archiepiscopo sceptrum in manu dextera , et virga in sinistra , et in datione sceptri et virgae dicentur istae orationes . sed notandum , antequam dantur sceptrum et uirga , datur annulus , et in datione annuli dicitur haec oratio . hic detur annulus , et dicatur . accipe annulum signaculum videlicet fidei sanctae , solidatem regni , augmentum potentiae per quae scias triumphali potentia hostes repellere , haereses destruere , subditos coadunare , & catholicae fidei perseverabilitati connecit . oratio post annulum deus cujus est omnis potestas & dignitas da famulo prosperum suae dignatatis effectum , in qua te remunorante permaneat , semperque timeat , tibique jugitèr placere contendat . per dominum . dato annulo , st●…tim post detur sceptrum in manu dextera , et dicatur haec oratio . accipe sceptrum regiae potestatis insigne , virgam scilicèt regni , rectam virgam virtuti●… , qua te ipsum bene regas , sanctam ecclesiam populumque videlicet christianum tibi à deo commissum regia virtute ab improbis defendas , pravos corrigas , rectos pacifices , & ut viam rectam tenere possint tuo juvamine di●…igas , quatenus de tempo●…ali regno ad aeternum regnum pervenias , ipso adj●…vante cujus regnum , imperiū , fine fine permanet in saecu●…a saeculorum . oratio post sceptrum datum . omnium domine fons bonorum , cunctorum deus institutor profect●…um , tribue quaesumus famulo tuo n. adeptam bene regere dignitatem , & à te sibi praestitum honorem dignare corroborare , honorifica eum prae cunctis regibus terrae , uberi eum benedictione locupleta , & in solio regni firma stabilitate consolida , visita eum in sobole , praesta ei prolixitatem vitae , in diebus ejus oriatur justitia , ut cum jocunditate , & laetitia aeterno glorietur in regno . per dominum . post statim datur ei virga in manu sinistra , et dicitur . accipe virgam virtutis atque aequitatis , qua intelligas mulcere pios , et terrere reprobos , errantibus viam dare , lapsisque manum porrigere , disperdasque superbos , & releves humiles , ut aperiat tibi hostium jesus christus dominus noster , qui de ipso ait , ego sum hostium , ●…er me si quis 〈◊〉 salvabitur . et qui est clavis david , & sceptrum domus israel , qui aperit , & nemo claudit , claudit & nemo aperit . sit tibi adjutor qui adduxit vinctum de domo carceris sedentem in tenebris , & umbra mortis , ut in omnibus sequi merearis eum de quo propheta david cecinit , sedes tua d●…us in saeculum saeculi , virga aequitatis , virga regni tui , & imiteris eum qui dixit , diligas justitiam , et odio habeas iniquitatem , proptereà unxit te deus , deus tuus oleo laetitiae ad exemplum illius , quem ante saecula unxerat prae particibus suis jesum christum dom. nostrum . benedictio coronae . deus * tuorum corona fidelium , qui in capitibus eorum ponis coronam de lapide precioso , benedic , et sanctifica coronam istam , quatenus sicut ipsa diversis preciosisque lapidibus adornatur , sic famula tua largiente gratia repleatur . per d. post istam orationem convocantur pares ( a ) nomine suo à cancellario suo si praesens est . sin autem , ab archiepiscopo . primò ( b ) laici , poste clerici , quibus vocatis & circumstantibus archiepiscopus accipit de altari coronam regiam , & solus imponit eam capiti regis qua posita , omnes pares tam clerici quam laici manum apponunt ( c ) coronam , & eam undique sustentant , & soli pares . tunc archiepiscopus dicit istam orationem antequam coronam situet in capite , sed eam ( d ) tenet satis altè ante caput regis . oratio . coronet te deus corona gloriae atque justitiae honore , et opere fortitudinis , ut per officium nostrae benedictionis cum fide recta et multiplici bonorum operum fructu ad coronam pervenias regni perpetui , ipso largiente , cujus regnum et imperium permanet in saecula saeculorum . qua oratione dicta ponendo coronam in capite , * dicat archiepiscopus . accipe coronam regni in nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti , ut spreto antiquo hoste , spretisque contagiis vitiorum omnium , sic justitiam , misericordiam , et judicium diligas , et ita justè et misericorditer et pic vivas , ut ab ipso domino nostro jesu christo in consortio sanctorum aeterni regni coronam percipias . accipe inquam coronam quam sanctitatis gloriam et honorem , et opus fortitudinis intelligas signare , et per hanc te participem ministerii nostri non ignores , ità ut sicut nos in interioribus pastores , rectoresque animarum intelligimur , ( b ) itàut contrà omnes adversitates ecclesiae christi defensor assistas , regnique tibi à deo dati , & per officium nostrae ( c ) benedictionis in vic●… apostolorum , omniumque sanctorum regimini tuo commissi utilis executor , perspicuusque regnator semper appareas , ut inter gloriosos athletas virtutum gemmis ornatus , et praemio sempiternae faelicitatis coronatus , cum redemptore ac s●…lvatore nostro christo cujus nomen vicemque gestare crederis , sine fine glorieris ; qui vivit , & imper at de●… cum deo patre in saecula saeculorum . amen . oratio post coronam . deus perpetuitatis , dux virtutum , cunctorum hostium uictor , benedic hunc famulum tuum tibi caput suum inelinantem , & prolixa sanitate , & prosperafaelicitate eum conserva , et ubicunque pro quibus auxilium tuum invocaverit , citò assis , & protegas ac defendas , tribue ei quaesumus domine divitias gloriae tuae , comple in bonis desiderium ejus , corona eum in miseratione , et misericordia , tibique deo pia devotione jugitèr famuletur . per d. statim post istam orationem dicatur ista benedictio . extendat omnipotens deus dexteram suae benedionis , & circundet te muro faelicitatis ac custodia tua protectionis sanctae mariae ac beati petri apostolorum principis sanctique dyonisii ( e ) atque omnium sanctorum intercedentibus meritis . amen . alia benedictio . indulgeat tibi dominus omnia peccata quae gessisti , & tribuat tibi gratiam & misericordiam quam humilitèr ab eo deposcis , & liberet te ab adversitatibus cunctis , & ab omnibus inimicorum omnium visibilium & invisibilium insidiis . amen . alia benedictio . angelos suos bonos qui te semper & ubique praecedant committentur , & subsequantur ad custodiam tui ponat , & à peccato , sive gladio , & ab omnium periculo●…um discrimine sua potentia liberet . amen . alia benedictio . inimicos tuos , ad pacis , caritatisque benignitatem covertat , & bonis omnibus te gratiosum , & amabilem faciat , pertinaces quoque in tui insectatione & odio in●…usione salutari induat , super te autem participatio & sanctificatio sempiterna floreat . amen . alia benedictio . victoriosum te atque triumphatorem de invisibilibus atque visilibus hostibus semper efficiat , & sancti nominis sui timorem , paritèr & amorem continuum cordi tuo infundat , et in fide recta ac bonis operibus perseverabilem reddat , & pace in diebus tuis concessâ cum palma victoriae , te ad perpetuum regnum perducat . amen . alia benedictio . et qui te voluit super populum suum constituere regem , ut in praesenti saeculo foelicem aeternae foelicitatis tribuat esse consortem . amen . quod ipse praestare , &c. alia benedictio dic●…nda super eum ( a ) benedic domine hunc regem nostrnm qui regna omnium regum à saeculo moderaris . amen . alia benedictio . et tali eum benedictione glorisica , ut davidica t●…neat sublimitate sceptru●… salutis , & sanctificae propitiationis munere reperiatur locupletatus . amen . alia benedictio . da ei t●…o speramine cum mansuetudine ita regere populum , sicut solomonem fecisti regnum obtinere pacificum . amen . alia benedictio . tibi cum timore sit subditus , tibique militet cum quiete , sit tuo clypeo protectus , cum proceribus , & ubique gratia tua victor existat . amen . alia benedictio . honorifica eum prae cunctis regibus gentium , foelix populis dominetur , & foelicitèr eum nationes adornent , vivat inter gentium nationes magnanimus . amen . alia benedictio . sit in judiciis aequitatis singularis , locupletet eum tua praedives dextera , frugiferam obtineat patriam , & ejus beris tribuas profutura . amen . alia benedictio . piaesta ei prolixitatem vitae per tempora , ut in diebus ejus oriatur justicia , à te robustum teneat regiminis solium , & cum jocunditate & judicio aeterno glorietur regno . q●…od ipse p●…aestare , &c. alia cratio . omnipotens deus det tibi de rore coeli , & de pinguedine terrae abundantiam frumenti , vini , & olei , & serviant tibi populi , & adorent te tribus , esto dominus fratrum tuorum , & incurventur ante te filii matris tuae , & qui benedixe●…it tibi benedictionibus repleatur , & qui maledixerit tibi maledictionibus repleatur , et deus e●…it adjutor tuus . alia oratio . omnipotens benedicat tibi benedictionibus coeli desuper in montibus , & collibus , benedictionibus abyssi jacentibus deorsum , benedictionibus uberum , et uvarum pomorumque , benedictiones patrum antiquorum abraham , isaac , et jaco●… , confortatae sint super te per dominum . alia oratio . benedic domine fortitudinem principis , opera manuum illius suscipe , et benedictione tua terra ejus de pomis repleatur de fructu coeli 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 atque abyssi subjacentis , de fructu solis et lunae , et de vertice antiquorum montium , de pomis aeternorum collium , et de frugibus terrae , et de plenitudine ejus ; benedictio illius qui apparuit in rubo veniat super caput ejus , et plena sit benedictio domini in filiis ejus , et tingat in oleo pedem suum , cornua rinoceruntis cornua illius , in ipsis ventilabit gentes usque ad terminos terrae , quia ascensor coeli auxiliator suus in sempiternum fiat . per d. deinde coronatus rex , et ducatur per manum ab archiepiscopo , concomitantibus paribu●… , tam praelatis quàm laicis , de altari per chorum usque ad solium jam ante à praeparatum . et dum rex ad solium venerit archiepiscopus ipsum collocet in sede et hic regis status designatur , et dicat archiepiscopus . sta , et retine amodo statum quem huc ●…aterna successione tenuisti , hae●… editario jure tibi delega●…um per auctoritatem dei omnipotentis , & per praesentem traditionem nostram , omnium scilicet episcoporum caeterorumque servorum dei. et quanto clerum propinquiorem sacris altaribus prospicis ; tanto ei potiorem in locis congruentibus honorem impendere memineris , quatenus mediator dei & hominum , te mediatorem cleri & plebis constituat . hic faciat eum sedere archiepisc. tenendo eum per manum . in hoc regni solio confirmet & in regno aeterno secum regnare faciat , jesu●… christus dominus noster rex regum , & dominus dominantium . qui cum deo patre , &c. secundum usum aliquorum , maximè secundum usum romanorum post intronizationem & non ante , metropolitanus inchoat , canonicis prosequentilus . te deum laudamus . ( d ) quo finito , dicit super regem . v●…rs . firmetur manus tua & exaltetur dextera tua . resp. justitia & judicium praeparatio sedis tuae . domine exaudi . et c●…amor . dominus vobiscum . et cum spiritu tuo , oremus . oratio . deus qui victrices moysi manus in oratione firmasti , qui quamvis aetate * latesceret infatigabili sanctitate pugnabat , ut dum amalech iniquus vincitur , dum prophanus nationum populus subjugatur , exterminatis alienigenis haereditatituae posfessio copiosa serviret , opus manuum nostrarum pia mater oratio●…is exauditione confirma . habemus & nos apud te , sancte pater , dominum salvatorem , qui pro nobis manus suas tetendit in cruce , per quem etiam precamur altissime , ut ejus potentia suffragante , universorum hostium frangatur impiet as , populusque tuus cessante formidine te solum timere ( e ) consistat . per eundem , &c. ( f ) hiis expletis archiepiscopus cum paribus coronam sustentantibus regem talitèr infignitum & deductum in solium fibi praeparatum sericis stratum , & ornatum , ubi collocavit eum in sede eminenti , unde ab omnibus possit videri . quem in sede sua talitèr residentem , mox archiepiscopus mitrâ depositâ osculatur ●…um dice●…s . vivat rex in aeternum . et post eum episcopi & laici pares qui ejus coronam sustentant , hoc idem dicentes . ( a ) his expletis manebit rex sedens in suo solio , donec regina suerit consecrata , quâ consecratâ & ad suam sedem reducta , missa à cantore primo & succentore chorum servantibus inchoetur , & suo ordine decantetur . o●…atio pro rege . quaesumus omnipotens deus , ut famulus tuus rex noster n. 〈◊〉 tua miseratione regni suscepit gubernacula , virtutum 〈◊〉 ●…mnium percipiat incrementa , quibus decentèr ornatus , & vitiorum monstra devitare , & hostes superare , & ad te qui via , veritas & vita ●…sgratiosus valeat pervenire . per dominum . secreta . munera quaesumus domine oblata sanctifica , & ut nobis 〈◊〉 tui co●…pus & sanguis fiant , & n. regi nostro ad obtinendam anim●… corporisque salutem , & ad peragendum injunctum officium te largiente usquequaque proficiant . per , &c. ( b ) postcommunio . haec domine oratio salutaris fam●…lum tuum n. regem nostrum ab omnibus tueatur adversis ; quatenus & eccl●…siasticae pa●…is obtineat tranquillitatem , post illius temporis decursum ad aernam perveniat haereditatem . per dominum , &c. quando legitur evangelium , rex , & regina debent deponere coronas suas . notandum , quod lecto evangelio , major inter archiepiscopos & episcopos accipit librum evangelii , & defert domino regi ad deosculandum , & postea reginae , & postea domino archiepiscopo missam celebranti . post offertorium pares deducunt regem ad altare , coronam ejus sustinentes . rex autem debet offerre panem unum . vinum in urceo argenteo . tresdecem bisantos aureos , & regina similiter . in eundo autem & redeundo gladius nudus defertur coram eo . finita missa iter●…m pares adducunt regem coram altari , & communicat corpus & sanguinem domini , de manu domini archiepiscopi missam celebrantis . sed notandum est , quod ille qui dedit ei evangelium ad deosculandum debet post pax domini , accipere pacem ab archiepiscopo missam celebrante & deferre regi cum oris osculo , & reginae ( a ) in libro . et post eum omnes archiepiscopi , & episcopi , unus post alium , dant osculum pacis regi in suo solio residenti . missa finita deponit archiepiscopus coronam de capite regis , & expoliato rege de insignioribus vestimentis , & aliis indutis , iterùm imponit capiti suo archiepiscopus aliam coronam minorem , & sic vadit ad palatium nudo gladio praecedente . et sciendum , quod ejus camisia propter sanctam unctionem debet comburi . de ampullae reductione . sciendum , quod rex debet recipere de baronibus suis nobilioribus & fortioribus in die coronationis suae in aurora diei ( b ) mittere apud sanctum remigium pro sancta ampulla , & illi debent jurare abbati & ecclesiae , quod dictam sanctam ampullam bona fide ducent & reducent ad sanctam ecclesiam beati remigii . abbas autem hoc facto , debet sanctam ampullam afferre sicut superius est notatum . finita consecratione & missa , debent iterùm iidem barones reducere sanctam ampullam usque ad sanctum remigium honorificè & securè , & eam restituere loco suo . ( c ) ordo ad reginam benedicendam . quae debet consecrari statim post factam consecrationem regis , debet ei parari solium in modum solii regis . debet tamen aliquantulum minus esse . debet autem regina adduci à duobus episcopis in ecclesiam , & rex in suo solio sedere , in omnibus ornamentis suis regiis si●…ut in solio residebat post inunctionem , & coronationem suam superiùs annotatam . regina autem adducta in ecclesiam debet prosterni ante altare , & prostrata debet orare , quâ elevatâ ab oratione ab episcopis , debet iterùm caput inclinare , & archiepiscopus hanc orationem dicere . oratio . adesto domine supplicationibus nostris , et quod humilitatis nostrae gerendum est mysterio tuae virtutis impleatur effectu . per dom. &c. deinde dicat archiepiscopus hanc orationem . omnipotens aeterne deus fons & origo totius bonitatis , qui foeminei sexus fragilitatem nequaquam reprobando , potiùs adversaris , sed dignantèr comprobando , potius eligis . et qui infirma mundi eligendo , fortia quaeque confundere decrevisti : quique etiam gloriae virtutisque tuae triumphum in manu judith foeminae , olim judaicae plebi de hoste saevissimo designare voluisti : respice quaesumus ad preces humilitatis nostiae . et super hanc famulamtuam n. quam supplici devotione in reginam eligimus , benedictionum tuarum dona multiplica . ●…amque dextera ●…uae potentiae semper & ubique circunda , si●…que bono muniminis tui undique firmitèr protecta , quat●…nus visibilis , seu invisibilis hostis nequitias triumpha●…èr expugnare valeat . ●…t una cum sara atque retecca , lya et rachel , beatis reverendisque foeminabus , fructu uteri sui faecundari seu gratulari mereatur , ad totius decorem regni , statumque sanctae dei ecclesiae regendum , necnon protegendum . per christum dominum nostrum , qui ex intemerato beatae mariae virginis alvo na●…ci , visitare , ac renovare dignatus est mundum : q●…i tecum vivit , &c. alia oratio . deus qui solus habes immortalitatem , lucemque inhabitas inaccessibilem , cujus providentia in sui dispositione non fallitur , quifecisti quae futura sunt , et vocas ea quae non sunt , qui suberbos aequo mode●…amine de principatu dejicis , atque humiles in sublime dignantèr provehis , ineffabilem misericordiam tuam supplices exoramus , ut sicut hester reginam , israelis causa salutis de captivitatis s●…ae compede solutam ad regis assueti thalamum , regnique sui consortium transire fecisti . ità hanc famulam tuam n. humilitatis nostrae benedictione christianae plebis gratia salutis ad dignam sublimemque copulam regis nost●…i misericorditèr transire concedas . et ut in soedere conjugii semper mane●…s pudica proximam virginitatis palmam continere queat ; tibique deo vivo & vero in omnibus & super omnia jugitèr placere desideret . et te inspirante quae tibi placita sunt toto corde pe●…ficiat . per dominum nostrum , &c. alia oratio . omnipotens sempiterne deus hanc samulam tuam coelesti benedictione sanctisica , et quam in adjutorio regni reginam eligimus , tua ubique sapientia doceat atque conforter , et ecclesia tua fidelem famulam semper agnoscat . per christum dominum nostrum . notandum , quod tunica reginae & camisia debent ●…sse apertè usque ad corrigiam , & dominus archiepiscopus debet inungere eam oleo sancto in capite , & in pectore , & dicere dum inungit in qualibet unctione . in nomine patris , et filii , et spiritus sancti , prosit tibi haec unctio olei in honorem et confirmationem aeternam in saecula saeculorum . amen . factia unctione , dicat archiepiscopus , oremus . spiritus sancti gratia humilitatis nostrae officio in te copiosa descendat , ut sicut manibus nost●…is indignis oleo materiali oblita pinguescis exterius ; ità ejus in visibili unguine delibuta impinguari mereare inte●…ius ejus spirituali unctione pe●…fectissimè semper imbuta , et illicita declinare tota mente , et spernere discas seu valeas , et utilia animae tuae jugitèr cogitare , optare , atque operare queas . alia oratio . deus pater aeternae gloriae sit tibi adjutor . et omnipotens benedicat ti●…i , preces tuas exaudiat , vitam tuam longitudine dierum adimpleat , benedictionem tuam jugi●…èr confi●…met , tecumomni populo in aeternum conservet , inimicos tuos confusione ind●…at , et super te christi sanctificatio ac h●…s olei infusio floreat . ut qui tibi in terris t●…ibuit benedictionem , ipse in coelis conferat meritum angelorum . benedicat te , et custodiat in vitam aeternam dominus noster jesus christus , qui vivit , &c. tunc debet ab archiepiscopo annulus immitti digito , et dicere . accipe annulum fidei signaculum sanctae trinitatis , quo possis omnes haereticas pravitates devitare , barbaras gentes , virtute tibi praestita ad agnitionem veritatis advocare . sequitur oratio , dominus uobiscum . oremus . deus cujus est omnis potestas & dignitas da famulae tuae signo tuae fidei prosperum suae dignitatis effectum in qua tibi semper firma maneat , tibique jugitèr placere contendat . per dominum , &c. post istam orationem datur ab archiepiscopo sceptrum modicum alterius modi quam sceptrum regium , et virga consimilis virgae regiae . et in tradendo dicat archiepiscopus . accipe virgam virtutis & aequitatis , & esto pauperibus misericors , & affabilis , viduis , pupillis , & orphanis diligentissimam curam exhibeas , ut omnipotens deus augeat tibi gratiam suam . qui vivit , & regnat . sequitur post dationem seeptriet virgae haec oratio . omnipotens sempiterne deus affluentem spiritum tuae benedictionis super famulam tuam nobis orantibus propitiatus infunde , utque per manus nostrae impositionem hodiè regina instituitur , sanctificatione tua digna , & electa permaneat , ut nunquam postmodum de tua gratia separetur indigna . per dominum . tunc debet ei imponi à solo archiepiscopo corona in capite ipsius , quam impositam sustentare debent undique barones . archiepiscopus autem debet dicere in impositionem orationem . accipe coronam gloriae et regalis excellentiae , honorem jocunditatis , ut splendida fulgeas , et aeternâ exultatione coroneris . ut scias te esse consortem regni , populoque dei semper prosperè consulas , et quanto plus exaltaris , tanto amplius humilitatem diligas atque custodias . unde sicut exterius auro et gemmis redimita enites , ità et interius auro sapientiae virtutumque gemmis decorari contendas , quatenus post occasum hujus saeculi cum prudentibus virginibus sponso perhenni domino nostro jesu christo dign et laudabilitèr occurens , regiam coelestis aulae merearis ingredi januam , auxiliante domino nostro jesu christo , qui cum patre , et spiritu sancto vivit , et regnat per infinita saecula saeculorum . amen . post impositam coronam dicat archiepiscopus . omnium domine fons bonorum , & cunctorum dator provectuum , tribue famulaetuae n. adeptam benè regere dignitatem , & à te sibi praestitam in ea bonis operibus corrobora gloriam . per dom. domine sancte pater omnipotens , aeterne deus , honorum cunctorum auctor & distributor , benedictionumque omnium largus infusor , tribue super hanc famulum tuam reginam benedictionis gratiae tuae copiam , & quam h●…mana sibi electri●… prae●…sse ga●…det , tuae supernae el●…ctionis ac benedictionis infusio accumulet . concede ei domine auctoritatem regiminis , consilii magnitudinem , sapientiae , prudentiae , & intellectus habundantiam , religionis ac pietatis custodiam quatenus mereatur benedici , & augmentari in nomine ut sara , visitari , & faecundari ut rebecca , contra omnium muniri monstra vit●…orum ut judith , in regni regimine eligi ut hester . ut quam humana nititur fragilitas benedicere , coelestis potius intim●… roris & sacri olei repleat infusio . et quae à nobis coronatu●… & benedicitur in reginam 〈◊〉 mereatur obtinere in praemio aeternitatis perpetuae . et sicut ab hominibus sublimatur in nomine ità à te sublimetur fide & operatione . illo etiam sapientiae tuae * cum rore perfunde quembeatus david in repromissione , & filius ejus solomon percepit in locupletatione . sis ci domine contra cunctorum ictus inimicorum lorica in adversis galea , in prosperis sapientia , in protectione clypeus 〈◊〉 . sequatur pacem , diligat caritatem , abstineat se ab omni impietate , loquatur justitiam , custodiat veritatem . sit cultrix justitiae , & pietatis , amatrix religionis , vige at que praesenti benedictione in hoc aevo annis plurimis , & in sempiterno sine fine aeternis . praestante domino nostro jesu christo , qui cum patre & spiritu sancto vivit , & regnat deus . per omnia saecula saeculorum . amen . post istam orationem barones qui coronam ejus sustentant deducunt eam ad solium , ubi in sede parata collocatur circumstantibus eam baronibus et matronis nobilioribus in oblatione . in pace ferenda , in communione penitùs est ordo regis superius annotatus observandus . notandum , quod antequam archiepiscopus dicat , pax domini , &c. debet dicere hanc benedictiouem super regem , et super populum . sic. benedicat tibi dominus , custodiatqus te , & sicut voluit te super populum suum constituere regem , ita in praesenti saeculo faelicem , & aeternae faelicitati tribuat esse consortem . amen . alia benedictio . clerum ac populum quem sua voluit opitulatioue * tua sanctione congregari , tua dispensatione & tua administratione , per diuturna tempora facias faeliciter gubernari . amen . alia benedictio . quatenus divinis monitis parentes adversitatibus omnibus carentes , bonis omnibus exuberantes , tuo ministerio fideli amore obsequentes , & in praesenti saeculo pacis tranquillitate fruantur , & tecum aeternorum civium consortio potiri mereantur . amen , quod ipse par are dignetur cujus regnum & imperium sine fine permanet in saecul●… saeculorum . amen et benedictio dei omnipotentis patris et filii et spiritus sancti vos * descendat et ●…aneat semper . amen . explicit ordo et officium in consecratione regis et reginae . having given you this account of the ceremonies and prayers used at the coronations of forein christian emperors and kings ; i shall next present you with the order , prayers , ceremonies and solemnities used at the coronations of our antient saxon and english kings ; especially with those in later ages , since our kings and queenes became prot●…ants , never formerly published in print . for the manner and ceremonies of the unction , benediction and coronation of the kings of england , the oaths then taken by them , with the oaths and homages made by the prelates & nobles to them , mentioned in our histories , ( being not so pertinent to my theam ) i shall reserr the readers to peruse them at their leisure , in mat. westm. flores hist. part . anno , , , , , . galfridus monumetensis , histor. regum brit. l. . c. , . &c. during the british kings reigns . willielmus malmesburiensis , de gestis regum angl : l. . c. . . . . mat. w●…stminster , flores hist. pars . anno , , , , , , , , , , , , . leges edwardi confessoris , lex . in mr. lambards archaion , fox acts and monuments , london . vol : . p. . for our saxon and danish kings . malmesburiensis , hoveden , brompton , mat : paris , mat : westminster , tho. walsingham , speed , holinshed , grafton , stow , in the lives of king william , . henry . king stephen , henry . rich. . king john , h. . edw. , , . r. . h. , , . edward . richard . h. , & . edward , queen mary , queen elizabeth , and king james , whose respective coronations , oathes , and solemnities they recite . to which i shall adde rot. parl. anno r. . n. . & h. . n. . to . and robertus holcot in lib : sapientiae , lectio . fol. . a. b. where he mentions both the o●…th , unction , ceremonies , and some prayers used at our kings coronations . i shall present you : with the antient form of our saxon kings coronations , and the prayers used at them ; recorded by mr : selden out of the old saxon ceremonial . ly : with the ceremonies and prayers used at the coronation of king richard the . ly : with the usual form of the coronation of the kings of england , and their queens , and of the prayers used thereat ( never hitherto published , and omitted by mr : selden , in his titles of honor ) extracted out of liber regalis , being the form used at the coronations of henry the , & . and their queens , king james , and queen anne , and our late king charles . ly : with the form of the coronation of the kings of scotland , used at the coronation of our late king charles , anno . for the : * mr : selden ( our most learned antiquary ) informs us ; that there remains in an old imperfect pontifical of the saxon times , a piece of a ceremonial for the coronation of the kings and queens of england , or of the english-saxons , wherein after divers prayers and benedictions , this follows for the anointing . omnipotens sempiter●…e deus , creator ac gubernator coeli & terrae , conditor & dispositor angelorum & hominum , rex regum , & dominus dominantium , qui habraham fidelem famulum tuum de hostibus triumphare fecisti ; moysi & josue populo tuo praelatis , multiplicem victoriam tribuisti ; humilem quoque david puerum tuum regni fastigio sublimasti , eumque de ore leonis & de manu besti●… atque goliae , sed & de gladio maligno saul , & omnium inimicorum ejus liberasti , & salomonem sapientiae pacisque ineffabili munere ditasti ; respice , quaesumus domine , ad preces nostrae humilitatis , & super hunc famulum tuum , illum quem supplici devotione in regem anglorum vel saxonum pariter eligimus , benedictionum tuarum dona multiplica . hunc dexterâ tuae potentiae semper ubique circunda , quatenus praedicti abrahae fidelitate firmatus , moysi mansuetudine fretus , josuae fortitudine munitus , david humilitate exaltatus , salomonis sapientia decoratus , tibi in omnibus complac●…at , & per tramitem justitiae inoffenso gressu semper incedat . hic totius regni anglo-saxonum ecclesiam deinceps cum plebibus sibi annexis ita enutriat ac doceat , muniat , & instruat , contraque omnes visibiles & invisibiles hostes idem potenter regaliterque tuae virtutis regimen amministret , ut regale solium , videlicet anglorum vel saxonum * sce●…tro , non des●…rat , sed ad pristinae fidei pacisque concordiam eorum animos , te opitulante , reformet , ut populorum debitâ subjectione fultus , condigno amore glorificatus per longum vitae spatium , paternae apicem gloriae , tuae miseratione unita , stabilire & gubernare mereatur . tuae quoque protectionis galea munitus & scuto insuper abili jugitèr protectus , protectus coelestibus circundatus , optabilis victoriae triumphum de hostibus foeliciter capiat , terroremque suae potentiae infidelibus inferat , & pacem tibi militantibus laetantèr reportet . uirtutibus , christe , hune quibus praefatos fideles tuos decorasti , multiplici honoris benedictione condecora , & in regimine regni sublimitèr colloca , et oleo gratiae spiritus sancti perunge , per dominum , in unitate ejusdem . the rubrique to this prayer , is thus ; consecratio regis ab episcopo qui arcem tenuerit super eum dicenda , which i understand for the archbishop : and after the prayer follows this rubrique . hic unguatur oleo & haec cantetur antiphona , the anthem being thus , unxerunt salomonem sado●…h sacerdos & nathan propheta regem in gion , et accedentes dixerunt , vivat rex in aeternum . quam sequatur oratio . christe perunge hunc regem in regimen unde uncxisti sacerdotes reges & prophetas ac martyres qui per fidem vieerunt regna , & operati sunt justitiam , atque adepti sunt repromissiones . tua sacratissima unctio super caput ejus defluat , atque ad interiora descendat & cordis illius intima penetret , & promissionibus , quas adepti sunt victoriosissimi reges , gratia tua dignus efficiatur , quatenus et in praesenti seculo felicitèr regnet , & ad eorum consortium in coelesti regno perveniat per dominum . alia . deus electorum fortitudo et humilium celsitudo , qui in primordio per effusionem diluvii , crimina mundi castigare voluisti , et per columbam ramum olivae portantem pacem terris redditam demonstrasti , iterumque aaron famulum tuum per unctionem olei sacerdotem sancxisti , et poste à per hujus unguenti infusionem ad regendum populum israeliticum sacerdotes ac reges et prophetas praefecisti vultumque ecclesiae — — — there the copy is defective ; nor hath it more that concerns anointing the king. but after the ceremonies that belong to the whole coronation of the king , follows the fo●…m of the crowning the queens also of that age , who were likewife anointed . sequitur consecratio reginae quae propter honorificentiam ( so are the words of the rubrique ) ab epis opo ●…acri unguinis oleo super verticem perfundenda est , et in ecclesia coram opti●…atibus cum condigno honore & regia celsitudine , & in regalis thori consortium benedicenda & consecranda est , quae etiam annulo pro integritate fidei & corona pro aeternit●…tis gloria decoranda est . the words used at their anointing were , in nomine patris , & filii , & spiritus sancti , prosit tibi 〈◊〉 unctio olei in honorem et confirmationem aeternam in saecula saeculorum . amen : — — & cunctos sanctae dei ecclesiae adversarios regnumque tibi commissum tutari atque protegere castra dei , per auxilium invictissimi triumphatoris domini nostri jhesis christi , qui cum patre in vnitate spiritus sancti vivit & regnat . then it goes on thus , in the kings coronation . oratio post datum gladium . deus qui providentiâ tuâ coelestia simul & terrena moderaris , propitiare christianissimo regi nostro , ut omnis hostium suorum fortitudo virtute glad●… spiritualis frangatur , ac te pro illo pugnante , penitùs conteratur per , &c. hic coronetur rex , eique dicatur . coronet te deus coronâ gloriae atque justitiae , honore & opere fortitudinis , ut per officium benedictionis cum fide recta & multiplici bonorum operum fructu , ad coronam pervenias regni perpetui , ipso largiente cujus regnum permanet in seculorum . amen . oratio super regem postquam corona fuerit imposita super caput ejus . deus perpetuitatis , dux virtutum , cunctorum hostium victor , benedic hunc famulum tuum n. tibi caput suum humilit●…r inclinantem , & prolix●… sanitate & prosperâ felicitate eum conserva , ut ubicunque vel pro quib●… scunque auxilium tu●…m invocaverit cit●… adsis & protegas ac defendas . tribue e●… , quaesumus , domine divitias gratiae tuae ; comple in bonis desiderium ejus ; corona eum in misericordia tua , ut tibi domine pia de●…otione famuletur per , &c. which are the same almost in a syllable that in the latter ceremonials of the english coronation , are appointed for the particular time of the putting on the crown . by the same old ceremonial also , the queen after her unction and receiving the ring , is to be crowned with these words , which are also in the latter forms . accipe coronam gloriae , et honorem jo●…nditatis , ut splendida fulg●…as et aeterna exultatione coroneris per , &c. alia . omnium domine fons bonorum et eunctorum dator prosectuum , tribue famulae tuae n. adeptam bene regere dignitatem , et à te sibi p●…estitam in ea bonis operi●…us corroborare gloriam , per dominum nostrum , &c. hic detur regi sceptrum eique dicatur . accipe sceptrum regiae potestatis insigne , virgam scilicet regni rectam , virg am virtutis , qua teipsum bene reg●… , et sanctam eccl●…siam populumque videlicet christianum tibi à deo commissum regia virtute ab improbis defendas . pravos corrigas , rectos pacifices , et ut viam rectam tenere possint , tuo juvamine dirigas , quatenus de temporali regno ad aeternum regnum pervenias . ipso adjuvante cujus regnum et imperium sine fine permanet in secula seculorum . amen . oratio super regem postquam datum fuerit ei sceptrum . omnium domine fons bonorum , cunetorumque dominus institutor profectuum , tribue quaeso famulo tuo illi . adeptam bene regere dignitatem , et à te sibi concessum honorem dignare corroborare honorifica eum prae cunctis regibus britanniae , uberi eum benedictione locupleta , et in solio regni firma stabilitate consolida , visita eum in sobole , et praesta ei prolixitatem vitae . in diebus ejus superoriatur justitia , ut ●…um jocunditate et laeticia aeterno glorietur in regno per , &c. hic regi virga * detur eique dicatur . accipe * virgam virtutis atque aequitatis , qua intelligas mulcere pios & terrere reprobos . errantes viam doce , lapsisque manum porrige , disperdasque superbos , & releves humiles , ut aperiat tibi ostium ihesus christus dominus noster , qui de seipso ait . ego sum ostium , per me si quis introierit salvabitur , et ipse qui est clavis david & sceptrum domus israhel qui aperit & nemo claudit , claudit et nemo aperit . sit tibi adjutor qui educit vinctum de domo carceris , sedentem in tenebris et um●…ra mortis , ut in omnibus sequi merearis eum de quo propheta david cecinit . dominus in saeculum saeculi , virga recta est virga regni tui . imitare ipsum qui dicit , diligas justitiam & hodio habeas iniquitatem , propterea unxit te dominus deus tuus oleo laetitiae ad exemplum illius quem ante saecula unxerat prae particip●…bus suis , thesum christum dominum nostrum . benedictio ad regem . extendat omnipotens dominus dexteram suae benedictionis , et effundat super te donum suae protectionis , sanctae mariae , ac beati petri apostolorum principis , sanctique gregorii anglorum apostolici , atque omnium sanctorum intercedentibus meritis . amen . indulgeat tibi dominus omnia mala quae gessisti , et tribuat tibi gratiam et misericordiam quam humilitér ab eo deposcis , ut liberet te ab ad●…ersitatibus cunctis , et ab omnibus visibilium et invisibilium inimicorum insidiis . amen . angelos suos bonos semper et ubique qui te praecedant , comitentur , et subsequantur , ad custodiam tui ponat , et à peccato seu gladio , et ab omnium periculorum discrimine sua te potentia liberet . amen inimicos tuos adpacis caritatisque benignitatem convertat , et bonis omnibus te gratiosum , et amabilem faciat , pertinaoes quoque in tui insectatione et odio , confusione salutari induat , super te autem sanctificatio sempiterna floreat . uictoriosum te atque triumphatorem de invisibilibus atque visibilibus hostibus semper efficiat , et sancti nominis sui tim●…rem pariter et amorem continuum cordituo infundat , et in fide rect●… ac bon●…s operibus perseverabilem reddat , et pace in diebus tuis concessâ , cum palma victoriae te ad perpetuum regnum perducat . amen . et qui te voluit super populum suum constituere regem , et in praesenti saeculo foelicem , et aeternae foelicitatis tribuat esse consortem . quod ipse praestare , &c. alia . benedic . domine hunc praeelectum principem qui regna omnium regum à saeculo moderaris . amen . et tali eum benedictione glorifica , ut davitica teneat sublimitate sceptrum salutis , & sanctificae propitiationis munere reperiatur locupletatus . amen . da ei à tuo spiramine regere populum sicut salomonem fecisti regnum optinere pacificum . amen . quod ipse praestare , &c. designatio status regis . sta & retine amodo statum , quem hucusque paterna suggestione tenuisti haereditario jure tibi delegatum per autoritatem dei omnipotentis & per praesentem traditionem nostram , omnium scilicet episcoporum , caeterorumque dei servorum ; & quantò clerum sacris altaribus propinquiorem prospicis , tanto ei potiorem in locis congruis honorem impendere memineris , quatenus mediaator dei et hominum , te mediatorem cleri & plebis in hoc regni solio confirmet , & in regno aeterno secum regnare faciat jesus christus dominus noster , rex regum , et dominus dominantium , qui cum deo patre & spiritu sancto , &c. seq●…itur oratio . omnipotens deus det tibi de rore coeli et de pinguedine terrae habundantiam frumenti et vini et olei , serviant tibi populi , et adorent te tribus . esto dominus fratrum tuorum , et incurventur ante te filii matris tuae , et qui benedixerit tibi benedictionibus repleatur , & deus erit adjutor tuus . omnipotens benedicat tibi benedictionibus coeli desuper et in montibus , et in-collibus , benedictionibus . abyssi jacentis deorsum , benedictionibus uberum et vulvae , benedictionibus uvarum pomorumque ; benedictiones patrum antiquorum , abraham , isaac , et jacob confortatae sint super te , per , &c. alia oratio . benedic domine fortitudinem hujus principis , et opera manuum illius suscipe , et benedictione tua terra ejus de pomis repleatur , de fructu coeli , et rore atque abyssi subjacenti●… , de fructu solis , et lunae , de vertice antiquorum montium , de pomis aeternorum collium , et de frugibus terrae et plenitudine ejus . benedictio illius qui apparuit in rubo veniat super caput illius , et plena sit benedictio domini in filiis ejus , et tingat in oleo pedem suum . cornua rinocerotis cornua illius ; in ipsis ventilabit gentes usque ad terminos terrae , et ascensor coeli auxiliator suus in sempiternum fiat , per dominum , &c. thus much for the saxon kings & queens coronations . i find this note of the principal officers used at the coronation of our king richard the first . officiarii principales in die coronationis regis . imprimis , officium magni elemosinarii pertinet domino nicholao de bello campo bedford , qui pannum sub pedibus regis stratum in processione praedicta , de aula ad ecclesiam extendi faciet , et tum per extra ostium ecclesiae westmonasteriensis inter pauperes distribui facie●… . item episcopus dunelm . & bathon . episcop . regem supportabunt in coronatione sua preciosioribus induti . item cancellarius angliae , ( si episcopus fuerit ) pontificalibus indutus co●…am rege in processione ecclesiae sancti edwardi regale portabit . item thesaurarius angliae ( si episcopus fuerit ) dalmatica indutus et pontificialibus , patenam dicti calicis ante regem portabit , & ante cancellarium ibit . item duo duces ●…i●…e comites excellentiores regni qui attinent regi , propinquiores in sanguine , sceptrum regni cum cruce , et virgam auream cum columba ante regem in processione portabunt . item comes cestriae portabit in processione ●…oram rege , gladium vocatum curtana , ex cujus parte dextra comes huntingdon alium gladium portabit , & tertium ex sinistra parte portabit comes warwick . item unus de nobilioribus dominis & magnatibus regni , portabit magna calcaria deaurata in processione . item comes in regno superior ensem circa regem incinctum in ●…oronatione oblatum super altare , redimet , & redemptum ante regem in palatium revertentem portabit . item comes lycestriae serviet regi die coronationis suae de officio senescalliae . item dux eboracensis , & heredes sui portabunt coronas regis & reginae in eorum coronatione . item comes norfolciae serviet de officio marescallis . item comes arundel serviet de pincerna . item comes hereford serviet de constabulario . item comes oxoniae serviet officio camerarii . item dominus nicolaus hastings serviet regi de mappis . item dominus nicolaus de bello campo de duneley serviet de 〈◊〉 & cultellis item dominus nicolaus furnival sustentabit brachia regis et reginae in ipsorum coronatione . item duo episcopi , ad hoc per regem assignati , sustentabunt reginam in coronatione sua . item una de nobilioribus dominatus angliae semper assistet reginae in sua coronatione . , & ei sedule ministrabit . stephanus de penchest . constabularius dover et custos quinque portuum . anno ri. fil . regis h. sic certificavit . for the ad . it is thus related by thomas of walsingham , hist. angliae , p. , to . die jovis , id est die julii , videlicet calend. augusti , vigilia sancti kenelmi regis , convenientibus archiepiscopo et episcopis regnique proceribus ad westmonast . summo mane , ordinata processione monachorum in capis , episcopi cum monachis ad ostium regii thalami pervenerunt , et paratum regem reperientes ibidem , per manus qui ejus lateribus astiterunt , perduxerunt in ecclesiam sancti petri , cantantes antiphonam in honorem apostoli , cum oratione competenti adjuncta et hac oratione : deu●… humilium visitator , qui nos tua misericordia consolaris , praetende super famulum tuum regem nostrum miserico●…diam tuam , ut per eum tuum in nobis adesse sentiamus adventum . rex verò mox ut altare perve●…t , prostravit se solo tenù : ante altare , pavimentum autem st●…atum f●…it palliis et tapetis . prosecuta ut diximus oratione , archiepiscopus cum epi●…copis qui aderant , prostravit se super pavimentum circa regem . inte●…im duo episcopi letaniam devote cantarunt . qua expleta , erectus rex , ductus est ad sedem suam : choro hanc antiphonam decantante , firmetur manus tua . tunc episcopus sermonem ●…cit de materia regis et regni ad populum , qualiter rex se haberet in populo , & in quibus populus fibi debuit obedire . quo completo , juravit rex coram archiepiscopo et proceribus qui ibi aderant , quoniam ipsi soli ejus juramentum audire potuerunt , quòd ecclesiam suis permitteret gaudere libertatibus , et eam ac ministros ejus honoraret , et fidem rectam teneret , rapacitatem et omnes iniquitates in omnibus gradibus interdiceret . secundò , ut leges terrae bonas ubi●…ue servari faceret , et praecipuè leges s. edwardi regis et confessoris qui in eadem requie●…cit ecclesia , et malas leges faceret abrogari . tertiò , ut non esset personarum acceptor , sed judicium rectum inter virum et virum faceret , et praecipuè misericordiam observaret , sicut sibi suam indulgeat misericordiā clemens , et misericors deus . quibus expletis , archiepiscopus praecedente eum mareschallo angliae domino henrico percy , convertit se ad omnes plagas ecclesiae , indicans populo regium juramentum , et quaerens , si se tali principi ac rectori subjicere et ejus jussionibus obtemperare vellent ? et responsum est à plebe tisone clamore , quòd libenter sibi parere vellent . archiepiscopus regem his orationibus benedixit , videlicet , omnipotens et sempiterne deus , benedic domine hunc regem nostrum , qui regna omnium moderaris à saeculo , tali eum benedictione glorifica , ut davidicae teneat sublimitatis seeptrum , et glorificatus in ejus propitius repe●…atur merito ; da ei tuo inspiramine , cum manfuetudine ita regere populu●…●…cut solomon fecisti regnum obtinere pacificum . tibi cum timore semper sit subditus , tibique militet cum quiete ; sit tuo clypeo protectus cum proceribus , et ubique tua gratia victor existat . honorifica eum prae cunctis regibus gentium . felix populis dominetur , et faeliciter eum nationes adorent , vivat in gentium catervis magnanimus , sit in judiciis aequitatis singularis , locupletet eum tua praedives gr tia , fructiferam habeat patriam , et ejus liberis tribuas profutura . praesta ei prolixitatem vitae per tempora , ut in diebus ejus oriatur justicia , à te robustum teneat regiminis solium , et cum jucunditate et justicia aeterno gloriatur in regno . ista praemissa benedictio post primam orationem ad modum praefationis ab archiepiscopo cantabitur , qua cantata , dicta est & alia oratio super eum , scilicet ; deus ineffabilis , cum antiphona , comfortare & esto vir fortis , &c. tunc archiepiscopus accessit ad eum , & vestimenta sua discindens manibus suis à summo usque ad imum , exuit eum praeter camisiam vestimentis suis. custodes verò quinque portuum ex officio tam in processione quam in unctione & missa , et post missam dum iret ad palatium ab ecclesia , semper tenuerunt umbraculum sericum magnum coloris aërii , . hastis per quatuor angulos colligatum . sed non obstante umbraculo supradicto , mox antequam archiepiscopus eum suis vestibus exuisset , allatus est pannus aureus à comitibus , sub quo latuit dum unctionis perciperet sac●…amenta . archiepiscopus ( ut diximus ) eo nudato , unxit manus ejus de oleo sanctificato , undè uncti fuerunt reges & prophetae , & sicut unxit samuel davidem in regem , ut sis benedictus & constitutus rex in regno isto super populum istum , quem dominus deus tuus dedit tibi ad regendum & gubernandum . item dixit orationem , propice omnipotens deus . post haec unxit archiepiscopus caput ejus , & pectus , & scapulas , ambasque compages brachiorum , dicens : unguantur caput istud , pectus , & scapulae , & compages brachiorum de oleo sanctificato , &c. ut supra . et interim chorus cantavit antiphonam , unxe●…nt regem salomonem in gyan , sadock sacerdos , & nathan propheta , & ascendentes laeti dixerunt , vivat . alleluia . postquam subjunxit metropolitanus , deus dei filius jesus christus dominus noster , qui à patre oleo exultationis unctus est p●…ae participibus suis , ipse per 〈◊〉 sacri unguinis infusionem spiritum paracleti super caput tuum infundat , benedictionemque eandem usque interiora cordis tui penetrare faciat , quatenus hoc visibili & tractabili dono invisibilia per●…ipere & temporali regno justis moderaminibus executo aeternaliter cum eo regnare merearis . mox finita oratione , archiepi●…copus c●…m episcopis , hymnum , veni c●…eator spiritus , rege interim prostrato in ●…onga venia , & circa eum metropolitano cum suffraganeis suis. expleto hymno , erectus est rex ab archiepiscopo , & indutus est primò tunica s. ed. & post ejusdem dalmatica , projecta circa collum ejus stola , archiepiscopo orationes competentes interim p●…osequente . post haec archiepi●…copus cum episcopis tradidit ei gladium , ita dicens : accipe gladium per manus episcoporum , licèt indignas , vice tamen & autoritate sanctorum apostolorum 〈◊〉 tibi regaliter impositum , nostraeque benedictionis officio defensionem fanctae ecclesiae divinitus ordinatum , & esto memor de psalmista qui prophetavit , dicens : accingere gladio tuo super femur tuum potentissime , u●… per eundem vim aequitatis exerceas , molem iniquitatis potenter destruas , & sanctam dei ecclesiam , ejusque fideles p●…opugnando protegas , nec minus sub fide falsos quam christiani nominis hostes execreris ac destruas ; viduas & pupillos clementer adj●…ves ac defendas , desolata restaures , restaurata conserves , ulciscaris injusta , confirmes bene disposita , quatenùs haec in agendo virtutum triumpho gloriosus justiciae cultor eg●…egius , cum mundi salvatore , cujus typum geris in nomine , sine fine merearis regnare . tunc duo comites eum gladio accinxerunt : quo facto , archiepiscopus armillas dedit ei , dicens : accip●… armillas sinceritatis & sapientiae , divinaequecircundationis indicium , quibus intelligas omnes operationes tuas contra hostes visibiles & invisibiles posse esse munitas . posteà inducit eum archiepiscopus regali pallio , ita dicens : accipe pallium quatuor nunciis formatum , per quod intelligas quatuor mundi partes divinae potestati esse subjectas , nec quenquam posse faeliciter regnare in terris , nisi cui potestas regnandi fuerit collata de coelis . interim dum archiepiscopus benedixit coronam regiam duo comites calcaria verunt , ad quorum officium pertinebat . benedicta corona archiepiscopus imposuit super caput , dicens : coronat te deus corona gloriae atque justiciae , honore & opere fortitudinis , ●…t officium 〈◊〉 benedictionis , cum fide recta , & m●…ltiplici bonorum operum fructu ad coronam pervenias regni perpetui . tunc dedit ei archiepiscopus an●…lum , cum his verbis : accipe anulum regiae dignitatis , & per hunc , vitae catholicae fidei signaculum , quia ut hodie ordinaris caput & princeps regni ac populi , ita perseverabis author & stabilitor christianitatis & christianae fidei , ut faelix in opere , locuples in fide , cum rege regum glorieri●… statim ●…ost haec accessit dominus de furneval , ex officio offerens ei rubeam chirothecam , quam archiepiscopus benedixit & imposuit manui regiae , dans ei sceptrum his verbis , dicens : accipe sceptrum regiae potestatis insigne , virgam scilicet regni rectam , virgam virtutis qua te ipsum bene regas , sanctam ecclesiam , populum videlicet christianū tibi à deo commissum , regia virtute ab improbis defendas , pravos corrigas , rectos pontifices , & ut viam rectam tenere possint tuo juvamine dirigas , quatenus de temporali regno ad aeternum regnum pervenias . tunc dedit ei archiepisc. virgam in alia manu , habentē in summitate columbā , nam sceptrum quod susceperat consurrexi●… de rotundo globo aureo quē tenebat in manu chirothecata , & habebat in summitate signum crucis , & accepit virgam praedict . cum verbis his : accipe virgā virtutis & aequitatis qua intelligas te mulcere pios , et terrere reprobos , errantes viam doce , lapsisque manum porrige , disperdasque superbos , & reveles humiles , ut apareat tibi hostium jesus christus dominus noster . post haec benedictus est rex ab archiepiscopo ita dicente : benedicat te deus custodiatque te , sieut te voluit super populum suum esse regem , ita in praesenti saeculo felicem aeternae felicitatistribuat esse consortem . his itaque peractis , osculatns est rex episcopos omnes & abbates , à quibus statim ductus est postea ad regale solium , episcopis inchoantibus hymnum te deum laudamus . finito hymno , archiepiscopus ita eum allocutus est : sta & retine amodo locum quem hucusque paterna successione tenuisti haereditariè , indico tibi delegatum per authoritatem dei omnipotentis , & prae●…entem raditionem stram , scilicet omnium episcoporum caeterorumque dei servorum , & quantò clerum sac●…is altaribus propinquiorem , tantò ei potiorem in locis congruis honorem impendere memine●… is , quaten●…s mediator dei & homin●…m , te mediatorem plebis in hoc regni solio confirmet , & in regnum aeternum regnare faciat jesus christus dominus noster . his itaque peractis , inchoata est missa congruens co ronationi regiae , cujus officium fuit , protector nost●…r aspice deus , &c. epist. subj●…cti estote omni humanae creaturae p●…opter deum , &c. gradale . dirigatur domine oratio mea . alleluiah . domine in virtute . evangelinm . abeuntes pharisaei : quod legit episcopus eliensis , epistolam episcopus 〈◊〉 . offertorium . intende orationi meae rex meus . lecto evangelio , rex de regali solio ductus est ad offerendum . primòigitur obtulit archiepiscopo gladium suum quem susceperat , & postea quantum placuit , sed non min●…s marca propter consuetudinem : nam plus potest offerre deo & sancto petro si placuerit . post oblationem pecuniae , obtulit archiepiseopo panem & vinum ad modum monachorum , undè posteà , tam metropolitanus , quàm ipse rex , communicati fuerunt . quo facto , comes ad cujus officium pertine●…at portare gladium coram rege , gladium quem obtulerat dato precio redemit , & assumens eum , portabat coram illo . percelebrata missa usque ac comm●…nionem reductus est rex ad altare , & genuflexo coram archiepiscopo , dixit , confiteor . quo absoluto , communicatus est , & iterum reductus est ad sedem suam . interea praeparavit se quidam miles domin●…s j●…hannes cognomento dimmock , qui clamabat se habere jus ad defendendum jura regis illo die , & etiam si opus esset duello cō●…igendum , si aliquis praesumeret affirmare regem non habere jus in regno angliae , quanquā per ante dominus baldwin●…s f●…evill idem officium calumniasset , sed minimè obtinuisset . iste ergo dominus johannes memoratus circa finem missae incessit ad valvas ecclefiae armatus decentissimè , insidens dextra●…ium pulcherimè phaleratum , caput etiam & pectus armatum , quem idem dominus johannes assumpsit de stabulo regio , utens videlicet avita consuetudine tam in aequo quàm a●…mis eligendis de thesauro regis . nam & optimum equum p●…aeter unum , & praeter unam praecipuam armaturam facturus dictum officium elegit ad vota sua . veniens ig●…tur ad ostium monasterii , praeequitantibus duobus , qui ejus lanceā & clypeum porta verunt , expectavit ibidem sinem missae . mareschallus autem dom. henr : percye facturus viam coram rege cum seneschallo angliae , scilicet duce & constabulario dom. tho. woodstock atque fratre ejusdem marescalli domino thoma percy , qui omnes magnos inequitavêre dextrarios , venit ad dictum militem , dicens , non debere eum ea hora venire , sed quod usque ad prandium regis differret adventum suum . quapropte●… monuit ut rediret , et deposito tanto onere armorum , quiesceret ad illud tempus . miles verò juxta confilium mareschalli facturus abscessit . illicò post decessum militis praeequitantibus regem dominis supradictis super dextrarios suos , necnon praecedente magno numero diversi generis histrionum , portatus est in humeris militum usque ad regale palatium , ductus quoque in cameram , paulisper quievit : debilis enim fuerat prae labore parum commedens . postea veniens in aulam , creavit quatuor novos comites antequam accessit ad mensam . dominum namque thomam woodstock avunculum suum comitem buckingam , datis fibi milles marcis annuatim de thesauro regio donec●…sibi de terris tanti valoris providisser . dominum etiam gifardum de angolismo quondam magistrum suum fecit comitem huntington , datis insuper sibi mille marcis annui●… usquequo providisset sibi de redditibus tanti valoris : domino de moubray dedit comitatum notyngamiae , et domino henrico percy northumbriae comitatum : milites quoque fecit novem eodem die . q●…ibus expleti●… , ascendit ad mensam , ubi epulabantur cum eo splendidè episcopi , comites & barones , et innumera multitudo ple●…is confl●…xerat in illam aulam praegrandem , qu●…d nisi dux lancastriae , videlicet senescallus angliae , et comes buckinghamiae regni constabularius , et dominus hen●…icus percy mare●…challus , cum multis aliis , viam super equos grandes servientibus in aula fecissent , ferentes sercula ad convivas minimè pernetrassent . si numerare contenderem convivii apparatum , divitias utensilium , va●…ietatem ferculorum , forsitan lector percussus tam tantarum rerum precio quàm magnitudine c●…edere formidaret . unum solum quod ad magnificentiam regiam ostendendam fuerat ordinatum , aliis omissis aestimo proferendum . in medio regalis palati ; elevata fuerat quaedam columna marmorea , concava super certos gradus , cujus summitatem occupabat grandis aurata aquila , sub cujus pedibus in capitello columnae per quatuor partes vina diversi generis dec●…rrebant per totum diem coronationis regiae , nec erat qui aliquem vel pauperem virum haurire vetaret : facta est coronatio haec anno . aetatis ipsius regis . in crastino facta est generalis processio pro rege et pace regni , cui revestiti interfu●…runt omnes praelati , videlicet archiepiscopus cum episcopis et abbatibus qui coronationi interfuerant , necnon ipse dux cum magnatibus et plebis multitudine copiosa . in progress●… autem processionis concionatus est ad populum episcopus roffensis , hortans ut dissentiones et discordiae ortae , et diu continuatae , inter plebem et dominos sopirentur , proban●… per multa argumenta hujuscemodi diffentiones deo plurimum displicere : hortatus insuper dominos , ne tantis de caetero sine causa taxationibus populum onerarent . monuit etiam ut si causa subesset rationabilis qua oporteret eos omninò juva●…e regem & regnum , ut patienter & fine murmure atque seditionis scrupulo facerent quod oporteret insuper exhortatur eos generaliter qui regi puero & innocenti adhaererent , ut relictis vitiis quibus inserviebant , videlicet stupris in fornicationibus , & adulteriis , ejus puritati & innocentiae se conformare studerent , asserens hoc omninò patri patriae oportunum , perfacileque regi a recto deviare , regnum & populum periclitari , si tales essent qui ei sedulò & ejus confilio ministrarent . sermone finito , domini & universi praelati ad sua secedunt . forma coronationis regum & reginarum angliae , ( written , as i conceive , in the reign of king richard the ii. ) inprimis , princeps noviter coronandus ante diem coronationis suae nobili & decentissimo cultu apparetur equitando a turri london : usque ad palatium regii westmonasterii capite denudato , equitantibus cum eo dominis temporalibus , & universitate civitatis london , cum aliis proceribus & populis . item provideatur quod in die coronationis praedictae in magna aula regis westmonasterii sit sedes regalis , eminens , pannis cericis , & inauratis cum quissimis & tapetis decenter ornata . item provideatur quod in ecclesia westmonaster : sit unum pulpitum cum gradibus utraque parte ejusdem , et bene ornetur cum pannis ex omni parte , & in area ejus . item provideatur quod in dicto pulpito fit thronus regalis et sedes , in quo rex sedere debet decentissimè ornatus cum palliis sericis , & quissimis inauratis . item notandum , quod abbas westmon . qni pro tempore fuerit , per biduum vel triduum ante coronationem regis aut reginae informabit eos de observantiis eorum faciendis in eorum coronatione , & ad mundandas eorum conscientias ante perceptionem saciae unctionis . et si abbas fuerit mortuus , infirmus , aut in partibus remotis , aut legitime impeditus , tunc debet eligi unus monachus de gremio ecclesiae per conventum westmon . qui vices abbati supplebit in hoc casu . item dicto die coronationis princeps coronandus in prae●…ata sede regali elevabitur in dicta aula , ipso tamen prius balneato . et post balneum praeparentur sibi tunica , & camisia serica aperta usque ad pectus , & inter scapulas , & in compagibus brachiorum , ape●…turis tunicae & camisiae praedictarum sibi invicem connexis ansulis argent . & super dictam tunicam induatur aliis vestimentis nobilibus , & tantummodo caligis sine sotularibus calcietur . item ordinetur processio per abbatem & conventum westmon . solemnis in capit . de ecclesia westmon . ad sedem regalem praedictam in aula praedicta in qua princeps expectatur . in qua processione erunt archiepiscopi episcopi , & alii praelati . et tunc descendit princeps et sequitur processionem in ecclesiam w●…stmon . & ibit super pannum s●…agulatum positum in dicta sede super terram usque ad pulpitum in praedicta ecclesia w●…stmon . ambulabunt & cantabunt in dicta processione quae in receptione regum & reginarum debent ex solito decantari item crux sceptrum & virga & virg●… regia quae sint de regalibus deferentur in processione per abbatem , priorem , & se●…iores monachos westmon . in pala●…ium , & ibi tradentur diversis magnatibus ad ea deferenda coram principe ad ecclesiam in proce●…ione assignatis . item barones quinque portuum portabunt hastas argent . per picturam cum c●…mpanellis argent . & deaurat . et hastis erit affixus pannus sericus protegens regem & reginam in processione supradicta ad dictam ecclesiam westmon . item abbas westmon . autmonachus supplens vices ejus , semper debet regis & reginae lateri adhaerere pro eorum informatione continua . item postquam princeps paululum quieverit in cathedra seu throno in dicto pulpito ordinat . tunc archiepiscopus cantuarienfis quatuor partes dicti pulpiti alta voce inquiret à plebe voluntatem de dicti principis coronatione , ipso principe interim stante in dicto throno seu cathedra , atque ad quatuor partes dicti pulpiti , dum archiepiscopus populum alloquitur , se vertente . et post dictam interrogationem cantetur antiphona : firmetur manus tua . item finita antiphona praedicta , descendat rex de pulpito praedicto usque ad magnum altare ducentibus eum super quod tenetur offere pallium unum , & unam libram auri , ejus complendo praeceptum qui dixit : non apparebis vacuus in conspectu domini dei tui . item post oblationem factam prosternat se rex super pavimentum ante altare prius per regis ministros pannis & quissimis decentibus sericis stratum , donec archiepiscopus superdixerit orationem , domine sanctum , &c. et tunc fiat sermo ad populum . item finito sermone accedat rex ad altare ad fa●…iendum juramentum suum , quod debet confirmare cum sacramento dominici corporis . item tunc incipiatur hymnus , veni creator spiritus , & solenniter decantetur , quo inchoato , prosternat se rex , ut prius coram magno altari super letania & lectio ex toto decantetur , quibus decantatis surget rex , & refideat in cathedra sua paululum quiescens item postea surgat rex de cathedra , & vadat ad altare & deponat vestes suas praeter tunicam & camisiam praedictas , ut recipiat unctionem , choro canente antiphona : unxerunt salomonem , cum oratione subsequenti . et tunc ungatur in quinque locis , viz. in manibus internis , in pectore , inter scapulas , in compagibus brachiorum , & in capite , in modum crucis cum oleo sancto . et postea in capite faciendo crucem cum chrismate , ansutis praedictarum tunicae & camisiae prius apertis . item post unctionem praedictam & lineis panniculis detersis , qui postea debent comburi , connectantur ansutae aperturarum praedictae propter unctionem , ab abbate westmon . vel ejus vices supplente . item post unctionem capitis regis , idem caput cooperiatur pileo lineo propter unctionem sanctam : et sic permanebit usque ad octavum diem unctionis . ad quem diem abbas westmon . aut ejus vicemgerens veniet at regem , & deponet dictum pileum , & caput regium lavabit & mundabit . item post dictam unctionem abbas westmon . aut ejus vicem gerens induet regem regalibus indumentis , viz. sindonis , colobio ad modum dalmaticae formato , caligis & sandaliis . et tunc sequantur benedictiones ornamentorum regalium ab archiepiscopo , ut patet in libro . item hiis expletis praefatus rex ab abbate westmon . aut ejus vices gerente tunica longa intexta magnis imaginibus aureis ante & retro induetur super praedictum collobium , cum caligis , sandaliis & calcaribus tibiis ejus coaptatis . item posthac benedicatur ensis regius , & dictum ensem idem rex ab episcopis accipiet , & se ipsum praecinget cum dicto ense , et armillas recipiet : & deinde pallio regali induatur . quod quidem pallium quadrum est , & aquilis aureis contextum . item postquam hiis omnibus induatur dictus rex , tum benedicatur corona , et imponatur capiti regis per archiepiscopum . et postea benedicatur annulus , & regi detur in manibus ab episcopo . item post haec offerat rex ensem praedictum super altari deo , quam comes dignior tunc praesens redimat per centum solidos , & deferat nudum ante regem , cujus ensis praedictus dicto altari pertinet . item post haec accipiat rex chirothecas , & postea sceptrum cum cruce in dextera manu , et virgam in finistra . deinde benedictione data super eum , osculabitur episcopos●… a quibus etiam et aliis proceribus ducetur honorifice ad regale solium , choro cantante : te deum laudamus . item statim postea faciant praelati et magnates fidelitatem suam & homagium ligeum domino regi : et tunc incipiatur missa . item dum cantatur gloria in excelsis , rex incensabitur à diacono , & ad credo osculabitur librum textus . item dum cantatur offertorium , procedat rex ad altare , & faciat oblationem panis et vini ; et postea offerat marcam auri , quo facto rex caput suum inclinet paululum , dum archiepiscopus sibi benedicat cum duabus orationibus , et benedictione finita , rex reducatur ad thronum sive solium suum . item oscnlo pacis , post agnus dei ab eo receptum , descendat rex de solio , & accedat humiliter ad altare , percipiatque corpus domini & sanguinem . quo recepto , abbas westmon : ministrabit ei vinum de calice lapideo de regalibus , & tunc immediatè redibit rex ad solium suum . item expleta missa , descendat rex desolio suo , & procedat ad magnum altare : et ibi archiepiscopo , episcopis & magnatibus ipsum praecedentibus , usque ad feretrum sancti edwardi est incessurus : ubi deponet archiepiscopus coronam sancti edwardi de capite regis , ponetque omnia super altare sancti edwardi . item tunc magnus camerarius , scil . comes oxoni . exuet regem regalibus antedictis in loco clauso prope feretrum : quae regalia figillatim , sicut à rege auferentur , tradentur abbati westmon . super dictum altare reponenda . item hiis expletis , rex aliis vestibus indutus honorificè procedet ad altare feretri sancti edwardi praedicti , ubi archiepiscopus imponat aliam coronam capiti regis , reverenter , lege potins ( et revertentur . ) item postquam rex sic coronatus , & sceptrum de regalibus in manibus portans , à dicto feretro ad magnum altare , et sic usque ad pulpitum , deinde per medium chorum descendet eadem via , qua venerat in ecclesiam , praenominatis comitibus praedictos gladios coram rege deferentibus , cum magna gloria sunt reversuri usque ad palatium regium ad prandium . item finito prandio , & rege thalamum ingresso , dictum sceptrum liberabitur abbati westm. vel ejus vicegerenti per manus dicti domini regis in ecclesia reponendum . et nota , quod in coronatione reginae fiet processio : & si ipsa coronata sit cum rege , tunc debet ungi in vertice capitis , & in pectore . si ipsa sola coronata fuerit , tunc debet ungi in vertice capitis tantum in medio crucis cum chrismate . juramentum domini regis in die coronationis suae . archiepiscopus cantuar. regem interrogat , dicens ei : si leges & consuetudines ab antiquis , justis , & deo devotis regibus plebi anglorum concessas , cum sacramenti firmatione eidem plebi concedere , & servare voluit , & praesertim leges , consuetudines , & libertates à glorioso regi edwardo , clero , populoque concessas ? dicto principe se promittente omnia praemissa facturum & servaturum , tunc exponet fibi archiepiscopus articulos , de quibus jurabit , sic dicens . . servabis ecclesiae dei , cleroque & populo pacem ex integro & concordiam in deo secundum vires tuas ? respondebit , servabo . . facies fieri in omnibus judiciis tuis aequam & rectam justiciam , & discretionem cum misericordia & veritate ? respondebit , faciam . . concedis justas leges & consuetudines esse tenendas , et permittes eas per te esse protegendas , et ad honorem deiroborandas , quas vulgus eligerit , secundum vires tuas ? respondebit , concedo et promitto . concordat . garter principal king of armes . sequitur monitio episcoporum ad regem , & legatur ab uno . domine rex , à vobis perdonari petimus , ut unicuique de nobis , et ecclesiis nobis commissis canonicum privilegium ac debitam legem , atque justitiam conservetis , & defensionem exhibeatis : sicut rex in suo regno debet unicuique episcopo et abbatibus , et ecclesiis sibi commissis . respondebit sic rex . animo libenti et devoto , promitto vobis , et perdono unicuique de vobis et ecclesiis vobis commissis canonicum privilegium , et debitam legem , atque justitiam servabo et defensionem , quantum potero , adjuvante deo , exhibebo : sicut rex in suo regno unicuique episcopo , abbatibus et ecclesiis sibi commissis per rectum exh●…bere debet . juramentum domini regis in gallicis . . syre , voulez vous granter & garder , & per vostre serment confirmer a peuple d'angleterre lez leys & customs a eux grantez per les anciens roys d'angleterre droyturels , & devotez a dieu ? & nomement les loys & custums & franchises grantes a clergye & a peuple per le glorious roy st. edovard ? respondebit rex , je lez garderey . . syre , garderez vous a dieu & a saynct eglise & a clergye , & a p●…uple paix & accord en dieu , entierement selon vostre pouvier ? respondebit rex , je lez garderey . . syre , faires vous faire en toutz voz jugements & promettes vous a defendre les loyz & costumes droictturels , lez quels la communautè de vostre royaume aver a eslu , & les enforceres al honour de dieu selonc vostre pouvier ? respondebit rex , je les grant & promise . . syre , fairez vous faire en toutz voz iugements ou le & droy●… justice & discretion , & misericorde & veritè ? respondebit rex , je les feray . syre , grantez vous a tenir et accomptir , et promittez ●…us a defendre lez loyz et custumes droiturels , lez quels la communautè de vostre royaume avera eslu , et les enforcerez al honour de dieu selon vostre pouvoir ? respondebit rex , je les grant et les promes . juramentum homagii facti regi . i become your man lege oflyfe and lymme , and trowthe , and eartlyche honor to you shall bear again all men that now lyffe and dye : so help me god and holydome . et memorandum , quod archiepiscopus cantuar. primo faciat fidelitatem , deinde episcopi , & asii proceres regni . officiarii principales domini regis in die coronationis . inprimis , officium magni eleemofinarii pertinet domino nicholao de bello campo bedford . qui pannum sub pedibus regis stratum in processione praedicta , de aula ad ecclesiam westmon . extendi faciet , et totam partem extra ostium dictae ecclesiae westmonasteriensis inter pauperes distribui faciet . item episcopus dunelmenfis , & episcopus bathoniensis regem in sua coronatione sustentabunt pontificalibus induti . item cancellarius angliae , ( si episcopus fuerit ) pontificalibus indutus coram rege in processione calicem sancti edwardi regalem portabit . item thesaurarius angliae ( si episcopus fuerit ) dalmatica indutus patenam dei calicis ante regem portabit , & ante cancellarium praedictum ibit . item duo duces five comites excellentiores regni qui attinent regi , propinquiores in sanguine , sceptrum regni cum cruce , et virgam auream cum columba ante regem in processione portabunt . item comes cestriae portabit in processione coram rege , gladium vocatum curtana , ex cujus parte dextra comes huntingdon alium gladium portabit , & tertium ex sinistra parte portabit comes warwick . item unus de nobilioribus dominis & magnatibus regni portabit magna calcaria deaurata in processione . item comes in regno superior ensem circa regem accinctum in coronatione oblatum super altare redimet , & redemptum ante regem in palatium revertentem portabit . item dominus nicholas hastings serviet regi de mappis , & post prandium mappas habebit . item comes leycestriae serviet regi die coronationis suae de officio senescalli . item dominus nicholaus de bello campo de dunely serviet regi de salsario & cultellis , cujus est ipsum officium . item dux ebor. & haeredes sui portabunt coronam regis & reginae in coronatione ipsorum . item comes de arundel . serviat de pinternapio . item comes herford . serviet de constabulario , cujus est ipsum officium . item comes oxon. serviet de camera , cujus est ipsum officium . item comes norfol. serviet de marescalia , cujus est ipsum officium . item domiuus nicholaus furnel . sustentabit brachia regis vel reginae , in coronatione ipsorum . item duo episcopi ad hoc per regem assignati sustentabunt reginam in sua coronatione . item una de nobilibus dominabus angliae semper assistet reginae in sua coronatione & ei sedulo ministrabit . item memorandum , quod archiepiscopus cantuar. unget regem & reginam , & capitibus eorum coronas ponet & deponet : ad quem pertinet jure ecclesiae suae coronatio & unctio regum & reginarum angliae : vel episcopus suffraganeus ecclesiae cantuar. cui dictus archiepiscopus , ipso absente , hujusmodi coronationis officium committet per literas suas patentes , vel ipse episcopus , cui capitulum , sede vacante , officium commiserit exequendum et item archiepiscopus in die coronationis , in pulpito stans interrogabit publice a populo , si istum venerabilem principem justum haeredem ●…egni acclamare , eligere , & ei subjicere , & ejus jussionibus obtemperare voluerit ? tunc à circumstantibus clero & populo elevatis brachiis , & manibus extensis , r espondebit , volumus & concedimus fiat , fiat , amen . the coronation of king edward the sixt . this day the lord protector and others his coexecutors , whose names be hereunto subscribed , upon mature and deep deliberation had amongst them , did finally resolve , that forasmuch as diverse of the old observances and ceremonies to foretimes used at the coronation of the kings of this realm , were by them thought meet for sundry respects to be corrected , and namely for the tedious length of the same , which should weary and be hurtsome peradventure to the kings majestie , being yet of tender age , fully to endure and bide out . and also for that many points of the same , were such as by the laws of this realm , at this present , were not allowable . the kings majesties coronation should be done and celebrated upon shrovesunday next ensuing in the cathedral church at w●…stminster , after the form and order ensuing . first the archbishop of canterbury shall shew the king to the people at . parts of a great pulpit or stage , to be made for the king , and shall say on this wise . sirs , here i present king edward , rightfull and undoubted inheritor , by the laws of god and man , to the royal dignity and crown imperial of this realm , whose consecration , e●…nction and coronation is appointed by all the nobles and peers of this land , to be this day . will you serve at this time , and give your good wills and asse●…ts to the same consecration , enunction and coronation , as by your duty of allegiance ye be bound to do ? the people do answer , yea , yea , yea , and and cry , king edward , king edward , king edward . this done , the archbishop of canterbury , being revested as he should go to masse , with the bishops of london and winchester on both side , with other bishops , and the dean of westminster , in the bishops absence , to go in order before the king. the king shall be brought from his seat by them that assisted him to the church , to the high altar : where after his prayer made to god for his grace , he shall offer a pall , and a pound of gold , . l. in coin , which shal be to him delivered by the lord great chamberlain . then shall the king fall groveling before the altar , and over him the archbishop shall say this collect , deus humili●…m , &c. then the king shall rise , and go to his ●…hair to be prepared before the altar , his face to the alt●… , and standing one shall hold him a book , and the archbishop standing before the king , shall ask him with a loud and distinct voice , in manner and form following . will ye grant to keep to the people of england , and other your realms and dominions , the laws and liberties of this realm , and other your realms and dominions ? i grant and promise . you shall keep to your strength and power , to the church of god , and to all the people , holy peace and concord . i shall keep . you shall make to be done , after your strength and power , equal and rightfull justice in all your dooms and judgements , with mercy and trot●… . i shall do . do ye grant to make no new laws , but such as shall be to the honor and glory of god , and to the good of the common-wealth , and that the same shall be made by the consent of your people , as hath been accustomed ? i grant and promise . then shall the king rise out of his chair , and by them that before assisted him , be led to the high alt●…r , where he sha●…l make a solemn oath upon the sacrament layed upon the ●…aid altar , in the sight of all the people , to observe the premisse , and laying his ●…and again on the book shall say . the things which i have before promised , i shall observe and keep , so god help me and these holy evangelist●… , by me bodily touched upon this holy altar . that done , the king shall fall again g●…oveling before the high altar , and the said archbishop kneeling before him , shall with a loud voice begin , veni creator , &c. which done , the said arch●…ishop standing shall say over the king , te invocamus , &c. and at the end shall kneel again : and then shall the king rise , and be set in the chair again . and after a little pawse , he shall rise , and assisted with those that did before that office , goe again to the high altar , where he shall be unclothed by his great chamberlain unto his coat of crimson satten , which , and also his shirt , shall be opened before and behind on his shoulders , and the bought of his arms by the said great chamberlain , to the intent that on those places he be anointed , and whilest he is in the anointing , sir anthony denny , and sir william herbert must hold a pall over him . and fi●…st the said arch-bishop shall annoint the king kneeling in the palmes of his hands , saying these words . unguantur manus , &c. with this collect , ●…espice omnipotens deus . after he shall annoint him in the breast , in the middest of his back , on his two boughts of his arms , and on his head making a crosse. and ●…fter making another crosse on his head with holy cream , saying as he annointeth the places aforesaid , ungatur caput , ungantur scapulae , &c. during which time of unction , the quier shall continually sing , ung●…runt regem , and the psalm , domine in virtute tua laetabitur rex . and it is to be remembred , that the bishop or dean of westminster , after the kings enunction , shall dry all the places of his body where he was anointed , with cotten , or some linnen cloth , which is to be burnt . and forthwith the places opened for the same are to be clozed by the lord great chamberlain . and on the kings hands shall be put by the said archbishop of canterbury , a pair of linnen gloves , which the lord great chamberlain shall before see prepared . this done , the king shall rise , and the archbishop of canterbury shall put upon the king a tabert of tarteron white , shaped in manner of a dalmatick . and he shall put upon the kings head a coiff , the same to be brought by the great chamberlain . then the king shall take the sword he was girt withall , and offer it himself to god , laying it on the altar , in token that his strength and power should first come from god. and the same sword he shall take again from the altar , and deliver to some great earl to be redeemed of the bishop or dean of westminster for one hundred shillings . which sword shall be borne naked afterwards before the king. then the king being set in his chair before the altar , shall be crowned with king edwards crown , and there shall be brought by the bishop or dean of westminster , the regal sandals and spurs to be presently put on by the lord great chamberlain , and the spurs again immediately taken off , that they do not incumber him . then the archbishop with all the peers and nobles , shall convey the king sustained as before , again into the pulpit , setting him in his siege royal , and then shall the archbishop begin , te deum laudamus , &c. which done , the archbishop shall say unto the king , s●…a et retine amodo locum . and being the king thus set , all the peers of the realm and bishops holding up their hands , shall make unto him homage as followeth , first the lord protector alone , then the archbishop of canterbury and the lord chancellour , so two and two as they be placed . i. n. become your liege man of lieff and limme , and of earthly worship , and faith and troth i●…hall bear unto you , against all manner of folks , as i am bound by any allegiance , and by the laws and statutes of this realm , so help us god and all-hallows . and then every one shall kisse the kings left cheek which done , all there holding up their hands together , in token of their fidelitie , shall with one voice on their knees say , we offer to sustain and defend you and your crown , with our lives , lands and goods , against all the world , and with one voice to cry , god save king edward , which the people shall cry accordingly then shall the king be led to his traverse to hear the high masse , and so depart home crowned , in order as he set forth accordinglie . t. cantuar. t. wriothesly cancellar . w. saint-john . john r●…ssel . j. lisle . cuthb . duresme . anth. brown. will. paget . anthony denny . william herbert . the order of bringing the king and queen into the church , with other ceremonies touching their coronation . . bishops to support the king . bishops to support the queen . bishops to sing the letany . bishop to carry the paten . bishop to bear the regal the dean of westminster to be in the whole action . bishops to attend the archbishop . bishop to preach . to demand the fourth question of the king . nobleman to carry the spurs before the king. . special noblemen to carry the . swords before the king. to carry the . scepters before the king. . to carry the rod with the dove before the king. . nobleman to carry the crown before the queen . . nobleman to carry the s●…epter before the queen . . to carry the ivory-rod before the queen . the ma●…shal of england is to go before the archbishop , to the . sides of the stage , when he demandeth the question of the people touching their willingnesse , &c. the archbishop undoeth the loops of the kings apparel and shirt , and openeth the places to be anointed . the anointing ended , the dean of westminster closeth the loops again which were opened . then a shallow quoiff is put on his head , because of the anointing oyl . then the collobium or dalmatica is put on him by the dean of westminster . and after a prayer ended . the said dean arrayeth the king. first with the supe●…tunica or close pall. then with the tynsin hose . then with the sandals . then are the sp●…rs put on by a nobleman appointed by his majestie . after the archbishop hath delivered the sword unto the king , the same sword is girded about him by a peer thereto appointed by his majesti●… . then the armil is put about his neck , and tied to the boughts of his arms by the dean of westminster . so is likewise the mantel or open pall put on him by the said dean . then the king putteth on the linnen gloves . then the king offereth up his sword , wherewith 〈◊〉 was girt before , then a peer redeemeth the sword , taketh it again from the altar , draweth it out , and carrieth it before the king so drawen from that time during the whole solemnitie . the coronation , inthoronization , and other ceremonies ended , and homage done by the archbishop , bishops , and noblemen , the king delivereth the scepter and the rod with the dove , hiis qui stirpi regali sunt proximiores , who ease the king of them , and carry them before him . touching the solemnity for the queen . the solemnitie of the kings inthoronization and coronation being performed , the archbishop leaveth the king in his throne , and goeth again down to the altar . then the queen who hath all this while reposed her self in her chair beneath , ariseth and commeth to the steps of the altar , and kneeleth down , &c. and when the queen ariseth from her prayer , the chiefest lady present , taketh off her coronet , and after that done , openeth her breast for the anointing , &c. then the queen kneeleth down again , and the archbishop anointeth her , &c. then the chiefest lady attendant , clozeth the queens robe at her breast , and after putteth on her head a linnen quoiff , &c. then the archbishop putteth on her ring , and then crowneth her . and after that , putteth the scepter into her right ●…and , and the ivory rod into her left hand . the communion ended , and other ce●…emonies performed , the king and queen with all solemnitie return to their thrones above , from whence after a while they return down again in all solemn manner into st. edwards chapel , &c. where the king in the traverse is disrobed of st. edwards robes , by the lord great chamberlain , which robes are then delivered to the dean of westminster . then the king is newly arrayed by the lord great chamberlain , with his robes royal , prepared for his majesties wearing that day . then the archbishop setteth the crowns imperial provided for the king and queen to wear that day upon their heads . the king and queen so crowned , taking into their hands each of them their scepter and rod , a●…ter the train is set in order before them , go from st. edwards altar , out to the great altar , and so up to the stage , and so thorough the midst of the quire and church , and return the same way they came . the scepters and rods of st. edward , which the king and queen carried in their hands , are after dinner to be re-delivered to the church of westminster , to be kept with the residue of the regalia . it hath pleased his majestie to give order to me the archbishop , for the appointing of these bishops , . bishops to support the king. . bishops to support the queen . . bishop to carry the regal . . bishop to carry the paten . your lordships are to understand the king his pleasure , which of the noblemen it will like his majestie to appoint . to carry the spurs before the king. . to bear the , , and . sword before the king. . to bear the . scepters before the king. . to bear the rod with the dove before the king. . to carry the crown imperial , which the king is to wear that day . . to bear the crown before the queen . . to bear the scepter before the queen . . to bear the ivory rod before the queen . . to put on the kings spurs . . to girt on the kings sword. . to redeem the sword after . it is ●…ffered , and to bear it drawn before him . . to ease the king of the carriage of his scepter and rod. the manner of the proceeding at the coronation gentlemen and esquires , . and . knights having no liveries . sewers of the chamber . aldermen of london . esquires of the body . clerks of the signet . clerks of the privy seal . clerks of the counsel . clerks of the markets of england , chaplin●… having dignity . secretarie●… of the latin and french. solicitor , attorny , and the kings sergeants . masters of the requests . lord chief baron of the exchequer . lord chief justice of the common plea●… . master of the p●…olls . lord chief justice popham . nunc privati consilii . knights of the bath . sergeant porter . sergeant of the vestry . the kings chapel in copes . the p●…bends of westminster . master of the jewel-house . master of the gardrobe . counsellors being knights . bishops in their robes . barons in their robes . secretary . controuler . thresorer . earls in their robes . their coronets on their caps in their han●…s . clarencieux . lion. vlster . lord keeper . lord archbishop alone . an earl with the spurs . an earl with saint edwards scepter . an earl with the pointed sword. an earl with the sword called curtana . an earl with the third sword. the mayor of london with his mace. garter principal king at arms. gentleman usher of the privy chamber . the lord great chamberlain of england , the constable with his mace. the sword in the scabbard . the ma●…shal with his rod. an earl bearing the scepter of the dane , an earl bearing the crown . an earl bearing the orb. barons of the cinqueports for the canopy . his majestie led by the bishops of duresm and wells . the chamberlain assisting the train . master of the horse . gentlemen of the privy chamber to the king. grooms of the privy chamber . gentlemen-ushers to the queen an earl bearing the queens scepter . an earl bearing the queens crown . an earl bea●…ing the queens ivory rod. a bishop . the queen in a purple robe , her hair dependent , under a canopie borne by the barons of the cinqueports . a bishop . train-bearer . the queens chamberlain supporting the train . marquesses . countesses . baronesses . ladies of the privy chamber . gentlemen of the queens privy chamber . captain of the guard , with all the guard following . for the third , i shall present you with the ceremonies and prayers used at king james , queen annes , and our late king charles their coronations at westminster , ( of which i have two authentick copies ) never formerly printed . processio ad templum de palatio . ascentio ad thronum . interrogatio populi . descentio ad altare . himnus , veni creator . litaniae . unctio regis . investitura regis . benedictio regis . ascentio ad thronum . inthronizatio . homagium . caeremoniae supportationis coronae . communio sacra . descentio ad oblationem . communicatio regis . ascentio ad thronum . finis communionis . oblatio . concio . juramentum regis . colobii , &c. tunica . gladii . armillae . pallii . coronae . annuli . oblatio gladii . sceptri . virgae . descentio ad tumulum edwardi confessoris . depositio coronae sacrae & vestium . indutio coronae novae & vestium . discessio de templo ad palatium . a brief out of the book of the rites of the coronation , called , liber regalis . . the person that is to annoint and crown the king , is the lord arch-bishop of canterbury . . the place is the church of vvestminster , to which it is by divers charters granted , to be locus constitutionis & coronationis regiae & repositorium regalium . . the time ( if it may well be ) some sonday or holy-day . the preparation . . there is a stage set up , square , close to the four high pillars , between the quire and the altar , railed about , which stage is to be spread with tapestry , and the railes of it to be richly covered . . it is also to have stairs , out of the quire up to it : and down from it to the altar , other staires eastward . . there is a throne of estate for the king to be erected on the said stage , adorned in all points as is meet . . there is also another chair of estate for the king , to be set below by the altar , on the right side of it , and a fald-stool , with cushions for the king to pray at . . there is a traverse also to be made in st. edwards chappell , for the king to disrobe himself in , after the ceremonies of his coronation ended . the evening before the coronation . . the evening before the coronation , the king is to be put in minde to give himself a certain space to contemplation and prayers . in what sort it is set down , in libro regali . it appertaineth by office to the * abbot of westminster , to remember his m●…jesty of this and other observances . . there is then also to be delivered by his majesties appointment to such persons , as he shall like to assigne to carry them ; . the regall . . the paten . . the two scepters . . the rod with the dove . . the spurs . . there is then also to be delivered to his majesty , the tuniea , or shirt of red silke , with the places for the annoynting opened , and looped close , which he is to wear next over his shirt . the morning of the coronation . . it is to be provided , that all the regalia ( that is , king edward the confessors ) crown and other ornaments , together with the ampull wherein is the oyle , with which antiently the kings and queens have been anoynted , be laied ready upon the altar . . it is to be provided , that the crown and other robes royal , which the king is to put on and wear after the rites of the coronation ended , be brought and laid ready in the traverse within saint edwards chappel . . there is cloth to be spread on the ground , from the pallace hall door unto the stage in the church , for his majesty to tread on all the way , by the heir of the lord beauchamp of bedford almoner for the coronation day . the receiving of the king into the church . . the archbishop and bishops of the realm then present , together with the church and quire of westminster onely , are to meet the king at the pallace gate , in procession wise . . two bishops assigned by the king , are to bear the one the regal , the other the paten . . after them , three peers ( by the king likewise to be appointed ) are to bear , the one the scepter with the crosse , the other the long scepter , the third the rod with the dove . . after them the three swords to be born , per comitem . cestriae . . hunting don & . warwick . . after them a peer by the king , appointed to bear the spurs . . then the king under a canopy born by the barons of the cinque ports . the king supported by the two bishops of durham and bathe . . abbas westomonaster semper lateri regis adhaerendo praesens debet esse pro dicti regis informatione in hiis quae dictae coronationis concernunt solennitatem . ad ipsum vero hoc officium solummodo spectat . the king is to be received into the church with an anthem . protector noster . protector noster aspice deus , & respice in faciem uncti tui , quia melior est dies una in atriis tuis super millia . quam dilecta , &c. gloria patri , &c. behold o lord , our protector , and look upon the face of thine anointed , because one day in thy court , is better then a thousand . psal. quam dilecta , &c. . . gloria patri , &c. the king passing up the body of the c●…ch , and so through the quire , goeth up the stai●…s u●… his throne of estate , and there r●…poseth hi●…lf . the king set in his throne , the arc●…bishop going to every of the four fides of the stage , viz. north , south , east and west , ( the marshall of england , going before him to all the said places ) asketh the people if they be willing to accept of the king as thei●… soveraigne , that he may be anointed and crowned ? his verbis . the people demanded if they be willing . sirs , here i present unto you king james , the rightful inheritor of the crown of this realm , wherefore all you that be come this day to do your homage , service , and bounden duty , be ye willing to do the same ? or thus , sirs , here present is james rightfull and undoubted inheritor by the laws of god and man , to the crown and royal dignity of england , with all things thereunto annexed and appertaining , elect , chosen and required by all three esta●…es of this same land , to take upon him this said crown and royal dignity , whereupon you shall understand that this day is fixed and appointed by all the peers of the land , for the consecration , enunction and coronation of the said most excellent prince james . will you serve him at this time , and give your wills and assents to the same consecration , e●…ction , and coronation ? or thus , will you take this worthy prince james , right heir of the realm , and have him to your king , and become subjects to him , and submit your selves to his commandements ? this while , the king standing up , turneth himself to every of the four sides , as the archbishop is at every of them speaking to the people . the people signifying their willingnesse , by answering all in one voice , yea , yea , god save king james . the quire singeth the anthem . firmetur manus . firmetur manus tua , & exaltetur dextra tua justitia & judicium pr●…paratio sedis tuae , misericordia & veritas precedent faciem tuam , alleluiah . firmetur manus tua . let thy hand be strengthned , and thy right hand be exalted . let justice and judgement be the preparation ●…f thy seat , and mercy and truth go before thy face . alleluia ps. misericordias dei. glory be to the father , &c. while the quire singeth the anthem , the archbishop goeth down to the altar , and revesteth himself there . the archbishop being there ready , the king , supported by the two bishops , ( as before ) and attended by the abbot of westminster , goeth down from his throne to the altar . the kings offering , and the sermon . there he maketh his first oblation , which is , pallium ●…nm , & una libra auri . after the king hath offered , he kneeleth down at his fald-stool . the archbishop saith the prayer . deus humilium . deus humilium visitator , qui nos sancti spiritus illustratione consolaris , pretende super hun●… famulum tuum jacobum gratiam tuam , nt per eum , tuum in nobis addesse sentiamus adventum per d●…minum christum nostrum , &c. deus visitator humilium . o god which dost visit those that are humble , and dost comfort us , by the light of thy holy spirit , send down thy grace upon this thy servant james , that by him we may feel thy presence amongst us , through jesus christ. then doth the sermon begin , which the king heareth in his chair of estate by the altar on the south side of it . the sermon being done , the archbishop goeth to the king , and a●…keth his majesty concerning his willingness to take the oath , usually taken by his predece●…ors . the king ( shewing himself willing therewithall ) ariseth and cometh to the altar . the archbishop ministreth the three first questions , and the king answereth them severally . scilic●… . quaestio . si leges & consuetudines ab antiquis justis & deo devotis regibus , flebi anglorum concessas , cum sacrame●… confirmatione eidem plebi concedere & servare voluerit , & praesertim leges consuetudines & libertates à glorioso rege edwardo clero & populo concessas , &c. dicto autem principe se promittente omnia praemissa concessurum & servaturum . tunc exponat ei metropolitan●… de quibus jurabit . ita dicendo , &c. prima quaestio . servabis ecclesiae dei , cleroque & populo pacem ex integro & concordiam in deo , secundum vires tuas ? respondebit , servabo . secunda quaestio . facie fieri in omnibus judiciis tuis equam & rectam justitiam & discretionem in misericordia & veritate secundum vires tuas ? resp. faciam . tertia quaestio . concedis instas leges & consuetudines esse tenendas , & promittis per te eas esse protegendas , & ad honorem dei corroborandas , quas vulgus elegerit secundum vires tuas ? respondebit , concedo , & promitto . sequitur admonitio episcoporum ad regem , & legatur ab 〈◊〉 episcopo coram omnibus clara voce . sic dicendo . domine rex à vobis perdonari petimus , ut unicuique de nobis , & ecclesiis nobis commissis , canonicum privilegium ac debitam legem atque justitiam conservetis , & defensionem exhibeatis , ●…ut rex in suo regno debet , unicuique episcopo & ecclesiiis sibi commissis . respondebit , animo libenti & devoto , promitto vebis & perdono , quia unicuique de vobis & ecclesiis vobis commissis canonicum privilegium & debitam legem atque justitiam servabo , & defensionem quantum potuero , adjuvante domino , exhibebo , ●…cut rex in suo regno unicuique episcopo & ecelesiis sibi commissis quod rectum exhibere debet . adjiciantur praedictis iuterrogationibus quae justa fuerint . pronunciatis omnibus supra dictis , dictus princeps confirmet se omnia pr●…dicta esse servaturum . sacramento super alt●…re coram cunctis protinus praestito . juramentum gallice . sire , voulez vous granter & garder , & per vostre serment confirmer au peuple de angleterre les leys & les custumes a eulx granteé par les roies de angleterre & voz predecesseurs droictereulx & devoutez a dieu , & nommement les leys , les custumes , & les franchisez granter au clergie , & au peuple par le gloriens roy saint eduard vostre predecesseur ? responsio regis . ie les grant & promet . episcopus . sire , garderez vous a dieu & au seinte eglise , au clergie & au peuples , paix & accord en dien entirement selonque vostre poer ? resp. regis . ie le garderay . episcopus . sire ferez vouz faire en toutz voz jugements droit , justice , & discretion in misericorde & verite a vostre poer ? resp. regis . ie le feray . episcopus . sire , granterez vouz a tenir & a garder les leys , & les custumes droicturelles les quelux la communaute de vostre reaume auera es leus , & lez defenderez & 〈◊〉 al honor de dien , a vostre poer ? 〈◊〉 . regis . ie les grant & promet . the kings oath in english. sir , will you grant and keep , and by your oath confirm to the people of england , the lawes and customes to them granted by the kings of england , your lawful and religious predecessors ; and namely the la●… , c●…mes , and franchises granted to the clergy and to the people , by the glorious king st. edward your predecessor ? rex resp. i grant and promise to keep them . episcopus . sir , will you keep peace and agreement entirely ( according to your power ) both to god , the holy church , the clergy and the people ? rex . i will keep it . episcopus . sir , will you to your power , cause law , iustice , and discretion in mercy and truth , to be executed in all your judgements ? rex . i will. episcopus . sir , will you grant to hold and keep the lawes and rightfull customes , which the commonalty of your kingdom have , and to defend and uphold them to the honour of god , so much as in you lye ? responsio regis . i grant and promise so to do . this done the king 〈◊〉 to the observation of what he hath promised them upon the altar . after the o●…th thus taken , the king returneth to his chair of estate ag●…in . the archbishop beginneth the hymn , veni creator spiritus , and the quire sing it . the hymn ended , the king kneels down at his fald-stool , and the archbishop saith the prayer , te invocamus , &c. te invocamus domine . te invocamus domine sanct●… , pater omnipotens eterne deus , ut hunc famulum tuum jacobum , quem tuae divinae dispensationis providentia in primordio plasmatum usque hunc praesentem diem juvenili flore letantem crescere concessisti ; eum tuae pietatis don●… ditatum , plenumque gratia veritatis de die in diem coram deo & hominibus ad meliora semper proficere f●…cias , ut summi regiminis solium , gratiae supernae largitate gaudens suscipiat : et misericordiae tuae muro ab hostium adversitate undique munitum . plebem sibi commissam cum pace propitiationis & virtute victoriae feliciter regere mereatur , per jesum christum . we beseech thee , o lord holy father , almighty and everlasting god , for this thy servant james , that as at the first thou broughtest him into the world by thy divine providence , and in the flower of his youth , hast preserved him untill this present day , so thou wilt evermore enrich him with the gift of piety , fulfill him with the grace of truth , and increase him daily in all goodnesse in the sight of god and men , that he may joyfully receive the seat of supreme government , by the gift of thy supernal grace ; and being defended from all his enemies , by the wall of thy mercy , he may happily govern the people committed to his charge . after the prayer done , beginneth the letany to be sung by two bishops . vel duo cantores . infra letaniam haec adjungantu●… . ut praesentem famulum tuum in tua pietate , justicia & sanctitate confirmare & conservare digneris , te rogamus audi nos . p●…stea sequantur hae orationes . omnipotens sempiterne deus creator omnium imperatorum , angelorum rex regnantium , dominusque dominantium , qui abraham fidelem famulum tuum de hostibus triumphare fecisti ; moysi & josuae populo praelatis multiplicem victoriam tribuisti ; humilemque david puerum tuum regni fastigio sublimasti . salomonem sapientiae , pacisque ineffabili munere ditasti . respice nos ad preces humilitatis nostrae , & super hunc famulum tuum quem supplici devotione in regem consecramus benedictionum tuarum dona multiplica eumque dextrae tuae potenti●… semper & ubique cir●…da , quatenus pr adicti abrahae fide firmatus , moysis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fretus , josuae fortitudine munitus . davidi humilitate 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 sapi●… decoratus , tibi in omnibus placeat . et per tramitem justitiae inoffenso gressu semper incedat . 〈◊〉 tuam deinceps cum plebibus sibi 〈◊〉 ut enutriat ac 〈◊〉 , muniat & instruat . contraque omnes visibiles & inv●…biles hostes 〈◊〉 potenter regaliterque virtutis regimen administret , et ad verae fidei pacisque concordiam eorum animos ( te opitu●…nte ) reformet , ut horum populorum debita subjectione fultus , cum digno amore glorificatus , ad paternum decenter solium tua miseratione concendere mereatur . tuae quoque protectionis galea munitus , & scuto insuperabili jugiter protectus , armisque ●…ibus circundatus , optabilis victoriae triumphum feliciter ●…piat , terrorem que suae potentiae infidelibus inferat , et pacem in militantibus letanter reportet per dominum nostrum qui virtute crucis tartara destruxit , regnoque diaboli superacto , ad coelos victor ascendit , in quo potestas omnis regum consistit & victoria , qui est gloria humilium & vita salusque popnlorum , qui tecum vivit . amen . o almighty and everlasting god , creator of all things , ruler of angels , king of kings , and lord of lords , who didst cause thy faithful servant abraham to triumph over his enemies ; didst give m●…ny victories to moyses , and 〈◊〉 , the governors of thy people , didst exalt thy lowly servant david , unto the height of a kingdome ; didst enrich solomon with the unspeakable gift of wisdome and peace . give ear we beseech thee unto our humble prayers , and multiply thy blessing upon this thy servant , whom in lowly devotion we do consecrate our king ; that he being strengthned with the faith of abraham , indued with the mildnesse of moyses , armed with the for●…itude of joshua , exalted with the humility of david , beautified with the wisdome of solomon , he may ●…lease thee in all things , he may alwaies walk uprightly in the way of righ●… , he may nourish and teach , defend and instruct thy church and people , and like a mighty king , minister unto them the government of thy ver●…e against all enemies visible and invisible , and by thy help reform their mindes to the concord of true faith and peace , that being underpropped by the due obedience , and honoured by the condign love of these his people , he may , by thy mercy royally ascend up to the throne of his forefather , and being defend●…d with the helmet of thy protection , covered with thy invincible shield , and al●… clad with heavenly armour , he may gloriously triumph , and by his power both terrifie infidels , and bring joyfull peace to those that fight for thee , through our lord , who by the power of his crosse hath destroyed hell , and having overthrown the kingdome of the devil , is with victory ascended into heaven , in whom doth consist all power , kingdome and victory , who is the glory of the humble , the life and salvation of his people , who liveth with thee and the holy ghost . benedic domine , &c. hunc regem nostrum jacobum , qui regna moderaris a seculo , & tali eum benedictione glorifica , ut davidis toneat sublimitas sceptrum & glorificatus in ejus te propitio reperiatur merito . da ei tuo inspiramine 〈◊〉 mansuetudine ita regere populum sicut salomonem fecisti reg●…um obtinere pacificum . tibi cum timore semper sit subditus , tibique militet cum quiete . sit tuo clipeo protectus cum proceribus , & ubique tua gratia major existat . honorifica eum prae cunctis regibus gentium . felix populis dominetur , & feliciter eum nationes adorent . vivat inter gentium catervas magnanimus . sit in judiciis aequitatis singularis . locuplet eum tua pr ●…dives dextera frugiferam obtineat patriam . et ejus libris tribuis profutura praesta ei prolixitatem vitae per tempora , ut in diebus ejus oriatur justitia . a te robustum teneat regiminis solium , & eum jocunditate & justitia 〈◊〉 glorietur in regno . amen . o lord , thou that governest all kingdomes from everlasting , blesse we beseech thee this our king , that he may rule like ' david , and by thy mercy obtain his reward . grant that by thy inspiration he may govern with the mildenesse of s●…lomon , and enjoy a peaceable kingdome . grant that he may serve thee with fear , and fight for thee with constancy . protect him and his nobles with thy shield , and alwaies give him victory by thy grace . honour him before all the kings of the earth ; let him rule over countryes , and let nations adore him . let him be singular in judgement and equity , and make him rich with thy rich right hand . give him a fruitful country , and give to his children all good things . give him a long life in this world , and in his dayes let justice flourish . strengthen thou the throne of his government , and with gladnesse and righteousnesse , let him glory in thy eternal kingdome , through jesus christ. deus in●…ffabilis author mundi , conditor generis humani , gubernator imperii confirmator , regni , qui utero fidelis amici tui patriarchae nostrae abrahae praeelegisti regem seculis profuturum . tuum presentem regem hunc cum exercitu suo per in●…rcessionem omnium sanctorum uberi benedictione locupleta , & in solium regni firma stabilitate connecte visita eum sicut moysem in rubro , josuam in praelio , gedeon in agro samuelem in templo . et illa eum benedictione syderia , ac sapientiae tu●… rorae perfunde , quantum beatus david in psalterio , salomon filius ejus , te remunerante precepit è coelo . si●… ei contra acies inimicorum lorica , in adversis galea , in prosperis patientia , in protectione clipeus sempeternus , & presta ut gentes illi teneant fidem . proceres sui habeant pacem , diligant caritatem , abstineant se à cupiditate , loquantur justitiam , custodiant veritatem . et ita populus iste pullulet coalitus benedictione aeternitatis ut semper permaneant tripudiantes in pace victores , per christum dominum nostrum , &c. god the unspeakable author of the world , the creator of mankinde , the governor of empires , the establisher of kingdomes , who out of the loynes of thy faithfull friend our father abraham , didst choose a king that should save all nations . blesse we beseech thee this our present king , and his army with a rich blessing . establish him in the throne of this kingdome . visit him , as thou didst visit moses in the bush , josua in the battel , gedeon in the field , and samuel in the temple ; besprinkle him with the dew of thy wisdome , and give unto him the blessing of david and solomon . be thou unto him a coat armour against his enemies , and an helmet in adversity . give him patience in prosperity , and protect him alwaies with thy shield . grant that other countries may keep faith unto him , and that his nobles may live in peace , embrace charity , abstain from covetousnesse , speak justice and maintain truth ; and so this people may grow up together with the blessing of ●…ity , that having overcome , they may rejoyce in everlasting peace , through christ our lord. deus qui populus tuis virtute consuli●… , & amore dominaris , da huic famulo tuo jacobo spiritum 〈◊〉 , cum regimine disciplinae , ut tibi toto corde dev●… in regni regimine maneat semper idoneus , tuoque munere ipsius temporibus securitas ecclesiae dirigatur , & in tranquillitate devotio christiana perma●… , ut bonis operibus perseverans ad aeternum regnum te duce valeat pervenire , per dominum jesum chri●… , &c. god which providest for thy people by thy power , and rulest over them in love , 〈◊〉 unto this thy servant james , the spirit of wisdome and government , that being devoted unto thee with all his heart , he may so wisely govern this kingdome , that in his time the church may be in 〈◊〉 , and ch●…n devotion may continue in peace , that so persevering to the end in good works , he may by thy mercy come unto thine everlasting kingdome , through thy son our lord jesus christ , who liveth and reigneth with thee world without end . amen . the letany being ended , the archbishop begineth to say aloud , sursum corda . resp. habemus ad dominum . lift up your hearts , &c. answ. we lift them up unto the lord. verè dignum & justum est aequum & salutare , os tibi semper & ubique gratias agere , domine sancte , pater omnipotens , eterne deus , electorum fortitudo & humilium celsitudo , qui in primordio per effusionem diluvii crimina mundi castigare voluisti , & per columbam ramum olivae portantem pacem terris redditam demonstrasti . iterumque aaron famulum tuum per unctionem olei sacerdotem sanxisti , & postea per hujus unguenti infusionem ad regendum populum israeliticum sacer●…es ac reges & prophetas praefecisti , vultumque ecclesiae in oleo exhiler andum per prophaeticam famuli tui vocem davidi esse praedixisti . ita quaesumus omnipot●… pater ut per hujus creaturae pinguedinem hunc servum t●…um jacobum sanctificare tua benedictione digneris , eumque in similicudine columbae pac●…m simplicitatis populo sibi subdito praestare , & exemplo aaronis in dei servicio diligenter imitari , regnique fastigia in consiliis scientiae & aequitate judicii semper assequi , vultumque hilaritatis per hunc olei unction●…m tuamque benedictionem ( te adjuvante ) toti plebi paratum habere facia●… per christum dominum nostrum , &c. it is very meet , right , and our bounden duty , that we should at all times , and in all places , give thanks unto thee , o lord , holy father , almighty and everlasting god , the strength of thy chosen , and the exalter of the humble , which in the beginning , by the beginni●…g out of the flood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 t●…e 〈◊〉 of the world , ●…nd by a d●…ve conv●…ying an olive b●…nch , did●… give a token of reconcile 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and ag●…in did●… consec●…te thy ser●… aaron a p●…est by the anoy●…ing of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 by the 〈◊〉 of this oyl , did●… make priests , and kings , and prophets , to govern thy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and by the voice of the 〈◊〉 david , ●…idst 〈◊〉 th●… the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 church shou●… be m●…de cheerfull 〈◊〉 oyl . we beseech thee almighty father , that thou 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to blesse and ●…tifie this thy serv●…nt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he 〈◊〉 minister peace unto his people , and 〈◊〉 aaron in the service of god. that he may attain the ●…ection of government in counsel and 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 alwaies cheerful , and amiable to the whole people , through christ our lord. this done the king ariseth from his devotion , and reposeth him a while in his chair of estate . after a while , he goeth to the altar , and there disrobeth himself of his upper garments ( his under apparel being made open with loops only closed ) at the places which are to be anoynted . the archbishop undoeth the loops , and openeth the places which he is to anoynt . the archbishop first anoynteth his hands : saying , unguantur manus &c. istae de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unde uncti fuerunt reges & proph●… . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut sis benedictus & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 istum quem dominus deus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & gubernandum ; quod ipse prestare 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & spiritu sancto , &c. let these hands be anoyn●…d , as 〈◊〉 ●…nd p●…phets have been anoyn●…ed , and as samuel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be king , that thou maist be blessed , a●…d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a king in this kingdome over this people , whom the lord thy god hath given thee to rule and govern , which he vouch●… to grant , who with the father and the holy ghost , &c. the mean while the quire singeth the anthem , sadoc . sacerdo . sadock the 〈◊〉 and n●…than the prophet , anoynted solom●… king , and all the people rejoyced , and said , god save the king for ever . the arch●…op saith this prayer . prospice omnipotens deus serenibus obtutibus hunc gloriosum regem , & sicut benedixisti abraham , isaack & jacob , sic illum largis benedictionibus spiritualis gr●…iae cum omni plenitudine tua po●…entia irrigare atque perfundere dignare . tribue ei de rore coeli & de pinguedine terrae habundantiam frumenti vini , & olei , & omnium frugum opulentiam ex largitate divini muneris longa per tempora , ut illo regnante sit sanitas corporum in patria , & pax inviolata sit in regno , & dignitas gloriosa regalis palla●… maximo splendore regiae potestatis oculis omnium fulgeat , luce clarissima choruscare atque splendescere qui splendidi●… fulgura maximo profusa lumine videatur . tribue ei omnipotens deus , ut sit for●…ssimus protector patriae , & consolator ●…siarum ac coenobiorum sanctorum , maxima cum pietate regalis munificentiae , atque ut sit fortissimus regum triumphator , hostium ad opprimendas rebelles , & paganas 〈◊〉 . sitque suis inimiciis satis terribilis pro maxima fortitudine regalis potentiae . optimatibu●… quoque atque praecelsis proceribus ac 〈◊〉 sui regni munisicus & amabilis , & pius ; ut ab 〈◊〉 timeatur atque deligatur . reges quoque de lumbis ejus per 〈◊〉 temporum futurorum egrediantur , regnum hoc regere totum , & post gloriosa tempora atque faelicia praesentis vitae gaudia 〈◊〉 in perpetua be atitudine habere mereatur . p●…r christum , &c. look down almighty god with thy favourable countenance upon this glorious king , and as thou did'st blesse abraham , isa●… and jacob , so vouchsafe we beseech thee by thy 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 water hi plen●…fully with the blessings o●… thy grace . 〈◊〉 unto him of the dew of heaven , and of the 〈◊〉 of the earth , abundance of corn , and wine , and oyl , and plenty of all fruits of thy goodnesse long to con●…e , that in his time here may be health in our coun●…ey , and peace in our kingdome , and that the glorious dignity of his royal court , may brightly shine as a most clear lightning , far and wide in the eyes of all men . grant almighty god , that he may be a most mighty protector of his countrey , a bountifull comforter of churches and holy societies , the most valiant of kings , that he may triumph over his enemies , and subdue rebels and infidels ; that he may be loving and amiable to the lords and nobles , and all the faithfull subjects of his kingdome , that he may be feared , and loved of all men , that his children may be kings to rule this kingdome by succession of all ages , and that after the glorious and happy dayes of this present life , he may obtain everlasting joy and happinesse through christ our lord. the prayer ended , the archbishop proceedeth with his 〈◊〉 . . of the breast . . between the shoulders . . of both the shoulders . . of the boughes of both his armes . . of his head in the crown . the anoy●…ing being done , the abbot of westmi●… closeth the loops again which were opened . the archbishop saith these prayers . deus dei filius . d●…us dei filius 〈◊〉 christe 〈◊〉 noster qui à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…ationis unctus est , participibu●… suis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 infusionem spiritus paracliti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fundat benedictionem , candemque usque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 our lord , which was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 father with the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he by his ●…oly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ble●…sing of the ●…oly ghos●… and make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inward p●…rt of ●…y hear●… , so that th●…u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 grace , and h●…ving in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thou 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b●…ing ●…thout 〈◊〉 doth live in glory with 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 fa●…her , and the holy ●…host . 〈◊〉 ●…usotum glori●… , & in●…cordia pecoator●… , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 s●…nguine su●… genus human●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & propug●…tores in te sperantium , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…norum continetur pot●…stas . te 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 famulumu tuum j●…cobum in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ●…n praesenti sede regali bened●…cas , ●…ique 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut qui tua expetit protectione des●…di , 〈◊〉 sit hostibu●… fortio●… . fac eum domine ●…eatum esse , & victorem de invict●…ssimis . coro●…a eum coron●… justiti●… & 〈◊〉 , ut ex toto corde & tetamente in te ●…redens tibi deservi●… . s●…nctum tuam ecclesiam defend●…t & sublime●… , popu●…mque sibi commissum , juste regat , n●…llis ins●…iantibus malis eum 〈◊〉 ●…ustitiam convertat . accend●… domine cor e●…as ad 〈◊〉 gra●…iae , per hoc unctio●…is ol●…um , unde ●…xisti 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 & ' prophetas , qu●…tinus diligens justi●…am 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 justitiae populum d●…cens post 〈◊〉 à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 annoru●… c●…rricula 〈◊〉 ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mere●…tur . per christum ●…esum , &c. god which art the glory of the ri●…hteous , and the mercy of sinners , who hath sent thy son to redeem mankinde wi●…h his p●…ecious blood , who bringest wars to ●…n end , and defendest those that tru●…t in th●…e , upon whose good will and pleasure doth depend the strength of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we hum●…ly p●…ay in this r●…yal 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who pur●…eth his con●…ence in thy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…hy 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 wi●…h ●…im , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be 〈◊〉 by th●… 〈◊〉 , may 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hi●… 〈◊〉 : crown him with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 that with all his 〈◊〉 , ●…nd all his 〈◊〉 he 〈◊〉 in thee , 〈◊〉 ●…ee , 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ch●…ch , and govern the people 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 and equi●…y . kin●…le 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 grace by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…ere ●…ith th●…u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 th●…t the l●…ving justice , and leading hi●… 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 , a●…ter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which tho●… 〈◊〉 appoin●…ed , he may 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , through christ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b●…ing ended . first a shallow q●…oife is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( because of the 〈◊〉 ) if his m●…jesties haire be not sm●…th after it ; the●…e is king edwards ivory combe for th●…t end . then the co●…bium or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 put on him . after the putting on wh●…reof , the archbishop sai●…h the prayer . deus rex regum , &c. the king put●…h ●…n the linnen gloves ( p●…rt of the regalia . ) then he taketh off his sword , wherewith he was girt before . he goeth to the al●…ar , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it . the chief peer then present 〈◊〉 , and redeemeth the sword , which having done , he draweth the sword out , and carryeth it naked before the king , from that time all the solemnity . the arc●…bishop taketh the scepter with the crosse , and delivereth it into the kings right hand , with these words ; accipe s●…cptrum regiae potestatis insigne , virgam so●…icet regni rect●…m , virga●… virtu●… , qua 〈◊〉 benè 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 eccles●…m p●…pulumque vid●…licet christianum tibi 〈◊〉 ' domino commiss●…m regia virtute ab improbis def●…dat , pravos corrigas , rectos 〈◊〉 & ut viam rectam 〈◊〉 poss●…t tuo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 de temporali regno ad 〈◊〉 regnum pervenias , ipso 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 regnum 〈◊〉 in secula 〈◊〉 . amen . receive the scepter , the signe of kingly power , the rod of the kingdome , the rod of vertue , that thou m●…ist govern thy sel●… aright , and d●…nd the holy church and christian people committed by god unto thy charge . punish the wicked , and protect the just , and lead them in the way of righreousnesse , that from this temporal kingdome , thou mai●… be advanced to an eternal kingdome , by his goodnesse whose kingdome is everlasting . after the archb●…shop saith this prayer . omnium domine fons bonorum , cunctorumque deus institutorum perfectuum , tribue quaesumns famulo tuo jacobo adeptam benè regere dig●…atem , & à te sibi praestitum honorem dign●…re corroborare . honorifica eum 〈◊〉 regibus , uberi eum benedictione locupleta , & in solio regni firma stabili●…te consolida ; visita eum sobole , praesta eum prolixitatem vitae . in diebus ejus semper ●…riatur justitia , ut cum ●…ecunditate & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 glorietur in regno . o lord the fountain of all good things , and the author of all good proceedings , grant we beseech thee to this thy servant james , that he may order aright the dignity he hath o●…tained . vouchsafe to confirm the honour which thou hast given him , honour him before all kings , and ●…rich him with a rich benediction ; establish him in the throne of this realm ; visit him with increase of children , let justice spring up in his dayes , and with joy of gladnesse , let him reign in thine everlasting kingdome . then the archbishop delivereth the rod with the dove into the kings left hand , saying . accipe virgam virtutis atque aeq●…atis , qua intelligas te mulcere pios , & terrere superbos , errantes ●…iam doce , lapsisque manum porrige , 〈◊〉 superbos & releves humiles , ut aperiat tibi est●…um josus christus dominus noster , qui de se ipso ait ; ego sum ostium per me si quis introierit s●…lvabitur . et ipse qui est clavis d●…vid & sc●…um domus israel , qui aperit , & nemo cl●…udit , claudit & nemo aperit , sit tibi adjutor , qui educit vinctum de domo carceris , sedentem in t●…nebris & umbra mortis , ut in omnibus sequi merearis eum de quo propheta david cecinit , sedes tua deus in seculum seculi , virga recta est virga regni tui , & imitare ipsum qui dicit . diligas justitiam & odio habeas iniquitatem , propterea un●…it te deus deus tuu●… oleo laetitiae ad exemplum i●…us , quem ante secula unxerat prae particibus suis , iesum christum dominum nostrum , &c. receive the rod of vertue and equity , learn to make much of the godly , and to terrifie the wicked , shew the way to those that go astray . offer thy h●…nd to those that fall . repress the pro●…d . lift up the lo●…vly , that our lord jesus christ may open to thee the dore , who saith of himself , i am the dore , b●… me if any man enter in he shall be safe ; and let him be thy helper , who is the key of david and the scepter of the house of israel , who openeth and no man shutteth , who shutteth and no man openeth , who bringeth forth the captive out of prison , where he sate in darkness and in the shadow of death , that in all things thou mayest follow him of whom the prophet david saith , thy seat o god endureth for ever , the scepter of thy kingdome is 〈◊〉 right scepter , thou hast loved righ●…eousness , and hated iniquity : where●…ore god even thy god hath anointed thee with the oyl of gladness above thy fellows , even jesus christ our lord. after this he blesseth the king , saying . benedicat tibi , &c. dominus 〈◊〉 t●… , & 〈◊〉 t●… voluit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suum esse regem . 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 seculo f●…licem & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esse 〈◊〉 . ●… 〈◊〉 . the lor●… 〈◊〉 and keep ●…hee and ●…s ●…e hath m●…de thee king 〈◊〉 his people , so he still p●…osper the●… in this world , an●… 〈◊〉 thee p●…rtaker o●… his ete●…nal 〈◊〉 in the world to come . amen . gran●… o lord th●…t the clergy and people gathered together by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…or this service of the king may by the g●…acious 〈◊〉 of thy goodnesse , and th●… vigil●…nt care of ●…hy 〈◊〉 ●…nd king be continually governed , and 〈◊〉 in all 〈◊〉 . amen . grant that they obeying ●…hy holy will , m●…y be ●…reed from ●…ll adversities and 〈◊〉 the riches of thy grace , may with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 w●…lk in ●…he waies of thy commandements , that in this life being made partakers of thy peace , they may be citizens of thy kingdome in the life that is to come , through jesus christ our lord. amen . the king kisseth the archbishop , and the bishops then assistant . after this , the king goeth up ●…rom the altar to the stage ( all the peers solemnly attending his maj●…sty in their places . ) in the mean time the quire sing ; 〈◊〉 de●…m 〈◊〉 &c. which being ended , the archbishop 〈◊〉 the king into his throne there : a●…ying , sta & retine à modo l●…cum , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 usque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tenuisti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per 〈◊〉 dei omnipotent is & praesentem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & om●…ium episcoporum caeterorumque dei 〈◊〉 , & quanto clerum sanctis altaribus propinquiorem 〈◊〉 , tanto ei potiorem in locis congruis honorem impendere memineris , qu●…tenus mediator dei & hominum te mediatorem cleri & plebis in hoc regni solio confirmet , & in regnum aeternum regnare faciat jesus christus dominus noster , rex r●…gum & dominus dominantium , qui cum patre & spiritu sancto vivit , & regnat in secula seculorum . amen . stand and hold fast from henceforth , that place whereof hitherto tho●… hast been heir by the succession of thy fore-fathers , being now delivered unto thee , by the authority of almighty god , and by the ●…nds of us , and all the bishops and servants of god ; and as thou seest the clergy to come nearer unto the altar , so remember that in places convenient thou give them greater honour●… that the mediator of god ●…nd man may establish thee in this kingly throne , to be the mediator betwixt the clergy and the laity , and that thou maist raigne for ever with jesus christ , the king of kings , and the lord of lords , who with the father and the holy ghost , ●…veth and reigneth for ever . amen . which done , all the peers do their homage to the king. his verbis . i become your leige-man of life and limb , and of carthly worship , and faith and ●…eoth shall bear unto you , to live and dye with you against all manner of folk . so god me help . and after , put their hands and touch the crown ( by way of ceremony , as promising to ●…upport it with all their power . ) then the king to ease himself of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rod in his 〈◊〉 , giveth them to carry to such as it 〈◊〉 his majesty . the archbishop kneeled down , and made his hom●…ge as followeth , out of the coronation of edward the . j. a. shall be faithfull and true , and faith and troth bear unto you our soveraign lord , and to your heires kings of england , and i shall do and truly knowledge the service due of the lands i claim to hold of you , as in the right of your church , as god shall help me . and so kissed the kings left cheek , &c. or these words taken out of another book . i become your man leige of life and limb , and troth and hearty honour to you shall bear , against all men that now live and dye . so help me god , &c. the a●…chbishop goeth down to the altar , and begins the communion . the prayer . quaesumus omnipotens , &c. quaesumus omnipotens deus , ut ●…amulus tuus jacobus rex noster , qui tua miseration●… suscepit regni guberna●…ula , virtutum etiam omnium percipiat incrementa . quibus decenter ornatus ; & vitiorum voraginem devitare , & hostes superare , & ad te qui veritas & vita es gratiosus v●…leat pervenire , per dominum iesum nostrum . amen . o almighty god , w●… beseech thee that this thy servant james our king , who by thy mercy hath received the government of this realm , may also receive an increase of all vertues , whereby he may be acceptable to thee , and avoid the gulfe of vice , and overcome all his enemies , and finally come ●…o thee in glory , who art the way the truth , and the life , thorough christ our lord. the epistle , pet. . by two bishops . the gospel , matth. . by two bishops . the nicene creed . the offertory . the king cometh down from the throne to offer . he offereth twice . . bread and wine . . a mark of gold. then the prayer , omnipotens deus , &c. omnipotens deus det tibi de rore coeli & de pinguedine terrae habund●…ntiam srumenti , vini & olei , & serviant tibi populi , & ad●…rent te tribus . esto dominus fratrum tuorum , & incurventur ante to filii matris tuae , & qui benedixerit tibi benedictionibus repleatur , & deus erit ●…djutor tuus . opus benedicaet tibi benedictionibus coeli desuper in montibus , & in collibus benedictionibus abyssi jacentibus deorsum , benedictionibus uberum , & uvarum pom●…rumque , benedictiones patr●…m antiquorum abraham & isa●…c & jacob confortatae sint super te . almighty god , give thee of the dew of heaven , and of the fat of the earth , abundance of corn and wine . let the natio●…s serve thee , and the tribes ado●…e thee , and let him be blessed that blesseth thee , and god shall be thy helper . almighty god , blesse you with the blessing of heaven above , in the mountains and hills , and with the blessings of the earth beneath , with the blessings of corn and wine , and fruit , and let the blessings of the old fathers , abraham , isaac , and jacob , be established upon thee , through christ our lord. blesse o lord , the vertuous cou●…age of this king , and accept the work of his hands●… replenish his realm with the increase of thy blessings , with the fruit of the heavens , and the dew of the water , and the depths . let the influence of the sun and the moon , drop down fatnesse upon the high mountains , and the clouds rain plenty upon the low vallies , that the earth may abound with store of all things . let the blessings of him that appeared in the bush●… descend upon his head , and the fulnesse of his blessings fall upon his children and posterity . let his feet be dipped in oyl , and his horn be exalted , as the hor●… of an unicorn by which he may scatter his enemies from on the sace of the earth ; the lord that sitteth in heaven be his defender for ever and ever , through jesus christ our lord. amen . bl●…sse we beseech thee , o lord , these thy gifts , and fanctifie them unto this holy use , that by them we may be made partakers of the body and blo●…d of thy only begotten son jesus christ. and thy servant our king james may be sed unto everlasting life of soul and body , and inabled to the discharge of his great place and osfice , where●…nto thou hast called him of thy great goodnesse : grant this o lord for jesus christs sake our only mediator and advocate . amen . deus rex regum , & dominus domina●…tium per quem reges regnant , & legum ●…onditores ●…ura 〈◊〉 dignare 〈◊〉 benedicere ●…ic reg●…le ornamen●…um , & presta ut famulus tuus rex noster qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 orna●…ento bonorum morum & sanctarum 〈◊〉 in conspectu tu●… sulgeat , & post te●…pora alieni vitam 〈◊〉 & glori●…m quod tempus non habet ●…ine fine possideat , per dominum nostrum , &c. o god the king of kings , and lord of lords by whom kings do rei●…n , and law-givers do make good lawes , 〈◊〉 in thy favour to blesse this kingly ornament , and gr●…nt that thy servant our king , who shall wear it , may shine in the spi●…it , with the ornament of good life , and holy actions , and after this life ended , he may forever enjoy that life , and glory which hath no end , through christ our lord. the prayer done , the abbot of westminster arrayeth the king. . with the supertunica , or close pall. . then with the tynsin hose . . then with his sandalls . the spurs are put on by a nobleman , thereto by the king appointed . then the archbishop taketh the sword , and layeth it before him on the altar , and s●…ith the prayer , exaudi domine , &c. quaesumus , domin●… preces nostras , & hunc ensem quo ●…ic famulus tuus jacobus se circumcingi desiderat , majestatis 〈◊〉 dextera benedicere & 〈◊〉 dignare , quatenus defenfio atque protectio eccle●…iarum esse , viduarum orphanorum omniumque deo servientium contra saevitiam paganorum , 〈◊〉 insidiantibu●… sit pavor , terror & formido , per dominum nostrum &c. hear our prayers , we beseech thee , and vouchsafe by thy right hand of majesty , to blesse and sanctifie this sword , wherewith this thy servant james desireth to be girt , that it may be a defence , and protection of churches , widows , orphans , and all the servants of god , against the savage cruelty of pagans and infidels ; and that it may be a fe●…r and terror to all those that lye in wait to do mischief , through christ our lord. then the archbishop delivereth the sword into the kings hands , saying , accipe gladium . which sword is girt about him by a peer thereto appointed . accipe gladium per manus episcoporum licet indignas , vice cum & auth●…ritate sanctorum apostolorum consecratas , tibi regaliter impositum , nostraeque benedictionis ●…fficio in defensiouem , sanctae fidei ecclesiae divinitus ordinatum . et ●…sto memor de quo psalmista prophetavit dicens . accingere gladio tuo super femur tuum potentissime , ut per eundem vim aequitatis exerceas molem iniquitatis pote●…er destruas , & sanctam dei ecclesiam ejusque fideles propugnando protegas . non minus sub fide falsos quam christiani nominis hostes execreris ac destruas , viduas & pupillos clementer adjuves ac defendas , desolata restaures , restaurata conserves , ulciscaris injusta , confirmes bene disposita , quatenus haec in agendo virtutum triumpho gloriosus . justitiaeque cultor egregius cum mundi salvatora , cujus typu●… geris in nomine sine fine merearis reg●…are . qui cum patre & ●…piritu sancto , &c. receive this kingly sword ( which is hallowed ) for the defence of the faith of christs holy church , and delivered unto thee by the hands of bishops , though unworthy , yet consecrated , in the place of the holy apostles ; and remember of whom the psalmist did prophe●… , saying , gird thy self with thy sword upon thy thigh , o thou most mighty ; and with this sword , exercise thou the force of equity , and mightily destroy the growth of iniquity ; protect the holy church of god , and his faithful people , and pursue hereticks , no lesse then infidels , defend and help widdows , and orphans . restore the things that are gone to decay , and maintain those things that are restored , be revenged of injustice , and confirm things that are in good order , that doing these things thou maist be glorious in the triumph of vertue , and excellent in the ornament of justice , and reign for ever with the saviour of the world , whose image you bear , who with the father and the holy ghost . then the armill is pu●… about his neck ( in the manner of a stole ) and tyed to the boughts of his two arms. the archbishop saying ; accipe armillas sinceritatis , & sapientiae divinaeque circumdationibus judicium , quibus intelligas omnes operationes tuas contra hostes visibiles , & invisibiles posse esse munitas , per dominum nostrum , &c. recive the armill , as a token of gods embracing , whereby all thy works may be defended against thy enemies , both bodily and ghostly , through christ our lord. then the mantle or open pall is put on by the abbor of westminster . the archbishop saying , accipe pallium , quatuor initiis formatum , per quod intelligas quatuor mundi partes divinae potestati esse subjecta●… . nec quenquam posse feliciter regnare i●… terris , nisi cui potestas regnandi fuerit collocata de coelis . receive this pall which is formed with four corners , to let thee understand , that the four quarters of the world , are subject to the power of god , and that no man can happily reign upon earth , who hath not received his authority from heaven ; then the archbishop taketh the crown into his han●…s , and saith this prayer . deus perpetuatis , du●… virtutum cunctarum , hostium victor , benedic hunc famulum tuum jacobum , tibi caput suum inclinantem , & prolixa sanitate , & prospera felicitate eum conserva , & ubicunque auxilium tuum invocaverit , cito adsis , & protegas ac defenda●… . tribue ei quaesumus domine divitia●… gratiae tuae●… comple in bonis desiderium e●…us , corona eum in misericordia tua , tibique domino opia devotione jugiter famuletur , per dominum nostrum iésum christum filium &c. o god of eternity , the commander of all powers , the vanquisher of all enemies , blesse this thy servant , who boweth his head unto thy majesty , preserve him in long health , and prosperous felicity , be present with him , pro●…ect and defend him , whensoever he calleth upon thee . give him , we beseech thee , the riches of thy grace , fill his soul with goodnesse , and crown him with thy mercy , and let him alwaies in godly devotion wait upon thee , through thy son our lord iesus christ. the archbishop crowneth the king , saying : coronet te deus cor●…na gal●…aque justi●…iae , honore & opere fortitudinis , ut per officium nostrae benedictionis cum fide recta , & multiplici bonoram operum fructu ad coronam pervenias regni perp●… . ipse largiente , cujus reg●…um permanet in secula seculorum . god crown thee with a crown of glory , and righteousnesse , with the honor , and work of fortitude , that thou by ou●… ministery , having a right faith , and manifold fruit of good works , ●…aist obtain the crown of an everlasting kingdome , by the gift of him whose kingdome ind●…eth for ever . in the mean time the quire singeth the anthem . confortare . be strong ●…nd os a good courage , and observe the commandem●… of the lord , to walk in his wayes and keep his ceremonies , precepts , testimonies and iudgements , and almighty god prosper and strengthen thee whithersoever thou goest . the lord is my ruler , therefore i shall want nothing . deus in virtute . the king shall rejoyce in my strength , o lord , exceeding . then he putteth the ring on his wedding finger : saying , accipe regiae dignitatis a●…nulum , & per hun ●…e catholicae fidei signaculum , quatenus ut hodie ornaris ●…aput , & princeps regni ac populi , ita perseveres auctor & stab●… christianitatis , & christianae fidei , ut felix in opere , locuples in fide cum rege regum glorieris cui est honor & gloria per aeterna secula seculorum . amen . receive the ring of kingly dignity , and by it the seal of christian faith , that as this day thou art adorned the head and prince of this kingdome and people , so thou maist persevere as the author and establisher of christianity , and the christian faith , that being rich in faith , and happy in works , thou maist reign with him who is king of kings , to whom be glory and honour for ever and ever . after this the archbishop saith this prayer : deus cujus est , &c. omnis potestas , & dignitas , da f●…mulo tuo , propriae suae dignitatis effectum in qua te remunerante permaneat , semperque te timeat tibique jugiter placere contendat , per dominum nostrum , &c. o god , to whom belongeth all power and dignity , give unto thy servant the fruit of his dignity , wherein grant he may long continue and fear ●…ee alwaies , and alwaies labour to please thee , through christ our lord. the king cometh to the step of the altar , to receive the sacrament . the archbishop ministreth the bread. the abbot of westminster the cup. the king returneth to his throne , and there staieth the end of service . the communion being done , the king cometh down in estate to the altar . thence into king edwards chappell . the king taketh off his crown , and delivereth it to the archbishop , who ●…aieth●… it on the altar there . the king withdraweth himself into the traverse . there the great chamberlain of england , disrobeth him of the robes of king edward the confessor . these robes he immediately delivereth to the abbot of westminster . the king is arrayed with his own royal robes provided for his majesty to wear that day . the king being newly arrayed , cometh forth of the traverse , and goeth to king edwards altar . there the archbishop putteth on him the crown which is provided for his majesty to wear that day . the king taketh again his scepter with the cross into his hand , and the rod with the dove . the king with his whole train , in most solemn manner , goeth back to his pallace , by the same way he came . dinner being done , and the king withdrawing himself , the scepter which the king carried in his h●…nd , with the rod ( being the regalia ) are to be re-delivered to the abbot of westminster againe , to be kept as they have been . consecratio reginae . the queen must be supported by two bishops , from the west door of the church of westminster , &c. the ●…een must be anoynted , &c. after the homage done by the lords , and the kings coronation finished . the queen following the king down to the altar , going before the lords , bearing her crown , scepter and rod , two bishops sustianing her , and for her there shall be made on the left side of the altar a folding stool . she shall ●…it while the king be required for the keeping of the customes , &c. and that done , while veni creator is singing , and all the while the king is anoynting . dicetur ab episcopo ad ingressum ecclesiae , at the west door of westminster church . this prayer . omnipotens sempiterne , &c. o almighty and everlasting god , the fountain and well-spring of all goodnesse , which dost not reject the frailty of the woman , but rather dost vouchsafe to allow and choose it , and by choosing the weak things of the world , dost confound those things that are strong , which didst sometime cause thy people to triumph over a most cruel enemy , by the hand of judith a woman , give ear we beseech thee to our most humble prayers , and multiply thy blessings upon this thy servant , whom in all humble devotion , we do consecrate our queen . defend her alwaies with thy mighty right hand , and with the buckler of thy favour , protect her on every side , that she may be able to overcome ●…nd triumph over all her enemies , both bodily and ghostly , and that with sarah and rebecca , le●…h and rachel , and other blessed and honourable women , she may multiply and rejoyce in the fruit of her womb , to the honour of the whole kingdome , and the good government of the holy church of god , through christ our lord , who vouchsafed to be born of a most pure virgin , that he might visit and redeem the world , who liveth and reigneth with thee , in unity of the holy ghost , through all ages world without end . another blessing of the queen before the nobles , to be said at the altar before she be anoynted . deus qui solus , &c. god which ●…ely hast immortality , and dwellest in light which cannot be approached , whose providence is never deceived , which hast made all things ●…hat are to come , and callest those things that are not , as the things that are , which castest down the proud from their seat , and dost exalt the humble and meek , we humbly beseech thy unspeakable mercy , that as for the good of the people of the jewes , thou didst deliver queen hester from captivity , and didst bring her to the bed of king assuerus , and the society of his kindome ; so for the good of thy christian flock , thou wilt of thy mercy by our ministery , advance this thy servant , to the most high and royall company of our king , that she continuing alwaies in the chastity of princely wedlock , she may obtain the crown that is next unto virginity , and may in all things , and above all things , study alwaies to please thee the living god , and by thy holy inspiration to perform those things that are acceptable unto thee , through christ our lord , amen . here the holy oyle shall be poured upon the crown of her head in the manner of a crosse. the queen is to be anoynted two times , first in the forepart of her head , the bishop saying these words ; in the name of the father , the son , and the holy ghost , let the anoynting of this oyl increase thy honour , and establish thee for ever and ever . secondly on her breast , saying the same words ; in the name of the father , the son , and the holy ghost , let the anoynting of this oyl increase thy honour , and establish thee for ever and ever . after the anoynting , this prayer is to be said : omnipotens sempiterne deus . o almighty and everlasting god , we beseech thee of thy goodnesse , poure o●…t the spirit of thine abundant blessing , upon this thy servant , that as by the imposition of our hands , she is this day crowned queen , so she may by thy sanctification , continue alwaies thy chosen and worthy servant , that she may never hereafter fall from thy grace , through christ our lord. here the ring must be given her , and put on the fore-finger of her right hand , the bishop saying , accipe annulum . receive this ring the seal of a sincere faith , that you may avoid all infection of heresie , and by the power of god compell barbarous nations , and bring them to the knowledge of the truth . this prayer must follow . deus cujus est . god , to whom belongeth all power and dignity , grant we beseech thee to this thy servant , by the signe of christian faith , prosperous successe in this he●… honour , and that she may continue firm in the same , and endevour alwaies to please thee , through christ our lord. then the blessing of the crown . deus tuorum . o god , the crown of the faithfull , which dost crown their heads with pretious stones . blesse and sanctifie this crown , that as the same is adorned with many precious stones , so thy servant that weareth the same , may of thy grace be replenished with the manifold gifts of all pretious virtues , through christ our lord●… amen . then the crown is set upon her head , the bishop saying ; accipe coronam . receive the crown of glory , and the honour of joy , that you may shine in righteousnesse , and be crowned with everlasting gladnesse . this also . officio nostre . seeing you are by our ministery solemnly conseerated for our queen , receive the crown of royal excellency , which is placed upon your head by the episcopal hands of us , though unworthy , and as you are crowned without , with gold and pearl , so labour to be beautified within with the gold of wisdome , and the pearl of vertue , that after this life ended , you may with the just virgins , decently meet the everlasting bridegroom , our lord jesus christ , and enter the kingly gate of the heavenly court , by his help , who with the father , and the holy ghost , liveth and reigneth for ever and ever . amen . then the archbishop purteth the scepter in her right hand , and a rod of gold in her left hand , saying , omnium domine . o lord the fountain of all good things , and the giver of all perfection , grant unto thy servant , that she may order aright the high dignity she hath obtained , and with good works establish the glory that thou hast given her , through christ our lord. amen . then is the queen carryed back into the throne , by the two bishops . as she passeth by the king she boweth to him . she is placed in her throne , and thus continueth , untill she come down with the king , to offer and receive the communion . the queen going with the king into saint edwards chappell , putteth off her crown there at the altar , before which altar she stayeth untill the king hath made himselfe ready in the traverse . after they both put on their crowns imperial , and so go to the pallace . for the fourth , i shall communicate to the world this form of king charles the i. his coronation in scotland , anno . written with mr. dells own hand , secretary to the late arch-bishop of canterbury dr. laud. the form of coronation , and rites to be used therein ; collected from other the like solemnities known to have been used either in this kingdom , or by other great princes abroad . leaving the choice of the place and church to his majesties own appointment , wheresoever the coronation shall be done . a stage must be set up made square and fastned to four pillars of the church , railed about , and the rayles and stage overspread and covered with carpets and tapestry . the stage being made of some convenient height and breadth , must have some steps for ascent on the west part , about the mid'st thereof , and as many for descent to the altar or table , which is to be placed on the east . upon the stage another little scaffold must be erected of two foot high ; which two steps to ascend , on which the throne of state must be placed , and adorned as is meet . a chayre of state must also be set on the stage , on the right hand of the little scaffold , with a fald-stoole and cushions , for his majesty to do his devotion . a little traverse is to be made on the south side of the altar or table , for the king to repose and disrobe himself . round ●…bout on the right and left hand of the stage , there must be scaffolds for noblemen , barons , knights , gentlemen of the chamber , and others to rest and behold . within the compass of the altar or table a pulpit must be set for sermon . over against it a chayr of state for his majesty , with a foldstool to kneel at . on the west side of the pulpit a foarm covered with tapestry , for the arch-bishop , and bishops serving at the coronation . the evening before , the king would be at service in chappel , besides his private devotion , whereof the bishop of dunblane , now dean of the chappel , must have care to remember his majesty . the regal , crown , scepter , and sword , with the great seal of the kingdome , and spurs are to be delivered to such persons as his majesty will appoint for carrying the same . there is likewise to be provided a red silken coat , having the places for the anointing opened and looped , which his majesty is to weare next to his shirt . the sacred oyl is to be provided also , and put in some silver vessel . cloath of some colour , red or blew , must be prepared and spread on the ground from the palace hall dore , to the stage in the church , for his majesty to walk upon all the way , which way must be rayled on every side . this must be done in the morning of the coronation by some nobleman that his majesty will make almoner for that day . and this concerning the preparation . the morning of the coronation . the bishops , noblemen , and commissioners of burroughes to the number of six , are at that morning to come unto the presence . the constable and marshal ( who are to carry their battones in their hands all that day ) having brought the king from his bed chamber to the presence , and after he is placed in his chaire , they all making the reverence that becomes ; some one of the church , or noblemen speaks to this purpose . sir , the estates of this your native and ancient kingdom , calling to mind the great happiness they enjoyed under the goverment of your majesties father of blessed memory , and acknowledging your highness to be the rightful heir of this crown , by a long and lawful descent , do beseech your majesty to receivet hem into your highness protection , to govern them by the laws of the kingdome , and defend them their rightes and liberties by your royal power : offering their service in most humble manner to your majesty , with their vows to bestow land , life , and what else is in their power , for the safety of your majesties sacred person , and maintenance of your crown , which they intreat your majesty to accept , and pray almighty god that you may happily , and for many years enjoy the same . the king answers . i do esteem your affections more then the crowns of many kingdomes , and will by gods assistance bestow my life for your defence , wishing to live no longer then i may see this kingdom flourish in all happiness . then kissing his majesties hands , they prepare all to go in their ranks as they are appointed , towards the church . the lyon k. of arms having an open crown upon his head , carries in his hand the vessel containing the sacred oyl . two of his brethren walk on either of his hands one . the trumpets sound , and so they march . the receiving of the king into the church . the arch-bishop and bishops , with the musitians of the chappel are to meet the king at the entry in procession wise . the king is received under a canopy , supported by four barons . two bishops walk , one on his majesties one hand , and another upon the other . the dean of the chappel is alwayes by to inform the king of the ri●…es of the solemnity , as need shall be . the king is received with an anthem into the church , protector noster , &c. behold oh lord our protector , and look upon the face of thine anointed , because one day in thy court , is better then a thousand &c. quam dilecta , &c. the king passing up the church , goeth to the stage , and reposeth himself a little . the regal crown , scepter , sword , great seal , and spurs are laid down on a taffel besides the altar or table . the sacred oyl is delivered by lion k. of armes to the dean of the chappel , who brings it ●…o the archbishop , and he sets the same on the table . then the king comes down from the stage , and the sermon begins . which ended , the king ascends again to the stage , and sits down in the chair of state. then the arch-bishop ( the marshal of scotland going before him ) goeth to all the quarters of the stage , and speaks to the people in these words ; sirs , i do present unto you king charles , the rightful and undoubted inheritor of the crown and dignity of this realm . this day is by the peers of the kingdome , appointed for his coronation . and are you not willing to have him for your king , and become subject unto him and his commandements ? the king stands up in this time , and as the archbishop goes from one part of the stage to another , turneth himself that he may be seen of the people . the people declare their willingness by their acclamations , and shouts , crying , god save king charles ; or let the king live . then is sung this anthem , firmetur manus tua , &c. let thine hands be strengthened , and thy right hand be exalted , let judgment be the preparation of thy seat , mercy and truth go before thy face . hallelujah . psal. . misericordias dei , &c. glory be to the father , &c. whilest the anthem is singing the arch-bishop goeth down to the altar or table , and resteth there . then is the king supported by two bishops , brought to the altar , and makes his oblation ; after which he kneels at his fald-stool , and the arch-bishop sayes this prayer ; deus visitator humilium : o god who dost visit those that are humble , and dost comfort them by thine holy spirit , send down thy grace upon this thy servant king charles , that by him we may feel thy presence amongst us , through jesus christ our lord. amen . the prayer ended the king sits down in his chair , and the archbishop goeth unto him , and asketh , if he be willing to take the o●…th appointed to be given at the coronation of kings ? his majesty declaring his willingness , the archbishop ministreth the questions following . archbishop . sir , will you promise to serve almighty god , and as every good king in his kingdom ought to do , maintain the gospel of iesus christ in this your kingdom , against all itheism , profaneness , h●… , schism , or superstition whatsoever ? rex . i promise faithfully so to do . archbishop . sir , will you promise to rule this people subject to you , and committed to your charge , according to the laws , constitutions and customes of this your kingdom , causing ( asmuch as in you lyeth ) justice and equity to be ministred without partiality ? and to endevour the peace of the church of christ and all christian people ? rex . i grant , and promise so to do . archbishop . sir , will you likewise promise to preserve the rights and priviledges of the crown of scotland ? rex . i promise so to do . archbishop . sir , we do also beseech you to grant and preserve unto us of the clergy , and to the churches committed to our charge all canonical priviledges , and that you will defend and protect us , as every good king ought in his kingdom to defend his bishops , and the churches that be under their government ? the king answers . with a willing heart i grant the same , and promise to maintain you and every one of you with all the churches committed to your charge , in your whole rights and priviledges , according to law and justice . then the king rising from his chair is led to the altar , where in sight of all the people , laying his hands upon the bible , he takes his oath and sayes . all the things which before i have promised , i shall observe and keep . ●…o god me help ; and by the contents of this book . after rhe oath , the king returns to his chair of state , and then is sung the hymn , veni creator , &c. the hymn finished , the king kneeleth at his foldstool , and the archbishop sayes this prayer . we beseech thee o lord , holy father , almighty and everlasting god , for this thy servant king charles , that as at the first , thou broughtest him into the world by thy divine providence , and in the flower of his youth hast preserved him untill this present time ; so thou wilt evermore enrich him with the gift of piety , fill him with the grace of truth , and daily increase in him all goodnesse , that he may happily enjoy the seat of supreme government , by the gift of thy supernal grace . and being defended from all his enemies , by the wall of thy mercy , m●…y prosperously govern the people committed to his charge . after the prayer , the letany is sung , and at the close thereof this is to be added . that it may please thee to keep and strengthen in the true worshiping of thee , in righteousnesse and holiness of life , this thy servant charles , our king and governor , and so to the end . then is said this prayer by one of the bishops that sings the letany . o almighty and everlasting god , creator of all things , ruler of angels , king of kings , and lord of lords , who madest thy servant abraham triumph over his enemies ; didst give many victories to moses , and ●…nah , the governors of the people ; didst raise and exalt da●…id thy servant to be a king over them ; di●… enrich sol●…mon his son with the gift of wisdome and un●…●…nd blessedst him with peace and great prosperity . give ear we beseech thee unto our humble prayers , and multiply thy blessings upon this thy servant , who is now to be consecrated our king , that he being strengthned with the faith of abraham , endued with the mildness of moses , armed with the fortitude of joshuah , exalted with the humility of david , and beautified with the wisdom of solomon , may please thee in all things , and ever walk uprightly in thy wayes . defend him by thy mighty arm , compass him with thy protection , and give him to overcome all his and thine enemies . honour him before all the kings of the earth . let him rule over countries , and let nations adore him . establish his throne with judgement and equity , let justice flourish in his dayes , and grant that he underpropped by the due obedience and hearty love of his people , may sit on the throne of his forefathers for many years , and after this life may reign with thee in thine everlasting kingdome , through jesus christ our lord and saviour . amen . the letany thus ended , the archbishop beginneth to say aloud , lift up your hearts and give thanks unto the lord. answer : by the bishops that sings the letany . we lift them up unto the lord , and to give thanks unto him it is meet and right . then the archbishop says , it is very meet and right and our bounden duty so to do , and at all times , and in all places to give thanks to thee o lord , holy father , almighty and everlasting god , the strength of thy chosen , and the exalter of the humble , who in the beginning by sending the ●…oud of waters didest punish the sins of the world ; and by a dove bringing an olive branch in her mouth , didst give a token of reconcilement to the earth ; who afterwards didst consecrate thy servant aaron a priest , by the anointing of oyl , as also by the pouring out of the same didst make kings , priests , and prophets to govern thy people israel : and by the voice of the prophet david didst foretel , that the countenance of thy church should be made joyful with oyl : we boseech thee to bless and sanctifie this thy servant king charles , that he may minister peace unto this people , that he may attain to the perfection of government in counsel and judgment , and that his countenance may be alwayes cheerfull and amiable to all his people , through jesus christ our lord. amen . this prayer said the king rises from his devotion , and reposeth himself awhile in the chair of state , in which he is to be crown'd . afterwards he goeth to the altar , and standeth with his back close unto it , disrobes himself of his upper garment , his under coat having the loops opened in the places where he is to be anointed . then he comes to the pulpit side , and sitting in a chair , a canopy is held over his head all the time of his anointing . the archbishop first anoints his hands in the palms saying ; in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost ( which wordes he repeats in all the several anointings ) let these hands be anointed with oyl , as kings and prophets have been anointed : and as samuel did anoint david to be king , that thou mayest be blessed and established a king in this kingdome over the people , whom the lord thy god hath given thee to rule and govern : which he vouchsafe to grant , who with the father and the holy ghost is one , and reigns in glory everlasting . amen . in this time the singers do sing the anthem , sado●…ke the priest and nathan the prophet anoin●…ed solomon king , and all the people rejoyced and said , god save the king for ever . then the archbishop says this prayer . look down almighty god upon this thy servant , our dread soveraign king charles , with thy favourable countenance and as thou didst bless abraham , isaac , and jacob , so vouchsafe we beseech thee to water him plentifully with the blessing of thy grace ; give unto him of the dew of heaven , and of the fatness of the earth , abundance of corn , wine , and oyl , with all plenty of fruites , and other good things . grant him long to continue , and that in his time there may be health and peace in this kingdome . grant o almighty god that he may be a mighty protector of this country , a bountiful comforter of churches , and holy societies , the most valiant of kings , terrible to rebels and infidels , amiable to his nobles , and to all his faithful subjects . make his royal court to shine in princely dignity as a most cleer lightning , far and wide in the eyes of all men . finally let him be blessed with happy children , that may reign as kings , after him and rule this kingdom by succession of all ages , and after the glorious and happy dayes of present life , give him of thy mercy an everlasting kingdome with thee in the heavens , through jesus christ our lord. amen . the prayer ended , the archbishop proceeds in the anointing . . his breast . . betwixt the shoulders . . both the points of the shoulders . . boughs of his arms. . the crown of his majesties head . the anointing done : the dean of the chappel closeth the loops again , which were opened . then the archbishop reads this benediction . god the son of god , christ jesus our lord , who was anointed of his father with oyl of gladness above his fellows ; pour down upon thy head the blessing of the holy ghost , and make it enter into the inward parts of thy heart , so that thou mayest reign with him in the heavens eternally . amen . this pronounced , a shallow quoife is pnt upon the kings head , because of the anointing . then the king goerh to the altar , and the robe is put upon him , at which the archbishop says this prayer . o god the king of kings and lord of lords , by whom kings do reign , and law-givers make good laws , vouchsafe in thy favour to bless this thy servant charles , in all his government , that living godly , and leading his people by the way of righteousness , after a glorious course in this life he may attain that joy which hath no end , through our lord. amen . then the sword is brought to the archbishop , who laying it on the altar , prayes in this manner . hea●… our prayers , we beseech thee o lords and vouchsafe by thy right hand of majesty to bless and sanctifie this sword , wherewith thy servant charles desires to be girt , by the same he may defend churches , widdows , orphans , and all the people of god , against the savage cruelty of pagans and infid●…ls ; and that it may be a terrour , and fear to all those that lie in wait to do mischief ; through jesus christ our lord. amen . then the archbishop takes up the sword , and puts it in the kings hand saying . receive this kingly sword for the defence of the faith of christ , and protection of his holy church ; and remember him of whom the psalmist did prophecy saying . ●…ird thy self with thy sword upon thy thigh , o thou most mighty ; and with thy sword execute thou equity and justice . persue all hereticks and infidels , defend widdows and orphans , restore the things that are gone to decay , maintain and confirm the things that are restored and in good order , destroy the growth of iniquity , and take punishment of all injustice , that you may be glorious in the triumph of vertue , and reign with him whose image you bear , for ever and ever . amen . the sword is girt to the kings side by one of the peers thereto oppointed . then the king returns to the chair , wherein he was anointed , and hath the spurs put on by the lord marshal . aster which the archbishop taking the crown in his hand sayes this prayer . o god the crown of all the faithful , who dost crown their heads with pretious stone that trust in thee , bless and sanctifie this crown , that as the same is adorned with many precious stones , so this thy servant that weares the same may be replenished of thy grace with the manifold gifts of all precious virtues , through christ our lord. amen . then the archbishop crowneth the king saying . god crown thee with a crown of glory and righteousness , with the honour and vertue of fortitude , that by a right faith , and manifold fruits of good works you may obtein the crown of an everlasting kingdome , by the gift of him whose kingdome endu●…eth for ever . amen . then the king goes to the stage and sits in the chair of state , which is placed by the throne . then the lyon by direction of the marshal calls the nobles , who set their hands to the crown , and say every man these words . so god not help me , as i shall support thee . and when they have done , they all hold up their hands , and swear to be loyal and true subjects . the marshals having in his hand the obligatory oath of the people , goeth to the four corners of the stage , and reads the same to the lyon , who cries it down to the people , and they all hold up their hands and say . amen . the oath of the people is this . we swear , and by the holding up of our hauds do promise all subjection and loyalty to king charles , our dread soveraign , and as we wish god to be merciful unto us , shall be to his majesty true and faithful , and be ever ready to bestow our lives , lands , and what else god hath given us , for the defence of his sacred person and crown . when the king is crowned the earles and viscounts put on their crownes , and the lyon his . the other barons and lords continue bare and uncovered . then is this anthem sung . be strong and of good courage , and observe the commandements of the lord to walk in his wayes , and keep his ceremonies , precepts , testimonies and judgements . and almighty god strengthen and prosper thee , wheresoever thou goest . the lord is my ruler , theresore i shall want nothing . the king shall rejoyce in thy strength oh lord , exceeding glad shall he be of thy salvation . for thou hast granted him his hearts desire , and hast not denyed him the request of his lips , for thou hast prevented him with blessings of goodness , and hast set a crown of pure gold upon his head. after this the king goes down again , looses his sword wherewith he was girt●… and offers it , laying the same upon the altar , which one of the chief nobles redeems with an offering , and then draws it forth , and carries the same naked before the king. then the archbishop takes the scepter , and delivers it in the kings right hand with these words . receive the scepter the sign of royal power , the rod of the kingdome , the rod of vertue , that thou mayest govern thy self aright , defend the holy church , and all the christian people committed by god to thy charge , punishing the wicked , and protecting the just . and then he saith this prayer . o lord the fountain of all good things , and the author of all good proceedings , grant we beseech thee , to this thy servant that he may rightly use the dignity which he hath by inheritance ; vouchsafe to confirm the honour which thou hast given him before all kings , and enrich him with all benedictions . establish his throne , visit him with increase of children , let ju●…ice spring up in his dayes and his soul be filled with joy and gladness , till he be translated to thine everlasting kingdome . amen . after this the archbishop blesseth the king saying . the lord bless thee and keep thee , and as he hath made thee king over his people , so he still may prosper thee in this world , and in the world to come make thee partaker of his eternal felicity . amen . the king then kisseth the archbishop and bishops assistant . after that the king ascendeth the stage attended by the nobles , and the singers sing te deum laudamus , &c. which ended , the archbishop enthrones the king saying . stand and hold fast from henceforth the place whereof you are the righteous and lawful heir by a long and linea●…●…uccession of your forefathers , which is now delivered unto you , by the authority of almighty god , and by the hands of us the bish●…ps , and servants of god ; and as you see the clergy come more near to the altar then others , so where it is convenient you will remember to give them that honour and respect which is due to their places , that the mediator of god and man , may establish you in this kingly ●…hrone , and that with him you may reign and live for ever . then goeth the chancellour to the four coruers of the stage , and proclaims his majesties pardon , with offer of the same under the great seal of scotland , to all who shall require it . upon which the people make their acclamations crying , god save the king. this done the archbishop and bishops kneel down , and make their homage , their hands being betwixt the kings hands , and these words are read unto them . j. a. b. shall be faithful and true , and faith and truth bear , unto you our soveraign lord , and your heirs kings of scotland , and i shall do , and truely acknowledge the service of the lands , which i shall claim to hold of you in the right of the church , as god help me . and they shall kiss the kings left cheek . after them the temporal lords in like manner kneeling and holding their hands betwixt the kings hands , have these words read unto them . j. a. b. become your liege man and truth and faith i shall bear unto you , live and die against all manner of folks whomsover in your service . so god me help . they kiss likewise the kings left cheek . the king giveth the scepter to such as it shall please his majesty for carrying the same , and goeth down to the chair of estate ouer against the pulpit . and the archbishop going to the altar or table , beginneth the communion . the communion ended and blessing given , the king with the crown on his head , and scepter in his hand returns with the whole traine in most solemn manner to his pallace . the trumpets sound , the canons shout , and other small shot are discharged . silver and gold pieces coyned for that purpose are cast among the people . and then the king goeth to his feast , which is ordered as his majesty shall give direction . god save the king . having given you this large account of the ceremonie , and prayers used at the coronations of our own and other christian kings and emperors ; i shall thereunto subjoyn this memorial passage of * diodorus siculus , touching the form of prayer and solemnities used at the inauguration of the ancient pagan kings of egypt . when the egyptian king was to be inthroned , he had such a copy of the laws delivered to him , by which he was to conform himself in all things , and an exact estate of the realm presented to him by letters written from all parts : tum lotus , & regni insignibus splendidâque trabea ornatus , diis sacrificatum ibat . adductis tum ad aram victimis , mos erat principi sacer dotum regi astantum magna voce in conferta aegyptiorum ●…orona preces enuntiare , ut di●… sanitatem , cum bonis caeteris omnibus regi , jus et aequumerga inferiores tuenti largiantur , singulae etiam regis virtutes depraedicandae tum erant , quod videlicet piam ergâ deo●… , & mitissimam erga homines affectionem gerat , ut qui sit continens , justus , magnanimus , alienus à mend●…cio , benignus honorum communicator , & tandem omnis concupiscentiae victor , qui minores delictorum meritis paenas irroget , & ampliorem beneficio gratiam repend●…t benemeritis . haec & multa alia his affinia ubi peroravit antistes , ignorantiae ad extremum peccata execratur , regem quidem culpa eximens , sed & noxam & paenas in ministros & doctores malorum retorquens : quod ideo peragebat , simul ut ad metum numinis , & vitam diis gratam regem exhortaretur , simul ut non admonitionis acerbitate , sed laudum ille cebris virtuti maxime congruis , ad vitae modestiam illum adsuefaceret , post haec cum extis victimae inspectis , rex perlitasset , à ●…acris libellis sacerdos consulta quaedam & facta clarissimorum virorum ad vitam conducentia , è commentariis sacris praelegebat , ut princeps reipublicae honestissimorum rationes consiliorum animo consideratas ad praescriptam singulorum administrationem simili modo accommodaret . non enim agendi ad populum & indicia obeundi tantummodo sed etiam de ambulandi & laudandi , & cum uxore dormiendi , omniumque adeo per vitam agendorum tempus definitum erat , simplici praeterea nutrimento uti , & vitulorum anserumque carnibus vesci , & certam bibere vini mensuram , quae nec ad repletionem immodicam , nec ad ebrietatem faceret , in morem habebant . breviter , tam moderata victus ratio praescripta fuit ut non legislator , sed medicorum optimus , ad sanam valetudinem omnia referens , eam instituisse videatur . whereupon their kings strictly conforming themselves to their laws in all things without the least deviation , he subjoyns hâc ergà subditos justitiâ cum reges uterentur , majore in se ●…ives benevolentià quàm amore cognaios , propensos habebant : non enim sacerdotum duntaxat collegia , sed universa aegyptiorum natio adeòque singuli , non tàm de uxoribus liberisque & boni●…●…uis privatis , quàm de regis incolumitate solliciti ●…rant . quocirca longissimo etiam tempore sub regibus memoratis integrum reipublicae sta●…um conservarunt , in summa vitam felicitate exigen●…es , quamdiu haec legum constitu●…io v gebat . ad h●… plurim●… ab eis gentes s●… maxima vis opum co●… , provinciae inimitabili operum magnificentiâ illustratae , urbe●… variis & sumptuosissimis donariis exornat●… . which god grant may be englands condition for the future as well as theirs and its 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p●… by a speedy happy cordial legal restitution & conjunction o●… 〈◊〉 . and subjects in the 〈◊〉 bonds of mutual love and loyalty , without any adulation or self-seeking on either part . then shall we sing with the elegant poet : ( a ) non quaerit pretium , vitam qui debet amori . o quantum popul●… secreti numi●… addit imperii praesens species ? quantamque rependi●… majestas alterna vicem , cum reg●… circi , connixum gradibus veneratur purpura vallis , plebis 〈◊〉 reb●…at fragor . unaque rotis in●…onat augustus ●…eptenis arcibus echo ? ( b ) fallitur egregio quisquis sub principe credit servitium : nunquam libertas gratior extat quam sub rege pio●… quos praeficit ipse regendis rebus ad arbitrium plebis pa●…rumque reducit , c●…ncorditqus libens , meritis seu praemia p●… seu punir●… veliut , posito jam purpura fastu de s●… judicium non indignatur haberi . si●… do●…uit regnare pa●…er , si●… casta juventa froena dedit , teneros his moribus imbuit annos verior augusti genit●…r , fiducia belli , pacis consilium ; per quem squalore rem●…to pristina romuleis infloruit artibus aetas : per quem fracta diu , translataque penè potestas in proprium reducta larem , victricia reddit fata solo , fruiturque iterum , quibus h●…serat olim auspiciis , capitique errantia membra reponit . i shall conclude this whole treatise with the usual thanks and prayer of the prelates , lords , and commons assembled in parliament in the name all of other subjects of england ( whom they represent ) entred upon every general pardon of the king passed in parliament , wherein they pray god to give him a peaceable , good and long life , in these words . les prelates , seigneurs , & commones en ce●…t parleament assembles , au nom de touts vous autres subjects , remercient treshumblement vostre majesty , & prient deiu vous doner en sante , bone vie , & longe . and with these prayers and collects for the king of england in the book of common prayer . priest. o lord save the king . answer : ( by all the people . ) and mercifully hear us when we call upon ●…hee . almighty god , whose kingdome is everlasting and power infinite , have mercy upon the whole congregation , and so rule the heart of thy chosen servant , charles our king and governour , that he ( knowing whose minister he is ) may above all things seek thy honour and glory , and that we his subjects ( duly considering whose authority he hath ) may faithfully serve , honour and humbly obey him , in thee , and for thee , according to thy blessed word and ordinance , through jesus christ our lord , who with thee and the holy ghost , liveth and reigneth one god , world without end . amen . almighty and everlasting god , we be taught by thy holy word , that the hearts of kings are in thy rule and governance , and that thou dost dispose and turn them as it seemeth best to thy godly wisdome ; we beseech thee , so to dispose and govern the heart of charles , thy servant our king and governor , that in all his thoughts words and works , he may ever seek thy honour and glory , and study to preserve thy people committed to his charge , in wealth , peace , and godlinesse : grant this , o merciful father for thy sons sak●… jesus christ our lord. amen . ●… sam ●… , , , , . the lord killeth and maketh alive , he bringeth down to the grave , and bringeth up again ; the lord maketh poor and maketh rich , he bringeth low and lifteth up : he raiseth up the poor out of the dust , and lifteth up the beggar from the dunghil , to set them among princes and to make them inherit the throne of glory , &c. the adversaries of the lord shall be broken in pieces , out of heaven shall he thunder upon them , the lord shall judge the ends of the earth , and he shall give strength unto his king , and exalt the horn of his anointed . god save king charles the second . amen . finis . errata . courteous reader , correct these mistakes at the press . pag. 〈◊〉 . line . read ●…erunt . p. . l. . ●… . cath●…lua . l. . r. ●…eculi . p. . l. . ●… . stabilitate . p. . l. . ●… . siberatus . p. . l. . ●… . sub●… p. . l. . ●… . processionale . p. . l. . sermons . l. . charles . r. james . p. ●… . l. . countenance . ●… continuance . p. . l. . multi●… . p. . l. . ●…rmet . p. . l. . ●… . circunda●… . p. . l. . perfand . p. . 〈◊〉 . p. . . ●…ille . p. . l. . penetrassent . ●… . ●… . l . ●… . 〈◊〉 ●…ibue . p. . ●… . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ●…s . p. ●… . ●… . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . l. . vi●… . ●… . . corona . p. ●… . l. . profectuum . p. . l. . r. salvatore . p. . l. . pice . margin . p. . l. . . . . p. . l. . ●…ection . p. . l. . ibidem . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e a tim. . . rev . . b d●… , . c. . . job . , , . ●…m . . psa. . , . c psal. . . exod. . . deut. . . d dan. . ●… . e psal. . , , . f tim. . , , . g ps . . h num. . . ●… . . . i sam. . . to . a ●…sal . ●… . , , ●… . b isa . , , . ●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●… 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 jewe's 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 the apol●…gy of the ch●… 〈◊〉 . ●…h . divi●… . d. john white his way to the true ch●…ch , sect. . 〈◊〉 . . ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 their lives 〈◊〉 the saints . * 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a exod. 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , , , ●… b psal ●… . , , &c. * psal . . * chron . , , . * regis ad exemplum to●…us componitur orbis●… claudian . notes for div a -e (a) see here , p , . . and ch . . throughout . ( b ) histriomap . . e. . . . to . * see the homelies against rebellion , and on whitsunday , deus & rex , jac. c. . . * page . page . ●…age . . * see my plea for the lords and house of peers , p. . . * a new discovery of ●…he prelates tyranny . p. . . &c. ● int●…rest will not lie . ● co●…lect . ●… . notes for div a -e * tertulliani apologeticus , c. . to . athenagoras apologia pro christianis * see beatus rhenanus , & la cerda on the place . * a great republican at first ; afterward a greater protectorian , christning one of his sons by the name of cromwel hull . * rom. . , , , . * see cooks rep. calvins case , f. , . instit. f. b spelmanni glossarium , tit. fidelitas , & ligeantia . ‖ see rom. . , . heb. . , . * exod. . , to the end . c. . , , . c. . , , , . acts . , to . e exod. . c. . , to . act. . , to . h●… . , , . f exod 〈◊〉 . , to . acts . , to . g exod , to c. . , to . c . , to . acts . , to 〈◊〉 . . h numb . . 〈◊〉 . ps . . . ps. . . i exod. , & , to 〈◊〉 . acts . , to . 〈◊〉 . . , to . ma●… . 〈◊〉 . , , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 page 〈◊〉 . sam. . . c. . , c . , . c. . . . jo-s●…phus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . c. , , . * josephus antiq judaic . . . c. . . * basil , augustin , arnobius , mercer , & others . * kings . , to . chron. c. . & . * kings c. . & . chron. c. . & . ‖ kings . , to . chron. . , to . * kings . , to . chron. . , to . . * kings . , to . . * kings . . chron. . . * kings . , to . ‖ kings , , &c. chron. . * rhemigius haymo . * ps. . jer. , & . * iosephus antiqu . iudae . l. . c. . 〈◊〉 n●…n desinentes quotidie sacrificare , tam pro me , quam pro persarum gente deum deprecantur . * josephus antiqu. jud. l. . c. , . philo de legatione ad caium . eusebius eccles. hist. l. . c. . nicephorus , l . c. . dr. hamonds annotations on tim. . , . * chrysostom , theophylact , and marolat . on the place . a ps. . . b mat. . . c. . . lu. . . c , . c. . john . . col. . . tim. . heb. . pet. . . rom. . . * see mr. smith his gagg for the quakers , p. , . r ephes. . . kings . . s ps. . . i. say . . lu. . . acts . . rom. . . t sam. . ps. . . ps. . . mat. . . lu. ●… . , &c. thes. . . thes. . ●… . ephes. . . thes. ●… . tim. . . jam. . . pet. . . col. . , . c. . , . acts . . c . . u see chrysostom , hierom , remigius , beda , the divi●…es and dr. hamonds notes on the tim. . . , . augustin . epist. . * see the as●… semblies notes thereon , and on pet. . , . * chrysostom●… theodoret , oecumenius , theophilact , ●…mbrose . * the divines notes on tim. . , . * hierom , chrysostom , sedulius , ●…imasius , ambrose , theodo●…er , rhemigius , oecume●…ius , beda , theophylact. * see ●…usebius , socrates scholasticus , nicephorus , dorotheus , b●… , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 others . * in hymno 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 christi . * ●…ex iste qui natus est non venit reges pugna●…do superare , sed moriendo mirabiliter , venit enim non ut regnet vi●… vus sed ut triu●…phar occisus . claudius ●… . . in matth. bishop usher of the religion pro●…essed by the antient irish , p. , mat. ●… , . j●…hn . ●… ●… ●… , anno christi . c bibliotheca patrum , coloniae agrip. . tom. . p. . g. an●…o . d bibliotheca patrum tom. . p. . g. h. * ibid. p. . anno . d bibliotheca patrum , tom. . p. . d. anno . anno . f bibliotheca patrum , tom. . p. , , . anno . g ad scapulam , lib. p. , . h apologia , c. , ●… c. cent. magd. . c . col . . see . a cerda , & rhenanus annotations , * see clement 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , . . d mat. . , . lu. . . . k tim. . , , . * see plinii epist. l. . epist. . anno . tim. . anno . * edit . pam. . p. . * euseb. eccl. hist. l . c. . centur. magd. . c. . col . . anno . anno . anno . * socrates , eccles. hist. l. . c. ruffinus , l . c. . theod. l. . c. ●… . sozomen , l. . c. . cent. magd. . c. . col . . * ●… . pa●…s . ●… . ier. . . a tacitus , aelius lamprid. flavius vopiscus , eutropius , aelius spartianus , josephus , suetonius , dion cassius , grimstons imperial history , p . . t●…tull . ad scapnlam & apolog ar nobius ad●…ersus gentes , cent. magd. , , , c . de gentilisimo : la cerda annotationes in tertulliani apologiam . b de ponto , l. . elegia . see l. . eleg. . c annal. l. . c. . see alexander ab alexandro gen. dierum , l. . ●… . . d ibid e. . * suetonii tranquilli caliguli c. . pedro mexia & grimston 〈◊〉 his life . * annalium l. . sect. . a grimstons imperial history , p. . * see his book de clementia , ●…●… c. . l. . e. , . * quae●… * vincat mortalia tempora vitae . ludus de morte claudii caesaris . * see ●… . lipsii dissertatiu●…cula . thereon . * virgil-geor . lib. . no●…a . g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , c. . . * praebu●…us . * a●…rpiae , cum 〈◊〉 li●…si perpe●… co●…entario , 〈◊〉 , p. ●… , , , , , . * ibidem , p. , . * page ●… . * page , . h rerum romanorum , l. . p. . imperial hist. j. lipsii commentarius in panegy●… . trajano dict . i antonius pins , p. . k in the life of avidius cassius , p. . l herodi 〈◊〉 . pedro mexia , grimston , and others in his life . m anto●…inu ; diadumenus , p. , . n alexander severus , p. , , , , , . * grimstons imperial history , p. . & pedro , mexia . m aelius lamprid●…us , alex , sev. p. . * lib. . see la cerda annot : in tertull . apolog. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * see ae●…ii , spartiani , severus , piscenias niger , & claudius al binus , vulcatii gallicani avi dius cassius , & la cerda in tertul. apo log . n julii capitolini maximini duo , p. , . , . o julii capitolini gordiani duo p. , . p julii capitolini gordianus tertius p. , . q julii capitoli●…i maximus & balbinus p. , , . r ibid. p. , , . s divus claudius p. , . t ibid. p. . u ●…lavii vo p●…sci aurel●…nus , p. , , . x flav. vo. pisci tacitus , p. , , , , , . y flavii vopi●…i probus , p. , , , . * pet. . . a ps. . ●… ps. . . ps. . . ps. . . ps. . . ps. . ps. . . ps. . . ps. . . ps. . . ps. . . ps. . , , . ps. . . isa. . . jer. . . c. . . c. . . john . . c. . . chron . . c. . . jer. . . lam . . c . . jam. . , . acts . . ; cor. . . phil. . . thes. . . heb. . , isa. . , &c. c. . . b see my concordia dis●…s . c act. . , , , . c. . , , , , , . d dan. . , to . e ●…m . . , , . rev. . . * ●…ho . lister . g isa. . . * ezra , , &c jonah . . , . * 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b acts . , . c judges . . c. . . c. . . * as our army councils , junctoes and grand●…s h●…ve d●…ne , and do . * see 〈◊〉 rhodigi●… 〈◊〉 lectio●… . l. . c. , . * see 〈◊〉 here , p. , ●… . * de monarchia hisp. c. . a ps●…l , , , . b psal. . . c psal. . d psal. . . psal. . . e psal. . . * in their decla●…ation of march . . * jan. . . notes for div a -e a 〈◊〉 de britan. ecclesiarum primordils , p. . and the authors there quoted . anno . b lambardi a●…chaion . 〈◊〉 . eccl. b●… . p. , . ●…pelman . concil . p. , to . bishop jewels reply against harding , art. . divis . . p. , . fox acts and monuments , vol. . harrisons description of england , l. . c. . bishop ushe●… de eccl. bri●… . primord●…is , p. . , . c eutropius , hist. l. . orosius , l. . c. , . socrat . eccl. hist. l. . c. ●… . eumenius panegyr . . cambdens brit. essex , p. . vsserius de brit. eccl. primordiis , c. . c eusebius de vita constantini , l. . c. , , , . d euseb. de vita constantini , l. . c , . e euseb. de vita consta●… . l. . c. , . f nicephorus eccles. hist. l. . c. . spelman . concil . p. , . . anno . g ma●…e chronico , l. . c. . wintoiensis ecclesiae , hist , c. , . usserius de brit. e●…cles . primordiis , c●… . p. ●… . anno . * ●…at . westm , a no p●… , . , . anno . ●… ma●… . westm. an. . p. ●… , . anno . k ma●… . westm. anno . p. . usserius de brit. eccl. primordiis , p. , . * epist. l. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . anno . * epist. l. . epist. . beda eccles. hist. l. . c. . spelmanni concilia , p. . anno ●… . * hen●…ici huntindon , hist. 〈◊〉 . p. . anno . * will. 〈◊〉 , de g●…stis po●…tif . angl. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , . ●…uno 〈◊〉 . m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 h●…st l. . 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 . mat. west . 〈◊〉 . ●… . 〈◊〉 id●…m , l. . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . auno . n b●…da eccl. hist. . c. . 〈◊〉 con cil p. ●… , ●… . hen huntindon . hist. l . p. . n 〈◊〉 eccl. hist. l. . c . anno . o mat. westm. p. . anno . p beda eccl. hist. l. c. . anno . anno . q bed●… eccl. h●…st . l. . c. . a gu●…elmus malm. degest . ●…ontif . ang●… . 〈◊〉 . . p. . anno . b 〈◊〉 concil . p. . anno . c mo●…asticon a●…gl 〈◊〉 . p. . londi●…i . d spelmanni concil . p. . anno . anno . e monast. ang. pars . p. . * beda eccl. hist l. . c. . spelmanni concil . p. , . anno . * ingulph : hist. p. , , . anno . anno . * operum coloniae agrip. . tom . col. , . * spelmanni concil p. , , . anno . anno . biblioth●…ca ●…trum . tom. . p. , . mal●… . de gestis regum angl. l. . c. . p. . * bibl. patrum , tom. . p. . * bibl. ●…atrum tom. . p. , . anno . anno . * spelmanni concil . p. , . a dan. . . c. 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 . . . b pet. . , . c rom. . , , . d eccle●… . . . a rom. . . b esther . , , . c. . . c kings . , . d sam. 〈◊〉 . &c. . . e see balaeus scriptornm brit. 〈◊〉 . . c. . anno . * fpist . , , , , , , to . & 〈◊〉 * ephes. . * mat. pa●…is in vita of●… . secundi , p. . mat. westm. an. . a●…o . a wil. 〈◊〉 . de gestis regum , l. . c. . anno . b ex registro de abendon cap. . monasticon angl. p. . anno . c ingulphi hist. p. . anno . d monasticon angl. p. . anno . anno . * 〈◊〉 m●…lm ●…ury de g●…st . pon●…if . angl. l. . p. . anno . 〈◊〉 mat. 〈◊〉 . ann. . p. , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . . c. ingulp●… , p ●… . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. ●… . . mr. seldens history of tithes , c. 〈◊〉 . p. . &c. h mr seldens history of ti●…hes , c. . p. . anno. ch on . g●…ocestr . caenob●… , monast. angl. p. . * monast. angl. pars . anno . anno . malmesbur . l. . c. . p. , . a chron. ioh. brompt . col . . spelman . concil . p. . anno . b mo●…sticon angl. . anno . c monast. angl. p. , . anno . d matthaei parisiensis au●… ctuarium additamentor●… , p. . anno . anno a monasticon angl. p. . anno anno . b 〈◊〉 . johannis 〈◊〉 col. . spelm. con , 〈◊〉 p. . c ailredus abbas , de vita & miraculis edwardi confessoris , col. . malmeso . de gestis reg●… , l. . c. . de gestis pontif . angl. l. . p. . mat. westm. anno ●… . p. . hen. 〈◊〉 don hist. . . simeon dunelmensis hist. col. . chron. john brompton , col . . hen. knyghton de eventibus angl. l. . c. . antiq. eccles. brit. p. , . ribadenira & capgrave in the lffe of edward the confessor , speed●… hist. p. . * antiqu. ec●… clesiae brit. p. , , . monast. angl. p. . anno . * spelmanni concilia , p. , , . ailred●…s devira & miraculis edw. confess . col . ●…dw , . anno . b spelm. concil . p. . ailredus abbas : de vita et miraculis edw. confess . p. , &c. the d. part of my sea sonable and legal historical vindication , p. , , &c. , to . ibid. p. . * col. . r monast. angl . p. . anno . anno , &c. s monasticon angl. p. , , . anno , &c. t ibid. p. , , , , , , , , , , , . anno . hist. elienfis eccl. lib. . f. , . monast. angl. p. . * ●…dmerus hist. novo●…um , l. . p. , , , , ●… , , . anno . h bibliotheca patrum , tom. ●… . pars . p. . eadmerus hist. nov. l. ●… p. , , ●… anno . a monas●…con angl. p. , , , ●… . . pat. . r. . ●…ars . n. ●… . ch. e. . ●… . . pat. . h. . m. . b monasticon angl. p. , , ●… , , . c. . e. . n. . anno . anno . c mo●…ticon angl. p. , , , , , , , , , , , , , . ch . . e●… . n. . ch. . h. . m. . ch. . r. . n. . ch. ●… . . n. ●… . a huntingdon hist. l. . p. , . anno . t roger hoveden , annal po sterior pars , p. , , , , . anno . * hoveden , p. , , , ●… , , , , anno b 〈◊〉 patrum . tom. . pars . p. . c. c ibidem p. , , , , , , , . anno , &c. * monast. angl. p. , , , , , , , . ch . e . n. . pat r . pat . . m. . ch . h. n . anno . &c. a monast angl , p. , , . , , , , , ch . joh. m. n. . ch . . ioh. m. . n. . pat . e. . m. . ch . ioh. m. n. . ch e. . n. . ch . h. . m. . ch . . ioh. n. . ch . . ioh n. . anno , &c. ‖ monasticon angl. p. , , , ●… . , , ●… , , , , , , , ●… , ●… , , , . ●…h h. . m. . pat. . e. . ●… . m. ●… . part . . m. ●… . ch. . h. . m. ch. . h. . m. . pat . h. . m. . ch. . h. . m. . ch. . h. . m. , . r●…t . fin. . h. . m. . a mat. paris virae . sanct●… . albani abbat . p. , . anno . b in the leger book of the priory of bath . anno . ‖ mat. pa. 〈◊〉 hist. angl. p. . edit . londi●… . anno . * mat. westm . anno . p. . anno . ‖ mat. we●…tm . p. , . anno . georgii cassandr●… opera , 〈◊〉 , . . , . pro 〈◊〉 . rege , vel principe . a cl. e. . dors . . . cl. e. dors . . cl. e. . dors . . cl. . e. . d. . cl. e. . dors . . cl. . e . dors . . cl. e. . dors . . pro rege de precibus . de orando 〈◊〉 ●…ge . de orando pro ●…ge & reg●…na ac eorum liberis . de orando p●…o rege & r●…gina ac 〈◊〉 liberis . de orar orard●… pro rege & regina & liberis sui●… nota. de orando pro rege . not●… ●… de orando pro rege & regina 〈◊〉 eorum liberis . nota. de orando pro rege . de orando pro rege & regina ac eorum liberis●… nota. ch. e. . n. . ch . e. . n. . monast. angl. p. ●… , . de orando prꝰ statu regis & regni . ‖ nota. de exequi●… pro anima r. e. fa●… & orando pro anima 〈◊〉 . de orando pro rege & regina . de o●…ando pro rege & statu regni . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 & statu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rege & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * monast. aug. p. , , , , , . p●…t . e . . part . m. . pat. 〈◊〉 . . pa. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . m. . pat. e . pa●…t . m. . pat. e. . pa●…t . . m. de devotis laudibus clemen●… . summi salvaroris at●…ollend . pro victoria scotorum prope . berewicum nuper concessa . de orando pro pace . * ex de 〈◊〉 pro rege . de or●… p●…o 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 pro rege . * exponere●… pat. . r. . part . m. . monost . angl. p. , . , . cl. 〈◊〉 r. . m. . dorso . pat. . & h. . m. pat. . h . pa●… . m. . monast. angl p. . . ‖ monasticon angl. p. . pat. h. . m. . monast. angl. p. . anno . anno h. . anno . * here p. . * laertius cherubinus de nor●…ia bullarium , tom. . p. . petri matchaei . sum. constit. pontif. in leone , . p. . speeds history , an. . seldens titles of honour , p. , . * in his work ; in folio , london . v●…l . . p. . anno . a in his works vol . f. , . b ibid. sol . . c tim. . apoc. . . deut. . josh. . rom. ●… tim. . tit. . ●… pet. . cap. , & . d ibid. f. , . e ibid. f. ●… . f s●…p . . rom. . tim. tit. . pet. . acts . rom , . g mat. . luc. . mar. ●… anno . h fox acts and monuments , vol. . p. . anno . i see arch bishop ●…ranmers life , in antiq. eccles. brit. godwin , and before his answer to stephe●…●…a 〈◊〉 . fox acts and monu . ments ●…ol . . p. . k fox act●… & monuments . vol. ●… . p. ●… . . ●… . anno . an●…o . anno . * page . anno . nota. nota. a cooks . rep. calvins case ●… . , . instit . p. . ●…rook treason . graftons cronicle p. , &c. ●…ox acts and monuments , vol. . holinshed , and speed , . mariae . my plea for the lords , p. , . see devotio●…s of the antient church , &c printed ●… . * see dr. john whites defence of the way . bishop bilson , bishop andrews arch. bish●…p abbor , bishop buckridge , bishop abbot , bish●… davenant , bishop usher , dr. featly , &c. anno . * those who prayed thus cordially could not shorten his life by a violent death . * tertullian apologet. feb. . . a see the vind●…ation of the secured and secluded members , and the history of independency part . b see the d . part of the history of independency where it is likewise printed . d see the proclamations printed during the re●…gn of king henry . . edw. . queen mary and elizabeth , king james & king charles , the ancienter proclamations are entred in the dorse of the clause rolls in the tower. anno . a eutychii annales , p. . * see part . p. , . anno . b eutychii annal. p. , , . eus●…s eccl. hist l. . c. , . niceph. eccl●…s . hist. l. , c. ●… , , . c nicephorus ●…cl hist. l. . e. , . d e●…bius eccl. h●…st l . c. , l. . c. , , , , . e see archbishop vsher , de brit. eccl. primordiis , c. . euseb. eccl. hist. l. . c. . niceph eccl. hist. l. . c. , . anno . f eusebius ecel hist. l. . c. . niceph. 〈◊〉 . c. . i eusebius de vita 〈◊〉 . ●… . c. , , 〈◊〉 . k here p. . * euseb. de vita constant. l. . c. . anno . l bishop vsher de eccles. brit. primordiis , p. . m de vita constant . l. . c. . n ●…useb de vi●…a constant. l c. . anno . * euseb. ibid . l. . c. . n eusdbius de vita constant. l. . c. . anno . ●… euseb. de vita constant. l. . c. , , , , , . * see bishop ushers answer to the jesuites challenge : sec●…on praying for the dead . anno . q operum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . ●…om . ●…●… , ●… , ●… , 〈◊〉 . anno . * hi●…arius ad constanti●…m , l. . see bilsons true difference , p. ●… . anno . * socrates scholastic●…s eccles ●…ist . l. c . cassi dorus , tri●… pa●…t . hist. l. . c . sozomen , eccl. hist. l. . c. 〈◊〉 . nicephorus , eccl hist l. . c. . bilsons true 〈◊〉 , p . * socrates scholas●…icus lb. theodo●…er eccles. hist. l. . c . quo possumus &c. pro tuo regno consuetas pr●…eces cum populo 〈◊〉 , sicut ante semper fecimus & adhu●… facere non 〈◊〉 . anno . * careches . . dr. hamonds annotations on tim. . anno ●… . * see bishop vshers answer to the jesuites challenge , p. , . * annales , oxoniae , . p. , , , . anno . u 〈◊〉 , eccles. hist. l. . c. ●… 〈◊〉 concil . tom. . p. . centur. magd. . col . 〈◊〉 . anno . anno . see centur. magd. . col . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . tom. ●… . p 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 l. ●… . c . anno . anno . * rom. . , , , , , . * mat. . * tom. . operum parisiis , , col . . * tom. . col . a. b. . c. . c. anno . tim. . . jer. . . rom. . cor. . anno . esth. . * h●…storia 〈◊〉 pa●… trum , p. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tom. . p. , . anno . anno . anno . * surius concil . tom. . p. , , , , . 〈◊〉 concil . tom. . p. , , , ●… , . * s●…ius concil . tom . p. , . * bib●…iotheca patrum , t●…m . ●… . pa●…s . p. . anno . jer. . . annno ●… * here p. . . anno . * snrius concil . tom. . p. . anno . * bibliotheca pat. um tom. p. , . anno . * surius concil . tom. . p. , . anno . * surius concil . tom. . p. , . anno . * surius concil . tom. . p. , . anno . * surius concil . p. , , . q ibid p. ●… , . r ibid. p. . a su●…ius ●…om . p. . anno . b surius ibid. p. . anno c su●…ius , tom. . p. . anno . d surius , tom. . p. , . anno . e surins ibid. p. . anno . f surius concil . tom. . p. . anno . * surius concil . tom. . p. , , . anno . anno . * surius ibid. tom. . p. . anno * surius ibid tom. p. * here p. , to * surius concil . tom. . p. , &c. anno . bochellus decret . eccles. gal. l. . tit. . c. . p. . * surius concil . tom. . p. . anno . * surius concil tom p. . anno . bochellus dec●…et . eccl. gal. p. . anno . * surius concil . tom. . p. . bochellus decret . eccl. gal. p. . anno . * bochellus decret . eccl. gal. l. . tit. . c. . p , . * idem . a bibl. patru●… tom. . pars . p. . h. . anno . b ibid. p. . e ibid. . &c. * bibliotheca patru●… , tom . pars . p. . anno . * deus . a ibid. p. ●… g. ibid. p. ●… f. c ibid. p. . c. d ibid. p. . b. anno . anno . * bibl. patrum tom. . p. , . * remissum . ‖ ibid. p. , , , &c. * ibid. p. , . a in epist. ad tim. epist . . tim. . b lib. . ●… . , . anno . * bibliothec●… patrum , tom . p. a. . h. . c. ibid●… p. . b bibliotheca patrum , tom. . p. . f. p. . a. p. . . p. , , , , . anno . anno . anno . anno . * see epistola ●… . anno . h bobliotheca patrum , tom. . pars . p. . , ●… , , , , , . anno . biblio●…heca patrum . tom. . part p. , ●… . b bibliotheca patrum , tom. . p. a. georgii cassaudri preces ●…cclesiasticae p. . * see sacrae litaniae variae antuerpiae . p. . psal. ●… . * laur enrius boche ●…us decret . eccl. gal. l. . ti●… . . de rege c. . p. . anno . a co●…ippus , lib. . la ce●…da an●…otat . in tertull. apologet . mr. se●…dens titles of honor , p. . cedren . histor. col . . zonaras , annal tom. p. 〈◊〉 . anno . * se●… mr. seldens titles of honor , part . ch . . p. , , . b bibliorheca patrum , tom. . p. , . anno . * paul od rburn in vita theod. res●… . 〈◊〉 lugd. b●…t . , o p . dr. giles , fletch●…r his treatise of the state of rusfia , c. ●… . mr. samuel purchas his pilgrim , l. c : ●… , . se●…dens titles of honor , part . ch . . p. , . * supplementum annal. turcorum , anno . seldens titles of honor , p. . * bibl. ●…attum tom. . p. , , , . rom. . gen. . exod . . reg. . reg. . exod. . & . judic . . 〈◊〉 reg. . 〈◊〉 reg. . . gen. . exod . . reg. . reg. . psal. . joan. . psal. . not●… . judith . * seldens titles of honor , p. . to . . the ceremonial sor coronation of the french king. this was most ordinarily at rhemes , but 〈◊〉 the kings pleasure , also in any other church . * ibidem is not in bochellus . * spiritual peers , the bishop of beauvais , laon , langres , chaalons sur marne , noyon . a istius arch. bochell . b that is , per dominum n. iesum christū filium tuum qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate s. s. deus per omnia saecula saeculorum . for those words are ordinarily denoted by per dominum only . c responsorium . d versus . * et audi ●…ocem meam & inimicus ero inimicis , &c. e quanto qui bu , 〈◊〉 f 〈◊〉 dicar , 〈◊〉 . g metropolita nus s●…per regem orat ante 〈◊〉 . bochellus . h in the ma●…gin of this place of that r●…l subse i bed by king charles , is added this prayer , deus h●…milium 〈◊〉 qui nos s. s illustratione consolaris praetende super hunc 〈◊〉 tuum n. gra●…iam tuam ut per cum , tuum nobis adesse ●…tiamus ad●…m . i sancta bochellus . k i●… b●…llus 〈◊〉 words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a different 〈◊〉 ( 〈◊〉 s. dio●… 〈◊〉 ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 s●…vans . ) l so in the 〈◊〉 . perhaps it should be 〈◊〉 o●… eum 〈◊〉 . but in bochellus that place is d●…erre abbati & aliquibus de monachis paritèr commi●… . m in bochellus afr●…r that quid suscept ●…pulla 〈◊〉 , follows 〈◊〉 susceptione a●…ullae sacrae ad portam ecclefiae majoris cantatur antipho●…a . o pretios●… munus , o pretiosa gemma quae pro uncti●…ne francorum regum ministerio angelico caelitus est emissa . ve●…sus . inveni david servum m●…m . r●…sp . oleo sancto meo unxi eumo●…s . omnipotens sempiterne deus qui pietatis tuae dono genus regum fr●…corum oleo per●…gi decrevisti , praes●…a quaesumus , ut famulus tuus rex noster perunctus hac sacra & praesenti unctione sancto pontifice ( so it is printed ) remigio emissa divinitus & in tuo servitio semper dirig●…tur , et ab omni infirmi●…ate misericorditer liberetur , per dominum nostrum dum cantatur terria , facta aqua benedicta , 〈◊〉 ad missam se praeparat cum di●…cono & subdiacono in sacristia . this being as a title , next follows , 〈◊〉 dum cant●…r tertia facta aqua benedicta ad missam , &c. as in this copy . n et rationali . ind . bochellus . o e duobus suis su●…ganeis associatus process . bochellus . p quod. bochellu . q servabo bochellus . the oath of the french king. see bodin . de repub. l. . c. . r the words between these ( ) are not in bochellus . s promissionibus . bochellus . t see before . u here this title is inserted in bochellus . praeparatio insignium & ornamento um regalium . x sacinthinis . bochellus . y sa●… 〈◊〉 . z ap●…ris 〈◊〉 . b connecte bochellus . c praestare dignetur , qui tecum & cum spiritu sancto sine fine permanet in saecula saeculorum , amen . bochell . d be●…icere . boc●…illus . f per ch●…um b●…llus . t●…e s●…d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 ●… king. g h . i as a title to this in ●…chelius , 〈◊〉 read t●…tio gladii quem rex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l s●… in 〈◊〉 . but i●… should be mol●… that and 〈◊〉 oth●… p●…ssa ges are in th●…t of the r●…man 〈◊〉 . m patre & s. s. vivit & reg●… diur per ●…nia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . amen . 〈◊〉 . n iudicia & quocunque . bo●…us . o . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem . a to this , the title is in bochellus super regem genuflexum with oremus . b i●…cob , sic bo●…ellus . c coruscante atque bochellus . d paganorum , idem . e digneris qui cum unigenito filio tuo , &c. bochellus . f praestare , &c. ut supra . g in that place in bochellus , his copy hath this note ; hic debe●… fieri mistio de crismate & ole●… caelitus misso . h privilegio , ut crismate juxta cum oleo caelitùs misso , modo alio , quàm caeteri reges , singulariter inungantur , alii enim reges inunguntur solùm in humero ; iste verò in capite & in aliis membr is sicut inserius distingue●…ur . parata , &c so it is in bochellus . bue whoever drew in this glosse , was vainly deceived . for the use in england as well as france , was antient , and so also ( by the ordo romanus ) in other kingdo●…s , where anointing was allow'd , to anoint the head , notwithstanding what we find otherwise in the popes canons , which princes obeyed at their pleasure . but for th●…s matter , see before p. . a pla●… th●…s prayer was first made for the english saxon kings . for what had ever any of the french kings to do with these people ? but the wonder is most strange , that this place of the prayer ( which might have been sit ed for any king ) is thus left here . in bochellus , nordam , cimbrorum , is for nordanchimbrorum , which s●…ould have been doubtlesse nordhanhumbrorum , for those beyond humber , and it is plain , that the ●…ery syllables of the saxon ceremonial are a●…terwards used in this of the ●…rench . the annointing the french king. * manu , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gloria , 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 ansulae aperturarum vestimentor●…m regis per di●…conum . bochellus . * this and the prayer following is not in 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 . * copertura bochellus . the anointing of the french kings ha●… . the benediction of his gloves . t●… put●…ing on ●…is glov●… . * 〈◊〉 . the ●…ing the french kings hands being anoi●…ted , if he will have 〈◊〉 ●…s . ●…e benedicti●…n of the king. * this , wi●… the two prayers or benedictions following is wanting in bochellus , and is written in the margin of the copy of king charles , and directed to come in here . * l. immune . the giving him the ring . the giving him the scepter . the giving him the rod or verge , which they now call , i think , la maine de justice . the benediction of the crown . * this is in the margine of the copy of king charles , and directed in he●…e , but not in bochell . a ex nomine à cancellario si , &c. bochell . b et vocantur primò laici , posteà clerici ; & clerici vocantur 〈◊〉 ordine quo dict●…m est superius , de sedendo quibus , &c. bochellus . c corona bochell . d ●…et . bochell . and after this presently follows these words , t●…neat metropolitanus coronam a●…rè primò duabus manibus , posteà sinistra ●…antum quando benedicit . * quam semper tenet man●… finistrâ . bochellus . b ita tu contra , bochellus . c bonediction●… . bochellus . e 〈◊〉 atque ●…eati remigii atque . bochell●…s . a sta●…m 〈◊〉 ista secunda be●…nedictio , 〈◊〉 . d laudamus , non dicitur ni●… post coronationem sequentem . quo , &c. bochellus . * lacesseret . bochellus . e ●…ondiscat , bichellus . f there follows in b●…chellus , in ordinario sancti dyon●…sti post inthroni●…ationem regis ponitur professio ej●… ante oscu●… parium . a in 〈◊〉 there follows . . b here the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this note , notandum antequam pax domini ●…it ●…mper vob●… cum dicatur , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 di●… cere hanc be nedictionem super regem & super po●… ulum . and then follow b●…th that benediction and benedictio vexilli , or of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which are both at the end of this , anon ad●…ed . a cum libro . bochellus . b di●…i & mittere . &c. boch . c thus far also that in bochellus . and here it is concluded with explicit consecratio ●… coronatio regis franciae . but he hath not the ceremonial for the queens coronation which here followeth . the coronation of the french queen . the an ●…ing of the french queen . the ring given to the french queen . the scepter given to the french queen , and the rodor verge . the crown put on the french queen . l. eam . * et tua , bochelus . * defendat . * titles of honor , ●…art . ch . . p. , , , , , , , . ●… . sceptrum . * this was given into the left hand , as the scepter into the right . see mat. pa is pag. . edit . londin . * this is in the old ritual called ordo romanus this is almost the same in the old ritual called ordo romanus . elemosin . magnus . episc. dunelm . & bathonien . po●…atio calicis sancti edwardi . portatio patenae dicti calilis . portatio sceptri & virgae aureae . portatio gladiorum . portatio calcarium . portatio ensis redempti . senescallcus . portatio coronarum . marescallus . pincerna . constabularius . camerarius . panetria . salsaria . furnival . assistentes reginae . dom. assistens reginae . ordo coronationis richardi secundi . iur amentum regis ante coronationem suam . preces dicendae in coro●…atione . solemnizatio missae in die cor●…nationis . ioh●… moc reg . 〈◊〉 coronatio r●…gis . gene●…lis proc●…ssio . conc. roff. ep. rex equitabit . sedes regalis . pulpitum . thronus regalis . abbas westmonast . tunica & camisia . process●… . ●…rux & caetera . barones . portuum . a●…as westm. archiepiscopus inquiret voluntatem po●…i . oblatio regis . rex prosternitur . rex praestat juramenta . unctio regis . abbas westmonast deponet pi●…um regi . rex induitur tunica longa per abbatem . benedictio ensis . impositio coronae capiti regis . oblatio ensis . acceptio sceptri . praelati & alii facient homagium . oblatio panis & vini . corona s. edwardi . renovatio regalium . alia corona . regis reversio in palatium . liberatio sceptri . coronatio reginae . juramentum domini regis . eleemozi●…arius magnus . episc. dunel . episc. bathon . cancellarius angliae . thesaurarius angliae . comes cestriae , & alii . comes l●…ycestriae est senescall●… . dux ebor. comes de arundel . comes herford . comes oxon. comes norfol. furnel . the arch-i ishop kneeleth . the arch-bishop anointeth kneeling . five pound to redeem the sword. the king is crowned with st. edwards crown . homage . nota. * since to the dean thereof . nota. nota. from the new dore . anthem ●… . sermon . anthem . he offered twenty pieces . the oath . veni creator . letany . nota. by the lord chamb. by the earl●… : bobun . by the earl●… bo●…un . t. d●…um . ●…ta . * biblio●… histor. lib. . sect . ●… . ●… . a claudian . de . cons●… hono●… 〈◊〉 b claudi●… de laud●… st●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. , . by the king. a proclamation for registring knights proclamations. - - . england and wales. sovereign ( - : charles ii) approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing c estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) by the king. a proclamation for registring knights proclamations. - - . england and wales. sovereign ( - : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, - . aut sheets ([ ] p.) printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker, printers to the kings most excellent majesty, [london : . imprint from colophon. at end: given at our court at whitehall the sixteenth day of june, . in the twenty fifth year of our reign. reproduction of the original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng kings and rulers -- duties -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation of his majesties grace , favour , and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of hertford . whereas we have taken notice , that by the malice , industry , and importunity of severall ill-affected and seditious persons in our county of hertford , very many of our weake & seduced subjects in that our county have not only beene drawne to exercise the militia , under colour of a pretended ordinance , without and against our consent , ( a crime of a very high nature , if we would strictly enquire thereinto ) but have made contributions of plate , money , and horses , towards the maintenance of the army now in rebellion against vs ; we doe hereby publish and declare , that we are gratiously pleased to attribute the crimes and offences of our said subjects of that county , to the power and faction of their seducers ; who , we beleeve , by threates , menaces , and false informations compelled and led them into these actions of undutifullnesse and disloyalty towards vs ; and we doe therefore hereby offer our free and gracious pardon to all the inhabitants of our said county of hertford , for all offences concerning the premisses committed against vs , before the publishing of this our proclamation , except such persons only as are already in prison for any of those offences . provided , that this our grace shall not extend to any person , who after the publishing this our proclamation shall presume by loane or contribution , to assist the said army of rebells , to assemble and muster themselves in armes without authority derived from vs under our hand , to enter into any oath of association for opposing vs and our army , or to succour , or entertaine any of the persons excepted in our declaration of the th of august . but we must and doe declare , that whosoever shall henceforward be guilty of the premisses , or of either of them , shall be esteemed by vs as an enemy to the publike peace , a person disaffected to vs , and to the religion and lawes of the kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment , of which we give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . and wee doe hereby will and require our high sheriffe , commissioners of array , iustices of the peace , and all other our officers , and loving subjects to resist , oppose , and apprehend all such persons as shall presume to make any leavies in that our county , under what pretence soever , without authority derived from vs under our hand . and we likewise will and require them , and every of them to be assistant to all such as shall either command the traine-bands of that our county , or make any leavies in the same by vertue of commission under our great seale , or signe manuall . ¶ given at our court at oxford , the seventh day of ianuary , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king. a treatise concerning the broken succession of the crown of england: inculcated, about the later end of the reign of queen elisabeth. not impertinent for the better compleating of the general information intended. parsons, robert, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing p thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) a treatise concerning the broken succession of the crown of england: inculcated, about the later end of the reign of queen elisabeth. not impertinent for the better compleating of the general information intended. parsons, robert, - . , [ ] p. [s.n.], london : printed anno dom. . x v refers to "this manuscript treatise .. coming from the hands of a popish priest, and comprehending the substance of what was written and published by father parson's the jesuit, under the name of doleman", i.e. robert parsons. annotation on thomason copy: "may. ". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng kings and rulers -- succession -- early works to . great britain -- kings and rulers -- succession -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no a treatise concerning the broken succession of the crown of england:: inculcated, about the later end of the reign of queen elisabeth. not parsons, robert b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - jason colman sampled and proofread - jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a treatise concerning the broken succession of the crown of england : inculcated , about the later end of the reign of queen elisabeth . not impertinent for the better compleating of the general information intended . london : printed anno dom. . out of the preface . the purpose of the book . the purpose of this treatise is to prove , that the next successor of england must needs be very doubtful . the first part of the book . the civil lawyer declareth , that albeit the titles by succession were clear , yet that as things stand now in england , and other countries neer adjoyning , there may be a great doubt which of them shall prevail . the second part. the temporal lawyer sheweth that the titles and pretensions of all the ten or eleven families of the english blood royal , which remain at this day , are ambiguous and doubtful , according to the common laws of england . that succession by nearness of blood is not by law of nature , or divine ; but onely by humane and positive laws of every particular countrie , and consequently may be altered by the same . cap. i. such are not to be admitted , of whom no good is to be expected . the government is ordained for the benefit of the common-wealth ; therefore no reason or law , religion or wisdom in the world can admit such persons to the government of the same , by whom no good , but destruction may be expected ; as for example , by a natural fool , or one that were a turk , or moor in religion . other conditions , besides prioritie , are requisite , which are assigned by the common-wealth . ergò , some other conditions also must needs be requisite , besides the meer prioritie in blood ; and these conditions are not prescribed by anie law of nature or divine , but assigned and limited out by the authoritie of every particular countrie and common-wealth , to the which the prince is bound . to live in companie cometh of nature ; but the form thereof by the laws of everie countrie . the sociabilitie , or inclination to live together in companie , man with man ( whereof ensueth both citie and common-wealth , as aristotle gathereth ) and in like manner , government and jurisdiction of magistrates , which is necessarie for the maintaining of that societie , is of nature , and consequently of god , that is author of nature ; but the particular form or manner of this or that government , in this or that fashion , is not by law either natural or divine , but ordained by particular positive laws of everie countrie ; for if it were by the law of nature or divine , it should be all one in all countries , seeing god and nature is one to all . to live in company is natural to man , and the ground of all common wealths . all ground of realms and common-wealths dependeth of this point , as of their first principle , for that a common-wealth is nothing els but the good government of a multitude gathered together , to live in one : and therefore all old philosophers , law-makers , and wise men , that have treated of government or common-wealths , as plato , cicero , aristotle , &c. do make their entrance from this first principle , to wit , that man by nature is sociable , and inclined to live in companie , whereof do proceed first , all private houses , then villages , then towns , then cities , then kingdoms and common-wealths . . proof . inclination universal . in all nations , never so wilde or barbarous , we see by experience that by one way or other , they endeavor to live together , either in towns , caves , woods , tents , or other like manner , according to the custome of each countrie ; which universal instinct could never be but by impression of nature it self . . speech . the use of speech is given to man for this end and purpose , otherwise little available were it , if men should live alone , and converse with none . . imbecillitie and nakedness of man . man is born more infirm and naked , than all other creatures , not able to provide and defend himself , but by the help of others ; which is a token that he is born to live in company , both for his necessitie to be holpen by others , and also for his own commodious living , seeing no man of himself is sufficient for himself ; wherefore wittily said aristotle , that ho which flieth to live in societie , is either deus aut bellua ; a god , or a beast : for that either he doth it , because he hath no need of any , which is proper to god ; or else for that he will do good to none , and feeleth not that natural instinct , which man hath to live in conversation ; which is a sign rather of a beast , than of a man . . the use of justice and friendship . if man should not live in companie of others , justice and friendship should be utterly in vain ; justice , whose office is , to distribute to every one his own : and friendship , which is so necessary and equal , vt nec aquâ , saith cicero , nec igne , nec ipso sole pluribus in locis utamur quàm amicitiâ . . by the holie scripture . dixit quoque dominus deus , non est bonum hominem esse solum , faciamus ei adjutorium simile sibi . of which words is deduced , that as this first societie of our first parents was of god , and for so great purpose , the one to be holpen by th' other ; so all other societies , which grow of this first , stand upon the same ground of god's ordination , for the self same end of man's utilitie . government and superioritie is also of nature . . necessitie . without government , superioritie and jurisdiction of magistrates , the aforesaid societie can in no wise subsist : it followeth therefore that government is of nature , aswel as the societie it self . for except there be some order kept among men , to reward virtue , chasten vice , and relieve the afflicted , there is nothing to be hoped for , but horror and confusion ; for that one would devour and consume the other . . consent of nations . there was never yet nation found , among whom men living together had not some kind of magistrates or superiors to govern them ; which general consent , cicero calleth ipsius vocem naturae . . civil law . the civil law proveth also this point in the beginning of our digests , where the second title of the first book is , de originie juris & omnium magistratuum , of the beginning of the civil law , and of all magistrates ; which beginning is referred to the principle of natural instinct , and god's institution . . holie scripture . god concurreth also expresly with this instinct of nature , as when he saith to solomon , by me kings do reign ; and s. paul to the romans avoucheth , that authoritie is not but of god , and therefore he which resisteth authoritie , resisteth god . viz. authoritie in it self according to the first institution , as also lawfully laid upon any persons , but not wrongfully . particular form of government is not of god , or nature , but free to every country . so those two aforesaid points , to wit , the common-wealth , and government of the same , are of nature ; but the particular forms of government are left unto every nation and country to chuse , either democratia , aristocratia , or monarchia , according as they shall like best ; for if they were determined by god or nature , they should be all one in all nations ; which they are not : seeing we see that every nation almost hath her particular form , or manner of government : and the cause of these differences aristotle attributeth to the diversity of men's natures , customs , educations , and other such causes , that make them make choice of such , or such forms of government . diversitie of government in divers countries and times . and this difference of government is not in divers countries only , but also at divers times in one and the same countrie : for the romans first had kings , & after rejecting them for their evil government , they chose consuls annual , whose authoritie was limited by a multitude of senators , and these mens power by the tribunes of the people , and somtime dictators ; and finally , they came to be governed by emperors . the like may be said of many common-wealths both of asia and greece ; and at this day of europe . in italie , now divided into so many common-wealths , every one of them almost keepeth a different form of government : millan , as also burgundie , lorayne , bavire , gasconie , and brittanie the lesser , were once distinct kingdoms , now dukedoms . whole germanie , many yeers together a kingdom , now is divided into so many dukedoms , earldoms , and other titles of supreme princes . castile , arragon , portugal , barcelona , which were first earldoms only , and after dukedoms , and then kingdoms , are now all united under one monarch : boëme and polonia , dukedoms once , now kingdoms . france first a monarchie , under pharamond , clodion , merouye , childerick , and clodovaeus , was after divided into four kingdoms , to wit , one of paris , another of soissons , the third of orleans , and the fourth of metz : and afterwards made one monarchie again . england first a monarchie under the britaines , and then a province under the romans , and after divided into seven kingdoms at once under the saxons , and now a monarchie again under the english . the people of israël also were under divers manners of government , in divers times ; first under patriarchs , abraham , isaac , and jacob : then under captains , as moses , josue , &c. then under judges , as othoniel , acod , gedeon , &c. then under high priests , as hely and samuel : then under kings , as saul , david , &c. then under captains and high priests again , as zorobabel , judas , &c. until they were brought under the power of the romans . so as there can be no doubt , but that the common-wealth hath power to chuse their own fashion of government , as also to change it upon reasonable causes ; and god no doubt doth approve it . the common-wealth limiteth the governors authoritie . and as the common-wealth hath this authoritie to chuse and change her government , so hath she also to limit the same with laws and conditions : therefore the consuls of rome were but for one year , other officers and magistrates for more , as their common-wealth did allot them . the dukes of venice at this day are for their lives ; those of genoa for two years . the dukedoms of ferrata , urbin , and parma , are limited only to heirs male ; & for defect therof , to return to the sea of rome ; as florence , and mantua , for like defects to the empire . how a natural prince is to be understood . when men talk of a natural prince , and natural successor ; if it be understood of one that is born within the same realm or countrie , and so of our own natural blood , it hath some sence ; but if it be meant as though any prince had his particular government or interest to succeed by institution of nature , it is ridiculous ; for that nature giveth it not , as hath been declared , but the particular constitution of every common-wealth . of the form of monarchies and kingdoms in particular , and the different laws , whereby they are to be obtained , holden , and governed in divers countries . cap. ii. a monarchie the best government . aristotle , seneca , and plutarch do hold a kingdom to be the most perfect common-wealth among all other , and the very first . his antiquity . of all other it is the most ancient ; for we read that among the syrians , medes and persians , their first governors were kings . and when the children of israël did ask a king at the hands of samuel ( . years before the coming of christ ) they alleged for one reason , that all nations round about them had kings for their governors ; and at the very same time the chiefest cities and common-wealths of greece , as the lacedemonians , athenians , corinthians , and others , were governed by kings . the romans also began with kings . it resembleth the government of god , and nature . this kind of government ( as do gather s. hierom and s. chrysostom ) resembleth most of all the government of god , that is but one : representeth the excellencie of one son , of one soul in the bodie : it is also most conformable unto nature , by example of the bees which do chuse unto themselves a king , and do live under a monarchie . st. peter's authoritie . subjecti estote omni humanae creaturae propter deum , sive regi quasi precellenti , sive ducibus ab eo missis , &c. saith s. peter , where he seemeth to signifie that a king's government is the best among all others ; seeing at this time when he wrote this epistle , the chief governor of the world was not called king , but emperor ; though indeed between the title of king and emperor there is little or no difference in substance , but only in name . utilities of a kingdom . this government , not only in it self , but also by his effects and utilitie , is the most excellent : for in the monarchie of one king there is more unitie , agreement , and conformity , and thereby also celerity commonly in dispatching of business , and in defending the common-wealth , than where many heads be : less passions also in one man , than in many . inconvenieneies of other governments , as of democratia . in democratia , especially where cunning men are admitted , such as were the orators in athens , and the tribunes in rome , who could move the waves , raise up the winds , and kindle the fire of the vulgar peoples affections , passions , and furies at their pleasure ; there is nothing but sedition , trouble , tumults , outrages , and injustice committed upon every little occasion : by which we see that of all common-wealths , these of popular government have soonest come to ruine ; as do witness not only the old examples of greece , asia , and africa , but also many cities in italie , who upon the fall of the roman empire , took up unto themselves popular governments , wherein they could never rest , until they came under the monarchie of one prince or other , as at this day they do remain . of aristocratia . for aristocratia , as it doth participate of monarchia and democratia , or rather tempereth them both : so hath it both good and evil in it ; but yet inclineth more to the evil , for the dis-union that commonly by mans infirmitie and malice is among those heads : for which cause the states of venice and genoa , which were wont to have simply this government of aristocratia , were inforced in the end to chuse dukes . the division and factions among the senators of carthage , was the cause why aid was not sent to hannibal their captain in italie after his so great and important victorie at canna ; which was the very cause of the saving of the romane empire , and the loss of their own . as also afterwards the emulations and discord of the romane senators in the affairs and contentions of marius and sylla ; and of pompey and caesar , was the occasion of all their destruction , and of their common-wealth with them . why helps are given to kings . therefore it appeareth that of all other governments monarchie is the best : but for that a king is a man as others be , and thereby not only subject to errors in judgment , but also to passionate affections in his will ; it was necessarie , that the common-wealth should assign him the best helps that might be for directing and rectifying both his will and judgment . lawes the first help , why given . the first help is the law , which aristotle saith , est mens quaedam nullo perturbata affectu : and in the same place addeth , that he which joyneth a law to govern with the prince , joyneth god to the prince ; but he that joyneth to the prince his affection to govern , joyneth a beast : so that a prince ruling by law , is more than a man , or a man deified ; and a prince ruling by affections , is less than a man , or a man brutified . in another place also the same philosopher saith , that a prince that ruleth hemself , and others , by his own appetite and affections , of all creatures is the worst , and of all beasts is the most furious and dangerous ; for that nothing is so outragious as injustice armed , and no armor is so strong , as wit and authority . councils the second help , why given . the monarchie of england tempered . the second help that common-wealths do assign to their kings and princes , be certain councils , as we see the parlament of england and france , the courts in spain , and diets in germanie , without which no matter of great moment can be concluded : and besides this commonly every king hath his privie council , whom he is bound to hear ; and this was done to temper somwhat the absolute form of a monarchie , whose danger is , by reason of his sole authoritie , to fall into tyrannie , as aristotle noteth . [ in the monarchie of england all the three forms of government do enter more or less ; in that there is one king or queen , it is a monarchie : in that it hath certain councils which must be heard , it participateth of aristocratia ; and in that the commonaltie have their voices and burgesses in parlament , it taketh part also of democratia . ] all which limitations come from the common-wealth , as having authoritie above their princes , for the good of the realm . restraint of kings among the romans . why kinglie government left in rome . this restraint hath been in all times and countries ; as for example , the romans that began with kings , gave their kings as great and absolute authoritie as ours have now adaies , but yet their next in blood succeeded them not of necessitie , but new kings were chosen partlie by the senate , and partlie by the people . so as of three * most excellent kings that ensued immediatelie after romulus , none were of the blood , nor yet romans born , but rather strangers chosen for their virtue and valor : so for the neglecting of their laws the senators slew romulus their first king , and cut him in pieces ; and for the same reason , expelled tarquinius superbus their last , and all his posteritie , and with them the name and government of kings , which was changed in the regiment of consuls . restraint of kings among the grecians . in greece , and namely among the lacedemonians , their kings authoritie was so restrained by certain officers of the people , called ephori ( which commonly were five in number ) as they were not only chastened by them , but also deprived , and somtimes put to death . restraint of kings in christendom . in germanie . the emperor can neither make war , nor exact any contribution of men , or money thereunto , but by the free leave and consent of all the states of the germane dyet or parlament ; and for his children or next in kinn , they have no action , interest , or pretence to succeed , but only by free election , if they shall be thought worthie : nay one of the chiefest points that the emperor must swear at his entrance is this , that he shall never go about to make the dignitie of the emperor peculiar or hereditarie to his familie , but leave it unto the seven electors , free in their power to chuse his successor , according to the law made by the pope gregory the fift , and the emperor charles the fourth , in this behalf . in polonia and bohemia . the kings of polonia and bohemia can neither do any thing of great moment , without the consent of certain principal men called palatines or castellans ; neither may their children of next blood succeed except they be chosen , as in the empire . in spain , france , and england . in spain , france , and england , the privileges of kings are far more eminent , both in the power and succession ; for their authoritie is much more absolute , and their next in blood do ordinarily succeed : for as touching authoritie , it seemeth that the kings of france and spain have greater than the king of england ; for that everie ordination of these two kings is law in it self , without further approbation of the common-wealth , which holdeth not in england , where no general law can be made without consent of parlament . but in the other point of succession , the restraint is far greater in those other two countries than in england . for in spain the next in blood cannot succeed be he never so lawfully discended , but by a new approbation of the nobilitie , bishops , and states of the realm , as it is expresly set down in the two ancient councils of toledo the fourth and fifth . nor can the king of spain's own son at this day be called prince , except he be first sworn by the said nobilitie and estates , as we have seen it practiced in the king philip's children . in france , women , neither any of their issue , though male , are admitted to succeed in the crown : and therefore was edward d. of england , though son and heir unto a daughter of france , which was left by her three brethren sole heir to king phillip * the fair her father , put by the crown ; as also was the king of navar at the same time , son and heir unto this womans eldest brothers daughter named lewis huttin ; notwithstanding all their allegations : and philip de valois , a brothers son of philip the fair's , preferred to it by general decree of the states of france , and by verdict of the whole parlament of paris . and albeit the law salica , by virtue whereof the french-men pretend to exclude the succession of women , be no very ancient law , as the french themselves do confess , and much less made by pharamond their first king ; yet do we see that it is sufficient to bind all princes and subjects of that realm to observe the same , and to alter the course of natural discent ; and that the king of navar only by virtue therof doth at this day pretend to be the next in succession to this goodlie crown , and to exclude both the infanta of spain , and the prince of lorrayn that now is , who are children of the last king's sisters . propinquitie of blood , not sufficient . by which we see , that it is not enough for a man to allege bare propinquitie of blood , thereby to prevail ; for that he may be excluded , or put back by divers other circumstances , and for sundry other reasons . kings lawfully possessed , may be deprived . yea , the common-wealth hath not only the authoritie to put back the next inheritors upon just considerations , but also to dispossess them that have been lawfully put in possession , if they keep not the laws ; as by examples of all nations it might be proved . and god for the most part hath wonderfully prospered the same . titles of princes once settled , not to be examined by private men . not that it be lawful to subjects for every mislike to band against their princes : nay if a prince be once settled in the crown and admitted by the common-wealth , every man is bound to settle his conscience to obey the same , * without examination of his title or interest , because god disposeth of kingdoms , and worketh his will in princes affairs . yielding too much to princes bringeth a tyrannie . but to make princes subject to no law or limitation at all , and to free them from all obligation unto the whole bodie whereof they are the heads , as though they had been created kings from the beginning of the world , or as though the common-wealth had been made for them , and not they for the common-wealth , were to bring all to such absolute tyrannie as no realm ever did or could suffer among civil people . the mean which is to be kept . the argument of the next chapter . so as all dutie , reverence , love , and obedience is to be yielded to the prince which the common-wealth hath once established : so yet retaineth still the common-wealth her authoritie not only to restrain him , if he be exorbitant , but also to chasten and remove him upon due and weightie considerations : and hath the same been done and practiced at manie times in most nations with right good success to the weal-publick . of kings lawfully chastised by their common-wealths for their misgovernment : and of the good and prosperous success that god commonly hath given to the same . cap. iii. examples . the ordination of god in the common-wealth of the jews , doth authorise the same doings in other common-wealths . for examples out of the scripture , though some man may chance to say , that the things recounted there of the jews , were not so much to be reputed for acts of the common-wealth , as for particular ordinances of god himself ; yet it doth make rather for , than against this purpose ; because other common-wealths may the sooner practice that wherein they have god his own authoritie and approbation . examples out of the jews . saul . first then saul , though he was elected by god to that royal throne , yet was he by his order slain by the philistians , for his disobedience , and not fulfilling the laws and limits prescribed unto him : and david was chosen in his room , which proved such a king , as he was a most perfect patern for all kings to follow ; and so lived , and so died , as never prince ( i think ) before him , nor perhaps after him so joyned together both valor and virtue , courage and humilitie , wisdom and pietie , government and devotion , nobilitie and religion . amon . amon was lawful king also , and that by natural discent and succession , for he was son and heir to king manasses ; yet he was slain by his own people , quia non ambulavit in via domini ; and josias was brought in his room ; of whom it is written , fecit quod erat rectum in conspectu domini , & non declinavit neque ad dextram neque ad sinistram . examples of the romans . romulus . romulus the first king of the romans , as hath been said before , having by little and little declined into tyrannie , was slain and cut in pieces by the senators ; and in his place was chosen numa pompilius , the notablest king that ever they had , who prescribed all their order of religion , and manner of sacrifices , imitating therein the ceremonies of the jews ; as tertullian and others do note ; began the building of the capitol ; and added the two months of january and february to the year . tarquinius superbus . the expulsion of tarquinius superbus their seventh and last king , for his evil government ; and the alteration thereby of the whole government by the establishing of consuls , had so prosperous a success , that whereas at the end of their king's government they had but fifteen miles territory without the citie ; it is known that when their consuls government ended , and was changed by julius caesar , their territory reached more than fifteen thousand miles in compass . julius caesar . when julius caesar upon particular ambition had broken all law both humane and divine , and taken all government into his own hands alone , he was in revenge thereof , slain , as the world knoweth , by senators in the senate-house ; and octavianus augustus preferred in his room , who proved afterwards the most famous emperor that ever was . nero. after nero th . emperor which succeeded lawfully his uncle claudius , and was afterward deposed and sentenced * to death by the senate for his wicked government ; albeit peace ensued not presently , yet within few months the whole empire fell upon vespasian , and his son titus , two of the best governors that those times ever saw . domitian . to cruel domitian , ( whose death the senate is thought in secret to have procured , being not able to perform it openly by justice ; for that he did presently by publick decree allow of the same , disanulled all his barbarous acts and pulled down every where his arms and memories ) did succeed five excellent good emperors ; to wit , nerva , whom the senate chose in his room , trajan , adrian , antonius pius , and marcus aurelius . heliogabalus . heliogabalus for his most beastlie life and foul actions , was deprived and put to death by the souldiers of rome , at the request and publick approbation of the senate and people ; who ordained in his detestation , that never emperor after him should be called more antoninus ( and so it was observed . ) and preferred to the empire in his room his cousen named alexander severus , who proved one of the most rarest princes for his valor and virtue , that ever the romane empire hath had . maxentius . maxentius was drowned in the river of tiber , and he , sirnamed afterward constantine the great , succeeded in the empire , and was the man that all men know , and the first emperor that publickly professed himself a christian , and planted our faith over all the world . constantine sixth , and irene . constantine the sixth , was for his evil government first deposed , * and his eyes put out by his own mother irene , who usurped the empire ; but being not able to rule it in such order as it was needful for so great a monarchie , she was deprived thereof by the sentence of leo . the third , and by consent of all the people and senate of rome ; and charles the great , king of france , and of germanie , was crowned emperor of the west , and so hath that succession remained unto this day , and many worthy men have succeeded therein , and infinite acts of jurisdiction have been exercised by this authoritie ; which were all unjust and tyrannical , if this change of the empire , and deposition of irene and her son for their evil government had not been lawful . examples out of france . childerick . d. childerick d. king of france , for his evil government and faineantise , was deposed by zacharie the pope , at the request of the whole nobilitie and clergie of france , who alleaged , that their oath to childrick was to honor , serve , obey , maintain , and defend him against all men ; as long as he was just , religious , valiant , clement , and would resist the enemies of the crown , punish the wicked , and conserve the good , and defend the christian faith ; which being not observed on his part , they ought not be bound to him any longer , nor would not be any longer his subjects : and so chose and crowned pepin in his place , whose posteritie reigned for many years after him , and were such noble kings as all the world can testifie . charles of lorrayne . charles of lorrayne , last of the race of pepin , for the evil satisfaction that the french nation had of him , was by the authoritie of the common-wealth put by the crown ; and hugo capetus preferred to it ; whose line hath remained and possessed it unto this day . examples out of spain . flaveo suintila . flavius suintila king of spain , was , both he and his posteritie put down and deprived , in the fourth council national of toledo , and one lissinando confirmed in his place . alonso , th . don alonso th . king of castile and leon , son to ferdinand the saint , for his evil government , and especially for tyrannie used towards two nephews of his , was deposed of his kingdom by a publick act of parliament in the town of valliodolid , after he had reigned years ; and his own son , don sancho th . was crowned in his place ; who for his valiant acts was sirnamed elbravo , and it turned to great commoditie to the common-wealth . pedro . don pedro the cruel , son to alonso th . having reigned . years , was for his injurious government , dispossessed of his crown by king henry his bastard brother , whom the states of the country had called out of france , and crowned : and though pedro was restored again by the black prince of wales , yet god shewed to favor more henry , because he returned and deprived pedro the second time , and slew him in fight hand to hand ; and being set up in his place ( which his progenie hath enjoyed to this day ) he proved so excellent a king , as he was called el cavallero , and el delas mercees , the knightlie and bountiful king . don sancho , d . don sancho gapelo , lawful king of portugal , having reigned . years , was deprived for his defects in government by the universal consent of all portugal , and approbation of a general council at lyons , pope innocentius the fourth , being there present , who did authorise the said state of portugal , at their petition , to put in supreme government , don alonso , brother to the said sancho , who was earl of boulongne in picardie by the right of his wife : which among other great exploits , was the first that set portugal free from all subjection and homage to the kingdom of castile , which unto his time it had acknowledged . greece . michael calaphates , and nicephorus botoniates . michael calaphates , emperor of greece , for having troden the cross of christ under his feet , and being otherwise also a wicked man , was deprived : as was also the emperor nicephorus botoniates for his dissolute life , and preferring wicked men to authoritie . polonia . henry . d. in our dayes henry d. king of france , was deprived of the crown of polonia , ( wherof he had also been crowned king before ) by publick act of parliament , for his departing thence without license , and not returning at the day denounced by publick letters of peremptory commandment . suetia . henry . henry late king of suëtia , was put down and deprived by that common-wealth , and his brother made king in his place , whose son reigneth at this day , and is also king of polonia : and this fact was allowed by the emperor , the king of denmark , and all the princes of germanie , neer about that realm . denmark . cisterne . cisterne king of denmark , for his intollerable crueltie , was deprived and driven into banishment , together with his wife and three children ; and his uncle frederick prince of holsatia , was chosen king , whose progenie yet remaineth in the crown . england . king john . king john of england , for his evil government , and for having lost normandie , gasconie , guyenne , and all the rest which the crown of england had in france , made himself so odious and contemptible , as first he was both excommunicated and deposed by the pope at the sute of his own people ; and , to make his peace , was enforced to resign his crown in the hands of pandulfe the pope's legat ; and afterwards falling back again to his old defects , though by making his kingdom tributarie in perpetuum to the see of rome , he had made the pope of his side for a time ; the people notwithstanding did effectuate his deprivation the th . year of his reign , first at canterbury , and after at london ; and called lewis prince of france , son to phillip d . and father to saint lewis , and chose him for their king , and did swear him fealtie with general consent in london . anno . but king john's death following presentlie after , made them turn their purposes , and accept of his son henry , before matters were fully established for lewis ; and this henry , which was d. of that name , proved a very worthie king ; and reigned . years , which is more than ever king in england did , leaving edward . his son heir , not inferior to himself in manhood and virtue . edward , d . but this edward . had a son edward d . who falling into the same or worse defects than king john had done , was after . years reign deposed also by act of parliament holden at london the year . appointed to be called edward of carnarvam from that hour forward , and his bodie adjudged to perpetual prison , where at length his life was taken away from him in the castle of barkley : and his son edward d. was chosen in his place ; who either for valor , prowess , length of reign , acts of chivalrie , or the multitude of famous princes his children left behind him , was one of the noblest kings that ever england had . richard , d . richard the d . son to the black prince of wales , for having suffered himself to be misled by evil counsellers , to the great hurt and disquietness of the realm , was deposed also , after . years reign by a parliament holden at london the year , . and condemned to perpetual prison in the castle of pomfret , where he was soon after put to death : and in his place was by free election chosen the noble knight , henry * duke of lancaster , who proved afterwards so notable a king , as the world knoweth . henry , th . henry th . after almost . years reign , was deposed , imprisoned , and put to death also , together with his son the prince of wales , by edward th . of the house of york : and this was confirmed by the * commons , and afterwards also by publick act of parliament , because the said henry did suffer himself to be over-ruled by the queen his wife , and had broken the articles of agreement made by the parlament between him and the duke of york , and solemnly sworn on both sides the th . of octob. . ( though otherwise for his particular life he were a good man ) and king edward th . was put in place , who was one of the renownedest for martial acts and justice , that hath worn the english crown . richard , d. this man having left two sons , his brother richard duke of glocester put them to death , and being the next heir male , was authorised in the crown , but deposed again afterwards by the common-wealth , which called out of france , henry earle of richmond , who took from him both life and kingdom in the field , and was king himself by the name of henry . and no man , i suppose , will say , but that he was lawfully king also ; which yet cannot be , except the other might lawfully be deposed . if the said deprivations were unjust , the now pretences are unlawful . moreover is to be noted in all these mutations what good hath succeeded therein to the common-wealth ; which was unjust , and is void at this day , if the changes and deprivations of the former princes could not be made , and consequently none of these that do pretend the crown of england at this day , can have any title at all for that from those men they discend , who were put in place of the deprived . if kings established may be deprived , much sooner pretenders . and if this might be so in kings lawfully set in possession , then much more hath the said common-wealth power and authoritie to alter the succession of such as do pretend dignitie , if there be due reason and causes to the same . wherein consisteth principally the lawfulness of proceedings against princes , which in the former chapter is mentioned : what interest princes have in their subjects goods or lives ; how oaths do binde or may be broken by subjests towards princes ; and finally the difference between a good king and a tyrant . cap. iv. . objection against the assertions in the last chapter . but although by nature the common-wealth hath authoritie over the prince to chuse and appoint him at the beginning ; yet having once made him , and given up all their authoritie unto him , he is no more subject to their correction ; but remaineth absolute of himself . as every particular man hath authorised to make his master or prince of his inferior , but not afterwards to put him down again , howsoever he beareth himself towards him . . objection . when the children of israël , being under the government of the high priest , demanded a king of samuel ; he protesting unto them , well , quoth he , you will have a king , hearken then to this that i will say , hoc erit jus regis qui imperaturus est vobis ; he shall take away from you your children , both sons and daughters , your fields and vineyards , &c. and shall give them to his servants , and you shall cry unto god in that day from the face of this your king ; and god shall not hear you , for that you have demanded a king to govern over you . assertions of bellay . yea bellay , and some other that wrote in flatterie of princes in these our days , do not only affirm , that princes are lawless and subject to no accompt or correction whatsoever they do ; but also , that all goods , chattels , possessions , and whatsoever else commodities temporal of the common wealth , are properly the kings , and that their subjects have only the use thereof ; so as when the king will , he may take it from them by right . answer to bellay his first assertion . but for the first , that kings are subject to no law , is against the very institution of a common-wealth , which is to live together in justice and order : for if it holdeth so , insteed of kings and governors to defend us , we may set up publick murtherers , ravishers , theeves , and spoylers to devour us : then were all those kings before mentioned both of the jewes , gentiles , and christians , unlawfully deprived , and their successors unlawfully put up in their places ; and consequentlie all princes living at this day are intruders , and no lawful princes . answer to bellay his second assertion . of the second saying also , that all temporalities are properly the princes , and that subjects have only the use thereof , no less absurdities do follow : first it is against the very first principle and foundation of the civil law , which at the first entrance maketh this division of goods , that some are common by nature to all men , as the aër , the sea , &c. others are publick to all of one citie or countrie , but yet not common to all in general , as rivers , ports , &c. some are of the communitie of a citie or common-wealth , but yet not common to every particular person of that citie , as common rents , theaters , the publick hous , and the like : some are of none , nor properly of any man's goods , as churches and sacred things : and some are proper to particular men , as those which every man possesseth of his own . besides it overthroweth the whole nature of a common-wealth , maketh all subject to be but very slaves : for that slaves and bondmen in this do differ from freemen , that slaves have only the use of things without property or interest , and cannot acquire or get to themselves any dominion or true right in any thing , but it accreweth all to their master . lastly , if all goods be properly the king's , why was achab and jezabel so reprehended and punished by god , for taking away naboth's vineyard ? why do the kings of england , france and spain ask money of their subjects in parlament , and that termed by the names of subsidies , helps , benevolences , loans , prests , contributions , & c ? how have the parlament oftentimes denied them the same ? why are there judges appointed for matter of suits and pleas between the prince and the people ? why doth the canon law inhibit all princes upon pain of excommunication , to impose new impositions upon their people without great necessitie , and free consent of the givers ? nay , why be all princes at this day prohibited to alienate any thing of their own crown without consent of their people , if they be lords of all , and the people have interest in nothing ? answer to the allegations out of the prophet samuel . touching the words of samuel , they are not to allow or authorise injustice or wickedness in any king . but to threaten the jews with the disorders of kings , for that they rejected the moderate government of their high priests , and had demanded as a matter of more pomp and glorie to be ruled by kings , as other heathen nations about them were ; which did suffer great extortions and tyrannies of their said kings . for the principal points recorded to all princes throughout the whole course of scripture are , diligere judicium & justitiam , apprehendere disciplinam , & facere veritatem . and for not observing them , many princes have been punished by god himself . by what law princes are punished . now to know by what law the common-wealths do punish their kings ; it is by all law both divine and humane : divine , for that god doth approve that form , conditions , and limitations which every common-wealth doth chuse unto it self : humane , for that all law both natural , national , and positive doth teach us , that princes are subject to law and order . and it is not so of a common-wealth , as it is of a private man , because a private man's voice being but one , doth not make the prince wholly , as the common-wealth doth ; besides , having once given his voice , to make his prince , he remaineth subject and inferior to the same : but the whole bodie superior , who giving his authoritie up to the prince , doth not deprive her self of it , but may use it , when need shall require , for his own defence , for which he gave it . where one of the contractants breaketh , the other is no more bound . and then that power which the prince hath from the common-wealth , is in very truth but potestas vicaria or delegata , given with such restrictions , cautels , conditions , and oaths on both parts ( the prince and the common-wealth ) as if the same be not kept on either part , the other is not bound to observe his promise neither : and this is among the very rules of both the civil and canon law ; frustrà fidem sibi quis postulat servari ab eo , cui fidem à se praestitam servare recusat . and again , non abstringitur quis juramento ad implendum quod juravit , si ab aliâ parte non impletur cujus respectu praebuit juramentum . in things evil promised , oath bindeth not . moreover , where the fulfilling of our oath , doth contain any notable hurt , or inconvenience against religion , pietie , justice , honestie , or the weal-publick , or against the partie himself to whom it was made ; it is both lawful , honest , and convenient , to leave the performance thereof . as for example , in that herod commanded st. john baptists head to be cut off , which he did for his oaths sake to the daughter of herodias ; no man will deny but that the thing had been far better left unperformed , and the oath better broken than fulfilled ; according to another rule of the law , in malis promissis fidem non expedit observari . two principal cases when oaths hold not towards a prince . so in these two cases subjects oaths may be left unperformed towards the prince ; first , when the prince observeth not at all his promise made to the common-wealth at his admission : and then , when the performing of their oath should turn to the notable damage of the weal-publick . these two cases touched in the deprivation of childerick of france . these two cases were touched in the deposition of childerick , when the bishop of woitsburg , in the name of all the nobilitie and common-wealth of france , made this speech to zacharie the pope , truth it is that the french have sworn fidelitie to childerick , as to their natural king , but yet with condition that he on his part should also perform the points that are incident to his office ; as to defend the common-wealth , protect the church of christ , &c. which if he doth , the french are ready to continue their obedience and allegiance unto him ; but if he be apt for none of these things , and nothing else may be expected whilest he is king , but detriment to the state , ignominie to the nation , danger to christian religion , and destruction to the weal-publick ; then it is lawful for you , no doubt ( most holy father ) to deliver the french from this band of their oath , &c. the difference between a king and a tyrant . when a king declineth once from his dutie , he becometh a tyrant ; and as a good king's end and office is to make happie his common-wealth ; so the butt of a tyrant is to destroy the same : a king ruleth according to equitie , oath , conscience , justice , and law prescribed unto him ; and a tyrant is enemy to all these conditions : vt populo magistratus , ità magistratui praesunt leges , saith cicero , theodosius , and valentinianus , two worthie emperors ; digna vox est ( said they ) majestate regnantis legibus se alligatum fateri : but the tyrant caligula is justly detested , who said , memento mihi omnia , & in omnes licere . and the emperor trajan certainly is to be immortally commended , who delivering the sword to a praetor , or governor in rome , take this sword ( said he ) and if i do reign justly , use it for me ; and if not , then use it against me . which in effect and substance are the same words that our christian princes use at this day at their enterance when they promise to rule justly , and according to the laws of their country , and upon that condition take the oaths of their subjects obedience , protesting , that if they perform not this , that then their subjects are free , as before , from all allegeance . of the coronation of princes and manner of their admission to their authoritie , and the oaths which they do make in the same unto the common-wealth , for their good government . cap. v. since the people made the prince , it is likely he did it with conditions for his own good . forasmuch as not nature , but the election and consent of the people hath made the first princes from the beginning of the world ; it appeareth most certain and conform to all reason , that they were not admitted to that power and dignity without some conditions and promises also on their parts , for using it well ; because it is not likely that any people would ever put their lives , goods , and liberties in the hands of another , without some assurance of justice and equity : and hereof came to pass that both the romans and greecians prescribed to their kings those limits before mentioned . more religiously observed among christians , than other nations . and the more orderly the prince cometh to his crown , the more express and certain are their conditions between him and the people ; as on the other side , the more violent he getteth his authority ; as those ancient tyrants of assyria , nemrod and belus did , and at this day is done among the turks , the less conditions of just dealing may be expected : therefore among the christians this point of mutual oaths between prince and subjects , hath been much more established , made clear , and reduced to a more sacred and religious kinde of union , than before : for that the whole action hath been done by bishops and prelats , and the astipulation on both sides , hath passed and been regestred in sacred places , and with great solemnitie of religious ceremonies . the manner of admitting greek emperors . anastatius . the east , or greek emperors of constantinople ( after the empire was translated from rome thither by constantine the great , first christian emperor ) though their coming to the crown were nothing so orderly , as at this day it is used ; yet they were wont , above a thousand years agone , to have an oath exacted at their hands by the patriarch of constantinople . as of anastatius the first , writeth zonaras , antequam coronaretur , inquit , fidei confessionem scriptam , quâ polliceatur se in dogmatibus ecclesiasticis nihil esse novaturum , ab eo exegit patriarcha euphemius vir sanctus & orthodoxus . and divers other conditions also did he promise , before he could be crowned , as the taking away of some tributes , the giving of offices without money , and other like points appertainting to reformation and good government . michaël . of michael the first , writeth the same author in these words , michaël ubi diluxit , magnam ecclesiam ingressus , à patriarcha nicephoro imperatorio diademate est ornatus , postulato priùs scripto quo promitteret , se nulla ecclesiae instituta violaturum , neque christianorum sanguine manus contaminaturum . the latine emperors . otho . . in the west empire ( given to charles the great and his posteritie ) this point is yet more settled , and more inviolably kept : for albeit it went by succession for the most part at the beginning , yet were they never admitted to the same without this circumstance of swearing to conditions of righteous government : as otho . who being son and heir to emperor henry . duke of saxonie , sirnamed the faulkner , and named by him to the inheritance of the said crown of germanie , did nevertheless make his oath , and received his new approbation of the people : for the archbishop of moguntia ( chief primate of all germanie ) bringing him to the altar where he must swear , said these words unto the people , behold , i bring you here otho , chosen by god , and appointed out by his father henry our lord , and now made king by all the princes of this empire ; if this election please you , do you signifie the same by holding up your hands to heaven . which being done , he thereupon tooke the ornaments and ensigns of the empire , and put them upon the emperor , telling him the signification of each thing , and what it did binde him unto , and taking his promise to perform all . and after all , includeth the storie , rex perfusus oleo sancto , coronatur diademate aureo ab episcopis , & ab eisdem ad solium regale ducitur , & in eo collocatur . institution and manner of the emperor's creation , used at this day . in the year . pope grerory . in a synod holden in rome , did by the consent of otho . emperor and nephew unto this other otho , appoint this form of election for the time to come of the germane emperors , that he should be chosen by six princes of germanie ; three ecclesiastical , which are the archbishops of moguntia , colen , and trevires ; and three temporal , to wit , the duke of saxonie , the count palatine of the rhene , and the marquess of brandeburge : and when these six voices should happen to be equally divided , that then the duke of bohemia ( for then it was no kingdom ) should have place also to determine the election : which was approved by all the princes of germanie , and other christian princes and estates of the world . and sleydan writeth the manner and conditions of the said election to be these ▪ first of all , that after any man is chosen emperor , he is to be called only caesar , and the king of the romans , and not emperor until he be crowned ; and presently after his election , he sweareth these conditions , to defend the christian and catholick religion ; to defend the pope and church of rome , whose advocate he is ; to minister justice equally to all ; to follow peace , to keep all laws , rights and priviledges of the empire ; not to alienate or engage the possessions of the empire ; to condemne no man without hearing his cause , but to suffer the course of law to have his place ; in all and whatsoever he shall do otherwise , that it be void , and of no validitie at all . whereunto he sweareth first by his legates , and then giveth a coppie of his oath in writing to every one of the six electors , and after this goeth to the citie of aquis-gran to be crowned in the great church , where , about the middle of the mass , the archbishop of colen goeth unto him in the presence of all the people , and asketh whether he be ready to swear and promise to observe the catholick religion , defend the church , minister justice , protect the widdows and fatherless , and yield dutiful honor and obedience to the pope of rome . whereunto he answering , that he is ready to do all this ; the archbishop leadeth him to the high altar , where he sweareth in express all these articles ; which being done , the said archbishop turning himself to the princes of the empire and people there present , doth ask them , whether they be content to swear obedience and fealtie unto him , who answering , yea ; he is anointed by the said archbishop before the altar ; and then do come the other two archbishops of moguntia and treveris , and lead him into the vesterie , where certain deacons apparel him in his robes , and do set him in a chair , upon whom the archbishop of colen saith certain prayers , and then delivereth him a sword drawn , and putteth a ring upon his finger , and giveth him a scepter in his hand , and then all the three archbishops together do put on the crown upon his head , and leading him so crowned and apparelled unto the high altar again , he sweareth the second time , that he will do the part of a good christian and catholick emperor . which being ended , he is brought back and placed in the imperial seat and throne , where all the princes of the empire do swear obedience and faith unto him , beginning with the electors , and so to all the rest in order . and it is to be marked , that the emperor sweareth three times , once by his deputies , and twice by himself , before his subjects swear once unto him . the manner used in polonia . in polonia , which being first a dukedom , was made a kingdom about the year , the manner of the coronation of their kings , is in substance the same , as that of the emperor : for the archbishop of guesna , metropolitan of all polonia , declareth to the king before the high altar , the end and condition of his office and dignitie , unto what points he must swear , and what do signifie the sword , the ring , the scepter , and the crown : and the king's oath thereupon being taken , the marshal general of the whole kingdom , doth ask with a loud voice of all the nobilitie and people there present , whether they be content to submit themselves unto this king , or no ? who answering , yea ; the archbishop doth end the residue of the ceremonies , and doth place him in the royal throne , where all his subjects do homage unto him . the manner used in spain before the entring of the moors . sisinandus . when spain remained yet one general monarchie under the gothes , before the entring of the moors , sissinandus ( who had expelled king suintila for his cruel government ) in the fourth national council of toledo , holden the year . prayed with submission the prelats there gathered together , to determine that which should be needful for the maintaining both of religion and state : and so after matters of religion ▪ they first confirm the deposition of king suintila , together with his wife , brother , and children ; and then authorise the title of sissinandus : but yet with this insinuation ; we do require you that are our present king , and all other our princes that shall follow hereafter with the humilitie which is meek and moderate towards your subjects , and that you govern your people in justice and pietie , and that none of you do give sentence alone against any man in case of life and death , but with the consent of your publick council , and with those that be governors in matters of judgment : and against all kings that are to come , we do promulgate this sentence , that if any of them shall against the reverence of our laws ▪ exercise cruel authoritie with proud domination and kinglie pomp , following only their own concupisence in wickedness , that they are condemned by christ with the sentence of excommunication , and have their separation both from him and us to everlasting judgment . chintilla . sissinandus being dead , one chintilla was made king in his place ; under whom were gathered two other councils , the th . and th . of toledo , in which matters were determined about the succession to the crown , safetie of the prince , provision for his children , friends , officers , and favorites after his death , against such , as without the approbation of the common-wealth , did aspire to the same . and among other points a severe decree was made in the th . council , concerning the king's oath at his admission , that he should not be placed in the royal seat , until among other conditions he had promised by the sacrament of an oath , that he would suffer no man to break the catholick faith , &c. after the entring of the moors . don pelago . after the coming in of the moors , one don pelago , a yong prince of the royal blood of the gothes being fled among the rest to the mountains , was found and made king ; and having began the recovery of spain , by the getting of leön , left a certain law written in the gotish tongue touching the manner of making their king in spain , and how he must swear to their liberties and priviledges : whereof the first article saith , before all things it is established for a law , libertie , and priviledge of spain , that the king is to be placed by voices , and consent perpetually ; and this to the intent no evil king may enter without consent of the people , seeing they are to give to him that which with their blood and labors they have gained of the moors . for the fashion of making their kings in that old time , it remaineth still in substance at this day , but the manner thereof is somwhat altered ; for now the spanish kings be not crowned , but have another ceremonie for their admission equal to coronation , which is performed by the archbishop of toledo , primate of all spain . manner used in france . two manners thereof . in france have been two manners used of that action ; the one more antient hath endured . years , from clodoveus , ( that was christned , and anointed also and crowned at rheims by s. remigius ) unto the time of henry . and philip . his son , before the . peers of france were appointed to assist the coronation , which now is the chiefest part of that solemnitie . in the old fashion , as saith du haillan , the kings were lifted up and carried about upon a target by the chief subjects there present , according to the manner of the spaniards . but for the substance of the admission it was not much different from that which is now . the old manner . philip , . for example , the coronation of philip . henry . his father desiring for his old age to establish him in the crown before his death , did ask the consent and approbation both generally , and in particular of the nobility and people , for his admission : whom finding all willing , he brought him to rheims , where in the great church , the mass being began , upon the reading of the epistle , the archbishop turning about the prince , declared unto him what was the catholick faith , and asked him , whether he did beleeve it , and would defend it against all persons ; who affirming that he would , his oath was brought unto him , whereunto he must swear ; which he took , and holding his hands between the hands of the archbishop , read it with a loud voice , and signed it with his own hand : the substance of the oath was , that he would preserve unto the clergie all canonical priviledges , and all law and justice unto them ; as every king was bound to do ; and furthermore administer justice unto all people given him in charge . then the archbishop taking his cross , after he had shewed unto all the audience the authoritie that the archbishop of rheims had to anoint and crown the king of france , and asked license of king henry the father , il esleut philippe son fili pour & en roy de france ? which the popes legats , and the nobility , and people did approve , crying out three times , nous l'approvvons , nous le voalons , soit fait nôtre roy . institution of the newest manner . this manner was altered specially by * louysle jeune , who , leaving still the substance of the action , added thereunto divers external ceremonies of honor and majestie ; and amongst other ordeined the offices of twelve peers of france , six ecclesiastical , and six temporal ; who ever since have had the chiefest places and offices in this great action . first , the archbishop and duke of rheims anointeth and crowneth the king . the bishop and duke of laon , beareth the glass of sacred oyl . the bishop and duke of langres , the cross . the bishop and earle of beauvais , the mantle royal. the bishop and earle of koyon , the king's girdle . the bishop and earle of chaalons , the ring . the duke of burgundie , dean of the order , holdeth the crown . the duke of gasconie and guyenne , the first banner quartered . the duke of normandie , the second banner quartered . the earle of tholosa , the golden spurs . the earle of champanie , the banner royal , or standard of war . the earle of flanders , the sword royal. and this day the king is apparrelled three times , and in several sorts ; . as a priest ; . as a king , and a warrier ; . as a judge . philip , d . this day lewis , specially for the coronation of his son philip agustus , whom he caused also to be crowned in his dayes : in this coronation ( whereunto henry . of england , as duke of normandie , who held the crown , and one of his sons , as duke of gasconie , were present ) the king being summoned by the archbishop to keep all priviledges of the church , law and justice ; answered , i do promise and avow to every one of you , and to every church to you committed , that i will keep and maintain all canonical priviledges , law and justice due to every man , to the uttermost of my power , and by god's help shall defend you as a good king is bound to do in his realm . and then laying his hands upon the gospel , made his oath , in these words , au nom de jesus christ , re jure & promets au peuple chrestien à moy subject ces choses , &c. first that all my subjects be kept in the union of the church , and i will defend them from all excess , rapine , extortion , and iniquitie ; secondly , i will take order that in all judgments justice shall be kept with equitie and mercie , to the end that god of his mercy may conserve unto me with yo● my people , his holy grace and mercie ; thirdly , i shall endeavor as much as possibly shall lie in me , to chase and drive out of my realm , and all my dominions , all such as the church hath or shall declare for hereticks , as god shall help me and his holy gospels : then he kissed the gospels , and after te deum sung , and other particular prayers said by the archbishop , he was vested , and the ring , scepter , crown , &c. were put upon him , with declaration what they signified : after all that the archbishop and bishops did bless him ; and then by the said archbishop , and the other peers , was led unto the seat royal , where the crown was put upon his head , &c. france author of this manner of coronation . albeit the substance of the ceremonie of sacring and anointing kings be much elder than the christian kingdom of france ; yet is this particular and majestical manner of doing it by way of coronation , the most antient in france above all other kingdoms , round about : and it is probable that most of them have taken their forms of anointing and crowning from her , for the affinitie and likeness of the one to the other : as may be seen by that of germanie and polonia before recited ; by that of navarra , brought in by certain earles of champanie , according to the use of france ; and others : but among all , england seemeth to have taken it most particularly from them , not only for that divers english kings have come out of france , but also for that in very deed the thing it self is all one in both nations . the manner of admission in england . first , as the archbishop of rheims doth this ceremony in france , so in england the archbishop of canterbury ; and the first thing the said archbishop requireth at the king's hands , is about religion , church matters , and the clergie ; whereupon the king sweareth , and giveth up his oath in writing , which he laieth down with his own hands upon the altar : the words are these ; that he will , during his life , have reverence and honor unto almightie god , and to his catholick church , and unto his ministers , and that he will administer law and justice equally to all , and take away all unjust laws . which after he hath sworn , the archbishop turning about to the people , declareth what the king hath promised , and asketh , whether they be content to submit themselves unto this man as unto their king or no , under the conditions proposed ? whereunto having yielded , he put's upon him the royal ornaments , as the sword , the ring , the scepter , and crown ; and namely he giveth him the scepter of st. edward the confessor , and then addeth this exhortation , stand and hold thy place , and keep thy oath ; with a great commination on the behalf of almightie god , if he taketh the place , and breaketh his oath . henry , th . in the admission of henry . the people were demanded thrice , whether they were content to admit him for their king ? and the archbishop of canterbury having read unto them what this new king was bound by oath unto , he took the ring , wherewith to wedd him to the common-wealth , ( which wedding importeth a mutual obligation ) which was shewed to the people by the high constable , and then put upon the king's finger , who kissed the constable in sign of acceptance , &c. edward , th . edw. th . mary . elisab . in the admission of edward th . the peoples consent was asked at two several times very solemnly , notwithstanding that he had proved his title by succession before in parliament . and in the coronation of edward . queen mary , and queen elisabeth's , the peoples consent and their acceptation was not only demanded , but the princes corporal oath also taken upon the evangelists . what is due to only succession by birth , and what interest or right an heir apparent hath to the crown , before he be crowned or admitted by the common-wealth ; and how justly he may be put back , if he have not the other parts requisite also . cap. vi . belloy's assertions upon this matter . assertion , first . belloy's assertions about this matter are plain and gross flatteries , and opposite to all reason of state , and practise of the world . first he saith . that all families which enjoy kingdoms in the world were placed therein by god only , and that he alone can change the same . which indeed if he refer unto god's universal providence , it is true that all is from god either by his ordinance or permission ; but speaking of the next and immediate causes ; clear it is that men do also concur therein , and that god hath left them lawful authoritie so to do for the publick benefit . assertion , second . his second assertion is , that where such princes be once placed in government , and the law of succession by birth established , there the princes children , or next of kinn , do necessarily succeed , by only birth , without any new choice or approbation of the people , nobilitie , or clergie , or of the whole common-wealth together . assertion , third . whereunto he joyneth , that a king never dieth , for that whensoever , or howsoever , he ceaseth by any means to govern , then entereth the successor by birth , not as heir to the former , but as lawful governor of the realm , without any admission at all , having his authoritie only by the condition of his birth , and not by adoption or choice of any . assertion , fourth . the fourth which hath been touched before , is , that a prince once entered to government , and so placed , as hath been said , is under no law or restraint at all of his authoritie , but that himself only is the quiek and living law , and that no limitation can be given unto him by any power under heaven , except it be by his own will , and that no nation or common-wealth can appoint or prescribe how they will obey , or how their prince shall govern them ; but must leave his authoritie free from all bands of law ; and this either willingly , or by violence , is to be procured . assertion , fifth . the fifth , that albeit the heir apparent which is next by birth to any crown , should be never so impotent , or unfit to govern ; as if ( for examples sake ) he should be deprived of his senses , madd , furious , lunatick , a fool , or the like ; or that he should be known on the other side to be most malicious , wicked , vitious , or abhominable , or should degenerate into a very beast ; yea if it were known that he should go about to destroy the common-wealth , and drown the ship which he had to guide ; yet ( saith this man ) he must be sacred and holie unto us , and admitted without contradiction to his inheritance , which god and nature hath laid upon him , and his direction , restraint , or punishment must only be remitted to god alone , for that no man , or common-wealth , may reform , or restrain him . succession by birth , better than meer election . indeed succession is much to be preferred to election , for that , as hath been shewed before of the government of a monarchie in respect of other forms , succession hath commonly far fewer , and lesser inconveniences . reason , first . first , election is subject to great and continual dangers of ambition , emulation , division , sedition , and contention , which bring with them evident peril of universal destruction ; whereas by succession these occasions of strife are cut off . reason , second . besides , the prince is in present possession , knowing that his son , or next of kinn , is to be his heir , hath more care to leave the realm in good order . reason , third . succession also bringeth less mutations in the common-wealth ; for that the son following his father , doth commonly retain the same friends , counsellors , and servants ; pursueth the same actions and intentions , and for the most part with the same manner ; whereas he which entereth by election , being an alien , and never likely friend to his predecessor , doth alter and turn up-side-down all things . reason , fourth . fourthly , he that cometh by succession , having been much respected still for his title to the crown , bringeth with him less passions of hatred , emulation , anger , envie , or revenge against particular men , than he that entreth by election , who having been equal to others before his advancement , and holden contention with many , must needs have matter of quarrel with them ; which he will seek to revenge when he is in authoritie : and they on the other side will bear him less respect , and more unwillingly be under him . reason , fifth . whereunto may be added the preeminence and priviledge of premogeniture and ancestrie of birth so much respected and commanded by holy writ ; so that although jacob were ordained by god to inherit the benediction , yet would god have him to procure the said priviledge of eldership from esau his elder brother . wherein may also be noted , that yet this priviledg is not so inviolable , but that upon just causes it may be broken : and so in matters of state it was often practiced by god himself ; as when juda , the th tribe , and not ruben the first , was appointed to enjoy the scepter of the jews ; and when solomon tenth son of david was appointed to be his successor , not his first or second . election and succession do help one another . and so , where in succession , there are inconveniencies , as some be or may fall , the remedie is , first to assist the prince with directions , and wise counsel , if he be capable thereunto ; if not to remove him , and take in another of the same blood , in his place . and by this means election and succession do help and moderate one another , and remedie one anothers inconveniencies . answer to the first question propounded at the beginning . now to the first question made at the beginning of this chapter , what is due to succession or prioritie of blood alone ? great honor and respect is to be born unto the same , for that it is the principal condition that leadeth infallibly to the next succession of the crown ; if in the same person do concur also other necessary circumstances and conditions , which were appointed at the same time , and by the same authoritie that the law of succession was established . answer to the second . to the second , what interest an heir apparent hath to the crown before he be crowned ; if he have the conditions before required , he hath the same interest to the kingdom , which the king of the romans , or caesar hath to the germane empire after his election ; who yet is not emperor before he be crowned . or as in a contract of marriage there is betrothing made between the parties by words de futuro , and is not properly marriage , but espousal only ; and the wedding , made by words de praesenti , or by mutual present consent of both parties . so an heir apparent , before he be crowned and admitted , is but betrothed to the common ▪ wealth for the time to come ; and is married afterwards by present mutual consent and oaths of both parties . what respect is due to an heir apparent . wherefore the common-wealth in rigor of justice oweth no alleageance to the heir apparent ( though his predecessor be dead ) until he be crowned ; because indeed till then he is not their true king and sovereign ; els it were in vain to ask the realm again three times at their coronation , whether they will have such a king or no ? and in the old time they were accustomed to reckon the years of their reign only from the day of their coronation . but in the latter ages , for avoiding of tumults , and better keeping of order , it hath been ordained , that from the death of the former princes all matters of government shall pass in the name of his next successor . and for better accompt of years , that the beginning of his reign should be reckoned from the day of the death of his predecessor . a rare example of henry the fifth , who had fealtie done unto him before he was crowned . again , by that in all countries the subjects take their oaths only after the princes hath sworn , it appeareth that before they were not bound unto him by alleageance . and for the princes of england , it is expresly noted by english historiographers , that no allegeance is due unto them before they be crowned ; and that this priviledge happened only to henry the fifth , for his exceeding towardliness , and for the great affection of the people towards him ; to have homage done unto him before his coronation and oath taken . which , both polydore and stow do affirm never to have been offered before to any prince of england . admission is of more importance , and hath prevailed against right of succession . whence it is gathered , that the title of succession without the admission of the common-wealth , cannot make a lawful king : and that of the two , the second is of far more importance ; which may be proved by many examples : as of william rufus that succeeded the conqueror ; king henry the first his brother : king stephen's , king john's , and others , who by only admission of the realm , were kings against the order of succession . henry and edward the th . did found the best part , and most surest of their titles and the defence thereof , upon the election , consent , and good will of the people . and for this cause the most politick princes , that had any least suspicion of troubles about the title after their deaths , have caused their sons to be crowned in their own days . as hugh capetus robert his eldest son , and robert henry the first his second son , excluding his elder . henry also procured the same to philip the first his eldest son : and louys le gros unto two sons of his , first to philip , and after his death to louys the yonger : and this louys again unto philip . his son . the prince of spain is sworn alwaies and admitted by the realm during his father's reign . the same consideration also moved king david to crown his son solomon in his own days . and in england king henry . considering the alteration that the realm had made in admitting king stephen before him , against the order of lineal succession , and fearing that the like might happen also after him , caused his eldest son henry the third to be crowned in his life time ; so as england had two kings henry's living at one time with equal authoritie . how the next in succession by propinquitie of blood , hath oftentimes been put back by the common-wealth , and others further off admitted in their places , even in these kingdoms where succession prevaileth ; with many examples of the kingdoms of israël and spain . cap. vii . examples of the jews . saul . david elected to the prejudice of saul's sons . albeit god made saul a true and lawful king over the jews , and consequently also gave him all kinglie prerogatives ; whereof one principle is , to have his children succeed after him in the crown : yet he suffered not any of his generation to succeed him , but elected david , who was a stranger by birth , and no kinn at all to the deceased king , rejecting thereby from the crown , not only isboseth , saul's elder son , though followed for a time by abner capt. general of that nation , with eleven tribes ; but also jonathan his other son , who was so good a man , and so much praised in holy scripture . whereby it is evident that the fault of the father may prejudicate the son's right to the crown , albeit the son have no part in the fault . david . solomon , to the prejudice of adonias , and his brethren . david being placed in the crown by election , free consent , and admission of the people of israël ( though by motion and direction of god himself ) no man will deny , but that he had given him all kinglie priviledges and regalities , as among other the scripture testifieth that it was assured him by god , that his seed should reign after him ; yea , and that for ever : yet this was not performed to any of his elder sons , but only to solomon , his yonger and tenth son , who by the means and perswasions of queen bersabé his mother , and nathan the prophet , was chosen and made king by his father , to the prejudice of his elder , adonias , and the rest of his brethren : * whereby we are taught that these , and like determinations of the people , magistrates , and common-wealths , when their designments are to good ends , and for just respects and causes , are allowed also by god , and oftentimes are his own special drifts and dispensations , though they seem to come from man . jeroboam to the prejudice of roboam , solomon's son and heir . after solomon's death , rehoboam his son and heir coming to sichem , where all the people of israël were gathered , for his admission ; and having refused to yield to certain conditions for taking away of some hard and heavie impositions laid upon them by solomon his father , which the people had proposed unto him ; ten tribes of the twelve refused to admit him for their king , but chose one jeroboam his servant , a meer stranger , and of poor parentage , and god allowed thereof for the sins of solomon , leaving rehoboam over two tribes , and jeroboam over ten . god's dealing in his common-wealth , a president for all others . although we may say that in the jewish common-wealth god almightie did deal and dispose of things against the ordinary course of man's law , as best liked himself , whose will is more than law , and is to be limitted by no rule or law of man ; and therefore that these examples are not properly the act of a common-wealth , as our question demandeth ; yet are they well brought in , because they may give light to all the rest . for if god permitted and allowed this in his own common-wealth , that was to be the example and pattern of all others : no doubt but he approveth also the same in other realms , when just occasions are offered , either for his service , the good of the people and realm , or else for punishment of the sins and wickedness of some princes . examples of spain . four races of spanish kings . spain , since the expulsion of the romans , hath had three or four races of kings . the first is from the gothes , which began to reign about the year , and endured by the space of . years , until spain was lost to the moors ; and to them the spaniard referreth all his old nobility . the second from don pelago , who after the invasion of the moors , was chosen king of austurias about the year . and his race continued adding kingdom to kingdom for the space of . years , until the year . the third , from don sancho mayor , king of navarra , who having gotten into his power the earldoms of arragon and castilia , made them kingdoms , and divided them among his children ; and don fernando , his second son , king of castilia , sirnamed afterward the great , by marrying of the sister of don dermudo , king of leon and asturias , joyned all those kingdoms together ; and this race endured for . years , until the year ; when , for the fourth , the house of austria came in by marriage of the daughter and heir of don ferdinando , sirnamed the catholick ; which endureth until this day . the first race . for the first race , because it had express election joyned with succession , as by the councils of toledo it appeareth , it can yield no valuable examples for this place . the second race . don alonso , to the prejudice of don favila his children . in the second , though the law of succession by propinquitie of blood , was established ; yet many examples do testifie , that the next in blood was oftentimes put back by the common-wealth upon just causes . don pelago's son * being dead after two years reign only , none of his children , though he left divers , were admitted , ( because they were yong , and unable to govern ) but don alonso the catholick , his son in law , who for his valiant acts was sirnamed the great . don aurelio , and don silo , to the prejudice of don fruela and his children . to don alonso succeeded his son don fruela , who was first a noble king ; but for that he declined to tyrannie , and put to death wrongfully his own brother don vimerano , rarely beloved of the spaniards , he was himself put to death by them . and albeit he left two goodly lawful children , yet in hatred of the father , neither of them was admitted by the realm to succeed him ; but his cozen german don aurelio , brothers son to don alonso the catholick , who after six years reign dying without issue , a brother in law of his named don silo was admitted . don vermudo , to the prejudice of don alonso the chaste ; who nevertheless come's in again afterwards very happily . this don silo being also dead without issue , and the spaniards anger against don fruela being now wel asswaged , they admitted his aforesaid son don alonso the yonger , sirnamed the chaste ; though his reign for this time endured very little ; being put out by a bastard uncle of his don aluregado , with help of the moors ; who after six years reign dying also without issue , the matter came in deliberation again , whether don alonso the chaste , that lived hidden in a monasterie , should be admitted again , or rather his cozen german don vermudo , son to his uncle the prince vimerano , ( whom his father had slain ) the realm determined don * vermudo , though he were much farther off by propinquity of blood ; for that he was judged for the more valiant and able prince , than the other , who seemed to be made more acquainted with the life of monks , than of a king : neither do the historiographers of spain reprehend this fact of the realm . but king vermudo , after three years reign , being weary of a kingly life , and feeling some scruple of conscience that he had forsaken the life ecclesiastical , he resigned willingly the government unto his said cozen don alonso the chast , who after all his affliction , having been deprived four times , reigned yet . years , and proved the most valiant and excellent king that ever that nation had , both for his valor and other vertuous deeds ; and had great friendship with king charles the great of france , who lived in that time . don fruela , to the prejudice of don ordonio's children . don ordonio the second dying , left four sons and one daughter , and yet the state of spain displaced them all , and gave their kingdom to their uncle don fruela , second brother to their father ; and morales saith , that there appeareth no other reason hereof , but only for that these sons of the king deceased were yong , and not so apt to govern well the realm as their uncle was , [ and this notwithstanding that the said morales writeth , that at that time and before , the law of succession by propinquitie of blood , was so strongly confirmed , that the kingdom of spain was made an inheritance so intayled and tyed only to the next in blood as there was no possibility to alter the same . ] don alonso th . son to ordonio , to the prejudice of don fruela his children : and don ramiro , to the prejudice of the children of don alonso . and after a years reign , this king fruela being dead , and having left divers children at mans state , they were all put by the crown , and the eldest son of the aforesaid don ordonio the second , named don alonso the fourth , was chosen for king : who leaving afterward his kingdom , and betaking himself to a religious habit , offered to the common-wealth of spain his eldest son , named don ordonio , to be their king ; but they refused him , and took his brother , uncle to the yong prince , named don ramiro , who reigned . years , and was a most excellent king , and gained madrid from the moors . don sancho el gordo , to the prejudice of the yong son of ordonio the third . to ramiro the second , succeeded his elder son don ordonio the third , who after . years reign , albeit he left a son named , el enfante don vermudo , yet he was not admitted ; but his brother don sancho . sirnamed el gordo , uncle to the yong prince : and the reason of this alteration morales giveth , first that the said enfante was a little child , and not sufficient for government , and defence of the country . but yet after don sancho had reigned , and his son don ramiro the third , after him ; he was called and made king by the realm under the name of vermudo . who left after him don alonso . and he again his son don vermudo . who marrying his sister dona sancha ( that was his heir ) unto don ferinando , first earle and then king of castile , ( who was second son to don sancho * mayor king of navar ) he joyned by these means the kingdoms of leon and castile together , which were separated before : and so ended the line of don pelago , and entered the blood of navar . the third race . dona berenguela , to the prejudice of her elder sister dona blancha , and her son st. lewis of france . for the third race . prince lewis of france , who afterwards was king lewis . son to philip augustus having married dona blancha of spain , that was neece to king john of england by her mother-side ; [ upon these conditions on the part of king john , thereby to make peace with the french , that she should have for her dowry all those towns and countries which the said king philip had taken upon the english in normandie and gasconie ; and on the part of spain , that if the prince henry , ( only brother to the said lady blanch ) should die without issue , then she should succeed in the crown of spain ] got lewis . by her : and yet prince henry her brother dying without issue , both she and her son were put by , and excluded by the state of spain , against the evident right of succession , and propinquitie of blood ; and her yonger sister * dona berenguela was admitted . and the only reason they yielded thereof , was , not to admit strangers to the crown . don sancho el bravo , to the prejudice of his nephews don alonso , and hernando de la cerda . the prince of spain * don alonso , nephew to st. fernando , dying before the king his father , left two * sons , don alonso , and hernando de la cerda , whom the grand-father left commended to the realm , as lawful heirs apparent to the crown : yet for that one uncle of theirs , yonger brother to their father , named don sancho el * bravo was like to manage the matters of war better than they ; he was , by a general parlament , holden at segovia , . made heir apparent of spain , and they put back , in their grand-father's time , and by his , and the realms consent . and this don sancho coming to the crown in the year . the two princes were put in prison , but afterwards at the suit of philip . of france , their uncle , they were let out , and endued with certain lands , and also they remain unto this day : and of these do come the dukes of medina , celi , and all the rest of the house of cerda , which are of much nobilitie in spain at this time ; and king philip that reigneth , cometh of don sancho , the yonger brother . henry the bastard , and his race , to the prejudice of king petro , and his heirs . when don pedro the cruel , king of castile , was driven and his bastard brother henry . set up in his place , john of gant , duke of lancaster , having married dona constancia , the said king peter's daughter and heir , pretended by succession the said crown of castile , as indeed it appertained unto him ; but yet the state of spain denied it flatly , and defended it by arms , and prevailed against john of gand , as did also the race of henry the bastard against his lawful brother . and though in this third and principal discent of the kings of spain , when these changes happened , the matter of succession were most assuredly and perfectly established , yet no man will deny but that the kings of spain who hold by the latter titles at this day , be true and lawful kings . this king henry the bastard had a son named john the first , who succeeded him in the crown of spain , and married dona beatrix , daughter and heir of king ferdinando the first of portugal . but yet after the death of the said ferdinando , the states of portugal would never agree to admit the said juan for their king , for not subjecting themselves by that means to the castilians : and took rather a bastard brother of the said don ferdinando , named don juan , a youth of twenty years old ; whom they married afterward to the lady philippe , daughter of john of gand , by his first wife blancha , duchess and heir of lancaster , in whose right the kings of portugal and their discendents do pretend unto this day a certain interest to the house of lancaster . divers other examples out of the states of france , and england , for proof that the next in blood are somtimes put back from succession ; and how god hath approved the same with good success . cap. viii . though the crown of france never come to any stranger ; yet it changed twice in it self , and had three rancks . concerning the state of france , albeit since the entrance of their first king pharamond , they have never had any stranger come to wear their crown ; yet among themselves have they changed twice their whole lineage of kings , and have had three discents and races as well as the spaniards ; the first of pharamond , the second of pepin , and the third of capitus , which endureth unto this present . the first ranck . the first ranck shall be let pass , for that some perhaps may say that the common-wealth and law of succession was not then so well setled , as it hath been since , and also because it were too tedious to peruse all the three rancks , for the store that they may yield . examples of the second ranck . carloman against the law of succession , and the order of his father , parted equally the realm with his elder brother charles . pepin le bref , first king of the second race , left two sons , charles and carloman , and his states and kingdoms by succession unto the eldest ; charles the great . and albeit by that law of succession the whole kingdom of france appertained unto him alone ; yet the realm by his authoritie did part it equally between them two ; as gerard du haillan setteth down in these words , estant pepin decedé , les françois eslurent roy , charles & carloman ses fils , à la charge qu'ils partagerrient entr'evor egalement le roy . and the very same citeth belforest out of egenart , an ancient french writer . charlemayne preferred to his nephews against succession . after three years reign carloman dying , left many sons ; the elder whereof was named adalgise ; but belforest saith , that the lords ecclesiastical and temporal of france swore fidelitie and obedience to charles , without any respect or regard at all of the children of carloman , who yet by right of succession should have been preferred ; and paulus emilius a latine-writer saith , proceres regni ad carolum ultrà venientes , regem eum totius galliae salutârunt : whereby is shewed , that exclusion of the children of carloman was not by force or tyrannie , but by free deliberation of the realm . lewis . deposed charles le chauve , his fourth son admitted to the prejudice of his elder brothers . to charles the great succeeded lewis le debonnaire his only son ; who afterward , at the pursuit principally of his own three sons by his first wife , ( lothaire , pepin and lewis ) was deposed , and put into a monasterie . but coming afterward to reign again , his fourth son by his second wife , named , charles le chauve , succeeded him , against the right of succession due to his elder brother lothaire . louys . to the prejudice of his elder brethren ; and his bastards to the prejudice of his lawful sons . after charles le chauve came in louis le begue , his third son , the second beeing dead . and the eldest for his evil demeanure put by his succession . this lewis left by his wife adel trude daughter to king alfred of england , a little infant newly born ; and two bastard-sons of a concubine , louys * and carloman ; who , for that the nobles of france said , that they had need of a man to bee king , and not a childe , were , to the prejudice of the lawful successor , by the state chosen jointly for kings , and the whole realm was divided between them . and q. adeltrude with her childe fled into england , charles . to the prejudice of louys . and odo to the prejudice of charles . of these two bastards , carloman left a son , louis le faineant , which succeded unto him ; but for his slothful life and vicious behaviour was deprived , and made a monk in the abbey of st denis , where hee died . and in his place was chosen for king of france charles le * gros , emperor of rome , who likewise afterward was for his evil government by them deposed , and deprived not onely of the kingdom , but also of his empire , and was brought into such miserable penurie , as divers write hee perished for want . in his place was chosen odo earl of paris , and duke of angers , of whom came hugh capet . charles the simple to the prejudice of odo . but beeing soon wearie of this man's government , they deposed him as hee was absent in gasconie , and called charles * ( named afterward the simple ) out of england to paris , and restored him to the kingdom of france ; leaving onely to odo for recompence the state of aquitaine , with title of a duke . ralph . in the place of charles the simple . this charles through his simplicitie beeing allured to go to the castle of peronne in picardie , was made there prisoner , and forced to resign his kingdom unto ralph king of burgundie . and his queen algina , or ogen , daughter of king edward the elder , of england , fled with her little son lewis that shee had by him , into england unto her uncle k. adelstan . and charles through miserie died soon after , in the said castle of peronne . lewis d'outremer son to charles the simple established . but this ralph dying also three years after , the states of france called out of england lewis ( therefore named d'outremor ) , and crowned him ; and hee was a good king , and reigned years . hugh capet to the prejudice of charles of lorrayne . louys d'outremer left two sons , lothaire , who succeeded him , and charles whom hee made duke of lorrayne : lothaire had a son named louys , who was king after him , but died without issue . and so the crown was to have gon by succession to his uncle charles . notwithstanding the states of france , for mislike they had of his person did put him by , and chose * hugo capetus earl of paris , who by approbation of the common-wealth was crowned , and his race endureth until this day . hugh capet his title not by usurpation . and all the french chronicles do justifie this title of hugo capetus against charles . nangis an ancient and diligent writer of the abbey of s. denis , defendeth it in these words : wee may not grant in any case that hugh capet may bee esteemed an invador or usurper of the crown of france , seeing the lords , prelates , princes and governors of the realm did call him to this dignitie , and chose him for their king and sovereign lord . upon which words belforest saith : for in very truth wee cannot by any other means defend the title of hugh capet from usurpation and felonie , then to justifie his coming to the crown by the consent and will of the common-wealth . a speech used by the ambassador sent from the states of france to charles of lorrayne , after his exclusion . here is to bee noted somwhat out of the speech , which the ambassador sent by the states of france , after their election of hugh capet , to charles of lorrayne , did use unto him as followeth : every man knoweth ( lord charles ) that the succession of the crown and realm of france , according to the ordinarie laws and rights of the same , belongeth unto you , and not unto hugh capet now our king ; but yet the very same laws which do give unto you this right of succession , do judg you also unworthie of the same , for that you have not endeavored hitherto to frame your life and manners according to the prescript of those laws , nor according to the use and custom of your countrey of france ; but rather have allied your self with the germane nation , our old enemies , and have acquainted your self with their vile and base manners . wherefore seeing you have forsaken and abandoned the ancient virtue , sweetness and amitie of the french , wee have also abandoned and left you ; and have chosen hugh capet for our king , and have put you back ; and this without any scruple or prejudice of our consciences at all ; esteeming it far better and more just to live under hugh capet the present possessor of the crown , with enjoying the antient use of our laws , customs , privileges and liberties , than under you , the inheritor by nearness of blood , in oppression , strange customs , and crueltie . for even as those which are to make a voiage in a ship upon a dangerous sea , do not so much repent , whether the pilot which is to guide the stern bee owner of the ship or no , but rather whether hee bee skilful , valiant , and like to bring them in safetie to their way's end , or to drown them among the waves : even so our principal care is , that wee have a good prince to lead and guide us happily in the way of civil and politick life , which is the end why princes were appointed . for that this man is fitter to bee our king . and so charles was excluded , and the frenchmen thought themselvs secure in conscience for doing the same ; which god also hath seemed to confirm with the succession and happie success of so many noble and most christian kings as have issued out of this line of hugo capetus unto this day . examples of the third rank . henry . to the prejudice of his elder brother robert . in this third line , robert , hugh ▪ capet his son , who succeeded him , had two sons , robert and henry ; whereof the younger was admitted , and robert put back ; partly becaus hee was but a simple man in respect of henry , and partly for that henry was greatly favored and assisted in this pretence by robert duke of normandie . lewis . like to bee dis-inherited for the hatred of his father k. philip . when philip . son to this henry was deceased , the people of france were so offended with his evil life and government , as that his son louis le gros was like to bee dis-inherited for his sake ; if som of his partie had not caused him to bee crowned in hast , and out of order at orleans , for preventing the matter . charles . for his father lewis xi . so the state of france had once determined , to put back charles ( afterwards the eight ) from his succession , for the hatred they bare to his father lewis the xi . if the said father had not died while the other was very young . examples of england . divers changes of races in england . for england , it hath had as great varietie and changes in the race of their kings , as any realm in the world . for first , after the britains it had the romans ; of whose , and their own blood , they had kings again of their own : after this they had them of the saxon and english blood ; and after them of the danes ; and then of the normans ; and after them again of the french ; and last of all , it seemeth to have returned to the britains again in k. henry . for that his father came of that race . examples before the conquest . egbert . before his nearer in blood . to pass over the ancient ranks of the british , roman and saxon races , until egbert king of the west-saxons , and almost of the rest of england besides ( who therefore is said to bee properly the first monarch of the saxon blood , and first commanded that realm to bee called england , as ever since hath been observed ) this man egbert beeing for his prowess in jealousie to his king britricus , was by him banished into france , where he lived a captain under the famous king pepin , till that britricus dying , hee returned into england ; where , though hee were not the next by propinquitie of blood , yet , as polydor saieth , omnium consensu rex creatur ; and proved the most excellent king that ever before the saxons had . adelstan , bastard-brother , to the prejudice of his his lawful edmond , and aldred . this egbert left a son , named elthelwolfe , or adelwulfe , or edolf , who succeeded him ; and had four sons , ethelbald , ethelbert , ethelred , and alfred ; who were all kings one after another ; and for the most part most excellent princes , specially alfred the last of all , whose acts bee wonderful : hee left a son as famous as himself , which was edward the elder : who dying , left two lawful sons , edmond and aldred , and one illegitimate , named adelstan ; which being esteemed to bee of more valor then the other two , was preferred to the crown before them ; and was a prince of worthie memorie . hee brought england into one perfit monarchie , having expelled utterly the danes , and quieted the welchmen : conquered scotland , and brought their k. constantine to do him homage . restored also luys d'outremer his nephew to the kingdom of france . aldred to the prejudice of his nephews edwin and edgar . this adelstan dying without issue , his lawful brother edmond was admitted , who left two sons edwin and edgar ; but for that they were yong , they were put back , and their uncle aldred preferred , who reigned with the good will and prais of all men . edgar to the prejudice of his elder brother edwin . aldred dying without issue , his elder nephew edwin was admitted to the crown ; but yet four years after hee was deposed again for his leud and vitious life , and his younger brother edgar admitted in his place , who was one of the rarest princes that the world had in his time . stow saith hee kept ships in this realm . canutus dane , to the prejudice of edmond and edward , englishmen . this edgar had by his first wife ( egilfred ) edward , called the martyr ; and by his second ( alfred ) etheldred : which alfred , to the end that her son might reign , caused edward to be slain ; and so etheldred came to the crown , though with much contradiction moved in hatred specially of the murther of his brother . this etheldred was driven out of this kingdom by sweno king of the danes , who possessed the realm ; and dying left a son , canutus ; with whom , etheldred returning after the death of sweno , made an agreement and division of the realm ; and so died , leaving his eldest * son edmund iron-side to succeed him ; who soon after dying also , left two sons , edmund and edward , but the whole realm to canutus , who pretended it to be his by a covenant made between iron-side and him , that the longest liver should have all : and so with the realm took the two children , and sent them over into swethland . and was admitted not only by the consent of the realm , but allowed also by the sea of rome . and he lived and proved an excellent good king , and after twenty years reign died much mourned by the englishmen . harald bastard , preferred to his lawful brother hardicanutus . this canutus left a base son , named harald , and a lawful one , named hardicanutus . but harald was by the more part of voices chosen before his lawful brother . hardicanutus preferred before his neerer in blood . after the death of harald , hardicarnutus was chosen , without any respect , either to edward the confessor & alured , sons to etheldred , that were in normandy ; or to edmond and edward , sons to his son iron-side , that were in sweathland , though in proximitie of blood they were before him . alured and edward the confessor , before edmond and edward , their eldest brother's sons . but this hardicanutus dying without issue , alured second son to etheldred by his second wife , against the priority both of his brother , and his nephews , that were in swethland , was called to be king ; but being murthered by the way by goodwin the earl of kent , his elder brother edward the confessor was admitted yet before edmond and edward sons to his elder brother iron-side ; and the said edward the confessor was a most excellent prince , and reigned in peace , almost twenty years . harald . to the prejudice of edgar . edward being dead without issue , the states made a great consultation , whom they should make king ; and first of all excluded him that was only next by propinquitie of blood , which was edgar , eldest son to edward the out-law , son to edmond iron-side , because he was a child , not able to govern the realm ; and harald , son to the earle goodwin by the daughter of canutus , was admitted . william duke of normandie , his title by election . but william duke of normandie pretended to be chosen before by * edward the confessor with the consent of the realm ; which , though no english authors do avow it cleerly , seemeth notwithstanding very probable : because the said william had at his entrance many in england that did favor his pretence ; and that , as gerard saith , at his coming to london he punished divers by name , for that they had broken their oaths and promises in that behalf : moreover , by alleging his title of election , he moved divers princes abroad to favor him in that action as in a just quarrel ; which it is not like they should have done , if he had pretended only a conquest , or his title of consanguinity , which could be of no importance in the world . among others , pope alexander . ( whose holiness was greatly esteemed in those dayes ) did send him his benediction , and a precious ring of gold , with a hallowed banner . st. anthoninus archbishop of florence commended his enterprise . but howsoever he got the victory , and god prospered his pretence , and hath confirmed his off-spring in the crown more than these five hundred years . examples after the conquest . william rufus and henry . to the prejudice of their elder brother robert . william the conqueror left three sons , robert , william and henry , and by his will the kingdom to william , named rufus , forsom particular displeasure against his elder son ; who being at his fathers death absent in the war of jerusalem , was put back , although the most part of the realm was inclined unto him ; and william rufus , by the persuasion of lanfrake archbishop of canterbury , was established in the crown : and hee dying without issue , his younger brother henry , against the right also of his elder brother robert , absent again in the war of jerusalem , did by fair promises to the people , and the help of henry newborow earl of warwick , and maurice bishop of london , get the crown ; wherein god did so prosper him , that his said brother robert coming afterwards to depose him of it , hee took him prisoner , and kept the crown . king stephen preferred to henry . his nearer in blood , and henry again to stephen his issue . this king henry left a daughter , which had of jeffrey plantagenet duke of anera a son named henry , whom henry his grandfather caused to bee declared heir apparent in his daies . but yet after his deceas , becaus prince henry was but a childe ; the state of england did choos stephen earl of boulongue , and son to adela , the conqueror's daughter , putting back both henry and his mother . but again for that this reign drew all england into factions and divisions ; the states in a parlament at wallingford made an agreement that stephen should bee lawful during his life onely , and that henry and his off spring should succeed him ; and prince william , king stephen's son , was deprived , and made onely earl of norfolke . king john to the prejudice of his nephew arthur . this henry left richard , jeffrey and john : richard , sirnamed coeur de lyon , succeeded him ; and dying without issue , * john was admitted by the states , and arthur duke of britaine , son and heir to jeffrey , * excluded , who coming afterward to get the crown by war , was taken by his uncle john , who murthered him in prison . louys prince of france to the prejudice of king john , and king john's son afterward to the prejudice again of louys . but som years after , the barons and states of england misliking the government of this king john , rejected him again , and chose louys the prince of france to bee their king , and did swear fealtie to him in london : depriving also the young prince henry john's son , of years old ; but upon the death of king john , that ensued shortly after , they recalled again that sentence , disannulled the oath and allegiance made unto louys prince of france , and admitted this henry * to the crown , who reigned years . the princes of york and lancaster had their best titles of the autoritie of the common-wealth . from this henry . take their first begining the two branches of york and lancaster . in whose contentions the best of their titles did depend upon the autoritie of the common-wealth . for as the people were affected , and the greatest part prevailed , so were they confirmed or disannulled by parlament . and wee may not well affirm , but that when they are in possession , and confirmed therein by these parlaments , they are lawful kings , and that god concurreth with them ; for if wee should deny this point , wee should shake the states of most princes in the world at this day . the common-wealth may dispose of the crown for her own good . and so to conclude , as propinquitie of blood is a great preheminencie towards the atteining of the crown , so doth it not ever binde the common-wealth to yield thereunto , and to shut up her eies , or admit at hap-hazard , or of necessitie , any one that is next by succession ; but rather to take such an one , as may perform the dutie and charge committed . for that otherwise to admit him that is an enemie , or unfit , is but to destroy the common-wealth and him together . what are the principal points which a common-wealth ought to respect in admitting or excluding of any prince that pretendeth to succeed ; wherein is handled largely also of the diversitie of religions , and other such causes . cap. ix . seeing the common-wealth is to know and judg of the matter , no doubt but god doth allow of her judgment . hee who is to judg and give the sentence in the things , is also to judg of the caus ; for thereof is hee called judg : so , if the common-wealth hath power to admit or put back the prince or pretender to the crown , shee hath also autoritie to judg of the lawfulness of the causes , considering specially that it is in their own affair ; and and in a matter that depend's wholly upon them , for that no man is king or prince by institution of nature , but only by authoritie of the common-wealth . who can then affirm the contrary but that god doth allow for a just and sufficient cause in this behalf , the only will and judgment of the weal-publick it self ; supposing alwaies that a whole realm will never agree , by orderly way of judgement , to exclude the next heir in blood without a reasonable cause in the sight and censure . the pope is to obey the determination of the common-wealth , without further inquisition ; except it be in cases of injustice , and tyranny . and seeing that they only are the judges of this case , and are properly lords and owners of the whole business , we are to presume that what they determine is just and lawful , though at one time they should determine one thing , and the contrary at another ( as they did often in england , being led at different times by different motions ) and it is enough for every particular man to subject himself , and obey simply their determination , without further inquisition ; except he should see that open injustice were done therein , or god manifestly offended , and the realm endangered . open injustice ; if not the true common-wealth , but some faction of wicked men should offer to determine the matter without lawful authoritie . god offended , and the realm endangered ; where it is evident that he that is preferred will do what lieth in him to the prejudice both of god's glory , and of the common-wealth ; as if a turke , or some notorious wicked man and tyrant , should be offred to govern among christians . whence the reasons of admitting or receiving a prince , are to be taken . now to know the true causes and principal points , which ought to be chiefly regarded , as well by the common-wealth , as by every particular man in the furthering or hindering any prince ; we must return to the end wherefore government was appointed ; which is to defend , preserve , and benefit the common-wealth ; because from this consideration are to be deduced all other considerations for discerning a good or evil prince . for that whosoever is most likely to defend &c. his realm and subjects , he is most to be allowed and desired , as most conform to the end for which government was ordained . and on the contrary side , he that is least like to do this , deserveth least to be preferred : and this is the consideration that divers common-wealths had in putting back oftentimes children and impotent people ( though next in blood ) from succession . three chief points to be regarded in every prince . and here shall be fitly remembred what gerard recounteth of the king of france ; that in his coronation he is new apparrelled three times in one day ; once as a priest , and then as a judge , and last as a king armed ; thereby to signifie three things committed to his charge ; first religion , then justice , then manhood and chivalrie ; which division seemeth very good and fit , and to comprehend all that a weal-publick hath need of for her happie state and felicity both in soul and bodie , and for her end both supernatural and natural . and therefore these seem to be the three points which most are to be regarded in every prince . why it is here principally treated of religion . for the latter two , because they have been often had in consideration in the changes aforesaid ; and religion , whereof then scarce ever any question or doubt did fall in these actions , rarely or never : and because in these our dayes it is the principal difference and chiefest difficultie of all other ; and that also it is of it self the first and highest , and most necessarie point to be considered in the admission of a prince ; therefore it shall principally be treated of in this place . the felicitie of the soul , is the chiefest end appointed to every common-wealth . first we are to suppose , that the first and chiefest end that god and nature appointed to every common-wealth , was not so much the temporal felicitie of the body , as the everlasting of the soul : and consequently that all other things of this transitory life are ordained to serve and be directed to that higher end . and this was not only revealed to the jewes by holy scripture ; but also unto the gentiles and heathens by the instinct and light of nature it self . what end pagan philosophers and law-makers had in their doings . for there was never yet pagan philosopher that wrote of framing a good common-wealth , neither law-maker among them that left ordinances for the same purpose ; which besides the temporal end of directing things for the bodie , had not special care also of matters appertaining to the minde ; to wit , of nourishing and rewarding virtue ▪ and for restraining and punishing of vice and wickedness . institution of sacrifices by nature . examples of noah , and job . and nature did not only teach man that he should serve god ; but also how he should serve him : to wit , that the chiefest and supremest honor that could be done unto him in this life , was the honor of sacrifice and oblations ; which we see was practiced even in those first beginnings of the law of nature , before the levitical law . for so we read in genesis of noah , that he made an altar and offered sacrifices to god upon the same , of all the beasts and birds that he had in the ark , odoratúsque est dominus odorem suavitatis . and the like of job that was a gentile , and lived before moses , sanctificabat filios , consurgénsque diluculo offerebat holocausta per dies singulos . example of the indians . religion the chief end of a common-wealth and magistrates . among the indians also , where never any notice of moses law came , there was never any nation sound that acknowledged not some kind of god , and offered not some kinde of sacrifice unto him . and though both in distinguishing between false gods and the true god , and in the means of honoring him , they have fallen into most gross and infinite errors : as also the gentiles of europe , asia , and africa ; yet it is evident hereby that by god and nature the highest and chiefest end of a common-wealth is cultus dei . and consequently that the principal care and charge of a prince and magistrate even by nature it self , is to look thereunto . as among the antients , both jews and gentiles , their kings and chief magistrates , for many ages , were also princes ; and divers learned men do hold that the privilege and preeminence of primogeniture , consisted principally in this , that the eldest sons were priests . the same proved by authorities . nulla est gens , saith cicero , tam fera , nulla tam immanis , cujus mentem non imbuerit deorum colendorum religio . and plutarch writing against a certain atheist of his time , saith thus , if you travel far countries , you may chance to finde some cities without learning , without kings , without riches , without money ; but a citie without temples , and without gods and sacrifices , no man yet hath ever seen . and finally , aristotle having numbred divers things necessary to a common-wealth , addeth these words , quintum & primum . circa rem divinam cultus , quod sacerdotium sacrificiúmque vocant . the absurd atheism of our time in politicks . and therefore we see how false and impious is the opinion of divers atheists of our time , who affirm , that religion ought not to be so greatly respected in a prince , as though it were his chiefest care , or the matter of most importance in his government : false and impious opinion , specially among christians , who have so much the greater obligation to take to heart this matter of religion , by how much greater light and knowledge they have of god . and for this cause also in all the princes oaths taken at their admission ( as before hath been * recited ) the first and principal point of all other is about religion and maintenance thereof ; not only by themselves , but also by their lievtenants , &c. the oath given by the emperor justinian , to all his governors to take at their reception . and the civil law yieldeth a very solemn form of an oath which the emperor justinian was wont to give to all his governors , &c. of countries , &c. before they could be admitted to their charges : which is as followeth , juro per deum omnipotentem & filium ejus unigenitum dominum nostrum jesum christum & spiritum sanctum ; & per sanctam gloriosam dei genitricem & semper-virginem mariam , & per quatuor evangelia quae in manibus meos teneo , & per sanctos archangelos michaëlem & gabriëlem , puram conscientiam , germanúmque servitium me servaturum sacratissimis nostris dominis justiniano & theodosiae conjugi ejus , occasione traditae mihi ab eorum pietate administrationis . et quod communicator sum sanctissimae dei catholicae & apostolicae ecclesiae , & nullo modo vel tempore adversabor ei , nec alium quocunque permittam quantum possibilitatem habeam : et si verò non haec omnia servàvero , recipiam omnia incommoda hìc & in futuro seculo in terribili judicio magni domini dei & salvatoris nostris jesu christi , & habebo partem cum juda , & cum lepra geizi , & cum tremore cain , in & super poenis quae lege eorum pietatis continentur , ero subjectus . why princes should be endued with religion . this oath did all the governors of christian countries take in old time : by which oath , and the other oaths which emperors and kings did make themselves at their admission about this point ; we may see that it is their chiefest and highest end , and office , to assist their subjects to the attaining of their supernatural end , by knowing and serving god in this life ; for that otherwise god should draw no other fruit or commodity out of humane common-wealths , than of an assembly of brutish creatures . he that wanteth it , is guilty of high treason against god . and therefore whatsoever prince or magistrate doth not help his subjects to this end , omitteth the first and principal part of his charge , and committeth high treason against his lord and master , in whose place he is ; and consequently is not fit for that place and dignitie , though he should perform the other two parts of justice and valor never so well . lack of religion the chiefest cause and justest to exclude a prince . whereof it ensueth , that nothing in the world can so justly exclude an heir apparent from his succession , as want of religion ; nor any cause whatsoever justifie and clear the conscience of the common-wealth , or of particular men , that in this cause should resist his entrance , as if they judge him faultie in this point . if a marriage may be dissolved , much more a bare betrothing , such as is between an heir apparent and a common-wealth . st. paul determineth plainly , that if two gentiles married together in their gentilitie ( which none denieth to be true marriage , for so much as concerneth the civil contract ) and afterward the one of them being made a christian , the other would not live with his partie , or if he do , yet not without blaspheming of god , and tempting him to sin ; in this case he teacheth , that it is sufficient to break and dissolve utterly this heathen marriage ; and that the christian may marrie again ; and this only for the want of religion in the other party : which being so in actual marriage already made & consummate ; how much more may it serve to undo a bare betrothing , which is the case of a pretender only to a crown , as before hath been shewed . whether difference in religion be infidelitie . but some may say that st. paul speaketh of an infidel or heathen , that denieth christ plainly ; which is not the case of a christian prince , though he be somwhat different in religion . to which is answered , that supposing there is but one only religion that can be true among christians , as both reason and athanasius his creed doth plainly teach us ; and moreover seeing , that to me there can be no other faith or religion available for my salvation , than only that which i my self do believe , for that mine own conscience must testifie for me , or against me : certain it is , that unto me and my conscience he which in any point believeth otherwise than i do , and standeth wilfully in the same , is an infidel ; for that he believeth not that which in my faith and conscience is the only and sole truth , whereby he must be saved . and so long as i have this opinion of him , albeit his religion were never so true , i shall do against my conscience , and sin damnably in the sight of god , to prefer him to a charge , where he may draw many other to his own errors and perdition , wherein i do perswade my self that he remaineth . how he that doth against his conscience sinneth . and this point is founded upon that which st. paul saith against such christians , as being invited to the banquets of the gentiles , did eat the meats offered to idols , ( which themselves do judge to be unlawful to eat ) which he saith was a damnable sin ; not for that the thing in it self was unlawful , but for that they did judge it so , and yet did the contrary ; and the reason he yieldeth presently , quia non ex fide ; omne autem quod non est ex fide est peccatum : doing a thing ( though in it self indifferent ) against their own conscience , which must be their witness at the latter day . how dangerous a sin , to favor a pretender of a contrary religion . now to apply this to the matter of england , i affirm and hold , that for any man to give his help or consent towards the making of a king , whom he judgeth or believeth to be faultie in religion , how good or bad soever he be , or of what side soever the truth be , it is a most grievous and damnable sin . and is guilty of all the evils , miseries , and calamities which may ensue by his government , whether they do so or no ; because knowing in his belief that he is like or in disposition to bring all those evils : yet he doth further , or not resist him . how far it is also against wisdom and policie to prefer a prince of a contrary religion . moreover , besides the matter of conscience , it cannot in policie , but be great folly and over-sight for a man to promote to a kingdom , wherein himself must live , one of a contrary religion to himself : for let the bargains , agreements , and promises be never so great , yet seeing the prince once settled , must needs proceed according to the principles of his own religion : it followeth also that he must come quickly to break with the other partie : and so many jealousies , suspitions , accusations , &c. will light upon him , as not only he shall not be capable of such preferments , honors , and charges , which men may deserve and desire in their common-wealths ; but also he shall be in continual danger , and subject to a thousand molestations and injuries : and so , before he beware , will become to be accompted an enemy , or backward man : which to remedy , he must either dissemble deeply , and against his own conscience make shew to favor and set forward that which in his heart he doth detest ( which is the greatest calamity and miserie of all other ) or else to avoid this everlasting perdition , he must break with all the temporal commodities of this life , and leave the benefits which his country might yield him : and this is the ordinary end of all such men , how soft and sweet soëver the beginnings be . the conclusion of the whole speech . that the next heir after the queen , must needs be verie doubtful . and therefore to conclude all this speech , seeing there be so great inconveniencies and dangers , in respect both of god and man , body and soul , to advance to the crown a prince of contrary religion ; and considering that in england there is so great diversitie of religions , as the world knoweth , between these parties and factions that have to pretend or admit the next prince after her majestie that now is : calling to mind also the great libertie , scope , and authoritie which the common-wealth hath to determine , even against the clear right of succession : and laying finally before our eies the manifold and different acts of christian realms , before mentioned , in this affair . it appeareth ( as it was propounded in the beginning ) that it is a very doubtful case who shall be the next prince after the queen : and much more , if above all this it be proved also , ( as it shall be in the second book ) that among such as do or may pretend of the blood royal at this day , their true succession , and next propinquitie by birth is also incertain and disputable . finis . cap. i. books written . by one hales , sirnamed clubfoot , clerk of the hamp . in which the lord keeper bacon was thought to have a hand ; and sir william cecil a privitie . . in favor of the lady katharine gray , daughter of the lady frances , dutchess of suffolk , the daughter of marie , yonger daughter of henry . to prefer her before the scot discended of margaret the elder daughter . . because he was a stranger or alien ; therefore not to inherit by law . . henry . had authority given him by two parlaments of . and . to dispose of the succession by his last will ; and ordained , ( his own issue failing ) that the off-spring of mary should be preferred before that of margaret . . against this one morgan a divine of oxford ( with the advice of judge brown , as it was thought ) wrote , first to clear the queen of scots from her husbands death : handled her title to our crown : against the book of knox , of the monstrous government of women . . and john leisley , bishop of ross in scotland , confuteth the first point : that the statute that beareth the inheritance of aliens ( made edw. . ) is only to be understood of particular men's inheritance : there is express exception of the king's children , and off-spring , in the statute : the practice both before and since the conquest to the contrary . . the second : if henry . made such a testament , it could not hold in law ; but that he made it not , besides many probabilities , the testimonies of the lord paget , sir edw. montague , lord chief justice ; and william clark , who set the king's stamp to the writing , avowed before the council and parlament in queen maries time , that the testament was signed after the king was past sens and memory . . robert heghington , secretary to the earle of north . writeth in favor of the king of spain , as next heir to the house of lancaster . another writeth in the behalf of the dukes of parma , as next heir of portugal ; another for the infanta of spain as the heir of brittanie . cap. ii. of the succession of the crown from the conquest , unto edward the third's time . the issue of vvilliam the conquerer . william the conqueror had four sons , and five daughters . sons , . robert , duke of normandie : . richard died in his youth : . william rufus : . henry the first . daughters , . sicilie , a nun : . constantia , wife of alain fergant , duke of britanie : , adela , or alice , wife of stephen , earle of bloys , &c. the other two died yong . robert , duke of normandie . robert of normandie , and his son william , were ruined by henry . robert pined away in the castle of cardiff ; william slain before alost in flanders , whereof he was earl , by an arrow . henry . of all the children of henry . mande first married to henry . emperor , had issue henry . by geoffrey plantagenet , duke of anjou , &c. her second husband ; he reigned after king stephen . the beginning of the house of britanie . constantia , the conquerors second daughter , had issue conan . le gros ; who had issue hoel , and bettha , wife of eudo earle of porrhet in normandie ( her father made her his heir on his death bed , disadvowing howel ) she had issue conan . he , constantia wife to geoffrey third son to henry . by whom she had arthur , whom king john his uncle put from the crown of england , and murthered . after which constantia married guy vicount of touars , a britan : and their issue have continued till this , in the infanta of spain , and the dutchess of savoy her sister ; whose mother was sister unto the last king of france . anna the heir of britanie , had by lewis the . of france , one daughter , claudia ; of whom and francis the first , came henry . whose daughter was mother to the infanta , &c. king stephen . adela , or alice , the conquerors third daughter , had issue stephen earle of bouloyne , chosen king after henry . before mande his daughter , because a woman ; and before her son henry . because he was but a child , and a degree further off from the conqueros , but especially by force and friends ; whereby he prevented also the duke of britain , son to his mothers eldest sister . he had two sons , who left no issue ; and mary , wife to the earle of flanders , whose right , if any , is discended to the spaniard . henry . his sons . henry . had issue by eleonora , the heir of aquitaine , william , who died yong . henry crowned in his fathers time , and died without issue : . richard coeur de lyon , who died without issue : . geoffrey who married constance the heir of britain , as aforesaid : . john , the king , who had issue henry the third . henry . his daughters . his daughters were , . eleonora married to alphonso . of castile : . to alexis the emperor : . to the duke of saxonie : . to the earle of tholouse . eleonora had henry of castile , who died without issue ; and blanche , married to lewis of france , of the race of valois , whose issue continueth : and berenguela married to the prince of leon ; whose son ferdinando , by the death of his uncle henry without issue was chosen king of castile , before saint lewis the son of blanche aforesaid , because a stranger . . the right which france had to aquitain , poictiers and normandie , came to them by the aforesaid blanche ; who was married thither , on condition to have for her dower all that john had lost in france , which was almost all hee had . henry . his issue . henry . had edward ; hee edw. . hee edw. . and edmund crook-back earl or duke of lancaster ; whose heir , lady blanch , married john of gant the third son of edw. . from whom came the hous of lancaster . also beatrix married to john . duke of britain , from whom descended the infantas mother . that edward crook-back was not elder then edward . edward crook-back was not edw. . elder brother , and put by onely for his deformitie ; . hee was born junii , ; and edward junii , . ( matth. west . who lived at the same time ; ) . hee was a wise prince , and much imploied by his father and brother in their wars ; . his father advanced him in england , and would have made him king of naples and sicilie ; . having the charge of the realm at his father's death , and his brother absent ; hee attempted no innovation ; nor hee , nor any of his children made any claim to the crown after that ; . if hee had been elder , the title of lancaster in john of gant his issue , whose mother was heir unto edmund , had been without contradiction ; nor could the house of york have had any pretence of right . the issue of edward crook-back . henry the second , earl of lancaster and grand-childe to the aforesaid edmund , was created duke of lancaster by edward . hee had but one childe , the ladie blanch , wife of john of gant , by whom hee became also duke of lancaster . his three sisters were matched , one to the lord maubery , of whom the howards of norfolk ; joane . mary married to the earl of northumberland ; from whom the now-earl : . eleonor , married to the earl of arundel , of whom the late earle descended . cap. iii. the succession from edward . the houses of lancaster and york . edward . his issue . edward the third had five sons ; . the black prince ( hee richard second , in whom his line ceased ) lionel duke of clarence ; . john of gant , duke of lancaster by his wife blanche ; edward of langley duke of york ; . thomas of woodstock duke of glocester . the title of the hous of york . lionel of clarence had one onely daughter and heir , philippe , married to edmund mortimer earl of march ; they roger ; hee anne mortimer , married to richard earl of cambridg , second son of edmund l. of york : his son richard , by the death of his uncle ( slain at agincourt ) came to bee duke of york ( his father of cambridg , beeing executed for a conspiracie against henry . ) and was the first of the hous of york that challenged the crown , and died in the quarrel : his son was edward the . the issue of the duke of glocester . thomas of woodstock had onely one childe , anne , married to the lord stafford ; whose issue came after , in regard of this marriage ( for thomas was earl of buckingham too ) to bee duke of buckingham , som of whose blood are yet in england . the issue of john of gant by his first wife . john of gant had three wives ; , blanch the heir of lancaster aforesaid , by whom hee had henry . and philippe , married to john king of portingal ; from whom are lineally descended such as at this day claim interest in that crown ; and elisabeth , married to john holland duk of exceter ; whose grand-childe henry , left onely anne , married to sir thomas nevil knight , from whom the earl of westmerland is lineally descended . by his second wife . by his second , ladie constance , daughter of peter king of castile , hee had onely one daughter katharine , married to henry the third , king of castile ; of whom the king of spain that now is , is lineally desended . by his third wife . henry . his title . his third , katharine swinford , daughter to a knight of henault ; and attending on his wife blanch , hee used as his concubine in his wife constance's time , and begat of her three sons and one daughter ; and after married her to swinford an english knight ; who dead , and his wife constance also , hee married her , anno , and caused his said children by her to bee legitimated by parlament , anno . henry . his title from lancaster . his sons were , . john duke of somerset ; . thomas duke of excester ; . henry bishop and cardinal of winchester : his daughter jane married to the earl of westmerland . the issues of all these were soon spent , except of john of somerset , who had two sons , john and edmund : john one onely daughter , margaret , married to edmund tidder earl of richmond , by whom hee had henry . edmund and his three sons all died in the quarrel of the hous of lancaster without issue . the line of clarence , and title of the earl of huntington . george duke of clarence , second brother of edw. . had issue edw. earl of warwick , put to death by henry . and margaret countess of salisbury , married to sir richard poole of wales , by whom hee had henry , arthur , geoffroy , and reynald ( after cardinal ) henry lo. of montague ( put to death , with his mother , by h. . ) had katharine married to the earl of huntington , they the now earl , &c. and wenefred married to sir tho. barrington . arthur , marie , married to sir john stanny ; and margaret to sir tho. fitzherbert . geoffrey , geoffrey poole ; hee arthur and geoffrey , which yet live in italie . henry . his issue . the title of scotland , and of the ladie arbella . henry . had by the eldest daughter of edw. . ( for of all the other three remaineth no issue ) besides hen. . margaret , first married to the k. of scots ; they james . who mary , mother to the now king . after married to the earl of anguis ; they margaret , married to the earl of lenox ; they henry married to the last queen , and murthered . and charles married to elisa . ca dish , by whom the ladie arbella . the title of the lord beacham , and his brother . marie the second daughter , first married to lewis . of france , without issue ; then to charles brandon duke of suffolk ; they francis , married to henry gray marquis dorset , after duke of suffolk , beheaded by q. mary ; they jane , married to dudley , ( both beheaded ) katharine , first married to the earl of pembroke ; and left by him to the earl of hartfort ( as themselves affirmed ) in the tower : from whom descendeth the lord beacham , and edward seymer his brother . the title of the hous of derbie . eleonor second daughter to ch. brandon and the queen of france , was married to henry clifford earl of cumberland : they had issue margaret , married to henry earl of derbie : who had issue the last and the now earl . cap. iv. the controversie between the houses of lancaster and york . the pretence of the hous of york . by richard duke of york , son of richard earl of cambridg aforesaid , &c. that considering hee had by descent joined in him the right aswell of lionel duke of clarence , second son to edw. . as of edward duke of york , the fourth son of edw. . hee was to bee preferred before the hous of lancaster , claiming onely from john of gant the third son of edward . richard . deposed . edward . in his old age for the love hee bare to the black prince , confirmed the succession by parlament to richard . his son ; and caused the rest of his sons to swear thereunto . richard . for his misgovernment was deposed by common consent , and henry . chosen in his place ; which himself and his issue possessed about years . the question is , whether king richard were rightfully deposed or no . that a king may bee deposed on just causes . first that a king on just causes may bee deposed , is proved by reason : becaus the rule beeing given by the common-wealth , on condition of just government ; that much violated , the condition is broken , and the same common-wealth may take the forfeiture . this proved by the autoritie of all law-makers , philosophers , divines and governors of common-wealths ; and by example of divers depositions , which god himself hath blessed with good success . proved by reasons and examples of divinitie . an ill prince is an armed enemie , with his feet set on the realm's head ; whence hee cannot bee plucked but by force of arms , object . god may cut him off by sickness , or otherwise ; and therefore wee are to attend his good pleasure . answ. god alwaies bindeth not himself to work miracles , nor often with extraordinary means ; but hath left upon earth , unto men and common-wealths , power to do justice in his name upon offendors . examples hereof are ehud stirr'd up by god to kill eglon , king of the moabites by a stratageme , judg. . and the philistins to kill , david to persecute saul ; jeroboam to rebell against roboam the son of solomon , reg. . & . jehu to depose joram and q. jezabel his mother , . reg. . the captains of jerusalem at the persuasion of jehoiada the high-priest , to conjure against q. athalia , whom they deposed , and joash chosen in her room , . reg. . all which hee might have removed without blood-shed , if hee would : but hee appointed men to work his will by these violent means , to deliver that common-wealth from oppression , and for the greater terror of all bad princes . allegations of the lancastrians that king richard . was justly deposed . just causes of deposing richard . were ; hee murthered his uncle the duke of glocester without form of law or process . hee put to death the earl of arundel , banished warwick , thomas arundel archbishop of canterbury , and henry duke of hereford and lancaster ( and after king ) whose goods and inheritance descending to the said henry from his father , hee wrongfully seized on . hee suffered the earl of oxford , his minion , to put away his wife , a goodly young ladie , daughter of isabell his father's sister , and to marrie another openly to her disgrace . and in the last ( evil ) parlament hee made , would needs have all absolute autoritie granted to or his favorites to determine of all matters . grieved with these exorbitant indignities , the more or better part of the realm called home by their letters henry . deposed richard . by act of parlament , by his own confession of unworthie government , and his voluntarie resignation of the crown to the said henry by publick instrument . all this without blood-shed : and in almost all this , edmund l. d. of york , ( the head of that familie , together with edward duke of aumale his eldest son , and richard earle of cambridge his yonger ( the grand-father of edward . ) assisted the said henry . that henry . had more right to succeed unto richard . than edmond mortimer heir of clarence ; much more any other . king richard . deposed , the question is , whether edmond mortimer then alive ( his father roger being slain in ireland a little before ) nephew removed of lionel duke of clarence ; or henry duke of lancaster , son of john of gant should have succeeded in right . for henry is alleged ; his being neerer to the former king by two degrees , and proximitie of blood ( though not of the elder line ) is to be , ( or hath been ) preferred in these cases . . his title came by a man , the others by a woman ( not so much favored by law nor reason . ) . the said edmond being offered the crown by richard earle of cambridge ( who had married his sister anne ) and other noblemen , at southampton ; he judged it against equitie , discovered the treason to henry the fifth , by whose command those noblemen were executed , . thirty years after which ; richard duke of york , son of the aforesaid earle , and anne ( for edmond her brother died without issue ) set his title on foot . and whereas roger mortimer , father of this edmond was declared heir apparent by a parlament , that was done by richard . from the hatred he bore to john of gant , and his son henry ; ( rather than for the goodness of the others title : ) the cause whereof was , because immediately after the death of the black prince , divers learned and wise men held opinion , that john of gant , eldest son of edward . then living should rather succeed , than richard , jure propinquitatis . this made the old king edward . confirm the succession to richard . by parlament , and the oaths of his uncles , and made the yong king richard . hold first , and his son in jealousie , and hatred ever after , as distrusting the likelihoods of their title . declaration of the heir apparent in the princes life , being partial , no sure president . partial establishing of succession by parlament , is no extraordinary thing with princes , which yet most commonly have been to little purpose . so did richard . cause john de la pole , earle of lincoln , and son to his sister elisabeth , dutchess of suffolk , to be declared heir apparent ; thereby excluding his brother edward's four daughters , &c. so did henry . prefer the issue of his yonger sister , before that of his elder . so did edward . declare the lady jane gray , his cozen germain removed , to be his heir and successor ; excluding his own two sisters : such , say they , was the aforesaid declaration of roger mortimer by richard . to as little purpose , as from little equity . uncle preferred before the nephew divers times . contra . sect. . that john of gant should have in right succeeded his father , rather than richard himself , as neerer to his father , is proved by the course of divers kingdoms , where the uncle was preferred before the nephew . . in naples ( much about the same time ) robert before charles the son of martel his elder brother . . in spain , don sancho bravo before the children of prince don alonso de la cerda ( from whom the house of medina celi is discended ) by sentence of don alonso the wise , and of all the realm and nobility , anno . . in the earldom of arthois , mande , before robert , son to her brother philip , by sentence of philip le bel of france , confirmed by the parlament of paris , and by his successor philippes de valois , whom he the said robert had much assisted in the recovery of france from the english . . in britanie , john breno earle of montfort , before jane countess of bloys , daughter and heir of guy his elder brother , by sentence of edward . and the state of england , who put him in possession of that dukedom . . in scotland , where albeit edward . of england gave sentence for john baliol , nephew to the elder daughter , excluding thereby robert bruse , son to the yonger ; yet that sentence was held to be unjust in scotland , and the crown restored to robert bruse his son , whose posterity holds it to this day . . the like whereof in naples , lewis prince of taranto , son to philip , prevailed before joan the neece of robert aforesaid , who was philip's elder brother ( though philip died before robert ) because he was a man , and a degree neerer to his grand-father than joan. . and in england it self , henry . preferred before william , son and heir of robert of normandie , his elder brother . and king john preferred before arthur , d. of britanie , the son and heir of his elder brother geoffrey , because he was neerer to richard his brother , then dead , than was arthur : which right of his the english inclined still to acknowledge and admit , and thereupon proclaimed him king ; notwithstanding that the french , and other forrein princes of stomach , opposed themselves against it . king john rightfully preferred before his brother arthur . against this last : king richard when he was to go to the holy land , caused his nephew arthur to be declared heir apparent to the crown , thereby shewing his title to be the better . answ . . it was not by act of parlament of england , for richard was in normandie , when he made it . . richard did it rather to repress the amhitious humor of john in his absence . . this declaration was never admitted in england , but renounced by consent of the nobility in his absence . . richard himself at his return disadvowed it , appointing john to be his successor , by his last will , and caused the nobles to swear fealtie unto him , as to his next in blood . the opinion of civil lawyers touching the right of the uncle and nephew . contra . sect. . this controversie divided all the lawyers in christendom ; baldus , oldratus , panormitanus , &c. for the nephew : bartolus , alexander , decius , alciatus , cujatius , &c. for the uncle : baldus himself at length concludeth , that seeing rigor of law runneth only with the uncle , being properly neerest in blood by one degree , and that only indulgence and custom permitteth the nephew to represent his father's place ; whensoëver the uncle is born before the nephew , and his elder brother dieth before his father ( as in the case of john of gant and richard . ) he may be preferred : for the elder brother cannot give or transmit that thing to his son , which is not in himself before his father die ; nor can his son represent what the father never had . the common-law dealeth not with the point of succession to the crown . touching the common law ; the right and interest to the crown is not expresly decided in it , nor is it a plea subject to the rules thereof , but superior , and more eminent ; nor are the maxims thereof alwayes of force in this , as in others . as in the case of dower , copercenars , and tenancie by the courtesie . no more ought they to be in this case of inheritance ; as by the former eight presidents hath been shewed . the common lawyers then refer this point of the crown to custom , nothing being in effect written by them touching it . only the best of our old ones favored that title of lancaster : and chancelor fortescue , and sir tho. thorope , chief baron of the exchequer in henry . his time , were much afflicted for it by the contrary faction . the princes of york often attainted . the princes of york forfeited their right by their conspiracies , and attainder thereupon ; as r. earle of cambridge , put to death therefore by the judgment of his peers , his elder brother , the duke of york , being one of the jury that condemned him . his son richard , duke of york , was also attainted of treason ( after many oaths to henry . sworn and broken by him ) and his son ed. . with the rest of his off-spring to the ninth degree , at a parlament at coventry , anno . but the house of lancaster was never attainted of any such crime . the hous of york came to the crown by violence and crueltie . edward . entred by violence , wilfully murthering , besides divers of the nobilitie , henry . a good and holy king , and his son prince edward , dispossessing the hous that had held the crown about years together ; in which time their title had been confirmed by many parlaments , oaths , approbations , and publick acts of the common-wealth , and the consent of all forreign nations . all which had been enough to have autorized a bad title . those of lancaster better princes than those of york . the henries of the hous of lancaster were far more worthie princes , then the princes of the houses of york ; as edw. . rich. . hen. . edw. . and if the affairs of any the former , especially the d , succeeded not , the chief caus thereof was the sedition , rebellion and troubles raised by those of york , and their contention against the princes of the houses of lancaster . the cruelty of the princes of york , one to the other . the princes of york have not been onely cruel to their enemies , but to themselvs too ; embrewing their hands in their own blood : then when they had ruined th'other , george duke of clarence conspired against edw. . his own brother ; with whom reconciled , edw. caused him afterwards to bee murthered at calis . rich. . murthered his two young nephews ; and henry . a great number of that hous , as edmund de la poole his cousin german ; henry duke of buckingham , his great ant 's son : extinguishing that , and ruining this familie . also henry courtney marquis of exceter , his own cousin german , the ladie margaret countess of salisbury , and daughter to george d. of clarence ; and her son the l. montague , &c. the kindness of the princes of lancaster . but the love , union , confidence , faithfulness , kindeness and loialtie of the princes of lancaster towards th'other was very notable , as in the brothers of henry ; and the brothers of henry . and in five or six dukes of somerset , their near cosens ; which argueth both a marvellous confidence those princes had in that quarrel , and a great blessing of god unto the whole familie that agree'd so well . the successes of such noble houses as followed either partie . another blessing seemeth to bee bestowed on them ; that no antient great houses are remaining at this day in england , but such as chiefly took their parts ; as , arundel , oxford , northumberland , westmerland and shrewsbury : whereas the chief partakers of the other faction are all destroied ; as , mowbray duke of norfolk , de la poole duke of suffolk , th' earl of salisbury , th' earl of warwick , and many others . cap. iii. examination of the title of the hous of scotland . sect. . allegations for the k. of scots . . that hee is descended of the eldest daughter of henry . without bastardie , or other lawful impediment ; and therefore hath the right of prioritie . . the benefit would accrew unto the common-wealth , by the uniting of england and scotland , a point long sought for . . the establishing of true religion in england . hee is not of the hous of lancaster , but rather of york . hee is not descended truly of the hous of lancaster , becaus not of the ladie blanch , the true heir thereof : but of kathathine swinford , whose children were unlawfully begotten ; ( though afterwards legitimated by parlament ) so that his best title is by york , inferior to that of lancaster , and therefore is to com in after them of that hous . forrein birth not just impediment in succession to the crown of england . hee is forrein born , and therefore excluded by the laws of england from inheriting within the land . answ . . this assertion in an universal sens is fals ; for a stranger may purchase , and inherit by the right of his wife : & edw. . & henrie . . . the statute of edw. . is to bee restrained unto proper inheritance onely : viz. that no person born out of the allegiance of england ( whose father and mother were not of the same allegiance at the time of his birth ) shall not demand inheritance within the same allegiance . . this statute toucheth not the crown , nor any , except express mention bee made thereof . . the crown cannot properly bee called an inheritance of allegiance , or within allegiance ; beeing held immediately from god . . the statute meaneth inheritance by descent onely ; but the crown is a thing incorporate , and therefore goeth as by succession . now if a prior , dean , &c. or other head incorparate , though an alien , may inherit or demand lands in england , notwithstanding the statute , much more may the inheritor to the crown . . express exception is made in the statues of enfants du roi ; which word cannot but include all the king's off-spring , and blood-roial . . king stephen and henry . born out of the realm , and of parents that were not of the allegiance of england when they were born , were yet admitted to the crown without contradiction : which argueth , that by the cours of the common law there was no such stop against aliens ; and that if the statute would have abridged the antient libertie in this case of succession , it would have made special mention there , which it doth not . the king of scots excluded by the last will of henry . henry . his will , whereby he excludeth the off-spring of margaret s. . which though somwhat infringed by the testimony of two or three . s . yet 't is plain it was his own will , because he commanded it to be drawn , written , and sealed , and never revoked it : besides it is subscribed by many witnesses , and inrolled in the chancery by his own command ; enough to make it good against the assertion of those few , who to please the time wherein they spake , ( in queen maries time ) might say and ghess the king was past memory when his stamp was put to it . now to make good what he did , two acts of parlaments , , & . of his reign , gave him full authoritie to dispose of this point of succession , as he and his learned council should think best for the common-wealth . by a statute made in the th . of elisabeth . . elisah . a statute was made , that whosoever shall be convinced to conspire , attempt , or procure the queens death , or is privie , or accessary to the same , shall loose all right , title , pretence , claim , or action , that they , or their heirs have , or may have to the crown of england . now the late queen of scots being attainted and executed by the authoritie of the said parlament , and for breach of the said statute , 't is easie to determine what title her son hath , claiming only by her . the uniting of scotland with england , dangerous to the english , or like to be . . only the increase of subjects : but those rather to participate the commodities of england , than to impart any from scotland . . the natural hatred of that people unto us , and their ancient inclination to joyn with our enemies the french , and irish against us , are arguments of great mischiefs likely to ensue by that conjunction . . the scot must needs hold in jealousie so many englishmen , competitors of the blood royal , and therefore will fortifie himself against them by those forrein nations , of whom he is discended , with whom he is allyed , as the scots , french , danes , and uncivil irish , which will prove intolerable to the english . . the king , both for his own safety , and for the love he beareth to his own nation , will advance them , and plant them about him in chief places of credit ; which must needs breed emulations and controversies between them and the english : then must he of force secretly begin to favor and fortifie his own , to the incredible calamitie of the other , as canutus did his danes , and william the conqueror his normans , neither of them enemies to the english blood , nor evil kings , but careful of their own safeties ; for herein it is impossible to be neutral . . the romans with all their power and policie could never unite the hearts of england and scotland in peace , nor hold the scots and north-irish in obedience of any authority residing in england : what then are we to hope for of this king herein ? the religion of scotland unpleasing to our state . his religion is neither fit for our state , wherein archbishops , &c. and officers of cathedral churches are of much dignitie ; and there suppressed : nor will be pleasing to our nobilitie , to be subject to the exorbitant and popular authoritie of a few ordinary ministers ; which the king himself is there content to yield unto . and therefore it is likely , that few will be forward to entertain that king for the reforming of religion here , that hath no better order in his own at home . for the ladie arabella . for the ladie arabella , is alleged , her being an equal degree of discent with the king of scots : her being above him , in all hopes for herself , or benefit to the english , that can be expected in an english prince , and a prince born in england . against her . neither she , nor the scot are properly of the house of lancaster : and the title of lancaster is before the pretence of york , ut suprà . . the testament of king henry . barreth her as well as the scot . . her discent is not free from bastardie , for queen margaret soon after the death of her first husband married steward lord of annerdale , who was alive long after her marriage with anguis : and it is most certain also , that anguis had another wife alive when he married the said queen . all this confirmed by the lord william howard ( father to the now admiral ) sent into scotland by henry . of purpose to enquire thereof ; who reported it to king henry , queen mary , and divers others . for this cause king henry would have letted the marriage between anguis and his sister ; and chiefly caused him to exclude her issue . . she is a woman , and it were perhaps a great inconvenience , that three of the weak sex should succeed one the other . . all her kindred by her father is meer scotish . in england she hath none but by her mother , the candishes : a mean familie and kindred for a princess . cap. vi . examination of the title of the house of suffolk : being darby and hartford . sect. . . the earle of hartford's children , illegitimate . the children of the earle of hartford discending of ladie frances , the eldest daughter of charles brandon , are proved illigitimate . . because the ladie katharine gray their mother was lawful wife to the earle of pembroke , ( when they were born ) not separated from him by lawful authority , or for any just cause ; but abandoned by him , because her house was come into misery and disgrace . . it could never be lawfully proved that the said earle and ladie katharine were married , but only by their own assertions ; not sufficient in law : therefore was the marriage disannulled in the arches , by publick and definitive sentence of parker , archbishop of canterbury , not long after the birth of the said children . . when the marquess of dorset married their grandmother the ladie frances , he had another lawful wife , sister to h. fitz-allen , earle of arundel , whom he put away to obtain so great a marriage as was the lady frances : this bred much hate between the marquess and earle ever after : but the marquess favor with k. henry , deprived the other of all remedy . and therefore may their mother the lady katharine seem illegitimate too . bastardie in the issue of charles brandon . charles brandon had a wife alive , when he married the queen of france , by which wife he had issue the ladie powyse , wife of the lord powyse : and this wife of his lived some time after his marriage with the queen . darby's evasion . this wife ( say the friends of darby ) died before the birth of the lady eleonor the yonger daughter , their ancestor ; though after the birth of the lady francis , hartford's ancestor . hartford's confutation of the first bastardie . to the first bastardy of hartford , their friends affirm , that the contract between the lady katharine , and the earl of pembrook was dissolved lawfully , and judicially in the time of queen mary . hartford's evasion of the second bastardie , in the behalf of his second born , edward seymore . the lady katharine being found with child , affirmed the earle of hartford to be the father : hereupon he being sent for out of france ( where he was with sir n. throgmorton , and had got leave to travel into italie ) confessed it at his return ; and both of them affirmed they were man and wife : but because they could not prove it by witnesses , and for attempting such a matter with one of the blood royal without privitie , and license of the prince , they were both committed to the tower : where they used means to meet afterwards , and had the second son ed. seymore . now the first son may be ligitimate before god , yet illegitimate before men , and therefore incapable of succession . for the second , to be legitimate , whereas there wanteth nothing but witnesses , ( for the presence of minister is not absolutely necessary ) to justifie their marriages by law ; the queen herself , her counsel , and as many as had the examination of these parties , upon their first act , or child-birth , are witnesses unto them ; besides their resolution to continue man and wife protested before them and confirmed by this effect of their second carnal meeting in the tower . cap. vii . examination of the title of the houses of clarence and britanie . against the house of clarence in general . their claim is founded only upon the daughter of george duke of clarence , yonger brother of ed. . so that as long as any lawful issue remaineth of the daughters of the elder brother , no claim or pretence of theirs can be admitted . . if the pretence of lancast . be better than that of york ( as before it seemeth to be proved , s. . . . . &c. ) then holdeth not this of clarence , which is meerly of york . . the house of clarence hath been often attainted ; . in george himself . . in the countess of salisbury his daughter , and heir . . in the lord montague her son and heir : whereby their whole interests were cut off . for albeit since those attainders it hath been restored in blood , yet hath not that been sufficient to recover unto that house the ancient lands and titles of honor thereunto belonging : for they were forfeited to the crown , as is also to the next in blood unattainted , the prerogative of succeeding to the crown : unless special mention had been made thereof in their restauration . against the earle of huntington , in favor of the pooles . upon the attainder of the lord montague with his mother of salisbury , all such right as they had , or might had being cut off in them , fell upon geoffrey , brother of the said lord . . because he was not attainted . . he was a degree neerer unto the duke of clarence , ( and thereby hath the priviledge of an uncle before the neece , ( s. . . ) than the lady katharine . . he was a man , she a woman ( and neither of their fathers in possession of the thing pretended ) which priviledge of sex got the last king of spain the kingdom of portugal . . inconvenience of religion ; ( this point altered by the death of the last earle ) . first title of the infant ; as heir unto the house of britain , from william the conqueror . ( sect. . ) she is discended of the antient royal blood of england : from the eldest daughter of the conqueror , constance : whereof her friends infer two consequences . . when the conqueror's sons died without issue , or were made incapable of the crown ( as henry . seemed to be for the violence used to his elder brother robert , and his son william , sect. . ) then should the elder sister have entred before king stephen , who was born of alice or adela her yonger sister . the coming of a woman no bar to inher in england . though the salick law seemeth to exclude her from the crown of france ; yet from the inheritance of england , britanie , aquitayne , &c. coming to her by women , and falling ordinarily in women , nor that , nor other law excludeth her . second title of the infant by france , whereof she is heir general , from henry . she is lineally descended from eleonor the eldest daughter of henry . ( sect. . ) by whom she is heir general of france , and thereby of england ( sect. . ) for three reasons . . king john by the murther of his nephew arthur of britanie , forfeited all his states whatsoever : now this happened four years before his son henry . was born ; and therefore the crown by right should have come to the said eleonor his elder sister . . arthur being prisoner in the castle of roan , and suspecting that he should be murthered by his uncle john , nominated the lady blanche , daughter and heir to eleonor to be his heir ; which were it not good , yet when he and his sister was put to death , she and her mother were next of kinn unto them , for any more of england , ( s. . ) . john was actually deposed by the barons and states of the realm , regni sui , and lewis of france the husband of blanche elected and admitted , with their whole consent : to whom they swore fealtie and obedience in london , for him and his heirs , and posteritie , . giving him possession of london , and the tower , and many other important places . now ableit that they chose after his john's son henry ; yet titles and interests to kingdoms once rightly gotten , never die , but remain ever for the posterity to set a foot : so came hugo capetus to the crown of france , odo earle of paris his ancester , being once elected , admitted , and sworn king , though after deposed , and charles the simple chosen . third title of the infanta , from henry . she is lineally discended of beatrix , daughter of henry . ( s. . ) now seeing that the posterity of both her brothers edward and edmond , ( the heads of the two houses of lancaster and york ) have oftentimes been attainted , and excluded from the succession by sundry acts of parliament , and at this day are at contention among themselves ; why may not the right of both houses , by composition , peace , and comprimise , at least , be passed over to their sisters issue ? objections against the infanta . . these her claims are very old and worn out . . her claims are but collateral by sisters . . she is a stranger , and alien born . . her religion is contrary to the state . answered by those that favor her title . antiquity hurteth not the goodness of titles to kingdoms ( when occasion is offered to advance them ) which commonly are never presumed to die , & nullum tempus occurrit regi . . collateral lines may lawfully be admitted to enter , when the direct either fail , or are to be excluded for other just respect . . the point of forrein birth is sufficiently answered before . ( sect. . ) . the impediment of other religion is not universal , nor admitted in the judgment of all men , but onely of such english as differ in religion from her : to the rest ( and those many ) it will rather bee a motive to favor then hinder her title . cap. viii . examination of the houses of spain and portugal . the dutchie of lancaster belong's to portugal . the king of spain is lineally descended from the two daughters of john of gant , by his two first wives : ( sect. , . ) the former whereof , ( the ladie blanche ) beeing heir of the duchie ( sect. . ) when the posteritie of his issue male by her came to bee exstinct ( as it was in the children of h. . ) there is no reason , but the issue of his daughters ( those that claim by portugal ( sect. ) should succeed ; at least in the inheritance of that duchie . the crown of england to john of somerset , son to john of gant. but for the right and title to the crown of england , which came by john of gant himself ( third son of edw. : and eldest that lived when hee died ) john earl of somerset , though begotten out of matrimonie , yet afterwards legitimated ( sect. . ) his eldest son by katharine swinford was to inherit before the ladie philippe his sister , by the ladie blanche . the first reason of portugal against somerset . against which the favorites , of portugal allege divers reasons . . beeing born out of wedlock , and in adulterie , ( sect. . ) and continuing a bastard many years , hee could not bee made legitimate afterwards by parlament , to that effect of succession to the crown , before q. philippe of portugall , and her children born before his legitimation ; who thereby had vim acquisitam ( as the law saith ) which could not bee taken away by any posterior act of parlament , without consent of the parties interessed . second reason . john king of portugal married the ladie philippe , with condition to enjoy all prerogatives that at day were due unto her ; which was six or seven years before his legitimation . for don alonso and don edwardo , the two sons of the said john and philippe were born in the years , and . and john of gant married katharine swinford , and legitimated her children in the years , & . third reason . the marriage of john of gant with katharine swinford helpeth litle to better this legitimation ; ( which by the rules of the common and civil laws is but a bare deposition : ) for their children were spurii , begotten in plain adulterie , not in fornication onely ; and consequently the privilege that the law giveth to the subsequent mariage of the parties , by legitimating such children as are born in simple fornication ( where the parties are single ) cannot take place here ; nor can any legitimation equal , much less prefer the legitimated , before the lawful and legitimate by birth . the fourth reason alleged by the favorers of portugal against the issue of john of somerset . when henry . and his son were extinguished , and edw. . usurped the crown , there remained of the ladie philippe , alfonse the fift , king of portugal her nephew ; of john of somerset , margaret countess of richmond his neece . the question is , which of these two competitors of the hous of lancaster , and in equal degree from john of gant , and henry . should have succession by right immediately after the death of henry . alfonso ( say they ) for three reasons . first , hee was a man , and margaret but a woman ( though shee came of the man , and hee of the woman . ) . hee descended of the lawful and eldest daughter ; shee of the younger brother legitimated . . hee was of the whole blood to h. . and shee but of the half : in which regard hee was to bee preferred , at least , in all the interests of succession which were to bee had from henry . onely , and were never in his father john of gant , which were many ; as his right gotten by arms , upon the evil government of the former king ; his election by parlament , and coronation by the realm , &c. ( see for the rest sect. . . ) besides when king richard . was dead , hee was next in degree of propinquitie unto him of any man living ; as hath before been proved , sect. . cap. ix . the genealogie , and controversies of portugal . . the genealogie of portugal . emanuel had by one wife six children . . john . hee john , that died in his father's time ; hee sebastian , slain by the moors in barbarie . . isabel grandmother to the present king of spain . . beatrix , grandmother to the duke of savoy . . lewis , father of don antonio , lately deceased in england . . henry cardinal , and after king. . edw. father of mary duchess of parma , who hath two sons , ranuntius duke of parma , and edward a cardinal , and father of katharine , duchess of bragança yet living ; whose issue is , theodosius duke of bragança , edward , alexander and philippe , young princes of great exspectation . five pretenders unto the crown of portugal . sebastian beeing dead , henry son of emanuel succeeded ; who beeing old , unmarried , unlikely to have issue ; before him was debated the right of five pretenders to the succession of that crown ; vid. philippe of spain , philibert duke of savoy , the duke of parma ( his mother beeing then deceased ) don antonio , and the duchess of bragança : the three first by their deputies , the fourth ( anthonio ) by himself , and for himself ; the fift by her husband the duke and his learned council . of these , the duke of savoy was soon excluded , becaus his mother was younger sister to k. philip's mother , and himself younger then philippe . don antonio a bastard , and excluded . don antonio was also rejected and pronounced a bastard by the said king henry , for many reasons . . hee was taken to bee so all his father's life time , and that without question . . certain decrees coming out from rome , in the time of julius . against the promotion of bastards ; hee sued to the said pope to bee dispensed withall . his father don lewis hath oftentimes testified by word and writing that hee was his bastard , and signified asmuch in his last will . . it is likely that if lewis had married his mother , who was base in birth , and of the jewish ( as som stories affirm ) hee would have made som of his friends and kindred acquainted therewith , as a matter so much important to them to know ; which hee never did : though the king avowed himself was present with him at his death . . if hee had been legitimate , why did hee not pretend the succession before the said king , next after the death of sebastian , beeing son to his elder brother , as well as was sebastian . . whereas hee had produced witnesses ( vid. his mother , sister , with her husband , and two others ) to prove , that his father before his death had married with his mother in secret : the said k. cardinal affirmed , that upon their examination hee had found they were suborned by anthonio : becaus they agreed not in their reports , and becaus som of them confessed they were suborned : whereupon hee hath caused them to be punished . if not , why not duke of lanc. seeing that in england wee hold the said don anthonio for true king of portugal , i see not how wee can deny his children their right , at least to the duchie of lancaster : whereof whosoëver is right heir of portugal , should bee rightest heir , ( sect. . ) . allegations to prove the duke of parm's right . that hee represented his mother , and shee her father , lo. edward , who , had hee been alive , had carried it from his elder sister elisa . k. philip's . mother : consequently his issue to bee preferred before hers . . against the duchess of bragança , that his mother was the elder sister , therefore hee who represented her person , was to bee preferred before her . for the duchess of bragança , and against the point of representation . shee was born and bred in portugal : philip and parma were forrein . . shee was nearer by a degree unto emanuel , and henry the cardinal , then the duke of parma . . against the representation urged by parma , that no representation was admitten in the succession to the crown of portugal ; but that every pretender was to bee taken and preferred according to the prerogatives onely of his person , as the next in propinquitie of blood , or the man before the woman , and the elder before the younger , if they bee in equal degree of propinquitie to the former kings . touching representations . ( contra sect. . ) the last king sebastian entred the crown by way of representation , not by propinquitie of blood , the cardinal beeing brother , and hee but nephew unto the former king john . ( sect. . ) answ. hee was of the right descendant line of k. john . and the cardinal but of the collateral ; and all law alloweth the right line to bee served and preferred before the collateral bee admitted : this was the caus of his coming to the crown , and not representation . allegations of king philip's right to portugal . seeing then that representation was not admitted , but every pretendor considered in his own person onely ( sect. . ) king philip beeing in equal degree of propinquitie of blood with the duchesses , alleged hee was to bee preferred before them both : becaus a man , and born before them . . the inheritance of portugal ( besides that it belonged to the crown of castile , of old evidently belonged to john , king of castile , by the marriage of beatrix , daughter and heir of ferdinand king of portugal : after whose death it was conferred by election of the people on john , m. of avis , bastard-brother of the foresaid ferdinand : & by him the said beatrix , and her posteritie wrongfully debarred and excluded . king philip his own carver in spain . when these contentions were at the hottest , died the k. cardinal , before he could decide them . whereupon the k. of spain taking his right to bee best ; and ( becaus a monarch , and under no temporal judg ) thinking hee was not bound to attend any other , or further judgment in the matter , but might by force put himself in possession of his own ( as hee took it , ) if otherwise hee might not have it ; hee entered upon portugal by force of arms , and at this day holdeth it peaceably . the end of the controversie . an objection in behalf of representation in the succession of england . representation taketh place in england : so as the children of the son , though women , shall ever bee preferred before those of the daughter , though men . therefore seeing the ladie philippes right to the dukedom of lancaster , and crown of england ( mentioned sect. , , &c. ) is to bee preferred according to the laws of england ; onely it followeth , that the right of succession pretended by the princes of portugal from the said ladie philippe , should bee determined onely by the laws of england , which admit of representation . answer to the former objection . the question is not here , by what law this pretence by portugal to the crown of england is to bee tried : but rather who is the true and next heir of john of portugal , and the ladie philippe , heir of lancaster : which once known , it little importeth by what law hee pretendeth his right unto england ; whether of portugal , or england : though to determine this first and chief point of the succession of portugal , the laws of portugal must needs bee the onely judges , and not those of england . cap. x. whether it bee better to live under a forrein or a home-born prince , a great monarch , or a little king . against forrein-government the opinion of law-makers . aristotle , in all the different forms of common-wealths which hee prescribeth in his books of politicks , ever presupposeth , that the government shall bee by people of the self-same nation : the same also do presume all the law-makers therein mentioned ; as , minos , solon , lycurgus , numa pompilius , and the rest . of orators and writerr . demosthenes his famous invectives against philip of macedonia , that desired to encroach upon the state of greece ; and his orations against eschines , who was thought secretly to favor the pretences of the said forrein princes . the books of the italians , when they speak of their former subjection to the lombardes , germanes , french , and their present to the spaniard . the late writings of the french against the power of the hous of guise and lorrain , whom they hold for strangers . of nations by their proceedings and designs . the desperate and bloodie executions of divers nations , to th'end they might rid themselvs from stranger's dominion , are arguments of the very impression of nature herself in this matter : for examples whereof , see q. curtius , lib. . & . and the sicilians , who at one evensong-tide slew all the french within their iland , whom themselvs had called and invited thither not long before . and the english , who murthered all the danes at one time : and would have don as much for the normans , if themselvs had been strong enough , or the advers partie less vigilant . and the french in the time of charles the . when nothing could repress them from revolting every where against the english government , of which at length by hook and crook they wholly free'd themselvs . of holy scripture . the autoritie of holy scriptures is evident in this behalf ; deut. . . thou shalt make them king over thee whom the lord thy god shall choos out of the number of thy brethren : thou mai'st not set a stranger over thee , which is not of thy brethren . in the behalf of forrein government . this hatred of stranger's government , is but a vulgar aversion of passionate , or foolish men ; passionate by corruption of nature , whereby men are inclined to think evil of others ; especially their governors ; and the more the farther they are from us in kindred or acquaintance ; foolish , as those that weigh not the true reasons , causes , or effects of things ; but onely the outward shew , and popular apprehension , grounded for the most part in the imagination , or incitation of others , who endeavor onely to procure tumults . it importeth not what countrimam the prince bee , so his goverement bee good . all passion against stranger , or unto others laid aside , wee are onely to respect the fruits of good and profitable government ; the peace and proprietie of the subject : which what prince ( bee hee native or forreign ) soëver procureth us , is fittest for ours or any other government : for after a prince is established , the common subject hath no more conversation with him , nor receiveth further personal benefits of him , than of a meer stranger . then if hee govern ill , what is the subject the better by his beeing home-born . home-born princes and tyrants . as in the like case the children of israël said of rehoboam , quae nobis pars in david , vel quae haereditas in filio jesse ? king. . . whom they abandoned , and chose jeroboam his servant , and a stranger . and what availed it the duke of glocester , tho. of woodstock , that hee lived under his nephew ric. . or the duke of clarence the right of his brother ( sect. . ) or the de la pooles , staffords , plantagenets , their beeing under their near kinsman henry . by whom they lost both their lives , possessions and kindred . many other examples might bee drawn from the romans , sicilians , spanish , english , &c. who have been much the wors for their home-born princes . opinion , and the beeing under several governors , make 's strangers , or no strangers . who bee strangers , and who not , dependeth much of the opinion and affection of each people , and nation the one towards the other : but chiefly their being under the same , or several governments . the hous of guise , and their kindred , were held for strangers in france ; yet came they but out of lorrain , a province bordering upon france ; and of the same nation , language , and manners ; onely under another prince . the florentines are hated and held strangers in siena , where they govern : albeit the one state bee not miles from the other ; and both of one nation , language , and education . on the contrarie , the biscayns hold not the castillians for strangers ; nor the normans and britains the french ; nor the welsh the the english ; a different people , and of different language . three means of coming under forreign government . one nation may becom subject to another , either by conquest , as the welsh were to the english ; the english to the normans and danes , sicilia and naples to the spaniards , &c. or inheritance , as aquitaine and normandie to england ; the provinces to spain ; britanie to france . or by mixt means of force and composition , as milan to spain ; ireland to england ; and portugal in our daies to spain . the condition of conquest , and the wisest conquerors . conquest is of these three the hardest for the subject , all standing at the will and humor of the conqueror , whom either anger , fear , or jealousie of his assurance may often drive to hold a hard hand over the conquered ; at least for a time , until his state be settled : yet have these ever ( at least the wisest ) dealt like physitians , who after a vehement purgation minister lenitives , and soft medicines , to calm and appease the good humors left , and to strengthen the whole bodie again , that it may hold out . commendation of the romane government , best to their forrein subjects . the carriage of the romans was so just , considerate , sweet , and modest towards all forrein nations they had conquered , that it allured divers nations to desire to be under them , and to be rid of their natural kings ; as the subjects of antiochus , and mithridates . other kings to gratifie their subjects , nominated the romane empire for their successor , as attalus of pergamus , and ptolomie of egypt , and others . their manner was to do most favors , and give most priviledges unto the most remote nations , they having the best ability to rebel against them : wherein this circumstance of being most strangers , most helped them . so are the french to the britans , &c. the like rule of police have all great monarchs used ever since . as in france the states of gasconie and guyen ( conquered from the english ) pay far less tribute to the king , than those of the isle of france it self . the britains which were old enemies , and came to the crown by marriage , pay much less than they . the normans somwhat more than either , because they lie somwhat neerer to paris ; yet less than the natural frenchmen . venetians to candia . the candians pay not the third part of the impositions ( unto the state of venice , whereto they are subject ) that do the natural subjects of venice , in italie : because it is an island a part , and standeth further off . spaniards to their subjects of italie . the subjects of naples , scicilie , and milan , pay not the aloavalla ; viz. the tenth penie of all that is bought and sold , and imposed upon the natural spaniards ; nor are they subject to the inquisition of spain ( especially not naples and milan ) nor doth any law , or edict made in spain hold in those countries , except it be allowed by the states thereof ; nor may any of their old priviledges be infringed , but by their own consents : nor are they charged with any part of the extraordinary subsidies , which the king requireth of spain . and of the low-countries . the flemings enjoyed great tranquility under the dominion of spain , before they revolted : having a governor of another nation over them : but his time being but short , he strove principally to get , and hold the peoples good will , thereby to be grateful to his king at his return home : and if he attempted ought against them , they complained by their chancellor residing for them in the spanish court ( for all forrein nations have their particular counsel there about the king ) and by his mediation , obtained many priviledges . now in the space of . ( in all which time they have been suffered to traffick freely into spain ) years of their revolt , there hath not a quarter so many been punished by order of justice , as conte lewis their natural prince caused to be executed in one day in bruxells , which were . nor had alva any thank of the king , for putting to death count egmont , and horne ; whereas in arragon , a neerer state , there were many heads chopt off upon a late insurrection . so that the circumstance of being strangers , and dwelling far off , doth them great pleasure , and giveth them many priviledges above the home-born , or neer limitting subjects . the states of italie better governed by their late vice-roys , than their former home-born princes . in italie , if you compare the number of the afflicted , and executed by justice , or otherwise , under their home-born kings , with that which hath been since , you shall finde twenty for one , especially of the nobilitie : the reason is , their kings were absolute , and acomptant to no man ; and being but men , and having their passions and emulations with the nobilitie , which they might satisfie without controule ; they pulled down and set up at pleasure , and oftentimes made but a jeast of noblemens lives and deaths . but viceroys have no authority , nor commission to touch principal persons lives , without relation given thereof to your king and council , and their order touching it . then knowing that after their three years government is ended , they must stay forty dayes as private men , under the succeeding governor , to answer their former proceedings against all that shall accuse them ; they take heed what they do , and whom they offend . the late kings of england extreamly cruel to their nobilitie . to come neerer home , and to omit those which in the time of wars , rebellions , and commotions ( occasions somwhat justifiable ) have been cut off , within the space of one five years of henry . there were executed in peace by justice , and the princes command , dukes , archbishop , earles , the baron of kinderton , and four knights . within almost as little a space of ed. . his time , dukes , earles , barons , knights , and many other afterwards ( for this was but in the beginning of his reign ) but when all doubt of contention about succession ( which moved those two kings , the more excusably , to these cruelties ) was taken away , in henry . his time , were either cut off , or clean put down , queens his wives , cardinals , dukes , marquess , earles , countesses , lords , or abbots , knights in great number , gentlemen infinite ; what spaniard could , or durst have done so much ? better to live under a great , than a little monarch . he is best able to defend , and protect his subjects . he hath ordinarily least need to pill , and pole them ; ( for a little king , though never so mean , will keep the state of a king , which his subjects must maintain ) he hath more to bestow upon his subjects , for reward of virtue , or valor . a great prerogative unto every subject , to be born under one that hath much to give ; whereas he that is born in the cities of geneva , or genoa ( let him be of what abilitie , or worth soëver ) can hope for no more preferment than those common-wealths can give , which is all too little ; what then would it be , were there many worthie men born there at one time ? a forrein prince living among us without forrein forces . another manner of living under forrein princes , is when the prince cometh to dwel among us without forces ; as did king stephen and henry . who were natural frenchmen , and as king philip in queen maries time here in england ; and the last king of france in polonia ; so should his brother monsieur have done here if the marriage between him and the queen had gone forward . fit for our present state , and beneficial to any . no danger , nor inconvenience can justly be feared from such a king : the benefits are , he subjecteth himself rather to the realm and nation , than they to him , and if he live , and marrie in england , both he and his children will quickly become english : for his assurance , he must be inforced to cheerish the english , thereby to gain , and perpetuate to himself their good-will and friendship ; he entereth with indifferent mind towards all men , having no kindred , or alliance within the land , to whom he is bound , nor enemie against whom he may be incensed ; so as only merit and demerit of each man must move him to favor or dis-favor , a great foundation of good and equal government . he might be admitted upon such compositions and agreement , as both the realm should enjoy her antient liberties , and perhaps more ( for forrein princes upon such occasions of their preferment commonly yield to much more than the domestical ) and the home-born pretenders should remain with more security , than they can well hope for under an english competitor . a forrein prince , with forrein support . a third manner is , when the prince bringeth forces with him for his own assurance , and these either present ; as the danish kings , and after them the three first norman princes ( who either by the help of their first subjects already in england , or by others brought in by them afterwardes , wrought their evil ) or that his forces be so neer , as he may call them in when he listeth , and that without resistance , as may the scot , whom no sea divideth from us . insupportable to our , or any state whatsoever . all danger and inconveniences may justly be feared from such a king ; yea all the mischiefs , either of domestical or forrein governments . for those of a domestical prince are , pride , crueltie , partialitie , pursuing of factions , particular hatred , extraordinary advancing of his own kindred , extreme pinching and punishing of the subject , being sure of his own partie within the realm , by reason of his presence , and therefore the less respective of others . these vices such a forrein prince is the more subject too , than the domestical , as having both external counsel of a people that hate us , to incense him , and their external force to effect his and their designs . the mischiefs of forrein government are , tyrannie of the prince , the servitude of the people ; filling and planting the realm with strangers , and dividing among them the honors , dignities , riches , and preferment thereof . all which are incident ( in all probabilitie ) to the third kind of government , and to be feared in the succession of the king of scots , whose case is within the second branch thereof , and may hereafter be within the first . forrein princes affected by some countries . best romane emperors , strangers . where kings go by election , commonly they take strangers ( in the second kinde sect. . ) so did the lacedemonians and romans in their first monarchie ; and of late the polonians in the succession of their three last kings ; and the venecians by way of good policie , have made a perpetual law , that when they are to war , and must needs chuse a general , he be a stranger ; to wit , some prince of italie , who is out of their own states ; thereby to have him the more indifferent , and equal to them all . among the latter romans , their best , and most famous emperors were strangers , as trajan and adrian , spaniards : septimius severus , an african ; constantine , english : their worst romans , as caligula , nero , heliogabalus , commodus . forrein government : which best , which worst . this second then ▪ ( s. . ) is the best : in the first kinde , of being under forrein government , and as a province to be ruled by deputies , viceroy's , &c. as the states mentioned ( s. . ) and as all the provinces of the old roman's states were , all things considered ▪ and one taken with another , the commodities and securities are more , and the damages and danger less , than in the government of domestical princes : and all the mischiefs of forrein government are only incident to the third and last ( s. . ) other imputations to the other two proceeded , from the blindness and passion of the vulgar , and some private men most likely to be interessed therein . ( s. . ) an answer to the former objection ( s. . ) against forrein government . upon other occasions and humors , the vulgar will do as much against their own country-men and princes , as the sicilians did against the french , &c. ( s. . ) and often have , both in england and else where , when they have been offended , or that seditious heads have offered themselves to lead them into tumults . aristotle answered , ( s. . ) aristotle in his politicks never handled expresly this our question , and consequently weighed not the reasons on both sides , and so left it neither decided nor impugned ; and he that was alexander's master , the master of so many forrein countries , could not well condemn it . demosthenes answered , ( s. . ) demosthenes was well feed by the king of asia , to the end he should set athens , and other grecian cities at ods with philip . on the other side , if athens a popular government wherein the force of his tongue made him have greatest sway and authoritie , were to have come under a monarch , he should have been in like credit : as he fell out to be : for all the time that alexander lived , he continued in banishment . answer to the objection out of deut. ( s. . ) when the command was given in deut. no nation besides the jews had true religion among them ; the chiefest and highest think to be expected in the admission of any magistrate ; for that it concerneth the true and highest end of a common-wealth , and of all humane society : but christ's coming into the world took away this restraint : so that all christian nations are alike , for so much as belongeth unto government . cap. xi . examination of the likelihood of each pretender to the crown of england . whereby a pretender may soonest prevail . the prevailing , or not prevailing consisteth either in the religion of the pretender , or in the strength of his particular familie , friends and allies , both at home and abroad . every one will prefer a prince of his own religion . religion ( being at this day threefold , viz. protestancy , puritanism , and papistrie ) is likely to be of much respect in the advancement or depression of each pretender . and albeit in the entrance of king ed. . queen mary and her majestie , divers men of different religions , for other respects concurred together in those princes advancement , ( which many of them repented after at better leisure ) yet t is now likely to be otherwise . because the titles of pretenders are now more doubtful . men are become more resolute in matters of religion , and by long contending , the greater enemies . ▪ men of a good conscience will hold it a point of little zeal at least , if not of atheism , to set their hands to the advancing of a prince of contrary religion to themselves . men of discretion hold it to be against all rules of policie , to promote to a kingdom in which themselves must live , one of a contrary religion : for let what bargains , agreements , vain hopes , promises soever be made before hand ; yet the princes once settled , they are sure to be opprest by degrees : so that they must either dissemble , or suffer persecution . the likelihoods of the protestant partie . the protestant , that hath the power and authority of the state in his hands , is likely to do much ; especially if he can conceal for a time the decease of her majestie , until he may put his affairs in order : but this is held to be either impossible , or very hard ; so ardent are men's minds in such occasions , and so capable of new designments , impressions , and desires are all kinde of subjects upon such great changes . the most wealthy , and strong member of this bodie is the clergie , as bishops , &c. and their followers : the nobilitie and privie council are uncertain . the house of hertford was wont to be in their favor , but of late they are the more devoted to arabella , and the house of derby . privie council out of office during the vacancie of princes . though the authority of the privie council be supreme during the prince's life ; yet it is not so afterwards : nor have they any publick authority at all , but according to their several former callings of noblemen and gentlemen . then is every man free , until a new prince be established by the common-wealth , which establishment dependeth not upon the appointment or will of any few , or upon any man's proclaiming of himself ( for divers are like to do so ) but upon a general consent of the whole bodie of the realm . the strength and affection of the puritans . the puritans , whose profession seemeth to be the more perfect , are more generally favored throughout the realm , ( if not of papists ) than the protestant ; which make's even all those protestants , who are less interessed in ecclesiastical livings , or other preferments depending on the state , very much affected to them . their side is held to be the most ardent , quick , bold , resolute of any other : as those which have a great part of the best captains , and souldiers , and great towns ( where preachers have made the more impression in the artificers , and burgesses ) much devoted to them : nor want they probabilities of having the city of london , the tower , and most part of the navie much enclined to them : their forrein partie will be the reformed churches of france ( now not many ) and of the low ▪ countries . the earle of huntington was the lord beacham ( by reason of his marriage ) is most affected by them . the king of scots , if not a stranger ) would also be for his religion very plausible . the strength and affection of the papists . the papists , least in shew , because held under , yet are of small consideration in respect of their home and forrein partie . at home they are either recusants , or such as accommodate themselves , for wordlie respects , unto all external proceedings of the time and state ; of which sort are the most part of the countrie people , of whom the contrarie preachers are not so frequent . to them such as are discontented do easily joyn also , & omnes qui amaro animo sunt cum illis se conjungunt . reg. . . as the most afflicted by the present state . besides , there is ever likely a certain natural compassion in most men towards those that suffer , and of compassion cometh affection , of affection desire to help . moreover the persecution against the papists hath much stirred them up to far more eager defence of their cause , and hath wrought a great impression in their hearts . their affection is thought indifferent towards any one , be he stranger or domestical , who is likest to restore their religion ; not much inclined to any one of the pretenders in particular : a point of great consequence , by reason of the incertainty , and likely to give them great sway , wheresoever they shall bend at that day . the forrein strength of the papists very great and important . the forrein helps are ( besides the exiled english , who have both friends and kindred at home ) the affections of forrein princes , & states favorers of their religion ; whose ports , towns , and provinces be near upon england round about ; and for such a time and purpose cannot want commoditie to give succor ; which thing weighed together with the known inclination that way of ireland , and the late declaration made by many of the scottish nobilitie and gentrie , to favor that cause , are arguments that this bodie is also great and strong , and likely to bear no small sway in the deciding of this countroversie . for , and against the king of scots . likelihoods of the scot , besides the prioritie of his title in vulgar opinion , are his youth , his being a king , his moderate nature , having shed little blood hitherto , his affection in religion to such as like thereof : on the other-side , the reasons of state before alleged against him , especially his alliance with the danes , and dependance of the scottish nation seem to weigh much with englishmen ( s. . ) for , and against the lady arabella . for arabella is alleged her being a yong ladie , and thereby fit to procure affections ; and that by her marriage she may joyn some other title with her own , and therby friends . against her , her being nothing at all allied with the nobilitie of england ; her title as doubtful as the rest , if not more ( s. . ) her religion can be no great motive either for , or against her : for by all likelihood it is as tender yet , green and flaxible , as is her age , and sex . the kindred and power of beacham and derbie . the lord beacham and earle of derbie have had their titles examined before , ( cap. . ) their difference in mean and kindred is great : for derbie far exceedeth the other in both : for the kindred of hertford are but few , his father being the first raiser of his house : but derbie hath , besides the stanleys ( which are many , and of good power ) the lords sturton , monteagle , morley , dacres of the north , the earle of cumberland , some of the arundels , poynes of glocester , and many others ; besides lancaster , cheshire , and north-wales ; which for the most part depend upon him . the likelihoods of the earle of huntington . the earle of huntington his alliance is not great ; in the last earl it was , the earle of leicester , and warwick , and sir philip sidney living ; besides he was like to have the whole power of london ( a matter of great importance and which advanced ed. . two several times ) by which means , and by all the forces and affection of the puritan , and much of the protestant , he was thought to be in great forwardness . but now these great pillers failing , no man can assure himself what the success of this earle or his issue will be . a short survey of all forrein pretenders . the infanta pretendent of the house of britain is a princess of rare parts , both for beautie , wisdom , and piety . the two yong princes of parma were imps of great expectation , and divers waies neer of kin to the spaniard ; as near to whom are the children of the duchess of bragança , who are all princes of rare virtue and valor ; and of singular affection to the english nation ; which divers of them , travelling portugal , have tasted . what the means of the spaniard is , all the world may see ; what his , or any of their success will be in this matter , no man can determine . that there will be wars about the succession . this affair will not be ended by any possibilitie moral without some war , at least wise , for some time at the beginning ; and that for divers reasons . the first reason . the matter cannot be disputed and determined during her majesties life without evident danger of her person , for many causes in the like case , and especially now , that she groweth to be old , and without hope of issue . the second reason . the declaration of an heir arparent now made , would move infinite humors and affections within the realm , and stir coals , and cast firebrands over all the kingdom ( perhaps further ) which now lie raked up and hidden in the embers . the third reason . the declaration , though it were now made by parlament or authoritie of her majestie , would not fully end the controversie : for albeit some pretenders that should be passed over or put back , would perhaps be silent for the present ; yet afterwards 't is certain they would both speak and spurn when occasion were offered . the fourth reason . this declaration would be dangerous to him were declared : for on the one side it would make her majestie very jealous of him ; on the other side , unite and arm all other pretenders , and their followers , against him : and of all recounted by our histories , to be declared in this manner none ( being not kings children ) ever came to reign . the fifth reason . the pretenders being so many , and their pretences so ambiguous as they be , it is to be thought , that none , or few will presently at the beginning abandon their hopes and titles , but prove at least what friends will stand to them , and how matters will go for , or against them ; especially seeing they may do it without danger of law , their rights and pretences being manifest : and for this first assay arms are necessary . the sixth reason . if any would in process of time forgo their titles ( as divers will at length , and many must , for one only can speed ) yet that they be not seased or oppressed on a suddain , and at first by the adverse partie , as the course is in such cases , t is likely each one will arm himself and friends at the beginning : for better conditions will be granted them being armed , than being naked ; and the more that stand together on their guard , the easier and sooner peace may they procure of him that prevaileth : for a displeasure is sooner pardoned to a multitude , or potent adversary , than to one , or a weak one . now the common peril of the not prevailers , knitting them together for their own defence , besides their own safegard , will be the ground of much securitie to him also that reigneth : they being not likely to conspire against him , because they are many , and by consequent not easily drawn to agree among themselve , whom to prefer , where he pulled down . no main battel , but rather a composition . this matter is not like to come easily to any great or main battel , but rather to be ended at length by some composition and general agraement : and that for this reason . the reason . the pretenders are many , and their power and friends lying in divers and different parts of the realm ; they will one fear the other , and seek to fortifie themselves where their strength lieth , especially towards the ports and seafide , for receiving of succor . therefore will they not much urge nor press one the other in the beginning , but every part attended rather to strengthen it self for the time . which of the pretenders are likeliest to bear it . there be two sorts of pretenders , the one forrein , the other english : of forrein , the infanta it likest to bear it , or some other by her title , laid upon him by her friends good-will . of domestical , the earle of hartford's second son . of forrein , the infanta , and why . she is a woman , and may easilie joyn ( if her father will ) the titles of britanie and portugal together . she is unmarried , and by her marriage may make some other composition , either at home or abroad , that may facilitate the matter . she is a great princess , and fit for some great state ; and other princes of christendom would perhaps more willingly concur in such a composition of matters by her , and by casting all forrein titles on her , than that the king of spain should add this kingdom unto his monarchie : a thing which those princes his neighbors in reason of state , would not so well allow of . some such moderation would take away much of the aversion of the english from forrein government : for hereby no subjection would be feared to any forrein realm , but rather divers benefits to the realm of england . ( s. . ) of domestical , the earle of hartford's second son , and why . he seemeth to be cleared of the bastardie that lieth nearest of all upon those children ; and therefore to be preferred before his elder brother ( s. . ) he is unmarried , a point of no small moment for the joyning or fortifying of titles , and for making of compositions of peace and union with the opposite parties . his religion is not 〈◊〉 , and consequently every partie may hope to draw him to their sides ; being free to follow what he shall think most expedient for his own advancement , without knot or obligation to follow other men's affections or judgements ; as he would be presumed to be , were he married , or much obliged to any other familie . finis . this manuscript treatise of broken successions of the crown of england , coming from the hands of a popish priest , and comprehending the substance of what was written and published by father parson 's the jesuit , under the name of doleman , for ends best known to themselves ; but justly suspected , to be no way for the freedom of the english nation , may give the greater occasion for the wisdom of latter times , to prevent those commotions towards confusion , as might seem to threaten a second part of that horrid design of the gun-power treason , novemb. . . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- plato de repub. cic. de repub. arist. pol. pompon. mela. lib. . cap. . . tacit. l. . arist. l. . polit. c. . , . theoph l. de plant. plutarch . cō de fortuna ; & l. de pietare in parentes . cic. lib. de ami citia . genes . . v. . job . v. . cic. lib. . de natura deorum . lib. . digest . tit. . prov. . rom. . aristotle lib. . polit. the jews . lib. gen. lib. exod. lib. job . lib. judg. lib. reg. lib. machab. reg . dionys . halic . lib. . cornel. tacit. lib . cie. lib. . offic. hierom. lib. . epist . chrysost. ho . . pet. . tit. liv. l. . eutrop. l. . oros. l. . & . arist. l. . pol. cap. ult. lib. . pol. c. lib. . pol. c. . arist. lib. . pol. cap. . tit. liv. lib. . dec. . * numa pompilius . tullius hostilius . tarquinus priscus . tit. liv. lib. . dec. . arist. lib. . pol. cap. . plut. in lycur . sleidan , lib. . anno . blond decad. . l. . crant . l. c. . herbert . lib. . hist. polon. cromerus l. . hist polon. council plet . . c. . & council s. c. . anno . * the fourth . anil . hist. france lib. . gerard du haillan . lib. . hist. france . franc. bellef . lib. . c. . anno . gerard du haillan , lib. . hist. france . & anno . & lib. anno . & lib. . del estat . de france . * in that he may lawfully command . halic . lib. . tertul. lib. de praescrip. . contra haeres . justin martyr . apol. tit. liv. lib. . dec. . eutrop. lib. . dyon . in caes. suet. in caes. * which was the first judicial sentence that ever the senate gave against emperors . corn . tac. lib. . & . egesip . lib. . eutrop. in vita caes. anno . aelius lamp . vita heliog . herod in vita seven . * wherby followed the change of the empire from the east to the west . bels . lib. . gerard . lib. . aemil . lib. . clem. baudin . en la chronique des roys de fran. anno . isid. in hist. hispan . estevan . de garibay . l. . de la hist. de espan . cap. . garibay . l. . cap. . . garibay . l. de hist. portug . cap. . garib . in hist. de portug . lib. . c. , & . glicas in annal. part . zon . annal. co . . invita mick . calaph . in liceus rep. polon. ad henricum valessum . p. . . gagneus , part . de rebus polon. poilin . lib. . hist de france anno . sleydan . lib. . hist. an. . munst . lib. . cosmogr. in descript. david . paulus jovius in viris illust. polid. hist. angl. lib. . anno . anno . anno . polyd. lib. . hist. angl. anno . polyd. lib. . hist. aug. * henry . polyd. lib. . hist. angl. * specially of london . anno . du belay . apol. cath. part . paragr. . & apol pro reg. cap. . reg. . . bellay apol. part . parag. & apol. pro rege cap. . & . & . . . . . arist. lib. . pol. cap. . . . reg. . cap. innovam . . de casibus , & cap. super quibusdam §. de verborū . signif. in regulis utriusque juris . vide in finem sent . decret. reg. . . matth. . reg. . in fine . decret. aemil . l. . hist. france . belf. in vita child . gerard . lib. . plato . dial. . de repub. arist. lib. . pol. cap. . cic. lib . de legibus . cod. l. . tit. . §. digna . suet. cap. . in caligula . zon . tom. . in trajan . the occasion of the next chapter . zon . com . . annal. in vita anast . niceph. l. ib. cap. . evagr. l. . c. zon tom. in vita michaelis . anno . anno . witichindus gest . saxon. lib. . blend . decad. . lib. . crant . l. . c. sleydan lib. . hist. anno . ambros mor. lib. . cap. . hist. hisp. praef. ejusdem concilii . conc. tol. . cap. . cap. . conc. . c. , , , . & con. . cap. , , . conc. tol. . cap. . amb. morales lib. . cap. . lib. . de lib. estat . fol. . belf. hist. fran. lib. . c. . in vita phil. . memoures du fillet c. du sacre des roys . belf. l. . c. . * nephew to philip . anno . belf. in vita augusti . estev . garibay lib. . c. . holinsh . in his chron. page & . stow in vira richard . in fine . . oct. . stow in vita h. . pag. . written ( as it is thought ) in the favor of the king of navarra . bell. apol. bell. apol. cath. par . . §. . apol. cath. par . . §. . apol. pro . rege . c. . & . . apol. cath. par . . §. . et pro rege cap. . apol. pro . rege cap. . gen. . & . deut. . & paral. . & . exod. . & . rom. . & . gen. . & . ger. du haillan lib. . de l'estat . p. . polyd. lib. . hist. angl. in vita henr. . stow in the beginning of the life of k. henry . sir tho. moor and stow. du hail . l. . h. anno anno . anno . anno anno . reg. . pol. & stow in vita hen. . anno reg. . & . reg. . & . psal. . paral. . reg. . * which though it seemeth to be wrought by humane means and policy , yet was it principally by the special instinct of god himself . reg. . ambr. morales l. . hist. c. . ambr. morales lib. . cap. . moral . lib. . cap. , , . garibay lib. cap. . concil. tol. . cap. . concil. tol. . cap. . episc. tuyens lib. . hist. lud. de molin lib. du hared . * favila . amb. mor. l. cap. . . & . sebast. . episc. salam . in hist. hisp. anno . moral . lib. . cap. . moral . cap. . * who was of the ecclesiastical order , having been made deacon . mor. cap. . & . anno . anno . mor. lib. ib. c. anno . mor. l. . c. . anno . anno . mor. l. . c. . moral . lib. . cap. , , , . * suprà . anno . garib . lib. . cap. . & . * married to the prince of leon , by whom he had fernando the st. of castile . gar. l. . c. . anno . * sirnamed , de la cerda , for that he was born with a great gristle hair on his breast . * by blancha , st. lewis of france his daughter . * for his valor . anno . anno . garibay lib. cap. . anno . garibay lib. cap. . & l. cap. . anno . anno . anno . ger. du hail . l. anno . belf. lib. . c. . paulus aemil . hist. franc. an. . gerard lib. . an. . an. . an. . * louys the d and carloman the first . an. . an. . * nephew to charls le chauve . an. . * son to louys le begue . an. . son to charls le simple . * that sirname was given him when hee was a boy , for that hee was wont to snatch away his fellows caps from their heads . belf. lib. . cap. . anno . gerard . lib. . anno . gerard lib. . anno & . gerard lib. . anno . belf. lib. . cap. . & lib. . comineus in comment . l. . in vita lud. xi . polyd. lib. . hist. angl. in fine an. . . hee erected the universitie of oxford polyd. lib. . hist. angl. stone pag. anno . polyd. l. . an. . an. . an. . by his first wife . * he had two more , and one daughter , wch died all without issue . by his second wife , imma , sister to rich. pake of normandie , she had edw. the confessor and alured , who at the coming of sweno , fled with their father into normandie . anno . anno . anno . polid. lib. . anno . anno . * and the same testified by his last will . ger. du hail . l. anno . ger. chron. cassin lib. . cap. . anton. part . . chron. tit. . cap §. . polyd. in vita gal. conq. an. . an. . . an. . * called commonly , by the frenchmen jean sans terre . * together with two daughters of his . . * henry . ger. lib. . de l'estat . p. . gen. . job . . geneb . lib. . cronal . de . aetate . gen. . & . deut. . parel . . cic. l. . quaest. tuscul. & de natura deorum . lib. . plut. adversus colotem . arist. lib. . polit. cap. . * in the fourth chapt. an. . collat. . novel . constit . justin . . tit. . cor. . dig. l. . tit. lib. . & . act. . cor. . cor. . pet. . rom. . cor. . & . s. chryst . hom . in h. epist. orig. l. . theod. in hunc locum . notes for div a e- . . . ii. iii. iv. v. vi . notes for div a e- answered ( s. ) . answered ( s. ) . answ . ( s. ) answ ( s. . ) an essay of a king with an explanation what manner of persons those should be that are to execute the power or ordinance of the kings prerogative / written by the right honorable francis, lord verulam, viscount saint alban. bacon, francis, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing b ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : or :e , no ) an essay of a king with an explanation what manner of persons those should be that are to execute the power or ordinance of the kings prerogative / written by the right honorable francis, lord verulam, viscount saint alban. bacon, francis, - . p. printed for richard best, london : . reproduction of original in huntington library and thomason collection, british library. eng political science -- early works to . kings and rulers -- duties. a r (wing b ). civilwar no an essay of a king, with an explanation what manner of persons those should be that are to execute the power or ordinance of the kings prero [no entry] c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an essay of a king , with an explanation what manner of persons those should be that are to execute the power or ordinance of the kings prerogative . written by the right honorable francis , lord verulam viscount saint alban . decemb. . london , printed for richard best , . an essay of a king written by sir francis bacon . a king is a mortall god on earth , unto whom the living god hath lent his own name as a great honour : but withall told him hee should die like a man , lest he should be proud and flatter himself , that god hath with his name imparted unto him his nature also . of all kinds of men , god is least beholding unto them , for he doth most for them , and they do ordinarily least for him . a king that would not feele his crown too heavy for him , must weare it every day , but if he think it too light , he knoweth not of what mettall it is made of . he must make religion the rule of government , and not the scale ; for he that casteth in religion onely to make the scales even , his own weight is contained in these characters tekel uphrasin , he is found too light , his kingdom shall be taken from him . and that king that holds not religion the best reason of state , is void of all piety and justice , the supporters of a king . he must be able to give counsell himself , but not to relye thereupon : for though happy events justifie their councels , yet it is better that the evill event of good advice be rather imputed to a subject then a sovereigne . he is the fountain of honour , which should not run with a wast pipe , lest the courtiers ●ell the waters , and then ( as papists say of their holy wels ) to lose the vertue . he is the life of the law , not onely as he is lex loquens himself , but because he animateth the dead letter , making it active towards all his subjects praemio & poena . a wise king must doe lesse in altering his laws , then he may ; for new government is ever dangerous , it being true in the body politique , as in the corporall , that omnis subita mutatio est periculosa , and though it be for the better , yet it is not without a fearfull apprehension ; for he that changeth the fundamentall laws of a kingdome , thinketh that there is no good title to a crown but by conquest . a king that setteth to sale seats of justice , oppresseth the people , for he teacheth his judges to fell justice , and praecio parata , praecio vincitur justicia . bounty and magnificence are vertues , verae regiae , but a prodigall king is neerer a tyrant , then a parcimonious : for store at home draweth his contemplations abroad , but want supplyeth it self of what is next , and many times the next way , and herein he must be wise and know , wh●t he may justly doe . that king which is not feared , is not loved , and he that is well seen in his craft , must as well study to be feared as loved , yet not loved for feare , but feared for love . therefore as hee must alwayes resemble him whose great name he beareth , and that in manifesting the sweet influence of his mercy over the severe stroke of his justice sometimes , so in this not to suffer a man of death to live , for besides that the land doth mou●n , the restraint of justice towards sin doth more retard the affection of love , then the extent of mercy doth enflame it , and sure where love is bestowed , feare is quite lost . his greatest enemies are his flatterers , for though they ever speak on his side , yet their words still make against them . the love which a king oweth to the weal-publike , should not be restrained to any one particular , yet that his more speciall favour do reflect upon some worthy ones , is somwhat necessary , because there are so few of that capacity . hee must have a speciall care of five things , if hee would not have his crown to be put upon him . first , that simulata sanctitas , be not in the church , for that is duplex iniquitas . secondly , that inutilis aequitas , sit not in the chancecery , for that is inepta misericordia . thirdly , that utilis iniquitas , keep not the exchequer , for it is crudele latrocinium . fourthly , that fidelis temeritas be not his generall , for that will bring but seram poenitentiam . fiftly , that infidelis prudentia , be not his secretary , for that he is anguis sub viridi herba . to conclude , as he is of the greatest power , so hee is subject to the greatest cares , made the servant of his people , or else he were without a calling at all . he then that honoureth him not , is next an atheist wanting the feare of god in his heart . an explanation what manner of persons those should be , that are to execute the power or ordinance of the kings prerogative , written by the said sir francis bacon late lord chancellour , and lord st. albans . that absolute prerogative according to the kings pleasure revealed by his lawes , may be exercised and executed by any subject , to whom power may be given by the king , in any place of judgement or commission , which the king by his law hath ordained , in which the judge subordinate cannot wrong the people , the law laying downe a measure by which every judge should governe or execute ; against which law if any judge proceed , he is by the law questionable and punishable for his transgression . in this nature are all the judges and commissioners of the land no otherwise then in their courts , in which the king in person is supposed to sit who cannot worke that trespasse , felony or treason which the law hath not made so to be , neither can punish the guilty by other punishment then the law hath appointed . this prerogative or power as it is over all the subjects so being knowne by the subjects , they are without excuse if they offend ; and suffer no wrong , if they be punished . and by this prerogative the king governeth all sorts of people according unto knowne will . the absolute prerogative which is in kings according to their private will and judgement cannot be executed by any subject , neither is it possible to give such power by commission , or fit to subject the people to the same . for the king in that he is the substitute of god immediatly the father of his people , and head of the common wealth by participation with god and his subjects , discretion , iudgement , and feeling love towards those over whom he raigneth only proper to himselfe , or to his places and person , who seeing he cannot in any others diffuse his wisedome , power , or gifts , which god in respect of his place and charge hath enabled him withall , can neither subordinate any other iudge to governe by that knowledge , which the king can no otherwise then by his knowne will participate unto him . and if any subordinate iudge shall obtaine commission according , of such iudge to govern the people , that iudge is bound to think that to be his sound discretion , in which the law in which the kings known will sheweth unto him to be that iustice which hee ought to administer : otherwise he might seeme to esteeme himselfe above the kings law , who will not governe by him , or to have a power derived from other then from the king , which in the kingdome will administer iustice contrarie to the justice of the land . neither can such a judge or commissioner under the name of his high authoritie shrowde his owne high affection , seeing the conscience and discretion of every man is particular and private to himselfe ; as the discretion of the judge cannot be properly or possibly the discretion of the king , or conscience of the king ; and if not his discretion , neither the judgement that is ruled by another m●ns only . therefore it may seeme they rather desire to bee kings then to rule the people under the king , which will not administer justice by law , but by their owne wills . this administration in a subject is derogative to the kings prerogative , for he administreth justice out of a private direction , being not capable of a generall direction , how to use the kings pleasure in causes of particular respect , which if another then the king himselfe can doe , how can it be so , that any man should desire that which is unfit and impossible , but that it must p●oceed out of some exorbitant affection , the rather seeing such places to be full of trouble , and being altogether unnecessary , no man will seeke to thrust himselfe into it , but for hope of gaine . then is not any prerogative oppugned but maintained , though it be desired that every subordinate magistrate may not be made supreame , whereby he may seale up the hearts of the people , take from the king the respect due unto him only , or to judge the people otherwise then the king doth himselfe . and although the prince be not bound to render any accompt to the law , which in person administreth it selfe . yet every subordinate judge must render an accompt to the king by his lawes how hee hath administred justice in his place where he is set . but if he hath power to rule by private direction , for which there is no law , how can he be questioned by a law , if in his private censure he offendeth . therefore it seemeth that in giving such authority the king ordaineth not subordinate magistrates , but absolute kings ; and what doth the king leave to himselfe , who giveth so much to others as he hath himself ? neither is there a greater bond to tie the subject to his prince in particular then when he shal have recourse unto him in his person or in his power for releif of the wrongs which from private men be offered , or for reformation of the oppressions which any subordinate magistrate shall impose upon the people : there can be no offence in the judge , who hath power to execute according to his discretion , when the discretion of any judge shall be thought fit to be unlimited ; and therefore there can be therein no reformation , whereby the king in this useth no prerogative to gaine his subjects right . then the subject is bound to suffer helplesse wrong , and the discontent of the people is cast upon the king , the lawes being neglected , which with their equitie in all other causes and judgements , saving this , interpose themselves and yeeld remedy . and to conclude , custome cannot confirme that which is any wayes unreasonable of it selfe ; wisedome will not allow that which is many wayes dangerous , and no wayes profitable ; justice will not approve that government where it cannot be , but wrong must bee committed . neither can there be any rule by which to try it , nor meanes for reformation of it . therefore whosoever desireth government , must seeke such as he is capable of , not such as seemeth to himselfe most easie to execute ; for it appeareth that it is easie to him that knoweth not law nor justice to rule as he listeth , his will never wanting a power to it selfe : but it is safe and blamelesse both for the judge and people , and honour to the king , that judges bee appointed who know the law , and that they bee limited to governe according to the law . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- . custome . . wisdome . . justice . . rule against it . a sermon preached at white-hall, on the th of novemb. being the thanksgiving-day for the preservation of the king, and the reduction of ireland / by the right reverend father in god, gilbert lord bishop of sarum. burnet, gilbert, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a sermon preached at white-hall, on the th of novemb. being the thanksgiving-day for the preservation of the king, and the reduction of ireland / by the right reverend father in god, gilbert lord bishop of sarum. burnet, gilbert, - . [ ], p. printed for ric. chiswell ..., london : . reproduction of original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -- sermons. bible. -- o.t. -- proverbs xx, -- sermons. kings and rulers -- duties. sermons, english -- th century. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - melanie sanders sampled and proofread - melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the bishop of salisbury's thanksgiving sermon before the king and queen . printed , by his majesty's special command . a sermon preached at white-hall , on the th of novemb . . being the thanksgiving-day for the preservation of the king , and the reduction of ireland . by the right reverend father in god , gilbert lord bishop of sarum . london : printed for ric. chiswell , at the rose and crown in st. paul's church-yard . mdcxci . a sermon preached before the king and queen , at white-hall , &c. prov . xx. . mercy and truth preserve the king ; and his throne is upheld by mercy . there is no properer nor usefuller way of praising god for the repeated blessings with which ●he crowns every year , and by which he is establishing and perfecting that great deliverance which he wrought for us three years ago , than to observe the dependance of these blessings upon the following of those rules which he himself has prescribed : by this , we are preserved from the false opinion of a partiality of the divine providence towards our selves or others ; or the supposing that it will still favour us , let us be or do what we please . and by this we are taught , that we ought not to expect the continuance of gods favour to us , any longer than we continue true to those laws and rules that he has given us . and therefore in psal. . where the blessings that god grants to those who in their extremities call upon him , are set forth with much variety , and in a very poetical strain ; the conclusion of all is , who is wise , and will observe these things , even they shall understand the kindness of the lord. if we are full of the sense of the goodness of god both to our king and to our selves , in the preserving the king's person , and in the maintaining the throne , which are the two subjects of the present thanksgiving ; it is fit and proper for this occasion , to observe what may be supposed to be the conditions upon which such blessings are granted , and upon the continuance in which , we may hope for the continuance and encrease of them . since then solomon was the wisest of men , as well as of kings , and that his wisdom was , without doubt , chiefly applied to that which was his proper business ; we may very certainly depend upon his observation , tho' there had not been a special inspiration accompanying it . he , in the words of my text , makes the preservation of kings , to depend upon their mercy and truth : but he plainly insinuates , that mercy had in this , the largest share ; and therefore in the redoubling of the period , mercy is only named ; so that the weight and stress of his observation , and by consequence of this discourse , must lye upon mercy , tho truth and fidelity must likewise have its share . the chief glory of princes , and the chief of their titles , tho they should swell them up with all the loftiness of the eastern courts , is , that they are god's deputies and vicegerents here on earth ; that they represent him , and by consequence , that they ought to resemble him . the outward respect paid them , carries a proportion to that character of divinity which is on them , and that supposes an imitation of the divine perfections in them . every man is made after the image of god ; and in the right of that , he hath a dominion over this earth , and all its productions ; over all the beasts of the field , the fowls of the air , the fishes of the sea : but as much as men are preferable to all these , so much ought those who have dominion over them , to excel all others in this resemblance . it is a noble thought in plutarch , that there are three things for which we adore the deity , and in which we desire to resemble it ; eternity , power , and goodness ; for eternity , we all know we are mortal , and cannot live for ever ; the elements and frame of things last much longer ; power is a gift of fortune , nor is it in it self any great matter ; storms and thunders have more force , than the most mighty potentates : but virtue and goodness , which lye within all mens reach , are the resemblances of the supream being , which make every man shine ; and render those that are in power and authority , truly divine . the famous panegerick has exprest this , not more nobly than truly : what greater , or usefuller gift can the divinity bestow upon mortals , than a prince that is virtuous and holy , and that resembles the gods themselves ? ( pardon this ill-sounding expression of his heathenism ) who governs so as to remember , both that he himself is a man , and that they are also men over whom he is set ; and that considers that his own innocence is his best defence , and his surest guard. crowns and scepters when ill-placed , discover the defects of those whose minds are not equal to their fortunes , and make them more conspicuous and sensible : but when those whom they adorn , have the inward ornaments of real worth and goodness , they give them all possible advantages , and set them in a true light : for the brightness of majesty , when not tempered with the softness of mercy , is like a scorching sun , who destroys every thing upon which his beams do fall . the simplest notions which all men have of god , as well as the discoveries which inspired writings give us of him , represent him as a being , in which truth and goodness do dwell in perfection ; which are the attributes that we need the most , and to which we trust chiefly ; in which we rejoyce daily ; and for which we offer up our most solemn adorations . therefore whatever other characters of glory may appear upon princes , be they ever so wise and vigilant , so brave and generous ; let them have all the arts of government , all the oeconomy and conduct , all the magnificence and lustre possible ; the vastest treasures , the strongest frontiers , and the most victorious armies ; yet where mercy and truth are wanting , where they are perfidious and cruel , they are rather the representatives of him that was a lyar and a murderer from the beginning , than of that god , who is just and true in all his ways , and merciful and gracious towards all his works . if these are wanting , the greater they are in all other respects , they are the juster resemblances of those apostate spirits , the princes of the power of the air , who have great dominions , and a vast activity , but it is all imployed to mischief and ruine ; and as their worshippers in some barbarous nations , reckon that nothing works so powerfully for appeasing their anger , or procuring their favour , as rivers of gore ; and that they are then best pleased when their altars swim in humane blood ; so those who delight in blood , in innocent blood , and especially in the blood of their own subjects , shew what is the original after which they copy , and the pattern upon which they form themselves . a true picture of the deity , is a prince , that loves his people , and is tender of them ; that renders them safe by his protection , and happy by his justice : that is true to his promises , and careful of his laws : and that how severe so ever he may be in punishing offences against others , and in maintaining the peace and order of the community , yet is gentle to offences against himself : except when his care of the publick obliges him to let the law take its course : and even then , private revenge is so far from being his motive , that he is forced to do violence to his own inclinations , which are always gentle and compassionate . a prince so tempered puts a temptation upon his people , ( if they are not under the conduct of a religion that guides them by surer lights ) to suspect that he is allied to the divinity it self ; and is something of a god in humane appearance : and therefore no wonder if after his death they follow him with divine adorations . and as this in barbarous ages gave the rise to almost all the idolatry of the greeks , so even in more polite times the roman historian observes , that no man made any shews of mourning or lamentation at marcus aurelius's funeral , all men holding it for certain , that as he had been lent to the world by the gods ; so he was then gone back to take his place again among them . to us who know better things , this is certain , that a bad king is one of the severest instances of gods anger against a nation : a plague heavier than either famine , sword , or pestilence . for how sensible or afflicting soever these may be , they are no sooner over than all their ill effects go off with them : whereas a prince whose ill example has corrupted a nation , or whose ill designs have divided and distracted it ; leaves behind him a ferment which will be working perhaps for some ages after he is asleep in his grave : on the other hand a prince that is just and true , gracious and merciful , shines with so benigne an influence that as a good season not only gives us warm and healthful air while it lasts , but does also ripen those fruits of the earth , upon which we must subsist after it is gone ; so by his good government that is duly tempered between rigorous severity and too indulgent goodness , he no ● only makes his subjects happy , during so blest a reign , but lays the foundations of a felicity which will be more lasting then the princes themselves , who tho they are called gods , yet must die like men . there is no need of the art and eloquence of a studied paneygrick to set forth the happiness of such a government : it speaks it self , and is well perceived , tho it may neither be decent nor indeed scarce possible to set it out in words . it argues a defect in the subject , when art and skill must be imployed to raise it . pompous figures , big words , and a laboured method are false lights which are only necessary for counterfeits : and as the arts of juglars can impose no belief when every one is before hand perswaded , that their performances are only the sleights of hand , so it is as vain an attempt to perswade men that they are happy when they know they are not so ; as it is a needless one to enlarge upon that which all men feel better then any one can describe . it becomes this place and this day better to observe what god has made the means of preserving the persons and upholding the throne of our kings , that so by adhearing steadily to these we may secure the blessings that we have in hand and promise our selves such a progress in them that the next return of a day of this kind , may be to celebrate an entire deliverance from all our enemies ; a peace abroad as well as we have it now at home , of which the advances made this year are to us a good pledge , if our relapses do not retard and set it back . we sent away our king with fasting and prayer : we seemed then all sensible how great a hazard every one of us run , in all those dangers to which we knew he would be ready to expose himself : it is to be hoped that many continued to send their most earnest prayers after him . we wished to hear of action , but we wished and trembled at the same time : we knew he was not like those princes who never fail to take care of themselves , whatever they may do of their people : and will keep themselves at a sure distance , when by a very unjust division they leave the danger wholly upon others , while they assume the honour intirely to themselves . we trembled , for as davids men said , not more truly than we might do upon this occasion , that his life was worth ten thousand of us , so we were sure that danger could have no other effect upon him , but to make him run the deeper into it , till he should break through it : our wishes for action , and our fears for his person were things so interwoven that it heaven has not granted us that we wished for , it was that we might be saved from what we feared , since an entire victory with that loss had been our ruine . god has now brought him back to us in safety , and with this fresh lustre on him , that as the enemy by their extravagant rejoycing last year , upon his supposed death , shewed how much they apprehended his life ; so this year by their constant declining of all actions , how much soever invited and provoked to it by him , and by the attack that was made just after his leaving the army , shewed that they considered him as an army alone : or as the soul that gave life and spirit to all the rest . but they found that he had been so long among them and was so newly gone from them , that the powerful influence wrought still in his absence . we have had many instances , in every season , and in both elements how watchful providence has been about that life , that secures all ours , and renders them comfortable and happy to us : had it not been for this , the second gunpowder plot had proved as fatal as the first was intended to be . in defeating the first the good nature of the discoverer , and the sagacity of the prince had their share , but here providence interposed without an instrument : the train was fired and had its first effect , but the invisible direction appeared in that critical minute next to a miracle , the dismal treachery was defeated , and the traytors were discovered . can we but open our thoughts a little to measure all the terrible effects of one dreadful moment , the destruction of a great part of the army , and but too probably the loss of that sacred life , which if it had escaped the first violence of the fire , must have perished in the fatal train of consequences that would have followed upon it : who is so fond of life as to desire to have outlived the fate of religion , of england and of europe ; with which that black night seemed big ; after that darkness who would have desired to have enjoyed the light any more ; or to have beheld those scenes of horrour and spectacles of misery that must have followed , and have seen europe divided between its eastern and western devourers . but that a train so dextrously laid , and so successful in its first operations , should have no farther effect but to shew at once both the greatness of the danger , and the yet greater care of heaven , to teach more precaution , and to discover the blackness of our enemies , looks , as if every year were to produce a new and unlookt for wonder ; and that the cannon ball upon the boyne , and the bombs upon the eure , are instances vying one with another , both in the nearness of the danger , and in the greater nearness of that favour which compasses the king about as with a shield : such an extraordinary preservation may justly swallow up ones thoughts so entirely , that other things may be forgot by the transport it raises yet upon due recollection tho this is enough to fill us with deep acknowledgments ; we have another scene of wonders before us . our neighbouring island had been long in a most terrible convulsion , the seat of war and rapine : the fire and the sword , had gone over the breadth and the length of it , and had turned it to a heap of ruines and ashes . the inhabitants reduced on the sudden , from a full plenty , to the extremities of misery ; multitudes of all ranks and ages , and of both sexes , were forced to fly hither , and sink under the heavy load of want. it is true , they found relief both from the royal bounty , and the charity of this nation : but after all , as charity is a word of hard digestion to a generous mind , so their numbers made , that every ones share must be small where so many wanted . our enemy had created to us a vast distraction on that side , which supported the spirits and hopes of our secret , and perhaps , our most malicious enemies here at home . the slow motions at the beginning of the summer , together with some other accidents , made all people apprehend that the miseries of that kingdom were like to lie upon it yet one year longer . but the unexampled courage of our army , and the great zeal and fidelity of those that commanded it , broke through all obstacles ; in a series of actions , every one of which will pass down to posterity among the wonders of military valour , and the prodigies of gallantry and success ; and , in conclusion , when relief was so near , when they were pressed with no necessities , but those which their own fears or disorders threw them into , so that there was all possible reason to fear another cruel winter , as well as a fourth bloody summer ; that kingdom is intirely reduced , and in that , the civil war is at an end , and our kings are possessed of the love and duty , or at least , of the fear and dread of all their subjects . here we have all that can work , either on our compassion for our brethren , or our care of our selves to raise and fill our hearts with joy and gladness . our miserable brethren , who for a great while never lay down without looking for a dreadful alarm of flames about them , or of enemies no less merciless than these , and , next to the fury of their cruel enemies , were most affraid of some of their unruly friends ; they do now lie down and sleep in peace , and are setting about the cultivating of their wasted fields , and the re-building their ruinated cities . we are delivered from the danger , as well as the charge of that devouring war , and being now quiet at home , we are more at leisure , and in a better capacity to look abroad into the world , and to reassume that which is the true honour , as well as the interest of this government , ( how much and how fatally soever it may have been , not only neglected , but betrayed for almost a whole age ; ) of adjusting the scales , and maintaining the ballance of europe . these are such signal blessings , that it may seem a diminution of them , to bring lesser matters into the account , which yet deserve well to be remembred : every one of them carries shining characters upon it of gods care of us , and his goodness to us . all that related either to our selves , or our allies , has been visibly under that protection ; our concerns have been every where safe , and in many places glorious and triumphant . our enemies have failed in their undertakings , and most of ours have succeeded : our wealth and trade has been preserved , and our fleets have returned with this glory , that no enemy durst look upon them . we are now in peace and safety , in plenty and abundance : and let us look abroad , and see if there is any nation under heaven that has half the blessings to answer for that we have . thus it is plain , that our king has been wonderfully preserved , and his throne no less wonderfully upheld . our next enquiry must be , what share mercy and truth , but more eminently mercy , may have in this . mercy is that divine temper that makes us both pity the miserable , and forgive the injurious ; the former of these is more universal and natural to mankind , the second is more heroical and divine , it works in opposition to the sense of injuries , and the resentment which arises out of that , which if not check'd by better thoughts , and a nobleness of soul , raises a ferment that works strongly in ungoverned nature . the elevation of princes , as it raises them above the common miseries of mankind , so it very often makes them insensible of those calamities which their subjects suffer often by their means ; they are so accustomed to be slattered by others , that by degrees they come to slatter themselves , as if they ought to take no share in other mens troubles . but as the divine goodness extends to all , and his tender mercies are over all his works ; so princes that pity the miserable , and provide for them , that give both access and redress to their complaints , that protect them by their justice , and relieve them by their mercy , and that with the roman emperour , reckon that day lost in which no occasion has been given them of doing good , of making a sad heart glad , and a miserable family easie ; such princes , i say , by imitating the supream being in one of its fairest and lovliest perfections , come under its particular care . they have also instead of other taxes , the praises and prayers of great multitudes ascending up continually as incense before god : these according to daniels advice to a very bad king , are a redeeming their iniquiries , and do procure a lengthning of their tranquillity : and if they could have such effects in favour of an idolatrous tyrant , what may princes that are good and religious expect from them ? what may they not expect from them ? they by such acts of mercy , procure to themselves many affectionate and zealous subjects . even those who do not need this instance of their mercy , yet must love them for it ; they know they may need it , so they have that reserve for misfortune . in a word , this forces the love of mankind , and draws down the favour of heaven : yet , after all , a good and generous nature finds no difficulty in such acts of mercy . treasure is not much exhausted by them , and the true pleasure that they give a noble mind , seems to be reward enough : therefore we must next look to acts of mercy of another sort , where nature is more heated , and has a biass another way . mercy to the injurious is certainly the harder performance : where the dignity of the person exalts one to so high a sublimity , the insolence of an injury gives a particular sharpness , which is heightned if done with scorn , and delivered in opprobrious words ; if there is black ingratitude as well as deliberate malice in it ; if there is a venom in the spite that makes it both restless and poisonous ; and if it has ill effects at present , and may probably have worse afterwards . when all these concur in offences against princes , it must be acknowledged , that acts of mercy , done after such provocations , carry so very near a resemblance to that infinite goodness , which is kind to the unthankful and the evil : that , all things considered , mortals can scarce rise up to a higher pitch of conformity . david found in himself , that if an enemy had reproached him , he could have born it ; but it was his equal , ( one whom he had made so by his friendship , ) his guide , and his acquaintance : and this was too hard for him , his heart burnt within him : and he broke out into such complaints and wishes upon it , that it is not easie to know how to explain or justifie them . it is a consideration apt to beget rage even in the mildest breasts , of those against whom the injury does not work immediately , to see a sort of men who live safe under the justest and gentlest of all governments , go about with a restless fury , endeavouring to overturn it , to corrupt the minds of the nation , and to debauch them from the duty and gratitude that they owe to princes , who seem born for the good of mankind , for the protection of religion , and for raising the honour of the nation , that was sinking into such a shameful degeneracy , that a mighty influence and great examples were necessary to restore us to that from which we had fallen . if these were only the practices of those of a different religion , we might the better bear them , because we could expect no other from them : but the reproach is more sensible , as well as the danger is greater , from false brethren , who like the men of smyrna that called themselves jews , but were not , and were of the synagogue of satan , may call themselves english men and protestants , but are of the synagogue of the great enemy ( for that is the signification of the word satan ) of our nation , of our religion , and of mankind . they seem to have persuaded themselves and study to persuade all others , that what we may have heard of his cruelty , are only tragical stories aggravated far above the truth ; that we need fear nothing , tho' we should fall under the heaviest of all plagues , even his tyranny ; but might be safe and happy under his protection , and in his friendship : and tho' the best soils of europe , even those of his own religion , no sooner become a prey to him than they are immediately fields of blood and bones , and scenes , of horrour and cruelty ; yet we have an unnatural race among us , that are so far in love with him , that even this dismal prospect cannot cure it . it cannot be denied , but that in all this there is great and just ground of provocation : but those who are called up to the higher regions of human nature , the elevation of whose souls is proportioned to that of their condition , as they have a greater compass in their prospect , so they have another pitch of sublimity in their minds . they know that mercy does then shew its utmost force , when it is the most provoked . natures stampt upon with the divine image , feel more pleasure in pardoning than the most spiteful can do in revenging injuries . the interest they have in their people makes them reckon it a real diminution of their own strength ; when any member of the body is cut off : they feel the force of a generous action upon themselves , as they scorn the terrours of dreadful things , and are apt to make such experiments upon others to see how far the ingenuity of mankind can be wrought on ; and their courage makes them despise danger from a forgiven enemy . for tho' the trial succeeded ill with caesar , yet they do highly esteem that great saying of his , that it was better once to die , than to live always in fear . the princes whose names shine the brightest in history , are those whose clemency shewed it self , in the greatest instances , and after the highest provocations . saul , while under the influence of the divine spirit , and of that new heart that was given him at his exaltation , how much soever he degenerated afterwards , when he forsook that conduct and was forsaken by it , set a noble pattern in his first advancement , which is remarkable in all its circumstances . he was told by the prophet samuel , that god had designed him to be king of israel , and he felt the earnest of that in a prophetical spirit that rested on him . soon after , the whole nation fell into a great fermentation , and a hot canvassing for the crown : he who knew where all must end , yet would not make one step towards it ; he did not go about to manage intrigues and render himself popular , but withdrew and shut himself up all the while : at last the matter was put to a decision by lots , and the lot fell on him . he did not upon that rush out with any unbecoming joy , but staid till he was addressed to for it . then he was received and proclaimed king. immediately upon that he went into the country , probably without any great affectations of pomp or state : he considering his new dignity as a trust from god , a tie to his people , and an authority vested in him , not to make himself look big , but to make his people truly great and really happy : they whose heart god touched followed him : they distinguisht aright between the forms of majesty , and that true sublimity of mind , which makes kings great in themselves . but the men of belial who could not bear the yoke , nor be kept within the bounds of law and justice , who had a notion of a king , as a creature of pomp and pageantry , of vice and luxury , and of pride and insolence ; that should have authorized rapine and have dissolved law ; and who knew well that they would make a figure about such a prince , and were the only proper instruments that he could imploy ; now when they saw a new scene , and a court that could not be for them , they resolved they would not be for it : they said , how shall this man save us ? and they brought him no presents . in that infancy of kingship among the jews , the crown had no other revenue , but the free gift of the people : not given in a body , for every one brought his benevolence apart . and then some of those ungovernable men , who perhaps had been among the first and hottest of those who desired a king , when they had one , intended to keep him low , and not to furnish him with that which was necessary to support the government . upon all this saul held his peace ; he not only overcame , but quite supprest his resentments : and tho' he resolved that his mercy should triumph over their perverseness , yet he staid till he might do that with advantage : some perhaps imputed his silence to coldness and insensibility , others to a sense of his seebleness , but no doubt they thought that he laid up in all his mind , and resolved to take severe revenges as soon as he durst adventure on it ; but very few could imagine that he resolved to connive at all , till some great occasion should be offered him to shew his care of his people , and his zeal for the publick ; after which , he might with a better grace extend his clemency , to those who deserved it so little : this was so great a thought , that few could suspect it , because few were capable of it . but a prince , whose soul is raised to a level with his fortunes , has a nobler sence of things , far above the fretful peevishness of little and angry minds . a remarkable occasion gave saul the advantage , that he looked for . nahash king of ammon , a cruel and an idolatrous tyrant , pushed on with a desire of glory , and of enlarging his frontier , did , against the faith of treaties , invade the country , and besiege jabesh gilead : the poor inhabitants , struck with terrour , offered to capitulate ; he who was sincere , though brutal , not like those who offer any conditions , that they may be once possessed of a place , though they do not intend to observe them , told them he must make sure of them ; and since the way of war in those days was chiefly in archery , in which nothing can be done without the direction of the right eye , he told them he must thrust out all their right eyes . to this condition , hard as it was , the besieged agreed , if they should not be relieved within seven days : they gave notice of their extremities to their country-men on the other side of the water ; who upon that wept , they broke out into feeble mournings and complaints . saul was then looking after his cattel , and perhaps some thought him capable of no higher cares : but upon the news , he gathered together as great an army as was possible on the sudden , and in great marches came to jabesh in time , and did so entirely defeat the ammonites , that two of them were not left together : and then it appeared , that saul , for all his coldness and silence , had all the flame in him that became his great post , and that urgent occasion : upon this the men of belial looked a little out of countenance , and began to be afraid for themselves ; if the people had seen them , probably they would not have staid for the forms of justice , but in the first rages of their fury , have taken the shorter way , and have run upon them without order . the body of the nation , full of resentment , move samuel , that a search might be made for those that had said , shall saul reign over us , that they might be brought out , and then they would put them to death ; they would ease their king both of the trouble of prosecuting , and of the reproach of a severe execution ; they would both impeach and execute . but the hitherto well kept silence , was now broke through : saul would not be so much as passive , when so much blood was in danger to be shed ; and since his people had not temper and union enough to sue to him for an indemnity ; he prevents the applications of the guilty , and the intercession of their friends , by an act of grace , prononunced in these words , there shall not a man be put to death this day , for to day the lord hath wrought salvation in israel : samuel saw well how this must needs end , and that so eminent an act of mercy , would both settle and uphold his throne ; therefore he diverts the people from their zealous , but ill-governed heat ; and directs them to go to gilgall , the place of their publick assemblies , and to renew the kingdom there ; which was done with that solemnity , that both saul and all the men of israel rejoiced greatly : upon all this , i shall make no other remark , but that the thing which hath been , is that which shall be , and there is no new thing under the sun. another eminent act of mercy meets us in david's story ; who when he was in one of the lowest ebbs of fortune , was affronted by shimei , who followed him with the insolence of flinging stones , as well as curses at him ; but neither at that time , when the freshness , as well as the unusualness of the injury , might have justified the utmost rigour , nor afterwards upon his re-establishment on the throne , would he give way to the demands of justice against him . he bore the injury decently at first , and forgave it graciously at last . the reason that he gave for it , agrees with the maxims in my text , do not i know that i am this day king over israel ? there was no need of acts of severity to bring him to the throne , but of acts of mercy to uphold him in it ; and therefore he reckons those that called for justice in so unseasonable a time , his adversaries . augustus began his reign with great severities , which were extorted from him by mark anthony ; who , no doubt , had often pressed caesar , tho' in vain , to the same courses , and could not fail to persuade the nephew from his uncle's fate , that there was but one sure way to be safe from his enemies . such counsels well became a creature of vice and pleasure ; who , intending to abandon himself to his luxury , knew he could not be secure as long as so many brave romans were left alive . but as soon as augustus got out of his conduct , he shewed how well he deserved power , that could use it as he did . a remarkable instance of this is related by seneca . cinna that was descended from the great pompey , as well as from the famous roman , whose name he carried , conspired against him , after he had received large accessions both of wealth and honour from him , and was in high favour with him . all was discovered , and in the first emotions of anger , augustus resolved on extreme severities . his friends were brought together to consult about it , for he honoured some of his court with that familiar title ; but his heart , nobler than theirs , turned him to softer councils . he broke out into those memorable words , life is not worth all this , that it should be preserved by the destruction of so many persons . he communicated the matter to the empress livia , who was upon that occasion more governed by the tenderness , than the fearfulness of her sex : she told him he had tried severity enough , and that therefore he had best do , as physicians , who when one sort of medicines do not succeed , change their course , and try another : this advice suiting with his own inclinations , prevailed . so he sent for cinna , and in a conversation of two hours , he set before him the kindness he had shewed him , and the baseness and blackness of his crime , the folly as well as the ingratitude of it , in such terms , that after he had almost killed him with his discourse , which he drew out to the greater length , that being all the punishment to which he had condemned him ; he revived him , in conclusion , with so entire a pardon , that he kept him still about him , and found him ever after that both faithful and affectionate . and thus he not only gained him , but all the romans likewise , who were forced to confess , that he deserved to govern the whole world , who had learned to govern his own passions and resentments . upon this seneca observes truly , that princes become safest by their gentleness ; that severities may perhaps chastise the insolence of a few , but they provoke mankind , and make that hatred become general , which was before particular only to a few : and that for rendring princes universally amiable , it must appear , that their mercy flows from the want of will to punish , and not from the want of provocation . it is hard to set forth any of the vertues that become princes , without some memorable instance out of the life of marcus aurelius , whom all writers represent as the compleatest pattern of a perfect prince . in his time avidius cassius assum'd the empire ; probably displeased with the vices of the emperour's brother , whom he had made his partner of the empire : tho he found it more easy to give him a share of his throne than of his vertues . cassius was a man of great probity , and highly esteemed by marcus aurelius upon that account . his brother wrote him a vehement letter , setting forth the danger of this revolt , and how fatal it might prove to himself and his children , if not check'd in time : and to sharpen him the more , he said , that cassius called himself a vitious fool , and him a learned fool. for the truth was , cassius had publickly complained , that tho marcus himself was a good man , that led an exemplary life , yet he gave way to the vices of others , and did not imploy his authority enough to repress them : which is the single blemish that lies on his memory . marcus answer'd his brother's letter very coldly , he said it was writ in too earnest and too anxious a stile ; neither suitable to his brother's dignity , nor to his own times . upon the head of his children he writ , may my children perish , if avidius deserves the love of his country more than they ; or if it is the interest of the commonwealth that he live rather than they . the love of marcus was indeed every-where so great , that cassius had no other way to work against it , but to give out that he was dead . at last , cassius was forsaken , and killed : upon that faustina the empress writ most vehemently to the emperour , pressing him to order a severe inquiry after all the complices of the revolt , that so he might secure himself and his family . to this he answered , that she writ as became her , to be concerned for him and his children ; but he would do what became him , he would pardon all cassius's friends , and write to the senate to proceed gently in that matter . nothing became a roman emperour better than clemency . as for her apprehensions of danger , she might depend upon it , that god would protect him , and have regard to his piety . he writ also to the senate , and descended to the language of praying them most earnestly , that they would do nothing that might rob him of his piety and clemency : that no man's life might be taken , but that such as they had already banished might be recalled : he wished he could restore life to those who had been killed on that occasion ; and professed that if cassius himself had fallen into his hands , he would have only reproached him a little for his errours , and then have preserved him : he desired therefore that no hurt might be done to any of his friends or relations , but that they might live safe , knowing that they lived under marcus. and for his complices , he desired that no further enquiry might be made about them , that no person might fall under any diminution of his fame , or any hardship or reproach whatsoever upon that account : and concluded all in these few , but weighty words , detisque hoc meis temporibus , grant me this in return to what you enjoy by my reign : words that carry an air of pride in them , but it is of the noblest and best sort ; and that could scarce have been said by any but him that had a right to say them . these are shining passages in the lives of those princes , that have rendred them famous to all posterity , and make them still live fresh and glorious , when the memory of tyrants gives horrour and detestation : for , as the panegyrick has it , this is the true and lasting glory of a prince ; these are the honours that outlive them , which neither length of time , envious successors , nor the flames themselves can deface . shine then , great princes , with your own glory , which makes you look brighter now , than you did in all the attire of majesty at your coronation : this is a lustre that you give your selves , and borrow not from ceremony . triumph in the hearts of your people by your vertues , and over your enemies by your mercy : this will cover them with shame , and you with honour ; and tho it may not be due to them , yet it is due to your selves . this shews that you were born for crowns , that you well deserve those you wear , but that greater ones are reserved for you : this gives you the love of your people , which to you will be always instead of treasures , fleets and armies : for it will always supply you with every thing you need . may the greatness of your own minds be your constant guides , rather than the peevishness of spiteful men , who may , as parmenio did , suggest what was sit for parmenio to do ; but your royal hearts will always move you to do what becomes an alexander , or , to speak truer english , what becomes william and mary . thus i have considered how the king is preserved , and the throne is upheld by mercy . if this is a sure fence , and a good bottom , we may all conclude that we are very safe . this speaks so much , that i may may well say nothing upon a head , which is capable of no censure on the one hand , how much soever the narrowness of some angry and impatient minds may have blamed the excesses on the other . but little people must have low thoughts ; whereas exalted souls have a compass of mercy far beyond their measure : and tho it is not to be denied , but that too great an easiness to forgive , may have some mischiefs attending it ; yet happy is the nation that is under princes , who may be too good on some occasions , but can be cruel on none : especially , when that flows not from a feeble easiness , but from true principles , and a real firmness and strength of mind . but after all , mercy hath its bounds : and it is often fit , and sometimes necessary , that those who have long abused it , and have presumed much upon it , should feel the weight of the law , and the burden of their own crimes : if mercy has its limits , the next fence in my text has none at all . truth does also preserve the king , and that does at all times , and upon all occasions , bind equally . the notion of truth is so plain , and the necessity of it is so visible , that all mankind seem to agree almost equally , both in commending and in neglecting it ; all men claim it from the rest of mankind , but almost every man pretends here to a dispensing power for himself . the common notion of truth is an opposition to all manner of falshood , doubleness or deceit : this is the foundation of all confidence , and the cement of all society ; and it is not only the honour , but both the chief strength and the best treasure of princes : this makes their subjects depend upon them , and their allies trust to them : the pressures and the fears of men of low degree , force them sometimes to make lies their refuge , they escape to it from a present mischief , which to them is more sensible than a lasting inconvenience , that a discovery which often comes and is always to be feared , will bring upon them . but princes are exalted far above all those occasions that poorer men may have for a lie , as long as their designs are noble and good : when these grow bad , they must indeed betake themselves to as bad shifts , but those will soon be found out ; and then though their condition will free them from the injuriousness of a discovery , yet the inconveniencies of it will hang upon them as long as they live : and therefore solomon reckoned lying lips in a prince one of the greatest incongruities that could be thought on . happy those , who how hard soever it may be to have the word , or obtain the promise of a prince , yet when they have it , know that they can trust to it , and depend upon it . truth stands sometimes for integrity , in opposition to corruption and bribery ; this is that to which princes in their own persons are little subject , unless it be to betray a confederate , or sell an alliance ; accidents that happen but seldom : but the best courts and the worthiest princes are subject to corruption by proxy , to have their favour , and often their justice too , and the protection and security of their people , set to sale , and that sometimes so grosly , as if an auction were proclaimed to him that bids most . men of vanity , avarice and luxury , that design both to live profusely , and to raise vast fortunes , cannot compass all this with regular appointments , and fair purchase ; but rather than fail in it , they will prostitute themselves , and , as much as in them lies , the honour of the prince likewise : by this means a king suffers not only in the esteem and love of his people , but all his affairs do likewise suffer sensibly , especially in critical times . no man thinks so much how to serve him , as how to rob the publick ; and every one reckons that he owes neither gratitude nor duty when he comes in as a purchaser : the first duty he thinks is to himself and his family , to recover once what he laid out , that so he may live afterwards on clear gains . one emperor nailed to the bench the skin of a judg that sold justice ; and another ordered a favourite to be smoaked to death , for selling the credit he had with him , and said , it was fit that he should die by air , who had sold it : if this death was too witty , yet certainly it was not too severe . corruption is so apt to return to courts , as a plant that grows in its proper soil , that many and great examples will be necessary to root it out . even samuel's sons took bribes , and neither the vertues of their father , nor the fall of eli's family , which was ruined for the sake of two bad sons , could keep them from corruption : and so indulgent are even good governours to those they love , that samuel , who had good reason to know how dear eli's indulgence to his sons stood him , was yet too remiss himself in looking narrowly to his own sons , which brought on him that publick affront , that the people did openly reproach him with it , and for that very reason desired a change of government . this evil is so common and so natural to men of power , and the poison of it is so pernicious , that princes who desire to preserve themselves and their people , cannot use care enough to watch over it . there is yet a third sense in which truth stands frequently in scripture ; we find it often both in the psalms and in this book , signifies true religion , and not only the profession , but the practice of it : of all men princes are those who owe most to god ; for as he has raised them to high degrees of earthly glory and happiness , so he has put it in their power to do the greatest good to mankind , and to make the world happy both in them and in one another : and as their zeal for truth in this highest and noblest sense , is that which gives them the clearest title to the favour and blessing of god ; so true and unaffected piety has a beauty in it that strikes the greater as well as the better part of mankind ; even men that are resolved to be bad themselves , are sorry to see their prince so ; for they do clearly perceive the ill effects which that may have upon the community , and that it may end in their own ruin at last : and all considering princes will have many occasions to observe , that impiety and vice are as hurtful to their affairs , as to the greater , the vastly greater concerns of religion . what fidelity or zeal , what duty or affection can be expected from men , who will be always truer to their interests and lusts , than to their own honour , or their masters service ? that are slaves to pleasure , and whose spirits are enervated , and their hours , as well as fortunes , devoured by luxury . it is an observation so obvious , that none can scape it , which gives one much regret , but yet with it some satisfaction , that our chief misfortunes are owing to those vices and excesses , which have not been yet severely enough repressed and punished . but as you , great princes , have begun to shew your dislike and hatred at these , and not contented to teach your court and subjects by your example , are resolved to imploy your authority , in obliging them at least to the decencies of vertue and religion : go on and prosper in these noble designs . what are conquests and triumphs , the wasting and dispeopling of cities and provinces , which make such a figure in the false estimate of the world , compared to the more real and solid honours of reforming vitious courts , luxurious cities , and degenerated countries ? this is so hard , and will be such a decried undertaking , especially by those who need it most , and who ought to promote it chiefly , that no small degree of courage and resolution is necessary to support those that set about it . suffer me to repeat to you the words with which god himself animated joshua on the like occasion ; be thou strong and very couragious , that thou mayst observe to do according to all the law which moses my servant commanded thee : turn not from it to the right hand or to the left , that thou mayst prosper whither-soever thou goest . this book of the law shall not depart out of thy mouth ; but thou shalt meditate therein day and night ; that thou mayst observe to do according to all that is written therein ; for then thou shalt make thy way prosperous , and then thou shalt have good success . have not i commanded thee ? be strong and of a good courage , be not afraid , neither be thou dismayed , for the lord thy god is with thee whithersoever thou goest . these words were said to joshua , after he had shewed his military courage upon great occasions ; and import , that besides the magnanimity of affronting danger , there is a courage in the mind , necessary to repress sin , and to maintain vertue and religion , that must compleat and perfect the other . happy you , that have it in your power to be such blessings to mankind ! may your will equal your power , and may all things bend to your authority : may it be ever imployed in advancing the honour of god , and the kingdom of his dear son ! may your persons be ever safe under his protection , and your government happy under his influence ! and may we at the conclusion of every year have fresh matter to rejoice in god , both on your account and on our own , who hath done great things for you , and for us all , both in you and by you . and let us all study that our thankfulness to god , may at least bear some proportion to his goodness to us : let us pay the vows that we made to him in our days of fasting and prayer : and as we desire another happy year to conclude what is so far carried on in this , let us make such a right use of our present advantages , and such decent returns for the blessings that we have in hand , as may give us a title to expect the compleating them in another season . we are now almost in sight of land , and the prospect is so fair , that nothing but our sins and our divisions can stop a course of success and glory , that is near its last and highest point . may no corrupt nor misguided humours , no unjust jealousies nor peevish resentments , no faction nor animosity in our councils , retard or defeat those great designs which have been hitherto under such a visible conduct and blessing from above . suffer me to sum up all in the words of samuel , upon an occasion not much unlike this : now therefore this is the king and queen that you have desired ; and behold , the lord hath set them over you ; if you will fear the lord and serve him , and obey his voice , and not rebel against the commandment of the lord , then shall both you and the kings that reign over you continue following the lord your god. and a little after he redoubles the exhortation : only fear the lord , and serve him in truth with all your heart , for consider how great things he hath done for you : may they be compleated ! may they be lasting ! and may they produce amongst us , all that for which they are intended ! may our princes still triumph ! may their councils be always wise ; and their forces ever prosperous ! and may we and our posterity after us rejoice long in our kings ! may they live long , and may their names live for ever ; and may all nations call them blessed ! may religion and vertue prevail and flourish , and the church be established under them ! may they ever preserve mercy and truth , that so they may be ever preserved , and their throne always upheld by them ! may justice and righteousness ever flow from them , and such an abundance of peace , as may make us both safe and rich , great and happy under their protection : so that both we and all round about us , when we reflect on the of this age , may almost forget the of the former , and that our second th of november may wear out the remembrance of the st . and to conclude all , for i can rise no higher ; may the happy and glorious days of queen elizabeth be darkned and eclipsed by the more happy and more glorious reign of king william and queen mary . finis . books lately printed for richard chiswell . some remarks upon the ecclesiastical history of the a ●olent churches of piedmont . by peter allix , d. d. a vindication of their majesty's authority , to fill the sees of the deprived bishops , in a letter out of the country , occasioned by dr. b — 's refund of the bishoprick of bath and wells . to . v. cl. gvlielmicamdeni , & illustrium vi ●erum ad g. gamutnum epistolae . cum appendice varii argumenti . accesseruit a ●ndli ●● regni regis jacobi i. apparatus , & commentarius de antiquitate , dignitate , & officio comitis marescalli angliae . praemittitur g. camdeni vita . scriptore thoma smitho s.t.d. ecclesiae anglicanae presbytero . to . memoirs of what past in christendom from the war begun , to the peace concluded . vo . remarks upon the ecclesiastical history of the ancient churches of the albigenses . by peter allix , d. d. treasurer of the church of sarum . to . advertisement . proposals will be shortly published by richard chiswell , for subscription to a book ( now finished ) intituled , angliae sacrae , pars secvnda ; sive collectio historiarum , antiquitus scriptarum , de archiepiscopis & episcopis angliae , à prima fidei christianae susceptione , ad annum mdxl. plures antiquas de vitis & regni gestis praesulum anglicorum historius sine certo ordine congestas complexa . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e in arts ●●de . plin ●inlr ●● quod enim pr ●●stabilius aut pulchrius munus deorum quam cistus & sanctus & dii ● simillimus princeps ? — qui nec minus hominem se quam hominibus prae ●●se meminit . — sid ●lissuna custo ●li ● principis ipsius ●ano ●●ncia . jul. capit. nemo illum plaugendum censuit : oertis omnibus quod a diis comodatus ad deos rediisset . . sam. . . . dan. . luke . . psalm . , . rev. . . sam. . , . sam. . . chap. ● . , . verse . sam. . . verse . v. . v. . sam. . non est tami vita , ut si ego non periam cum mul ●i perdendi sunt . lib. de clem , regibuscertior est , ex mansuetudine securitas : quia frequens vindicta paucorum odium reprimit , omnium irritat . voluntas oportet ante saeviendi quam causa deficiat . liberi mei pereant , si magis amari merebitur avidius quāilli : & si magis reipublicae expediat cassium vivere quam liberos marci . oro atque obsecro ut censura vestra deposita , meam pietatem clementiamque servetis . vivant igirur securi , scientes sub marco se vivere . scis enim ubi vera principis ubi sempiterna sit gloria , ubi sint honores , in quos nihilflammis , nihil senectuti , nihil successoribus liceat . sam. . . sam. . . josh. . , , . sam. , , , . the true portraiture of the kings of england, drawn from their titles, successions, raigns and ends, or, a short and exact historical description of every king, with the right they have had to the crown, and the manner of their wearing of it, especially from william the conqueror wherein is demonstrated that there hath been no direct succession in the line to create an hereditary right, for six or seven hundred years : faithfully collected out of our best histories, and humbly presented to the parliament of england / by an impartial friend to justice and truth. parker, henry, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing p ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing p estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the true portraiture of the kings of england, drawn from their titles, successions, raigns and ends, or, a short and exact historical description of every king, with the right they have had to the crown, and the manner of their wearing of it, especially from william the conqueror wherein is demonstrated that there hath been no direct succession in the line to create an hereditary right, for six or seven hundred years : faithfully collected out of our best histories, and humbly presented to the parliament of england / by an impartial friend to justice and truth. parker, henry, - . [ ], p. printed by r.w. for francis tyton ..., london : . "to the reader" signed: henry parker. imperfect: print showthrough with loss of print. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. eng kings and rulers -- succession. great britain -- kings and rulers. great britain -- politics and government. a r (wing p ). civilwar no the true portraiture of the kings of england; drawn from their titles, successions, raigns and ends. or, a short and exact historical descri parker, henry c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the trve portraitvre of the kings of england ; drawn from their titles , successions , raigns and ends . or , a short and exact historical description of every king , with the right they have had to the crown , and the manner of their wearing of it ; especially from william the conqueror . wherein is demonstated , that there hath been no direct succession in the line to create an hereditary right , for six or seven hundred yeers ; faithfully collected out of our best histories , and humbly presented to the parliament of england . by an impartial friend to iustice and truth . psal. . . put not your trust in princes . psal. . . men of high degree are a lye ; to be laid in the ballance , they are altogether lighter then vanitie . nihil est imperium ut sapientes definiunt , nisi cura salutis alienae , ammianus lib. . london , printed by r. w. for francis tyton at the three daggers in fleet-street , neer the inner temple-gate , . to the reader . reader , in the study of politicks , the more confident we are , commonly the less proficient we are . for there is no other study wherein the passions of men do more impetuously contravene , and overturn right reason . men born in popular states , think themselves bound to abhor all kings , as being de genere bestiarum rapacium : so rome it self pronounced from the mouth of cato the censor . others on the contrary born under monarchs , speak as odiously of democracies , and make this reply to cato , that even rome her self , when she plundred a third part of the world , and graced her own captains , with the pompous titles of africanus , asiaticus , achaicus , &c. was as ravenous a beast as any other . see what strong byasses wisemen have , and obey . the question is not , whether this , or that form be free from oppression and injustice , or not ; we know well , all forms have their peculiar advantages , and disadvantages : and that at some times they all transgress their own rules and interests , as it were by accident , and not out of misconstitution : the question is , whether the one constitution or the other be more free , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , from oppression , and injustice ? now for solution of this , greater light shines , and breaks in upon us from demonstration , and sensual proof , then from syllogisms , and logical inductions . reading assures us , that rome was not so just to other nations , nor so constant to the interest of her own citizens , when she was under kings and emperors , as she was , when she chose her own consuls , and limited magistrates . t is as apparent also at this day , that the people of venice , the german hans-towns , switzerland , the united provinces , &c. do more flourish , and truly injoy the due benefits of liberty , there the french , turkish , or any royalists whatsoever . t is further as visible by the publike banks of treasure kept in democracies , and the strange splendor which traffick brings to them beyond monarchies , that faith is not kept so sacred and inviolable where one raigns , as where majesty and supream power remains vested in the people ; and most sure it is , the sanctity and untemerated chastity of publike faith is the best and firmest basis of all government . to dispute these things , is to undervalue the report of our own senses ; and to deny our own senses , is to deny our selves to be men . the enemies of our present government ubraide this our popular model , the rather , because it exasperates all our neighbours against us ; whereas this is a great argument for us , that our neighbours are troubled at the ejection of monarchy . for neighbours are more apt to envie then pitty : and the condition of him that is envied , is far better then his that is pitied . the main advantage that commends hereditary monarchy , is the unity of it , for that it is not so liable to civil broils and commotions , as other temperaments where the magistrate is elective : yet reader , if thou wilt strip thy self of thy passions and prejudices , and peruse this treatise , thou shalt see that even hereditary monarchy it self is far from being a soveraign , a remedy against civil breaches and divisions . the author of this book is unknown to me , and the book it self came casually to my hands , but i have been induced to publish it , because it invites thee not to precepts , but precedents , not to disputable but to visible politicks . i need say no more ; by the work rather then report judge of the author , and by experiment rather then logick judge of the work . henry parker . the true portraiture of the kings of england , drawn from their titles , successions , reigns , and ends , &c. to treat of the nature and difference of governments , the distinction and preheminence of monarchy , or aristocracie , with the other kinds , and forms , which have , according to the temper of the people , and the necessity of providence , had their course in the world , will be useless in this discourse , which is calculated only for this nation , and to describe not so much the government , as the persons who have ruled among us , and is onely suited to monarchy as it hath had the sway of the english throne ; a discourse not so pleasing as profitable ; we are loth to have our old soars launced , or to think of change , though it be of misery , the temper of this nation being apt to be pleased with any thing that is stately , and costly , though never so dangerous and miserable ; yet something must be said in generall , to prepare the way for the particulars of this treatise , which is not intended as controversall , or definitive of the nature of things , but meerly practical and demonstrative , fit for every eye that means not to shut himself up in blindness , and darkness . as the foundation and originall of government is confest to be of equall antiquity with the generation and multiplication of mankind : so doubless the just and methodicall use , and due management of it , is as necessary to the well-being of men , as the exact proportions , and orderly motions of the heavens are to the preservation of the globes ; and certainly without it the rationall world would be more miserable then the materiall without sun , moon and stars , with all coelestiall influences , which as they do beautifie and bespangle the world , so they do preserve it from returning to its first chaos , and rude mass of matter ; nothing being more contrary to that unity , and harmony , which the god of nature hath moulded , and disposed all things at first in , then disorder , and confusion , in which , as there is nothing of a deity to be discerned , so nothing of peace or happiness can possibly be found . and notwithstanding all this , the world hath scarce known what the natural sweetness and true benefits of government are , but only as comparative and rather as opposite to anarchy , then as advancing really and effectually the just liberties and freedoms of societies , or propagating the commonwealth of mankind ; for what through the ignorance and sloath of the people , and the pride and ambition of governors , the whole order and end of government hath been inverted , and subverted , upon all occasions ; and that which was made for the good of the whole , hath been so contracted , and circumscribed in one person , that the great and soveraign use , and end of it , by practise and custom , hath been rather to set up the pomp , and state of one man , and his family , then to promote or propagate the profit and happiness of the universe ; and whereas of right to its constitution , it should have a free election as its originall , and common good for its end , and just and equall laws for its rule ; it hath had usurpation for its principle , and tyranny , and bondage for its medium , and end . as to this day we may see in the greatest part of the world , where all the liberties of millions of men of all sorts of conditions , and ranks , are buryed in the glory and splendor of one family ; through which narrow channels , all honor and justice , all law and reason are to run up and down the world . and whereas the goodness , and beauty of government consists in the harmonious temperature of power , and obedience , of authority , and liberty , it hath been quite otherwise inverted by practise , and made apparent to lie in the majestie , and greatness of the monarch , and the absolute subjection , and servitude of the people ; and the excellency , and sweetness of it rather to be seen in the presence-chamber , and the magnificence , and grandeur of the court , then in the courts of justice , and the rich and flourishing estate of the kingdom , nothing being accounted more politicall , and glorious , then to have the prince high , and the subjects beggars ; and yet this ceremoniall way of government , hath took most place in the world , and got almost divine adoration , and hath thrust out all other forms of government , ( equally sacred with it self , and most proportionable to the nature and benefits of societies , and the fee-simple of all the liberties of the people ( which are as their bloud and spirits in their veins ) sold to maintain its state . besides many causes , and grounds of this degeneration ( whereby so much misery hath overflowed the nations of the world ) i find two , which at present are principally to be mentioned ; the first is the neglect of a right sence , and the often inculcating the originall , and end of government ; and the next a lineal succession , or continuation of government , by a natural and supposed heirship ; for want of the first , neither the people know their own rights , or how to maintain them ; or the governour his use and end , nor how to keep himself within the just bounds , and limits of his creation ; for what between the stupidity , and ignorance of the people in not knowing their primitive priviledges , that they are the originall , and end of vernment ; and the pride , and ambition of men , when once they have got power , forget both how they came by it , and to what end they are distinguished from other men , government comes both to be usurped , and tyrannicall . did the people but know that their choice and election is the foundation of just authority , & that none can rule over them but whom they appoint , they would not then be drawn into controversies and debates , whether it be treason in them to cast off a bad governour , who have the only power of choosing a good one ; and on the other side , if kings , and princes ( for to reduce all to them who have been most guilty of the abuse of government ) had but the continuall sence of the root from whence they sprung , and the duties annexed to their offices , they could not look on themselves as rulers , but tyrants when they acted for their own private prerogative ▪ in distinction from , and contrarie to the liberties and freedoms of the people ; but these considerations have been by time and prescription worn out of the mind and memories of both , partly through continual insinuations of court maxims , and the spirit of bondage in the people , and by force and usurpation in the magistrate , whereby it hath gone a long while for currant , that the people have no power , nor the prince no account to give but to god , from whom they challenge an immediate title , as if kings and princes , all their names , and successions were let down from heaven , in the same sheet that the beasts were in peters vision , and had not their root in the earth as all other magistrates besides . we have had much ado of late , but to beat off from these royal notions , both by pens and swords , and yet still they have too strong a hold in most mens hearts , though to their own undoing . whereas all men are equally born free , and naturaliz'd into all the priviledges of freedom and just liberty , no man can obtain a speciall power over any , but either ex pacto aut scelere , either by willing agreement , and consent , which is the right and just way of title , and most naturall , or by conquest , and usurpation , which is most exotick , and unjust ; for the original of kingly power , in the scripture , we all know it came in as an effect of the wantonness , and discontents of the israelites , against that speciall way of government god himself had set over them ; and view the character god gives to them of that government , and not a blessing he gives them with it ; for its rise among the heathens , and nations ( which knew not god ( among whom that government most prevail'd ; ) it was certainly first good , and grounded on the exorbitancies , and excess of other magistrates , and a high opinion of the justice , and vertue of some particluar persons , as cicero lib. offic. . excellently expresseth it ; mihi quidem non apud medos solum ( ut ait herodotus ) sed etiam apud majores nostros , servandae justiciae causa videntur olim bene morati reges constituti : nam cum premeretur initio multitudo ab iis qui majores opes habebant , ad unum aliquem confugiebant virtute praestantem . as if taking it for granted that among all nations that preservation , and execution of justice , with injoyning of vertue , was the first ground of the constitution of kings ; but they having got by their own goodness chief power and authority , use that favour they had gained from their own deserts , to advance their own family ; and having got in the affections of the people , through the sence of their own present worth , what by power and force , and what by policy and craft , got the same power entailed on their heirs , and so by custom have made succession the onely right , or at least the most just to crowns , and scepters . a principle which hath more hindred the advance of government , and run it on more hazards and mischiefs then any other , where by a fatall custom , people must be irreparably content with what they can finde , and reducing all to a blinde fate , & fortune , be he good , or prove bad , talis , qualis , give up both their own wills and liberties to such a succession , not only by a natural necessity , but a divine institution : how the world came to be so blinded , as thus to give away their rights and liberties , and morgage their understandings , and freedom , as bankrupts do their lands , is not to be determined , but by supposal of a judgement of god , and an over-reach of power and force , or by an ignis fatuus of policie and subtilty . for this naturall and hereditary succession ( which is now adored as the grand title ) if truly considered , is nothing else but a continuation of conquest , or a surprisall by the good nature of the people , when they have been either low , and in fear , and taking advantage of their high esteem of some eminent person , who hath been more then ordinary instrumentall to them , have got the people to convey the same honor to their posterity after them ; the peoples consent being thus ravished from them , it s made a law , both civil and divine to after generations ; but the world is now , or should be grown wise : let us consider the nature and use of this succession , both in general , and particular , especially as it hath been acted in england . among all the catalogue of vanities which solomon reckons up in his sacred retractations , there is none he puts such a character on , as for a man to spend his time and strength in getting of riches , and knows not who shall succeed him in the injoyment of the profit and good of his labour , or whether he may be a wise man or a fool ; but what a misery , and worse then vanity is this , that the supream power of government ( in the right execution of which all the concernments of millions of men are interested ) should be intailed on one man , ( though never so deserving in his own person , ) and the heirs of his body , be he good or bad , a wise man , or very nigh a fool , and so all their happiness depend on hap and hazard from generation to generation ? it cannot be rationally or spiritually supposed , that any man should be born a magistrate or governor , especially not successively , when the best men , and most choise spirits , who have had the highest eminencies of vertue , and best improvement of education , and natural genius , are hardly fit for so great a work . if kings have such a vis formativa in their loyns , as to beget kings in the likeness of their office , as children in the image of their natures , it must be necessarily supposed , that they must generate all these royall qualifications together with them , and by the same naturall necessity transfer all their princely endowments to them also . whereas i had almost affirmed it , ( and i hope no man can account it either heresie or treason ) that god himself cannot intail on any particular line of mankinde , the power and authority of government out of his wisdom , and love to their happiness ( without he meant to do it in judgement , and to plague the world ) and not give them sutable and successive qualifications also , fit for that emploiment ; it being gods use ( according to his wisdom , and righteousness ) neither ordinarily nor extraordinarily to call out persons to any place , but he anoints them with proportionable gifts to it . and yet the poor people ( whom god hath naturally made free , and to make use of their own understandings and affections for their own good ) are by this succession , bound up from the improvement either of soul or body , fain to be content with what they can get for present , and to shift it out from age to age ( with the loss of all opportunities of choice ) only with what corrupt nature brings them forth , which oftentimes travels sorely in pain with the curse of the fathers who begat these governors . hence also it comes to pass , that oftentimes children are made kings , and though they are uncapable at present for the actuall exercise of that office , yet are proclaimed , as having the right , and title , and all things acted in their name , and the whole commonwealth , it may be of many nations , must wait for his capacity with fear and hope , which capacity is also at best to be judged by his years , rather then fitness or qualification for so high a trust ; and in the mean while the kingdom must be governed by some favorites of the last king , or some next kinsman to this ; and while the king is thus in pupillage , we may well ask , who governs the kingdom ? and yet oftentimes it hath faln out , that their government hath been better ordered in their nonage by others , then in their own by themselves , as appears especially in the raign of henry the third , and henry the sixth , kings of england ; the first being but nine years old when his father died , the latter but nine moneths ; who while they were yong , and under the protection of certain wise and sober men , the laws were administred uprightly , and with much justice ; but when they themselves came to the years of kingship , and prerogative ▪ so royalled , that both laws & liberties were soon altered and abolished , as anon the reader shall have a more exact account ; and how sad is it , that when government may be advanced as well , if not better by others in their minority , without their presence or influence , the world must be at such vast charges for a title , and to maintain it ere they can use it , and which is worst , that when they come to exercise it themselves , should make their title the ground of their tyranny . but if it so happen ( for its a meer chance ) ▪ that the next heir prove somewhat more then ordinary capable , yet what the next may prove , who knows ? if he be an infant , ( as it many times falls out ) then there must be patient and hopefull waitings , to see what he will be when grown up ; untill that , there can be no further progress made in the alteration or reformation of affairs , though of never so great , and present concernment ; and when he comes to these years which custom pronounceth him capable , how unreasonable is it , that nothing can hinder , or exclude him from his authority , but that he is incapable of being beg'd for a fool ? it being enough , if he can koow his own name , and be able to write himself rex , though he knows little what belongs to the office , or relation of a king . if he be one of riper years , and stature , on which this su●●●ssion falls , then must all the observation of his nature , and the ominous , and more then astrological aspects of his constitution , and education be forgotten ; and although silenced in his pretended title , and a full complyance looked after , though opprest with never so many fears , and secret wishes of a more hopefull governour ; yea , and though he hath been never so active against the liberties of the people , when but a prince , and given demonstrations what a governor they may expect , yet his succession must be his qualification , and indemnity , and his title his vertue . on this ground also it comes to pass , that oftentimes women come to hold the rains of government ; and to steer at the helm , as wel as men ; for if there be any defect of the male line , the female succeeds ; and that feeble and weaker sex , whom god & nature have ordained to be onely particular helps , and good subjects , ( only to keep up the name of a family ) must be invested with the highest authority , over the choisest , and most select spirits of many nations , and all further thoughts of bettering the state of things utterly extinguish'd by a female pretence . and which is most desperate by this succession , ( and its plea of the only and absolute right ) the fundamental liberties of the people are not onely insensibly undermined , but absolutely rooted up , and that birth-right priviledge of the people , their election and choice , then which , they have nothing more naturall , and which is far more hereditary to them and theirs , then by all the laws of god ▪ nature , and reason , crowns can be to kings and their heirs , is quite extinguished ; for pass by the first king , ( who it may be as with us it hath been , came in by conquest ) you must go back in some kingdoms five hundred , in others a thousand years , ere you can but recover the clear notion of a free election ( wherin the peoples power and priveledge is alone and peculiarly seen ) and yet that so faintly and hardly extorted from them , as great loans of mony from a cruel miser , without use or advantage ; and though election must be acknowledged at last , the first just ground of government , yet custom in successions soon wears out its right , and transfers it on the next bloud ; and though in england it appears by the coronation oath , that there is even in succession a kind of election , yet it s so limited in the line , that it s as good as nothing , and so weak and implicitely manifested , that it s but a meer customary ceremony , which always is pursued by the natural title , and onely used to deceive the people , and as a step to the further confirmation of a more fundamentall , and sure right ; and its easie to demonstrate it ; for our kings soon forget it , ere they come from westminster to whitehall , or from the chair of inauguration to the presence chamber . in a word , what gives all this ground of such an inevitable and successively insensible incroachment on the laws and liberties of nations , but this lineall title , whereby the son without remedy goes on where the father left off , and by a divine pretence seiseth on what by nature is due to the meanest subject , as to himself ? and what makes the present kings so daring , and venturous to raise their own prerogative , but this , that that they know there can be no alienation of the crown from his heirs , and that they may make it better ( that is more tyrannicall ? ) but surer they cannot : and thus there is a constant hope , and possibility , by continuation and propagation of principles , and designs , backed with title , and authority , that what cannot be done in one kings reign , may be done in the next , and so on ; for the minds of princes are not usually contracted , or contented with present enjoyments ; especially if there be any restraint on their wills , or more of heighth , or advancement to be attained unto . yea , this is one of the main reasons ( that in our times can be rendred ) why we have had such uneven actings , and such strange alterations in several kings raigns ; the principles , and laws , the people have been always the same , who are capable of small or no variation or change , but as higher , and supream influences move them , of which none hath been so powerfull as princes , who as they are stars of the first magnitude , so of the strongest operations ; and though the people be compared to the sea , yet as the sea , they have no turbulent motion of their own , but what is occasioned by violent and uncertain winds ; but the great change hath been by the temper , and actings of princes , and commonly the next successor hath been the omen and fate of the times ; if any way good , then the nation smiled , and his raign began the spring ; if probable , there was hopes ; and yet both these at first promised , but at length frustrated ; and however the beginnings were , yet the succession of acts demonstrated how the title was created ; for untill they have made their succession sure , none have been more fair , and promising , but afterwards both laws and liberties , like favourites , have been advanced ad placitum ; and what they have got an interest in by nature , that by prerogative they have centred in their own proper persons , even the most fundamentall priviledges of the people , and have only granted leases unto the people of their own inheritances , and dated them not for life ( which would have been too great a mercy ) but as long as the royall pleasure lasts , which changes alwayes with advantages . yea , by this succession tyranny is so intailed , and all things so necessarily acted , as if the prince were not onely the civil , but natural parent of the people , and that kings had begot the people as so many bastards to obey , as they do beget one lawfully to raign over them . it s too well known , that good and wise men are the fewest of the sons of men , and are commonly pickt out here , and there , as rich pearls on the shoar of violent torrents ; but to expect in one line , and family , a succession of good , wise , and governing men , is almost as probable to christians , as to expect mahomets second coming among the turks , after so many hundred years delusion ; and although it must be acknowledged , that there have been some good kings , yet they have been so few , that as their names from the beginning of the world can hardly make up the dominical letters in the almanack , or possibly supply the holydayes in the year , so a little goodness hath gon far , and at the best we shall finde it but comparative ; good kings instead of better governors , as some of the roman cesars , chose those to succeed them who were worse then themselves , that they might commend , and set off their own raign , though tyrannicall enough in it self ; and we may without any passion demonstrate , that the design by succession hath been rather to keep up the governors , and palliate their vices , then ever to maintain or highthen the glory , and splendor , or carry on the benefit of the government it self in the execution of good and righteous laws . but to come nigher home , and leave generals ( granting succession in it self to be a good title ) let us view without partiality , the succession of the kings of england , whereby they plead their title to the crown , and we shall find in our histories , that nothing hath been more commonly interrupted , then a succession of the next heir ; and for this seaven or eight hundred years ( if not more ) we have not had succession continued in any even line or just right , and no title was ever more broken , and unjust , then of our kings , if they make a lineall , and hereditary succession the foundation of their right ; let us look but a little back to those which preceded the norman race , especially among the saxons and danes , the ancient competitors for the government of this nation , and it will appear , that the right heir hath been commonly past by ; and strangers or usurpers preferred ; to go no further back then to alfred king of the west saxons , and the twenty fourth monarch of the englishmen ; as soon as he died , athelstan his bastard was preferred before his legitimate son edmond , & after him got his own brother edmond to succeed him ; and though this edmond left two sons , edwin , and edgar , yet as he & his former brother had usurped the goverment , so edred his brother stept into the throne , and put them by until he had finished his raign , & then they took their turns ; edwin first , and edgar after him ; this edgar had two wives , ethelfled his first , and elfrida the second : by the first he had issue , edward , sirnamed the martyr , who succeeded his father in title ; but having hardly felt the crown warm , and fast on his head , was cruelly murthered , to make way for the second wives son ethelred who succeeded him , as daniel well expresseth it , whose entrance into his raign was blood , the middle misery , and the end confusion ; and though he left his son edmond , sirnamed ironside , to succeed him , yet canutus the dane by compact got half of the kingdom from him , and soon after the whole , setting up his danish title , and murthering the two sons edmund had left , with his brother edwin , that no further pretence might be made by them of their title ; and now come the danes to convey their title by ▪ canutus ; and yet harold his bastard gets the crown before hardicanute , who was his legitimate son ; and among these three kings ( for the government under the danes continued but twenty six years , and only under these three was aone usurper , & immediatly interrupted the right of succession . and the danes government being ended , which was but an intervall of conquest ) the saxons regain their title ; and edward , called the confessor , the seventh son of elthelred ( who came in with the murther of the right heir ) being kept as a reserve in normandy ) is elected king , and the saxons title now begins to revive , but soon it s extinguished , not onely by the norman pretence ▪ but by the next successor , harold the second , son to goodwin , earl of kent , who came in with the expulsion of edgar athlings the proper successor . and with harold ended the saxon race , which had lasted about five hundred years , after the coming in of hengist , and their plantation in this kingdom ; and yet you see what have been the titles successively of these former kings , wherein the line hath not onely been now and then through force and violence cut off and discontinued , but usurpation solemnized with as much ceremony as any natural pretence : but these instances are but as representations of objects afar off , which may seem otherwise then they are ; we will go on and review the title of our kings from william the norman , sirnamed the conqueror , and by whom , not onely the line , but all the whole fram of laws and liberties were not onely curtail'd but changed ; for though in the raigns of the former kings , every conqueror made his impression , and drew his picture in england , yet never was the whole scene of state changed untill now , and a new modell so peremptorily ( and without repeal ) introduced , as by him : the first jus , or right of his title ( the onely foundation of all the rest of our latter kings ( we all know was by meer conquest , which as it is a disseisin in law , so an unjust title in reason , and common to one as unto another : yet he though a bastard , ( and so had less title to his dukedom then to england which he won by the sword ) made himself the principal of that divine succession we now stand upon , and all our kings have no other pretence then by the succession of his sword ; and certainly , if the fountain , and head-spring be corrupt , the stream cannot be christall and pure ; and yet ( as baron thorpe declares in his charge given at the assizes holden at yorke the twentieth of march , . and now in print ) of all these twenty four kings , which have king'd it amongst us since that william , there are but seven of them that could pretend legalty to succeed their former predecessors , either by lineal , or collaterall title , ( and he might have contracted that number , and have been modest enough . ) but that the reader may not be prejudiced , or wrap up his understanding in any expression , let him but follow the discents of the kings of england in the line , ( and pardon the first strange and exotick way of right ) and he will discover , that as the first title was created by force , so the succession hath been continued by usurpation . speed ( too royall a writer ) gives us a hint to go on upon in the life of henry the fourth , page . ( asketh by way of interrogation ) what right had will , the conqueror , the father of all our glorious tyrants ? what right ( we speak , saith he , of a right of equity ) had his son william rufus , and henry the first , while their elder brother lived ? and so he goes on . but to give a more particular account to the reader , how ▪ every king came to his crown , let us begin with the first of the first . after that the first william , who laid the foundation of his right in the blood of the english , had left this world , as well as his kingdom , great strivings there were who should succeed ; and though he left three sons , robert , william , and henry , yet could leave but one heir , which was robert ; yet william surnamed rufus , gets the crown set on his head , notwithstanding the elder brothers title , and though robert fights for his right , yet being too weak in the field , is fore't to a composition , on these terms that he should injoy it after his decease , if he hapned to survive ; and yet notwithstanding , henry the youngest brother ( called henry the first ) steps in , and makes use of his brothers absence to set up himself in his place ; and robert yet surviving , he weares it in his stead , and however he strove to regain his right , he at last was fain to yield up , not only his title , but his person to henry , who not only unjustly excluded him from the succession to the kingdom , but cruelly put out his eyes that he might only feel his misery , and never see his remedy . the line male of the conqueror is now extinct , as well as it was irregularly diverted ; as william got his right by his sword , so all his successors maintained it in imitation of him , rather then by any legal pretence they could derive from him . but henry the first ( though ▪ he had come in over the back of his elder brother ) that he might make more sure work for a succession , wanting issue male living , pitcheth on maud his daughter , formerly married to the emperor henry the fourth , who left her a widow , and died without issue ; and having sworn all the nobility ( especially stephen ) to her , ordained her & her issue to be his successors in englands ▪ throne , and married her again to jeoffrey plantagenet , the son and heir apparent of fulk , then earl of anjou , by whom she had three sons , henry , jeffrey , and william ; to henry the crown belonged as next heir after his mother ( by the usurped title of his father , ) yet stephen , earl of mortain , and bulloign , son to adelincia the third daughter of william the conqueror , by maud his wife , ( notwithstanding his oath to the last king ) gets the crown set on his own head , and excludes her , and her issue for the present ; yet after he died , henry , called the second , sirnamed shortmantle , though his mother was alive , enjoys it . this henry had six sons , william , henry richard , jeoffrey , philip , john ; the two first dying , richard the third son , the first of that name , sirnamed ceur de lyon succeeded his father ; this richard dying without issue , his yongest brother john usurps the crown , notwithstanding jeoffrey his elder brother had left a young son , named arthur plantaganet king of brittain , who was heir apparant to the crown ; and after he dyed , henry his son the third of that name succeedes him , though arthurs sister was then alive , ( though in prison ) who was next to the title ( such as it was ) ; after him edward sirnamed longshankes , called edward the first , layes hold on the crown and wore it with much majesty , and after him edward the second his son goes on , but still on the old account , and on the ruine of the most proper heirs ; this edward was deposed by the parliament for his ill government as anon shall be more fully related ; and his son edward the third of that name set up in his room ; after him followed richard the second , son to the black prince , who was also deposed , after whose dethroning , henry called the fourth , son to john of gant duke of lancaster , and uncle to the former king , snatcheth up the crown , though of right it , was to discend to edmund mortimer , earle of march , the son and heir of lionel duke of clarence , the third son of edward the third , and an elder brother of john duke of lancaster ; and thus we have nothing hitherto , but interruption , and usurpation ; and those which in their own reigns can pretend a divine title by succession , which must not be altered , can for their advantage put by the succession of the issue of others . but to go on , here now began the bloody wars , and contests between the house of lancaster , and york which made the world to ring of the misery of the civill wars of england , and all about a title , and neither of them ( if seriously weighed ) had a right title by succession , if the first title of their ancestors were to be the originall ; but that custome might be the best right , he got in his son henry , who was the fifth of that name , to succeed ; and his son henry the sixt ( though an infant ) takes his place , untill edward duke of york overthrew his army in the battle at towton field , and got him deposed , and was proclaimed king by the name of edward the fourth , though the title had been carried on in the house of lancaster thorow three discents ; thus favor , and fortune , not lineall succession alwayes gave the best title ; this edward left two sons behind him , ( to maintain the succession of the house of york ) edward and richard duke of york and five daughters . his eldest son edward who was the fifth of that name , succeeded him in claim , & title , but rather lived then raigned ( being an infant ) had never any actuall exercise of his government ; for ric. duke of glocester , and uncle to this infant , and made his protector , that he might set up himself , causeth both the young titular king , & his brother , ( these two royall infants ) to be barbarously murthered in their beds , and so wears the crown himself , by the name of richard the third , untill henry earl of richmond ( a twigg of a bastard of john of gaunt ) by his valour at bosworth field , having overthrown his army , slew the tyrant himself , and created by his sword ( for other he had none ) a new title to himself , and was crowned king , by the name of henry the seventh , who , what by his power and by a marriage of the lady eliz. the eldest daughter of ed. the fourth , confirmed his succession , & from him do all our later princes derive their title , as henry the eighth , edward the sixth , queen mary , queen elizabeth , king james , and our last tyrant charls . this henry , the foundation of our great ones , was himself but a private man , who as speed says , had scarce any thing of a just title , or of a warrantable intention , but to remove an usurper ; besides there were many naturall heirs of the house of york which were children of edward the fourth , and george duke of clarence , richards elder brother , who had better right : but when once a title is made , it must be maintained , and if it can but get thorow two or three successors , it s presently proclaimed to be jure divino , and pleaded as the onely just title and right . thus you have a faithfull , and true account of the succession of our norman monarchs ; we can onely say we have had so many persons raigning , and as kings of england ; but for a title by lineal succession , there is none , but what every man may make aswell as any man , and what is as proper to a stranger , as to an heir ; power , and favour , murther and deceit being the most common principles of the right of most of our kings to their government over us . if it be asked , as speed doth , what right had william the conqueror ? then it must follow , what right had all the rest ? but supposing his right , what right had these , who so many times cut off the line , and made themselves the stock of future succession ? and what misery is it that this broken and usurped title must still be forced on us , even by an ecclesiasticall , and divine institution , who have now a way of redeeming our liberties , and bettering our conditions , and following the direct line of just and true titles , the election and choice of the people ? is not five or six hundred year enough for england to be under the succession of a norman bastard ( pardon the expression , its true though plain ) and to be sold with all its liberties , from usurpation to usurpation , as well as from generation to generation ? i need not be very zealous in application , the history is enough to make all wise men consider , by whom we have all this while been governed , and upon what terms ; how tyranny and usurpation comes to be adored , if it have but a royall name added to it . shall the parliament of england be now blamed for cutting off that race of usurpers and tyrants , and reducing affairs to their first naturall and right principle ; or will the people of england after all their experiences , centre their liberties and freedoms in a customary usurpation of succession , and lose their common-wealth for the personall glory of a young pretender ? especially , when they have fought against the father , and cut him off as a tyrant , endeavour to set up the son to follow on both the first cause , and revenge , meerly because he was supposed to be proceeded of his polluted loyns : this blindness will be our misery , and endear us to a more perfect and more tyrannicall slavery then ever yet england felt . but to go on , the reader hath seen what a line we have had in england , and how pure a title our kings have had to their crowns ; le ts now but have patience to view their actings successively , and yet shortly , and we shall better guess of their right by their raigns ; for though one would think that they should endeavour to make good a bad title by a good raign , yet it hath been far otherwise ; every man having made his right by force , maintained it by tyranny ; and when they have gotten power , never remembered how , or to what end they attained it ; if we look back again , and make a new and strict survey of their severall actings in their government , and go over every kings head since willam the conqueror , we shall not much mistake if we pass by turkie , russia , the moors , and yet call englands kings tyrants , and their subjects slaves ; and however in the theory , and system it have been limited , and bounded by good and distinguishing laws , yet in the exercise and practique part almost of every kings raign , we shall find it deserve as bad a name as others who are called most absolute ; for the laws and priviledges which this poor nation hath enjoyed , as they have been but complementally granted for the most part , and with much design , so they have ever ( upon any occasion ) proved but weak and low hedges against the spring-tides , and land floods of the prerogative of the prince , which hath always gained more on the priviledges of the people , then ever the sea by all its washing and beatings of its boysterous and unmerciful waves hath gained on the land ; for if at any time the poor commons ( through much strugling , and a good and present necessitous mood of the prince ) have got off any present oppressions , and forced out the promise for enacting of any good and seasonable laws : yet either the next advantage , or at least the next successor , hath been sure , either to silence , or diannul it , and incroached upon it ; and never was priviledge or good law enacted , or gained to the people , but by hard pressure of the subject , and with a predominant ingredient of the kings advantage , and still rather out of courtesie then right . we shall finde also that england for three or four hundred years together ( some lucida intervalla excepted ) hath been a stage of blood , and the astonishment of all nations in civil wars , and that meerly , either for the clearing of the title to the crown ( which yet at last was onely made lawfull by the prevailing power , and as soon made illegall when another side got the better ) or else by the subject and barons , taking up arms to defend themselves , and make rampiers ( if possible ) against the inundation of prerogative , and rather preserving , then obtaining any additions of liberties , and yet they were commonly defeated at last ; for if for the present by some eminent advantage , they got a little ground , they soon lost it again by royal stratagems , and were either forced , or complemented ▪ into their old miseries , with a worse remembrance of former actings . but to enter into the particulars of this sad story : all men know ( or may ) the tyrannical domination of that first william , who behaved himself as a conqueror indeed , and a most perfect tyrant ( since whom we have never had an english man , but one , who hath been naturalized by the succession of his conquest as king of england ) he presently changed most of our laws , especially those wherein the english liberties were most transparent , and preserved , and made new laws , and those which he left , writ them all in french ; disweaponed all the natives , sent the children of the best , and most faithful of the nobility into normandy as hostages , and the most gallant of the english were transported by him into france to serve his wars , that he might extinguish their families ; he advanced his normans into all places of the nation , and kept them as a guard over the english ; brought in the cruel forrest laws , and dispeopled for thirty miles together in hampshire , pulling down many towns , and villages , with churches , chappels , and gentlemens houses , making it a forrest for wilde beasts , ( which is ever since named the new forrest , but was the old ensign of our misery and slavery ) he laid on innumerable taxes , and made laws royal , very severe , and in an unknown language , that the english offending might forfeit their states and lands to him , which they often did , through ignorance : but alas , what need i mention these ? who ever reads but our histories , ( and the most favorable ▪ and fawning royalist ) will see more then now can be expressed ; and yet here is the first fruits of our kings and of their righteous title , whose succession hath been as much in tyranny after him , as in title : and yet we must , by a sacred obligation be bound to maintain with our blood , and lives , the branches of this rotten root , notwithstanding all the providential , and divine opportunities of casting off that miserable yoak which our forefathers , so sadly groaned under , and would have triumphed in the pouring out their blood ( which they shed freely , but to little purpose ) but to have foreseen their childrens children might have but the hopes of attaining to . but although william the first made sure his conquest to his own person , yet by his tyranny he gave ground of designs , and hopes of recovery after his death , & therefore the people who but murmured and mourned in secret formerly , consider now their condition , and that robert the right heir was wanting , and his second son endeavored to be set up , begin to capitulate , and repeat their former grievances , and to stand upon their terms , with the next successors ; but william rufus who longed for the crown , and saw what advantage he had by his brothers absence , through the mediation of lanke-frank the arch-bishop of canterbury ( a man for his vertue and learning in great esteem with the people ) got himself to be accepted , and crowned king ( with exclusion of his elder brother ) by fair promises , and engagements to repeal his fathers laws , and of promoting the liberties of the english ( any probability being then taking to the poor people . ) but no sooner had he got the crown fastned on his head , ( and defeated his brother in battle ) but he forgat all his own promises , follows directly his fathers steps , grows excessive covetous , lays on intolerable taxes , and merciless exactions , returns their longings , and hopes after their just libertie into a sad bondage and slavery . the poor people having thus smarted for their credulity , & renewing their sense of their misery , under the two former tyrants , take heart once again , and refuse to admit any after his death , until ( as judge thorpe well expresseth it in that forementioned discourse ) they were cheated into a second election of hen. the first , his youngest brother ; for the people standing for their liberties ( and yet , alas , but negatively , rather to be freed from excess of oppression , then knowing what true freedom was ) having felt the misery of their loss in the two former persons ( shall i call them kings ? ) raign ; denied any consent to another person of that stock without solemn capitulations , and covenants to settle just laws , and to ingage for the execution of them , with abrogation of all former mischievous and inconvenient ones , ( which matthew paris calls unworthily , a politique , but trayterous way of capitulating . ) whereupon henry , who had nothing of title , made friends by his engagements , and roberts absence in the holy-land , and doth absolutely promise to begin all anew , constitute just laws , reform his fathers , and brothers exorbitancies , and to be as a nursing father both to church and state ; these fair insinuations got him the crown , though robert was to have it first by his own right , and next by his brothers covenant and will . and that he might not seem altogether disproportionable to his engagement , the first action of his government was to bait the people , and sugar their subjection , as his predecessor in the like interposition had done , but with more moderation and advisedness ; but having once secured his title from his brothers jus , and setled some affairs abroad , began much after the old strain , ( yet not altogether so violent ) yet these cruel and savage laws of the forrest he revived , and put in execution , yea , urged as the most fundamentall law of the realm , and many sore in positions he levied ( which the people were not able to bear ; ) that these two sons , though they ended the direct line , yet they propagated their fathers tyranny ; onely he got the throne by force ; they by subtilty , and delusive engagements ; and now the poor people , who had still been cozened , and are commonly passive , begin in the next kings reign , ( viz. of stephen , another usurper ) to be active , and to struggle for their liberties more seriously and thorowly , and not contented with promises of abating former pressures , drew up the summ of their desires in a more exact method , and demand publikely the restoring and re-establishing of st. edwards laws ( for such a rarity was that former prince , as they canonized him a saint ) which were many years before granted ▪ but by new and strange successions buried ; and stephen , who came in odly to the crown , and was continually in various motions to maintain it , confirmed all these laws , and to gain the people , ratified them by parliament , the best security in these cases ; but soon after prerogative ( like a lion in chains ) breaks forth again with fuller rage , and devours all these grants , with the hopes , and expectations of the people ; for though in the two next kings raigns these grants were not actually repeled , yet were laid by , and only wrapt up in parchments , and husht by the noise of drums , and trumpets . for henry the second , the next king , spent most of his time in cleering the controversie ▪ between regnum & sacerdotium , the crown and the mitre , as in setling his own title both here , and in normandy ▪ and ireland ; a while he and thomas becket were standing in the special rights , and priviledges of the church , and state , the liberties of the people were laid asleep , and certainly he hated the former grants , because made by stephen , who had stoln the crown both from his mother , and himself ; the notablest story in this kings reign ( setting by his warlike atchievements ) is , that after becket had often foiled him in his authority , he was handsomly whipt by the monks , in going to visit beckets shrine , which was part of his pennance , for giving secret order to assasinats to make him away ; and that he kept rosamond as his concubine , to the vexation of elenor his wife , who at last vented her revenge on her , having found her out in that intricate labyrinth made on purpose for her at woodstock , by the clew which rosamond had carelesly untwisted . the next that laid claim to this crown , was his son richard the first , surnamed ceur de lion ( as before ) who was to be commended rather for his personal valour , in other nations , then for any good done to this ; he began well in enlarging his mother elenor , whom his father had imprisoned , because she could not abide his lascivious living with his wanton paragon rosamond , and advanced many persons by speciall favours ; yet these respects were more particular , then of any publike advantage to the state ; for out of a blind zeal in those times , after he had been in england but four months after his coronation , he went into the holy-land , against the turks , leaving the regency of the kingdom to an ecclesiasticall person , william longchampe , bishop of ely , who to please the king , and by speciall command , undid the people , and committed great exactions , and as hoveden says , clerum & populum opprimebat , confundens fasque nefasque did all as he listed , and little cared by what means he filled the kings coffers , and his own ; ( acting but by proxie and in imitation of what his master would have done , if at home ▪ & by many a private command ) as it afterwards proved ; for when richard undertook this voyage , that he might not seem at first burthensom to the people when he left them , and to maintain both his design , and absence on their purses ( and so alienate their affections from him when at so great a distance , and give grounds to his brother john to try an experiment for the title ) wifely sold much of his own estate to raise him monies , as the castles of berwick ▪ and roxborough , to the king of scots for ten thousand pounds , and the lordship , and earldom of durham , to hugh then bishop of that see , for much mony , as also many honors , lordships , mannors , offices , priviledges , royalties , to many of the nobles , and rich commoners , whereby he furnished himself with a vast treasurie of mony for that service ; and that you may see what interest he and his companions think they have in his peoples goods ( however they dissemble it ) he often protested that he would sell his city of london ( as my author saith ) to any that would by it , rather then be chargeable unto others ; but notwithstanding all this , as the people were sadly opprest in his absence by his viceroy , so much more when he returned by himself ; for he then began to redeem his time , and to play rex with a witness ; he fell presently to plunder all religious houses , laid on new and unheard of taxes on the people , and resumed into his hands again all the lordships , mannors , castles , &c. which he had sold to his subjects , and confirmed it by all the security they could have from man ; this is the misery of depending on royal promises , and engagements , which are usually nothing else but complementall engins to move up the peoples affections , while they more easily , and insensibly drain out their blood , and purses , this was the end of this rough , and lionlike king , who reigned nine years , and nine months , wherein he exacted and consumed more of this kingdom then all his predecessors from the norman had done before him , and yet less deserved it then any , having neither lived here , nor left behind him monument of piety , or any publike work , or ever shewed love or care to this common-wealth , but onely to get what he could from it ; we see hitherto what a race of kings we have had , and what cause we have to glory in any thing but their tombs ; and yet if we expect better afterwards , we shall be as much mistaken of their actings as they were of their right . the next that raigned ( though without any hereditary title ) was king john , stephens brother ; whose government was as unjust as his title , for he ( having by election , out of fear and policy of state , got the crown , with expulsion of arthur the right heir ut supra ) embarked the state , and himself in these miserable incumberances , through his violence and oppression , as produced desperate effects , and made way to those great alterations in the government which followed ; the whole reign of this king was a perfect tyranny ; there is in history hardly one good word given him ; the barons and clergy continually opposed him , strugling for a confirmation of their long desired liberties , but were most commonly either cluded , or defeated by promises which were never intended to be performed , until at last being more entirely united with the commons , and stoutly resolved and confirmed by an oath , taken at st. edmunds-burie in a general assembly , they then swore on the high altar , never to lay down arms , if king john refused to confirm and restore unto them these liberties ( the rights which this kingdom was formerly blest with , and which all the late kings had cheated them of ) the king knowing their power , and considering their engagements , makes use of policy , and desired time to answer them , entertaining them with smooth and gentle language , and courtesie , untill he had got strength , and then he began anew to try experiments of securing himself , and frustrating their desires : but the lords continuing their resolution , and knowing nothing was to be obtained but by strong hand , assemble themselves with a great army at stamford , from whence they marched towards the king , who was then at oxford ; sent him a schedule of their claimed liberties , with an appendix of their absolute resolutions , in case of his denyal ; this tyrant having heard them read , with much passion replies : why do they not demand the kingdom as wel ? and swore he would never grant these liberties , whereby himself should be made a servant ▪ the barons upon his answer being ( as daniel saith ) as hasty as he was averse , resolve to seaze on his castles , and possessions ; and repairing to london , being welcomed by the citizens , who had too long groaned under the same tyranny , they get a great access of strength by new confederates , and renew their spirits & oaths for the thorow prosecution of the war ; the king seeing himself in a strait , which by no ordinary strength he could evade , by gentle and teeming messages sent to the barons , he obtained a conference in a medow called running-mead , between windsor and sta●es , where armed multitudes came from all places , crying nothing but liberty , liberty , so sweet was that tone to them then : after many hard conferences , the king seeing it no time to dally , & that they would not trust him with any complemental expressions , whom they looked on as formerly perjured , grants their desires ; not only , saith speed , for liberties specified in magna charta & charta forrestae , but also for a kind of sway in the government , by five and twenty selected peers , who were to be as a check over the king , and his chief justiciar , and all his officers to whom any appeal might be made in case of breach of any article or priviledge confirmed by that charter ; and now one would think the people were secure enough ; but though they seem now to have the livery , yet they had not the seisin ; for presently the king having got now credit by the largeness of his grants , gets liberty with less suspicion to undo all ; and in a short time ( pretending these grants to be acts of force ) having got power , renounceth his engagement by them , and afterwards repeals them , and dispoiled all these of their lands and possessions , who had any hand , or heart in procuring the former grants ; and by new , and additionall laws made them more perfect slaves then ever they were before , untill at last he was poysoned by a monk , instead of being deposed . but though he be dead , yet the miseries of this nation ended not with him ; for his son henry the third ; who succeeded him , though he could not at first follow on his fathers designs , being an infant , yet at last did not onely imitate , but outstrip him , yet the english nation , ( who are much given to credulity , and apt to be won by fair and plausible promises , ) notwithstanding all the fathers iniquity , imbrace the son , having taken an oath of him to restore , and confirm the liberties they propounded to his father , which he had often granted , and as often broken ; but for all his first oath , they were fain , not onely to remember him of it , by petitions , but oftentimes by arms and strength . and though there was in this kings raign twenty one parliaments called , and many great subsidies granted , in confirmation of their liberties , yet every parliament was no sooner dissolved , but the ingagement ceased ; a hint of two or three special parliaments , and their success will not be amiss to be set down in this place . this king not being able to suppress the barons and people by his own strength , ( they having gotten not onely heart , but power ) sends to forraign nations for aid , and entertains poictovines , italians , almains , provincioes to subdue his own people , and set them in great places ; which dangerous and desperate design the barons much resenting , raised their spirits , and ingaged them in opposition to his government , and set them on with more courage to look after their liberties ; therefore they several times stand up against the violence of prerogative ; but what through want of strength or caution they were commonly disappointed ; yet rather ( if we may speak truly ) from the unfaithfulness of the king then any other defect , except it were their easiness to believe kings , when their prerogative , and the peoples liberties came in competition ; for after they had many times got , or rather extorted many promises , and confirmed them by oaths , ( the best humane security ) they were put to new designs , through either the suspention , or breach of them , witness these instances ; after many foiles ▪ and tedious and various delusions by this king ( whose beams attracted most , dazled others ) the barons , and people ( who were then unanimous through mutual oppressions ) fall more close , and severe on their principles , and wil not endure either delays , or delusions , and therefore effectually to redress their grievances , came very well armed to a parliament then holden at oxford ( intended rather for getting subsidies , then removing oppressions ) in which assembly they put the king to it , urge their former complaints with more zeal and reason , and with an addition of a mighty spirit , demand the absolute confirmation of magna charta , and in a larger edition ( wherein are comprised those gallant priviledges of the commons of england , which have yet been but kept by ink , and parchment ) and not trusting the king , got his son , prince edward , to seal it , with an addition of twenty four ( some write twelve ) peers which fabian stiles the douze peeres , not only to see these priviledges truly observed , but to be as joynt regents with the king ; and all the lords , and bishops in parliament took a like oath , to maintain these articles inviolable ; yea , and all that would have any benefit of residence in the kingdom , were enjoyned to take the same ; but these were too strict bonds for such a princes wil , he soon finding advantages ( as he sought them ) recals all , gets a dispensation from the pope for his forced oath and to countenance his perjurie ▪ and acts in the old account ; the barons again stand up with the people stoutly for the performance of the articles of oxford ; and sometimes brought him into straits ; yea , fully ▪ defeated him in many bloody battles , and regained the confirmation of the same laws , with security ; that all the castles throughout england should be delivered to the keeping of the barons , that the provisions of oxford be inviolably preserved , that all strangers should be dismist the kingdom , but those which by generall consent should be thought fit to remain ; this necessitous act though as it gave the people some peace and hopes , so it gave the king time to consider of new mediums , and therefore still to delay , and blind , he assembles a new parliament at london , where having ( by the sprinkling of court water ) won many lords to take his part , begins to surprise as many of the barons as he could get , and spoiled their castles and houses , that success and authority grows strong on his side , and the barons with some calme provisoes mediate a peace , insisting onely in generall that the articles of oxford might be observed ; but the king relying on his strength , defies them as traitors ; which done , the peoples two generals , the earls of leicester and glocester , seeing no other means but to put it to a day , supply their want of strength by their wit and diligence , and carefully and artificially placing their battel ( which was fought at the town of lewis in sussex ) overthrew the kings army , took the king , the prince , the earl of cornwal , and his son henry , the earls of arundel , hereford , with many other lords , and gentlemen , both english and scottish . and now having the king , and prince , and most of the nobles , and a new confirmation of all , one would think the great charter was out of danger , either of blotting or razing ; especially if we consider the solemnities formerly used in the ratification of it , ( as daniel excellently relates it in his history , p. . ) the people knowing that no civil promises , or verbal professions would hold in kings raptured by prerogative ▪ & devoted to perjury to maintain their tyranny , take a more ecclesiasticall and divine way of obligation , swearing to excommunicate all that should be found infringers of that charter ; when the people with the king , and all the great nobility were assembled with all the prelates , and the chief bishops in their reverent ornaments ( with burning candles in their hands ) to receive that dreadfull sentence ; the king having one great candle in his hand , gives it to a prelate that stood by , saying , it becomes not me being no priest to hold this candle , my heart shall be a greater testimony ; and withall laid his hand spred on his breast all the while the sentence was pronouncing , which was authoritato omnipotentis dei , &c. which done , he caused the charter of king john his father to be read , and in the end having thrown away their candles ( which lay smoaking on the ground ) they cryed out , so let them that incurre this sentence be extinct and stinck in hell ; and the king with a loud voice said , as god help , i will , as i am a man , a christian , a knight , a king crowned and annointed , inviolably observe these things . never were laws saith he ( whose words express the thing most emphatically ) amongst men ( except those holy commandments from the mount ) established with more majestie of ceremony , to make them reverenced , and respected , then these were ; they wanted but thunder , and lightning from heaven , ( which likewise if prayers could have effected they would have had it ) to make the sentence ghastly , and hideous to the breakers of it ; the greatest security that could be given was an oath ( the onely chain on earth besides love , to tye the conscience of a man , and humane societie together ) which should it not hold us , all the frame of government must needs fall quite asunder ; yet so ( almost a miracle ( though over common among our kings , saith master prin out of mat. paris ) the parliament being thus dissolved ( by a sacred and most solemn conclusion ) the king presently studies how to infringe all the premises , his parasites telling him the pope could soon absolve him for a summ of mony , which afterwards the pope did , and the king returned to his former oppressive courses with more violence , and hardness ; and taking advantage by the division of the barons , two generals , the earls of leicester and glocester , the latter of which joyned with the young prince edward , and sir roger mortimer the kings wicked counsellor , a new and potent army is raised by them , against the earl of leicester ( who had the king prisoner ) and those which kept constant with him for the peoples liberties ; and he with the rest of the barons , are overthrown ; and immediately after a parliament is called , and all these laws and decrees made voyd ; and that parliament held at oxford , wherein all these laws were first confirmed by him , called insanum parliamentum , the mad parliament ; and all these patents , commissions or instruments made to ratifie these articles , were brought forth , and solemnly damned ; and so bright and resplendent did prerogative break forth , that it was proclaimed treason in any but to speak or mention any of these grants with the least approbation ; and because the city of london had engaged with the barons and people as a principal part of the whole , he would needs have burnt the city , had not some wise and potent favorites interposed , and yet they could hardly disswade him from that barbarous and impolitick wickednesse ; but what he spared in their houses , that he gott out of their purses , and made up all his losses with a thorough subjection of their persons , and suppression of their liberties . i need relate no more of this king , nor make observations , the reader will be amazed at the repetition ; he at least times gave his promise for the confirmation , & execution of these just decrees ( contained in magna charta ) and as many times was perjured , notwithstanding all the solemnities , both civil , moral , and ecclesiastical , used in the acts of ratification ; this may learn us how to trust the most positive engagements of princes , which cross their own interest , and what to think of that word and promise they call royall ; this king reigned fifty six years , the longest of any king of england : but we have had too much of the story of him , as he had too long a time to rule , considering his temper , and design . it s well if we can be wary for the future , and be more cautious then to trust the most promising and insinuating princes with our liberties , and priviledges , which can be no longer expected to be preserved by them , then they may serve as footstools to advance them in the throne of absolute majesty , but no more of this king ; never were there more hard strivings and wrestlings between tyranny and liberty , with such bad success to the people ; i onely conclude his raign with the exhortation of the psalmist , psal. . . o put not your confidence in princes , surely men of high degree are a lye . king henry is by this time layd in his grave , and one would think magna charta buried with him ; his son edward , who was his right-hand in his wars against the barons , and the principal agent in their ruine , succeeds him in the throne ; and instead of lessening goes on and makes an higher improvement of that royalty which his father left him ; having in his own person got the victory over the peoples libertyes in his fathers time , and having wonne or worne out the greatest of those which opposed , and being long experienced in the world , so secured and advanced the prerogative , that as one sayth , he seemed to be the first conqueror after the conqueror that got the domination of this state in so absolute and eminent a manner , as by his government appears ; he layd unsupportable taxes both on the clergy and laity , even unto fiveteens and halfs of their estates ▪ as for tenths , that was comparatively accounted easy ; the barons and people for a long time durst not move for removal of greivances , untill that the king ( being always in wars in france , flanders , wales and scotland , and so needed continually vast sums of mony ) called a parliament wherein he demanded a great treasure of mony from the people , that he might give them somewhat in lieu of their expences , confirmed the two great charters on the petition of the barons and people , ( and so stopped their mouths ) and this he did as often as he had extraordinary occasions for mony ; but ( like all other royall promises ) they were performed by leasure . never was royalty more majestick and glorious then in this kings raign , and the people less able to oppose ; he was always so watchful and eager to enlarge his own power ; i shall end his raign also with what daniel that impartiall and witty historian saith of him , he was more for the greatness of the kingdom then the quiet of it ; and never king before or since ( except our last charls ) shed so much christian bloud within this isle of britain , and was the cause of more in that following , and not one grain of benefit procured unto the people by all their expences on him , which was but to make themselves more perfect slayes . the next king was edward the second his son , who though more vicious then the father , yet not more tyrannicall ; he gave more advantage to the people thorough his lewd life and unmartiall nature , to seek the confirmation and establishment of magna charta , and other good laws which were utterly supprest , and darkened in his fathers reign . this prince gave himself over to all wicked courses , and surrendred his judgement , and the management of all affairs of state unto evill and corrupt counsellors ; especially to one peirce gaveston , who had both his ear and heart , unto whom he was so much endeared , that he ventured the loss of kingdom , and all the hearts of his subjects for his company , and preservation ; and though the barons had by often petitions , and earnest sollicitations prevailed with the king to banish him , yet he soon after sent for him home , and laid him more nigh his bosom then before ; on this the barons raise an army against the king ; and send him word , that unless he would observe the late articles ( which they had formerly by much ▪ ado got him to sign in parliament ) and put from him pierce gaveston , they would rise in arms against him as a perjured prince ; the king ( whom they found , was apt to be terrified ) yeilds again to his banishment , with this clause , that if he were found again within the kingdom he should be condemned to death as an enemy of the state : all places were now dangerous to gaveston ; both ireland ( where he formerly was protected ) & france also too hot for him ; in this extremity , finding no security anywhere else , he again adventures on england , and puts himself once again into the kings bosom ( a sanctuary which he thought would not be polluted with blood ) and there he is received with as great joy as ever man could be ; the lords with more violence prosecute their suite to the king for delivering up ▪ or removing him once more ; but to no purpose ; they therefore set forwards with an army , say siege to the castle wherein gaveston was , took him , and notwithstanding the kings earnest sollicitation for his life , they condemned him to the block , and took off his head ; this obstacle being removed out of the way , the lords having now the better end of the staff make advantages of it for demanding the confirmation , and execution of all those articles formerly granted , threatning the king , that if he would not consent to it , they would force him by a strong hand ; with this message they had their swords also drawn , and march towards london : a parliament is called , where the king , after a submission by the lords to him , for that act done against gaveston , contrary to his consent , and will , grants the articles and pardon to them . but the king goes on his old way , adheres to wicked counsel ( waving the grave advice of his parliament ) and is ruled by the two spencers , who acted with mighty strain of injustice , which caused the lords again to take up arms , and stand for their liberties , but are , through the revolt of some , and the treachery of others overthrown at burton upon trent , and two and twenty noblemen , the greatest peers in the realm executed in several places for nothing but opposing his evil counsellors ▪ this was the first blood of nobility that ever was shed in this manner in england since william the first , which being so much , opened veines for more to follow ; and now the beam of power being turned , regality weighs down all . but by degrees , through the continuation of his ill government , whereby he daily lost the peoples hearts , the lords get an army , and take the king prisoner , and by generall consent in parliament deposed him as a tyrant , and elected his son edward the third to succeed , and his son was crowned before his eyes . thus ended his raign , but not his life . poor england which had laboured so long and successively under so many tyrants , and had contested so long with royalty for their dearly purchased liberties , might now hopefully expect at least a dawning of reformation , especially when they had got so much power as to depose authority ; and began , as it were , on a new account ; and the truth is , affairs were now promising , and distempers seemed to wear away with the former governor ; yet the condition of the kingdom , had but a new face on it , and grievances were rather not aggravated or multiplied then any whit removed , and oppressions may be rather said to be changed from one shoulder to another then abolished . prince edward who succeeded , who was crowned in his fathers life , had observance enough to remember his fate , and was much warned by it , both to prevent and suppress insurrections , knowing by experience the full state of the controversie , and therefore began his government very fairely , and with much applause ; onely to prevent factions , and sidings , he privately caused his father , the deposed king to be cruelly murdered , and so sate more securely , though with more guilt upon the throne ; his raign was fifty years , & odd months , the longest next hen. the third ; he spent most of his time in the wars of france to regain his titile to that crown , which the poor subject felt in their estate and families , and it was a happiness ( say some ) that he was so much abroad ; for when ever he came home , as he wanted money to supply his expences , so the people got ground to urge their priviledges , & magna charta was at least twelve times ratified in this kings raign , and so often broken ; yet because he goes under the name of the best prince that raigned so long , and so well , let the reader take but an instance or two concerning his engagements to perform the grand charter . this king in the first parliament made the fifteenth year of his raign , had granted the enacting of divers wholsom and seasonable laws , which he willed and ingaged unto for him and his heirs , that they should be firmly kept , and remain inviolable for ever , for the ratification of magna charta , and other good laws formerly enacted ; and that all the officers of state , as chancellor , treasurer , barons of the exchequer , judges , &c. should at that present in parliament , and for ever after , take a solemn oath before their admission to their offices , to keep and maintain the point of the great charter , and the charter of the forrest , &c. but no sooner was the parliament dissolved , but the very same year he publikely revoked these statutes , pretending that they were contrary to the laws and customs of the realm , and to his prerogative and rights royal , &c. wherefore we are willing ( saith he ) providently to revoke these things we have so improvidently done ; because ( saith he ) marke the dissimulation of princes even in parliaments ) we never really consented to the making of such statutes , but as then it behoved vs , we dissembled in the premises , by protestations of revocation , if indeed they should proceed to secure the dangers , which by denying the same we feared to come , with many more such passages ; and yet this king is the phoenix of our more antient monarchs ; but the reader may still learn what the best of our princes have been , and what weak assurances any ingagements from them are where power is wanting from them , and advantages present to them . another instance of his actings we may take up from the successe of his first siege of tourney in france ; having laid on heavy and excessive taxes to maintain that war , and the people seeing no fruits of all promises for executing the articles of magna charta , they refuse to pay any more , without more faithfull performance of his vows , and solemn engagements to them , whereby he wanting mony was fain to quit the place , and return for england , full of revengefull thoughts , and in much fury breaths out destruction to all the refusers ; but the arch-bishop of canterbury told him publikely , but plainly , that he had oftentimes as well as his father offered manifest violences to the liberties of the english nation , comprehended in that grand charter , and if he expected subsidies , from the people , he must more carefully maintain their priviledges so justly due . but the king vexed with such language , both storms against the arch-bishop , and as much as possibly he then could , sought the ruine of all that had made any refusall of payment of these taxes , although he had not in any manner performed his own promises . yet i will end his raign , because he hath a name of a good king . ( though as speed saith , by the generall vote of historians , he committed many foul errors in his government ) with a good act he did at the fiftieth yeer of his age ( which he kept as his jubilee ) he called a parliament , and there freely heard the grievances of the people , and redressed many , especially a petition of the commons against the doublings of lawyers ; he caused the pleas which were before in french to be made in english ; a necessary law ( saith speed ) if it had been as carefully observed ; especially if he had ordered ( saith he ) that the same should not have been written in french , that the subject might understand the law , by which he holds what he hath , and is to know what he doth . but all this is not for nothing ; for as he imparted grace unto his people ( saith the same auther ) for so all acts of justice are termed , wh●n granted by kings , so he took a care to replenish his own purse by it , that the poor commons obtain not any thing which they pay not too dearly for . here ends the life of the best reputed prince ; and yet you see wherein his excellency lay ; the best happiness the people had in his raign , was ▪ that they had more engagements for their liberties with more cost , and the remembrances and sense of the goodness of them more fresh and sweet by the often repetition of them ; but for execution or addition to them , they were as far to seek as in former times . and if it do possibly happen that in one kings raign either through the goodness of his nature , or rather want of advantages , there be an intermission of oppressions , ( for that is the utmost to be expected ) yet the next king will be sure to make it up , and if they give the people a little breath , it s but that they may sow for the next to reap , or as they do with men on the rack , let them down , and give them cordials , and spiritfull liquors , that they may be the longer and more sensibly tormented ; which was made good in the next kings raign , viz. richard the second , who presently dashes and utterly nips these blossoms that sprung out in the former kings raign , devoting himself to all uncivill and lewd courses , and to enable him the better unto it , layes on sad and miserable taxes on the people without so much as a mention or hint of their liberties , and as the parallel of edward the second , both lived and died ; it s enough to decypher his raign by his end ; for he was deposed by the universal consent of the people in parliament as a tyrannical , and cruel governor , and not a good word spoken of him to commend him in his government , and its pitty to aggravate his misery after his death , and yet ( as we say ) seldom comes a better ; when one is cut off , another like the hidra's head springs up in his place . henry the fourth who overthrew him in battel , and was made king in his stead ( though by a wrong title ) at first promised the new modelling of laws to the peoples ease , and did , as in a complement ( rather to secure his title , then out of affection to the people , or sense of his relation ) redress many grievances , which were more gross and less concerning the common-wealth ; and as he did strive by these common acts to engage the people to him , so ( as one that had continuall sence of guilt on him ) he got the deposed king to be barbarously murthered in the castle of pomfret , that no competition might endanger his title by his life ; he spent most of his raign incontinuall wars about his title , and was often opposed as both a tyrant and usurper ; but he still got ground on both the liberties and laws formerly granted ; yet not so sensibly as in the former kings raigns , that the people may be said to have a little respite from the violence & heighth of prerogative by him ; but they may thank the unjustness , and brittleness of his title , for that he being more in fear of of loosing it , then out of love with the excess of his ancestors . i shall only add one story to conclude this kings raign , which is universally reported by most of our historians , worth observation , because it hath much of ingenuity in it , and because they were his dying words ; being cast into an apoplexie , and nigh his end , he caused his crown to be placed by him on his pillow , least in the extremity of his sickness it might have been delivered to some other , who had better right thereunto then he had ; but when his attendants , ( through the violence of his distemper , supposed him to be dead , the young prince of wales seised on his crown , whereat the king started up raising himself on his arms , demanded who it was that had so boldly taken away the crown ? the prince answered that it was he ; the king fell back into his bed , and fetching a deep sigh , and sending forth many a pensive groan , replyes thus ; my son , what right i had to this crown ; and how i have enjoyed it , god knows , and the world hath seen ; but the prince , ( ambitious enough of a diadem ) answered him thus ; comfort your self in god ( good father ) ; the crown you have ; and if you die , i will have jt and keep it with my sword as you have done ; and so he did soon after , maintaining his fathers injustice by his own . and now comes up his son henry the fifth as the next heir , who though while a prince was given to many wicked practises , yet when a king , became moderate , and hath better commendation then most of his ancestors ; the people had two advantages and comforts by him ; first , that his reign was short , and that he was much imployed in the war with france for regaining a title to that crown , which he accomplished , and so they were free of civil wars ; though they had still heavie taxes , yet they thought it better to pay for maintaining war abroad then at home ; and truly , the people thought themselves very happy in this kings reign , ( though their priviledges were laid asleep ) that they had a little breathing time from domestick and civil wars , and had hopes to regain by degrees a reviving of their spirits . but the next king , henry the sixth , makes up what was wanting of tyranny and oppression in his fathers raign . he was crowned king about the eighth or ninth moneth of his age , and so had not present oppertunity to shew his royalty . until he came to age , the kingdom was well governed by his three uncles , humphrey , duke of glocester , john duke of bedford , thomas duke of excester , who by their wisdom and justice , kept up the flourishing estate of the english nation ; but when his years of nonage were expired , and he came to weld the scepter with his own hands , ( what as some favorably think out of weakness , for he was no solomon ) all things went presently out of order , and prerogative breaks forth beyond bounds ; which gave occasion to edward duke of york to try conclusions for his title against the house of lancaster , and making use of the discontents of the people through his evil government , opposed him , and afterwards deposed him , and raigned in his stead by the name of edward the fourth , and so by conquest he got the title to run through the house of york , having cut it off by his sword from the house of lancaster ; notwithstanding actuall possession of three descents , many overtures of war were yet between them ; for henry was not yet dead , though for the present outed ; but as a dying man strove for life , but being quite overthrown was imprisoned , and afterwards murthered to secure the title ; there was in these two kings raign but meerly for a title fought ten bloudy battles , besides all lesser skirmishes , wherein many thousands of lords , gentlemen , and commons were slain , and yet not one jot of advantage gotten by it for the peoples liberties ; it being the misery and folly of the people to venture all they have , to set up those over them who afterwards prove most tyranni call , and to sow seeds of future misery , by spilling their bloods for a usurped title . in this kings reign , as in the former , the whole land was miserably rent by unnaturall divisions against his title , and government ; and though neither or these two had a just title ( if we will begin from the root ) yet all the bloud of the nation is thought too little to be spilt to maintain their pretences ; yet we may not reckon this king among the worst , had it not faln out that his title must be kept up with expence of so much blood and ruin of the english nation ; yet in his last five yeers , he laid on such extraordinary taxes , and changed the form of laws , that he lost the love of all his subjects . for edward the fifth his son , who succeeded him in title , we need but mention him , for he had but the name of a king ( being an infant ) and his reign may wel be called an inter-regnum , for ere he came to know what government was , he was cruelly murthered with his infant brother , by his uncle rich. duke of glocester , who reigned both for him , and afterwards for himself by the name of richard the third , a bloody and cruel man , rather a monster then a prince , his name stincks in the english dialect ; the shortness of his reign was the happiness of the people ; for after three yeers usurpation , he was slain in the field by the earl of richmond , who by his valour , more then his title got the crown by the name of henry the seventh ; this was the best act that was done by him , in easing the kingdom of such a viper . in his reign ( who is the first root of our kings since ) the people had more hopes then benefits , and were rejoyced and made happy more by expectations , then enjoyments of any reall priviledge , or liberty . for though he took all the ways to secure his title by his marriage with the lady elizabeth daughter to edward the fourth , yet many stratagems were laid to disturbe his peace , which put him on acts of policy , and diligence , ( which he excellently demonstrated ) to free and extricate himself out of dangers and designs ; many sad divisions were stil in the kingdom , all men were not pleased either with his title or government , and that they might but disturbe him , or hazard his crown , they made stage kings , drest up pretty lads in princely robes , and carried them up and down the kingdom as puppets for the people to gaze one , and admire ; all this while king henry had not time to advance his prerogative , while he was but securing his title ; but after he had done that , and now began to look on himself as free from either forraign or home competitors , and the coast of state seeming cleer from all thickning weather , he thinks of redeeming what he had lost by factions , and imployes his wit for bringing down the height of the english nation , and plucking down their courage , and was especially ( saith one ) jealous over his nobility , as remembring how himself was set up ; and how much more did this humor encrease in him after he had conflicted with such idols and counterfeits as lambert simnel & perkin warbeck ? the strangeness of which dangers made him think nothing safe ; and thinking that the riches of the english occasioned their rebellions , he took a course to empty their coffers into his ; and the plot whereby he meant to effect it was by taking the advantage of the breach of penal laws , which he both found , and made for that purpose ; his instruments which for this work were pickt , and qualified sufficiently , were sir richard empson , and edmund dudley , men learned in the law , and of desperate and subtle heads , and forward in executing the kings commands ; these two attended by troops of base informers , promoters , catchpoles , cheaters , knights of the post &c. went up and down the kingdom , cruelly polled and taxed all sorts of people , and prosecute in every shire the most deserving and generous men , that the kingdom in a little time was more beggard , then by most of the former civil wars ; and all this done by the kings speciall command , and countenance , that we may see what was the reason he began not sooner to play rex ; want of opportunity , and fear of loosing his crown while he was advancing it ; but the latter end of his raign was too soon , and too long for such actings . this king ends his raign with the greatest acts of tyranny ; he made himself a rich king by beggaring his subjects ; after he had freed his own person out of danger ▪ he imploys all his wits to enslave the english ; the fruits both of his title and tyranny we have felt ever sence in these that followed him . his son henry the eighth of that name , succeeds him ; in his first beginnings he seemed to be tenderly affected to the common-wealth , and redressed many grievances , especially those which were laid on by his father , and executed by empson and dudley , doing justice on them for their cruelty and oppression . but those affections were too good , and too violent to last long ; the sound of drums and trumpets soon quasht them , and many encroachments grew on the peoples liberties ; many tempestuous storms and controversies there were in this kings raign ; but they were more ecclesiastical then civil , and so more dangerous and strong . in a word , he was accounted a better souldier then a governor , and more fit for a general then a king to govern by just and equal laws ; the best act he did , was the discovery of the wickedness of the clergy , and casting off the popes supremacy , which yet he took to himself , and annexed it to his own crown ; as the most of his raign was ful of controversies and tempests , so all affairs were managed in a ranting and turbulent maner , not with that gravity & soberness as becomes civil and prudentiall transactions ; he was very lascivious , and delighted much in variety , and changes of laws , as wives ; he oftentimes much pleased himself to be in the company , and was over-familiar with swaggering and loose fellows ; and the people ever and anon found the power of his prerogative at home , as his enemies did of his sword abroad . edward the sixth his onely son succeeds him , a prince that was too good to live long , the phoenix of english kings , had he had time to prosecute his intentions and mature his genius ; but the sun in him did shine too bright in the morning ; god gave england onely the representation of a good king , but would not in judgement let us be blest long with him ; religion began to revive , liberty to bud forth , the people to peep out of their graves of slavery and bondage , and to have their blood fresh and blushing in their cheeks ; but all is presently blasted by his death , and the people ( who have seldom more then hopes for their comforts ) are now fainting for fear ; england is benighted ; and hung with black ; queen mary that alecto , and fury of women succeeds ; and now both souls and bodies of the people are enslaved , and nothing but bone fires made of the flesh and bones of the best christians : but it s too much to name her in the english tongue ; queen elizabeth succeedes her , who being prepared for the crown by suffering , came in a most seasonable time , both for her self and the people , who were made fuel for the flames of her sisters devotion . and now england begins to flourish again , and to recover its strength ; many inlargements were granted , both to the consciences , and estates of the people ; yet if we speak impartially , we were kept further off rome , then royalty ; yet doubtless she may be chronicled for the best princess , and her raign the most even , and best mannaged , with more fruits to the people then any of the former kings , especially if we consider how long she governed this nation ; i end her raign with this character , that she was the best queen that ever england had , and the glory of her sexe to all ages . the english line is now ended ; we must go into scotland to seek for a king , because a daughter of henry the seventh was married to james the fourth , king of scotland ; but i will not question his title . king james the sixth of scotland , and first of england , succeeded on the english throne ; a prince that had many advantages to set up prerogative , which he improved ; he was too timorous to act , but most subtile in councel and designs , and no king did more insensibly and closely undermine the liberties of england then himself ; he gave us cause to remember from whence he came ; but his peaceable raign was the rail to his design , and did choak suspition ; we were brought by him very nigh rome and spain , and yet knew it not ; he had an inveterate hatred against puritans , as he had a fear of papists , and made more of bishops then ordinary by remembrance of the scots presbytery ; he had as much of royalty in his eye as any prince could have , but had not so much courage to prosecute it ; the puritan alwayes lay in his spleen , the papist on his lungs , that he durst not , that he could not breath so clearely and strongly against them ; but the bishops lay in his heart . i will not rip up his personal failings after his death ; he was the most profane king for oaths and blasphemies that england had besides , &c. he now grows old ▪ and was judged only fit to lay the plot , but not to execute it ; the design being now ripe , and his person and life the only obstacle and remora to the next instrument , he is conveyed away suddenly into another world , as his son henry was , because thought unsuteable to the plot , it being too long to waite , untill nature and distemper had done the deed . we are now come to our last charls ( who is like to end both that race and its tyranny ) the perfect idea of all the rest , and the most zealous prosecutor of the designs of all his ancestors , who , if divine providence had not miraculously prevented , had accomplished the utmost of their intentions , and for ever darkned the glory of the english sun ; so much i must say of him , that he got more wisedom by action , then could possibly be expected by his nature ; experience that teacheth fools , made him wise ; he endeavoured to act what others designed ; he dissembled as long as he could , and used all parties to the utmost ; but his zeal and hardiness brought him to his death . he needed no physick for his body , had he remembred his soul . but what need i mention him ? he is the last of english monarchs , and the most absolute monument of monarchy , and example of tyranny and injustice that ever was known in england ; he would have been what other kings are , and endeavoured to attain what others would be ; he lived an enemy to the common-wealth , and died a martyr to prerogative . thus you have seen a faithfull representation of the norman race , under which we have groaned for about six hundred years ; the first title made onely by the invasion and conquest of a stranger and bastard , continued by usurpation and tyranny , that take away but two or three persons out of the list ( and yet these bad enough if we consider all things ) and all this while england neither had a right heir , or good king to govern it ; and yet by delusion and deceit we must be bound to maintain that title as sacred and divine , which in the beginning was extorted and usurping ▪ as if gray hairs could adde reverence to injustice . england hath now an advantage more then all its ancestors , of freeing it self from this successive slavery , and interrupting that bloody line , and after an apprentiship to bondage for so many hundred yeers , providence hath given us our own choice ; if we take it we are made ; if not , the old judgement of god lies on us for our stupidity , and blindness . for my part , as i do not give much to that monkish prophecy from henry the seventh times ; mars , puer , alecto , virgo , vulpes , leo , nullus ( yet i wonder how the devil could foresee so far off , and must needs say that it hath yet been literally fulfilled ▪ both in the characters of the persons , and the issue ) yet i must so far give way to the power of divine actings on my faith , as to think that either we shall never have a king more , or else we shall have one sent of god in wrath , as the israelites had , seeing we are not contented that way which god hath from heaven led us to . as for the title of this prince ( who would fain be accounted the right heir ) let us but remember from whence he had it , and how it s now tainted ; were it never so just , the treason of the father hath cut off the son ; and how unwise an act , besides all other considerations , will it be for england to set up the son to propagate both his fathers design , and death . we may prophecy soon what a governor he is like to be which hath both suck't in his fathers principles , and his mothers milk ; who hath been bred up under the wings of popery and episcopacy , and doubtless suckt both brests ; one who was engaged from the beginning in the last war against this parliament , who hath the same counsellors his father had , to remember him both of the design , and the best wayes of effecting it ; one who hath never yet given any testimony of hopefullness to this nation ; who was in armes when a subject , against the libertyes which england and scotland spilt much blood for to maintain ; one who hath both his fathers and his own scores to cleer , and is fain to make use of all medium's , though never so contrary , attended with all the crew of malignants of three nations ; who is so relatively and personally engaged , that both old and new reckonings are expected to be payd only by him . to his father he is endebted for his crown , and bound to pay his debts , both ecclesiastical and civil ( which will amount to no small summe ) ; to the papists he is engaged for their old affections , and hopes of new , besides the obligation of duty to his mother , and freeing her from her monastry and hermitage . to the prince of orange he owes more then his ransom , besides the states courtesies ; to ireland he is in more arrears then his kingdom of scotland will be able to pay , and to scotland for his entertainment and enstalment more then england ( for present or in many years ) can repay without a morgage , or community of lands , and liberties , besides what he owes england for helping his father to make the parliament spend so many millions of treasure , besides blood ( which would have weighed down all expences besides ) and helping as a prime agent the utter destruction of england ; all which must be reckoned for with much seriousness ; and if men have so much charity and generousness to forgive all , yet we have a reckoning with heaven to be discharged , which debt is yet unpaid ( without we think the fathers blood be sufficient satisfaction to divine justice ) ; and if that death should be a satisfaction for himself , yet not for his son , who joyned with him , & now continues the same fault , and guilt , and intends to follow on with more violence and intention then ever . can we think ( & retain our memories and reasons ) that charls the second can forget charls the first ? that custom and education can easily be altered ? that the true and reall engagers with him and his father , shall be razed out of his heart , or that he can heartily love his opposers , but as he may make use them : or that when some banks and rocks are out of the way , the waters and floods of royalty will not run in its wonted channel ? will episcopacy dye in england , when kingship is set up ? can reason think or dream , that majesty will not eat out sincerity ? or that presbytery can flourish in that state where prerogative is the ascendant ? or is that person fit to be the medium of peace , and the glory of this nation , who was the conjunct instrument of the war , & the survivor both of the war and peace ? a person that durst not stay in his own nation to plead his right , because of his guilt , whose youth and wilfulness is most unapt for the setling the storms and tempests of a distracted nation . but no more untill we feel the misery of such an attempt ; it was said of tiberius caesar in a satyricall expression , yet it proved true , regnabit sanguine multo ad regnum quisquis venit ab exilio , who first exil'd is after crown'd , his reign with blood will much abound . when this poor nation ( after all neglects of providences ) hath spent its blood and treasure to set up this prince in the throne , ( which it may be they shall never effect ) yet at the last they must stand to his courtesy for all their liberties , which they can never expect , and make him a monarch . the patience and long suffering of god hath permitted usurpation and tyranny in england this long time for the hardness of our hearts , and sottishness of our natures , and it may be , may lengthen it out to the utmost , which will be a misery with a witness , and yet a just punishment of god on those who were born free , but will sell away their inheritances for nothing to a stranger . did ever king since the world began ( seting aside some who were priests and prophets also ) naturally , and ingenuously , with a royall affection devote himself to the propagating of the pure and reall liberties of the people ? let him be shown forth as a miracle ; but that ever any one that hath been all his dayes , both in the fathers time , and his own engaged in wars against the liberties of the people , ( solemnly proclaimed in parliament ) and to set up prerogative , either intended or managed his raign that way ( how ever he was brought into his government ) i durst affirm to be a paradox , and the utmost contradiction ; i am sure it s as impossible to be fouud in england as the philosophers stone among the peripatecicks . but a word more to the title , between the now present power , and this charls ; what reason is there , and equity , that the parliament of england ( take them in what qualification you will ( following to the utmost the first principles for the liberty of the people ) should not be esteemed as just heirs , and their parliamentary successors as this young confident ? shal william the norman , ( only having a better sword ) a stranger , one who by nature was never born heir of any thing , create himself a title to enland , and a succession for many score of years , meerly on that account ? and shall every one after him break the line as they please , and take their opportunities to make themselves roots of kings , though springing in the wilderness ? shall henry the seventh ( the father of us all ) who was little less then a bastard , being the son of an illegitimate son of john a gaunt , a forraigner , and private man , by fortune and power give himself a title to this crown , and all our kings since acknowledging right by that root ? must those pretences be sacred which have only the ordination of a more keen and glittering sword ? and a confirmation by custome be thus divine ? and shall not the parliament of england ( cloathed with the authority of all the people , and carrying all the libertyes of england with them ) backt with the power of a faythfull army , be thought ( in the utmost criticisme of reason ) to have as much title to propagate their successe for our freedoms , as they have had to convey both their usurpation and tyranny ? that a private claym by a better sword should be jure divino ; and a publique title both by reason , success , and providence of a solemn assembly , who have been many years opposing the former oppressions , and now have gained it , should not be accounted valid , nor of equall right with a successive illegall claim ? let all the world be judge ( who consider the premises ) and let the violentest reason unroyalis'd speak its utmost . it is high time now to end that line that was never either well begun , or directly continued ; charls the father is gone to his own place , and so is charls the son likewise , he being in his own proper nation , scotland ; let us keep him there if we be wise , and intend to be happy , and let england disdain to be under the domination any more of any forraign power for the future ; and seeing we have conquered the conqueror , and got the possession of the true english title , by justice , and gallantry ; let us not lose it again , by any pretence of a particular , and debauched person . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- dan. hist. p. . speed . speed . william rufus . dan. life of henry the first . dun. pryn. mat. paris p. dan. hist. p. . mat. paris , p. , . master prin , the parliaments interest in the militia , second part , p. . . sir francis bacon . martin . suet. lib : . c. . the second part of the signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians under the gospel, (especially in this our island) towards their christian kings & emperors, whether orthodox or heterodox, virtuous or vicious, protestants or papists, protectors or persecutors, ever since their kings and emperors first became christian, till this present. expressed in, and evidenced by their publike and private supplications, prayers, intercessions, thanksgivings, options, acclamations, for their long life, health, safety, prosperity, victory over enemies, temporal, spiritual and eternal felicity; peaceable, just, glorious reign over them, &c. and likewise for their queens, children, royal posterity, realms, armies, counsels, officers. ... together with the various forms of prayers, supplications, collects, votes, and acclamations used at the coronations of emperors and kings, especially of our ancient and late kings of england and scotland (not hitherto published.) by william prynne esq; a bencher of lincolns inne. prynne, william, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing p thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) the second part of the signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians under the gospel, (especially in this our island) towards their christian kings & emperors, whether orthodox or heterodox, virtuous or vicious, protestants or papists, protectors or persecutors, ever since their kings and emperors first became christian, till this present. expressed in, and evidenced by their publike and private supplications, prayers, intercessions, thanksgivings, options, acclamations, for their long life, health, safety, prosperity, victory over enemies, temporal, spiritual and eternal felicity; peaceable, just, glorious reign over them, &c. and likewise for their queens, children, royal posterity, realms, armies, counsels, officers. ... together with the various forms of prayers, supplications, collects, votes, and acclamations used at the coronations of emperors and kings, especially of our ancient and late kings of england and scotland (not hitherto published.) by william prynne esq; a bencher of lincolns inne. prynne, william, - . [ ], , - , - , [ ] p. printed by t. childe and l. parry, and are to be sold by edward thomas at the adam and eve in little britain, london : . annotation on thomason copy: "august ". reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng kings and rulers -- religious aspects -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the second part of the signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians under the gospel , ( especially in this our island ) towards their christian kings & emperors , whether orthodox or heterodox , virtuous or vicious , protestants or papists , protectors or persecutors , ever since their kings and emperors first became christian , till this present . expressed in , and evidenced by their publike and private supplications , prayers , intercessions , thanksgivings , options , acclamations , for their long life , health , safety , presperity , victory over enemies , temporal , spiritual and elernal felicity ; peaceable , just , glorious reign over them , &c. and likewise for their queens , children , royal posterity , realms , armies , counsels , officers . largely manifested both in point of theory and practice in a chronological method , by fathers , councils , ecclefiastical histories , liturgies , missals , books of publike and private prayers , poems , panegyricks , epistles , records , charters , and authors of all sorts and ages . together with the various forms of prayers , supplications , collects , votes , and acclamations used at the coronations of emperors and kings , especially of our ancient and late kings of england and scotland ( not hitherto published . ) by william prynne esq a bencher of lincolns inne . psal . . . lord remember david , and all his afflictions . psal . . , . sing prayses unto our god. sing prayses ; sing praises unto our king , sing praises . for god is the king of all the earth , sing ye praises with understanding . sam. . , . and he bowed the heart of all the men of judah , even as one man , so as they sent this word unto the king ; return thou and all thy servants : so the king returned and came to jordan ; and all judah came to gilgal , to go to meet the king , to conduct the king over iordan . london printed by t. childe , and l. parry , and are to be sold by edward thomas at the adam and eve in little britain , . to his most illustrious over-long exterminated , but now happily restored soveraign , charls the second , by the miraculous grace of god , and indubitable hereditary birthright and succession , of england , scotland , france and ireland king , the invincible constant professor and defendor of the truly antient , catholick and apostolick faith in the midst of manifold persecutions , provocations , solicitations , temptations , and fiery tryals ; the magazin of all christian and royal virtues , and miracle of gods preserving and restoring mercies . most gracious soveraign , the a only potentate , and king of kings , who b removeth kings , and setteth up kings , and ruleth in the kingdom of men to give it to whoms oever he pleaseth ; having by his own omnipotent c out-stretched arm , and successive miraculous providences , unexpectedly cut-off , cast down , subverted , dissipated , d without hands or bloodshed , the most execrable , perfidious , trayterous murderers of your royal father king charls the first , of glorious memory , and unjust disinheriters and proscribers of your sacred majestie out of all your own hereditary kingdoms , and some forein states by violence , war , and inhumane tyranny , ( enforcing your majesty oft to cry out with the exiled kingly prophet ; e we is me that i am constrained to dwell in mesech , and to have my habitation among the tents of kedar &c. ) who by rigorous edicts debarred your majestie not only of the charitable relief of your own protestant subjects , but likewise of the christian aid , and f evangelical tribute , ( due to all pagan as well as christian kings , by divine and common natural right ) of their daily supplications , prayers , and intercessions to god , for your personal preservation , and restitution , under severest penalties ; imposed many insupportable new yoaks of bondage on all your subjects necks , and worse than aegyptian burdens upon their galled backs , for sundry yeares , almost to their irrecoverable ruine , it pleased this g soveraign king over all the earth , h and god of the spirits of all flesh , by strange miracles of mercy , through the preparatory loyal endeavours of some of your majesties most inconsiderable faithfull subjects , upon the very first reception and reading of your majesties most gracious letters and declarations to the lords , commons , city of london ; army , and navy , immediately to bow the hearts and spirits of both your houses of parliament , and all your subjects , ( yea of the very military officers , forces by land and sea , formerly raised & engaged against your majesties cause and kingship , ) as the heart of one man , ( as he i bowed the hearts of the men of judah after rebellious usurping absoloms death , in the ●ase of exterminated king david ) so that they immediately and unanimously voted your majesties speedy return , dispatched their several letters , votes , messengers , fleet and monies to your majesty , without one dissenting voice ; to hasten your majesties return , and transport you with honour and safety , to enjoy your kingly authority and patrimony , contending with a most cordial aemulation , who should be first and forwardest , to bring back and conduct your majesty ( together with your princely brothers and followers ) from your long most deplorable exile , to your royal city and palace , with all possible demonstrations of their publike joy , and dutifull allegeance to your majesty , and farr greater magnificence , solemnity , triumph , and multitudes of conductors , than any of your most victorious royal progenitors enjoyed when they returned into england from their greatest forein conquests . and that which crowned this miracle of mercies , was its celerity and season , it having both its inception and perfection within the limits of one month , and its completion on your majesties birth-day ( may . ) whereon , as you were first born a prince , you were now re-born a most glorious king , and most magnificently invested in the possession of your royal throne at whitehall , in the presence of all your majesties lords , commons , and thousands of your people there assembled , who with their united shouts , prayers , praises , acclamations , benedictions , and panegyricks congratulated your maties natural and political nativity thereon , both as a man and monarch ; together with the new birth and resurrection of your three united kingdoms and churches of england , scotland and ireland , and their respective dominions , being all raised from their graves of death and misery ( wherein they had for some years space before been interred ) and were new born as kingdoms and churches too on that joyful day ; worthy to be celebrated by them in all succeeding generations ; and to have this divine motto engraven thereon : a the stone which the builders refused is ( this day ) become the head of the corner ; this is the lords doing , and it is marvellous in our eyes , this is the day which the lord hath made , wee will rejoyce and be glad therein . what the elegant prophet b isaiah records of gods miraculous mercies towards his church and people : before she travelled , she brought forth ; before her pain came , she was delivered of a man-child . who hath heard such a thing ? who hath seen such things ? shall the earth be made to bring forth in one day ? or shall a nation be born at once ? for as soon as zion-travelled , she brought forth her children ; was now verified both of your majesty , and your three whole kingdoms & churches . all brought forth and born together in this one day . wherefore , rejoyce ye with jerusalem , ( with england ) and be glad with her all ye that love her ; rejoyce for joy with her , all ye that mourned for her . it hath been the antient cavill of our c romish adversaries , against our reformed protestant churches & religion , that they are false and spurious , because they have no miracles wrought in them : and they have daily upbraided your sacred majesty & your followers , yea pierced your souls during your exile among them , with this soul-piercing quaere , * where is now the god of the prot●stants ? he can neither p●es●rve nor restore you to your crowns and kingdoms ; unless you renounce your prot●stant god church , heresie , & embrace our roman cathol●ke god , church , r●ligion , there is no hope nor possibility of your restitution and that only by the arms of your catholike allyes and ●ubjects . but blessed and for eve● magnified be the gl●riou name of our great go● , who hath now vindicated his own glorie and omnipotencie against their reproaches , & wrought so many miracles in your maties restitution to justifie b●th the truth of the protestant religion , churches , & your su●jects , that all their ‖ spurious miracles and impostures wherewith they abu●e their over-c●edulous proselytes , and fraught their legends even to n●u●cousn●sse , are no more to be compared with them , than a glo-worm to the noon day sun : and their god and * rock is not as our god and rock , our enemies themselves being ( now ) judges . verily , your m●jesty with all your protestant subjects , after such a stupendious , glorious deliverance from their late usu●ping pharaohs , worse than aegyptian tax masters , burdens and servitude , have just cause to sing aloud to the god of their salvation , this triumphant song of moses and the children of israel , and king david after them ; a wh● is like unto thee , o lord , amongst the gods ? who is like unto thee , glorious in holynesse , fearfull in prayses doing wonders ? thou str●tchest out thy right hand , the earth swallowed them ; thou in thy mercy hast led forth thy people , which thou hast redeemed . sing ye unto the lord , for he hath triu●phed gloriously . b the king shall joy●n thy strength o lord and in thy salvation how greatly shall he rejoyce ? for thou hast ( now ) given him his hearts desire , thou hast not with h●lden the request of his lips : for th●● preventest him with the blessings of goodnesse , thou set test a crown of pure gold on his head : his glory is great in thy salvation , honor and majesty hast thou laid upon him . thou hast made him most blessed for ever , thou hast made him exceeding glad with thy countenance , for the king trusteth in the lord , and through the mercy of the most high he shall not miscarry . * blessed be the lord god of england from everlasting to everlasting ( for this unexpressible mercy ) and let all the people say , amen ; praise ye the lord. yea they all now joyntly and severally apply to your majestie , the blessing and words of the queen of sheba to king solomon , after she beheld his transcendent wisdom , virtues , and magnificence : ( which far exceeded the report thereof , as your majesties royal wisdom and graces of all kinds much transcend their fame ) * blessed be the lord thy god , who delighted in thee , to set thee upon his throne , to be king for the lord thy god. because the lord thy god loved israel ( england , scotland and ireland ) to establish them for ever , therefore made he thee king over them to do justice and judgement , yea , to restore them to their pristine liberty , peace , plenty , traffick , renown , prosperity , and make them the happiest of all subjects in the world . in the contemplation of which inchoated common felicity , i humbly presume to dedicate to your majesty , this now compleated treatise of , the signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians in all ages ( and likewise of pagans ) to their kings , both before and under the law and gospel ; more especially within this your first christian realm of britain , ( wherein i have most expatiated ) expressed both by their publike and private prayers , supplications , and intercessions unto god for their long life , health , safety , victory , prosperity , temporal , spiritual and eternal felicity ; and all sorts of blessings both on their royal persons , queens , progenies , families , government , kingdoms , armies , counsels ; by their thanksgivings to god for their advancement to their royal thrones , victories , successes , deliverances , piety , justice and gratious reigns over them ; by their loyal acclamations , salutations , addresses , panegyricks , epistles to them , and their dutiful subjection and obedience under them , which i have evidenc'd by presidents and testimonies in all ages , ( never formerly collected into one manual ) to which i have super added the antient and modern forms of the coronations of christian emperors , kings , queens , ( and of some pagans ) with the ceremonies , solemnities , prayers , collects and benedictions used at them , especially those relating to england and scotland , ( not hitherto published ) as a president for , and prologue to your majesties much desired and shortly-expected coronation . the first part of this treatise , i lately printed , in january last , for your majesties service , to inthrone you in the hearts , publike prayers and supplications of all your loyal subjects , to prepare the way for your majestyes speedy restauration to your hereditary crowns and kingdoms , which ( blessed be god ) you now actually enjoy , to their unspeakable comfort : of the accomplishment whereof without armes or blood , i had such full assurance then and since in my own apprehensions , from the observation of gods admirable providences , of your majesties opposites●ntollerable ●ntollerable extravagances and infatuatious , & of your subjects late dutiful 〈◊〉 nations tending thereunto , through the loyal endeavour of some faithfull friends to your majestie and your people , that i committed the second part of this treatise , and all that concerns your coronation , to the presse , in the beginning of april last ; before any visible appearances thereof to the eyes or thoughts of others : and i repute it an extraordinary blessing and honour from god and your majesty , that any of my paper arms and publications ( in your majesties and others apprehensions ) have been instrumental to promote this your happy , unbloody , most joyfull restitution to your throne and kingship , maugre all late ingagements , & oaths of abjuration , to debar your majestie and all the royal line for ever from them . i humbly beseech your royal majestie graciously to accept this unpolish'd work ( compiled in the midst of many publike distracting imployments ) being your highnesses peculiar by all rights and circumstances , as a publick testimony of my loyalty to your majestie , and a lasting monument of my thankfullnesse to almighty god , for hearing my many years constant prayers , and blessing my impotent paper artillery and endeavors for your majesties long-desired , and now happily accomplished investiture , not only in your royal throne , but likewise in the hearts , consciences , private and publike devotions and supplications of all your people . whom this treatise , seconded with my healths sicknesse , ( dedicated to your royal father many years past ) and your majesties most pious fresh proclamation , will instruct and excite most devoutly to pray for your majesties health and happiness in their churches , chapels , families , closets , rather than heathenishly to prophane , or abuse your sacred name , in drinking your majesties health ( to the hazard of their own and their souls to boot , through drunkennesse and intemperance ) in taverns , alehouses , or at their own or others tables , as well to god● dishonor as your majesties . in fine , i shall be a daily orator to the god of your majesties and your kingdoms salvation , that all the temporal , spiritual , and eternal blessings , comprised in the several prayers , collects , benedictions , salutations , acclamations , and passages , collected in this treatise , for any christian emperors , kings , and princes , may concenter in , and be abundantly powred forth on your majesties royal person , family , kingdoms , councils , court , armies , government , people ; that so your majestie may be chronicled to all posterity ( as in truth you really demerit ) for the best , devoutest , holiest , justest , and most gratious of all christian kings that ever reigned , and your formerly disloyal , degenerated subjects , by your most righteous reign , and pious * royal example , henceforth become the most loyal , religious , free , and happiest of all subjects in the universe : which is and shall be the daily prayer of your majesties most humble , yet faithfull and loyal subject william prynne . from my study in lincolns inne june . . the second part of the signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians towards their kings . having lately presented the world , with the first part of the signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians ( as likewise of idolatrous pagans ) towards their kings and emperors , both before and under the law , and also under the gospel , whiles their emperors and kings were idolaters and ethnicks , expressed both by their private and publick supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings unto god , & by their votes , acclamations unto themselves & others , for their health , safety , long-life , temporal , spiritual , and eternal felicity , whether they were good or bad , orthodox or heterodox , protectors or persecutors , in . distinct chapters , i shall now ( by gods assistance ) proceed to the constant practice of christians under the gospel , in this kind , after their kings and emperors became christians , professing the gospel of jesus christ , whether their kings and emperors were gracious , and religious , vitious or impious , orthodox or erronious ; beginning with the kings of our own island , and presenting you with prefidents of this kind , both in forein prelates , and clergy-men , as well as in their domestick christian subjects of all sorts , our british island producing the first christian king , queen , and emperor in the world , and the first presidents of private and publick supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings for them , unto god , and votes , acclamations for their safety , health , life and prosperity , as they were christian . chap. vi. anno the very first christian king , professing the christian religion under the gospel , mentioned in history , is lucius , king of the britons , reigning in this our island ; this king a anno christi . ( as ●adulphus baldoc , the chronicle of gisburn , the antient manuscript d● primo statu landavensis ecclesiae , and bishop vsher out of them relate ) sending two embassadors to pope elutherius , most earnestly and devoutly intreating him , that by his command and will he might be made a christian ; this pope thereupon granting his request , gratias agens deo sud , &c. giving thanks to his god , and singing , glory be to god on high , for joy that this king and nation , who had continued gentiles from the first peopling of the island by brute , did so ardently hasten to the faith of christ , sending eluan , and meduin to convert them . after which this b king lucius in the year . or sooner , as some , or in the year . or later , as others think it ; writing a letter to pope elutherius , to send him a copy of the imperial laws to govern his nation by them ; this pope in the conclusion of his epistle ( in answer to the kings letter ) inserted this devout prayer unto god in his behalf . det vobis omnipotens deus , &c. almighty god grant you so to rule the kingdom of britain , that you may reign for ever with him , whose vicar you are in the realm aforesaid . if this pope , ( though a forein prelate ) thus prayed to god for this first christian king , no doubt his own christian bishops & ministers , ( whom he endowed with ample possessions and maintenance ) and his christian subjects , in their private and publick prayers , and devotions to god , and in their epistles and addresses to him , did much more imitate his example , in pursuit of the apostles precept , tim. . , , . as all the primitive christians did even for their pagan kings and emperors , ( as i have evidenced in the precedent chapters ) though we find no expresse mention thereof in our british histories . c the first christian queen in the world was helena , daughter of king coel ; whose son constantine the great , born and first created emperor in our island of britain , was the first roman emperor , who publickly professed the christian faith , and instituted publick prayers to be made unto god by his souldiers , people and subjects , whether christians or ethnicks , for himself , his sons , and his posterity ; who constantly powred forth their supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings ▪ unto god for his life , health , safety , victories , and successes , as well in this our island , as in all other places of his empire ; as these passages of eusebius , who lived in his court , and flourished under him , will aboundantly evide●ce . this godly christian emperor c constantine , before his battel with the persecuting tyrant licinius , dedicated a certain vacant time to powr forth prayers to our saviour christ in the tabernacle of the crosse , which he fixed far remote from his camp : where afflicting his body with fasting and abstinence , he powred out prayers & supplications to god to reconcile him to himself , and become his gracious protector : in which duty he imployed certain persons , whom he reputed eminent both for faith and piety , to joyn with and assist him in the performance thereof , as he usually did upon other occasions before every battel with the enemy . after which having vanquished licinius , and by his death obtained the sole power , and government over the roman empire ; omnes ubique victorem hymnis celebrabant , tum choreis & hymnis primum deum , summum omnium regem esse praedicarunt : deindè victorem constantinum , ejusque filios modestissimos , deoque charos caesares , acclamationibus continuis extulerunt . after which this godly emperor to excite his subjects to prayers , was d portrayed in all his coyns & statues standing upright with his eyes looking up , and his hands stretched forth and elevated towards heaven , as if he were praying , & prescribed all his legions , and soldiers , as well pagans as christians , this set form of prayer in the roman tongue , which they were to use and recite every lords day , & in their daily prayers , with their hands and eyes lifted up to heaven unto god the giver of all good things , and author of victory . e te solum deum agnoscimus , &c. we acknowledge thee to be god alone ; we professe thee to be king ; we invocate thee our helper : by thee we have obtained victories ; by thee we have overcome enemies : from thee we confesse we have received present , & hope that we shall obtain future felicity . tui omnes supplices sumus , abs te petimus , ut constantinum imperatorem nostrum , unà cum piis ejus liberis quàm diutissimè nobis salvum & victorem conserves : we are all supplicants unto thee . we all request from thee , that thou wouldest conserve our emperor constantine , together with his pious children , safe and victorious to us , for many generations , or , as long as possible may be , or for ever . ejusmodi ferè sanciebat a militibus solis die fieri , talesque ab eis voces in diurnis precibus adhiberi . which prayers no doubt were used in this our island of britain , ( where he was born and crowned ) by his soldiers , and other subjects , for him and his royal posterity , as well as in other places : the churches and christians then in britain , concurring both in their doctrine and practice , with the churches in rome , italy , aphrick , aegypt , spain , france , lybia , greece , asia , pontus and cilicia , as f constantine himself records in his epistle to all churches concerning the affairs of the council of nice , anno . but of this more in the next chapter . anno it is the observation of thomas rudburne , the history of winton church , and bishop vsher out of them , g orationes ac deprecationes justorum assiduae cum multum valeant apud justum judicem deum ; ascenderunt lacrymae suorum fidelium in conspectu conditoris altissimi ; & sedatum est gravissimae persecutoris ac percussionis jaculum fulminosum , completo videlicet spatio viginti duorum annorum : undè christiani qui priùs in sylvis opacissimisque locis se posuerant ( within this our island of britain , as well as in other places , during the reigns of dioclesian , maximinian and licinius , who grievously persecuted them ) in publicum se ostendentes ( under constantine the great ) renovant ecclesias quae usque ad solum undique erant destructae . quo in tempore aedificata est ecclesia wintoniensis secundò ab christi fidelium oblationibus . the christians daily prayers and tears to god in this our island , being the principal means to cease their former persecutions under their cruel pagan emperours , and to procure them peace and prosperity under this first christian emperor constantine , for whose long life , and prosperous reign they daily prayed unto god in the churches they re-edified and repaired during his pious reign . anno * guithelin , archbishop of london , in the the year of our lord . being sent by the christian britons of our island , into britain in france , to crave ayde against the barbarous nations , who invaded , murdered , spoyled , and miserably oppressed them ; thereupon androenus king of the french britons sent his brother constantine with . men unto them , upon condition they should elect and crown him for their king. which expedition constantine undertaking , guithelin thereupon brake out into these gratulatory acclamations and prayers unto christ for him . christus vincit , christus regnat , christus imperat . assit igitur gratia christi regi britanniae qui est defensio nostra , ut insulam miserimam ad pristinam reducat libertatem . christ overcommeth , christ reigneth , christ commandeth . therefore let the grace of christ be present and assistant to the king of britain , who is our defence , that he may reduce the miserable island to its pristine liberty . a prayer as suitable for our miserable exiled king and island now , as for this their new british king , and island in that age , wherein the other bishops , and christian britons made the like prayers for him both at and after his coronation , as guithelin did before it . anno our famous british king aurelius ambrosius , after he had destroyed and burnt the bloody regicide and usurper vortigern , and conquered and exiled the pagan saxons , in the year of christ . repaired and new built the churches they had demolished , placed priests and clerks in them , restored divine service to its due state , conferred many gifts , rents and revenues upon church-men ; et orare pro regno et ecclesiae statu omnibus imperavit : and he commanded all men , to pray for the realm , and state of the church ; which no doubt they performed accordingly in their churches , not forgetting to pray likewise for this good king , who repaired them , and restored christianity . anno to pretermit saint k patricks prayers and petitions to god , for the seven kings he baptized , and the irish he converted to the faith , with his ascending into a mount , and there fasting forty daies , ut oraret pro eis , that he might pray for them . anno * pope gregory the . in his epistle to aldeberga ( or rather bertha ) wife to king edilbert before his conversion to the faith of christ , ( who after her conversion was very instrumental to help convert the king and his subjects to the faith ; ) useth this thanksgiving , and prayer to god on her behalf . omnipotentem deum benediximus , qui conversionem gentis anglorum mercedi vestrae dignatus est propitius reservare , &c. bona vestra non solum jam apud romanos qui pro vita vestra fortius oraverunt ; sed etiam per diversa loca , et usque constantinopolim , ad serenissimum principem pervenerunt : ut sicut nobis de christianitatis vestrae solatiis laetitia facta est , ita quoque de perfect a operatione vestra angelis fiat gaudium in coelis , &c. vt et hîc foelicitèr cum glorioso filio nostro conjuge vestro regnetis , et post longa annorum tempora futurae quoque vitae gaudia , quae finem habere nesciunt , capiatis . oramus autem omnipotentem deum , ut gloriae vestrae cor , et ad operanda quae diximus , gratiae suae igne succendat , et aeternae mercedis fructum vobis de placita sibi operatione concedat . anno the same pope gregory in his * epistle to edilbert king of kent , exhorted him , willingly to hear , devoutly to perform , and studiously to keep in memory what augustin , then his bishop should admonish him , for this reason ; quia si vos eum in eo quod pro omnipotenti deo loquitur auditis , idem omnipotens deus hunc pro vobis exorantem celerius exaudiet . si enim ( quod absit ) verba ejus postponitis , quomodo eum omnipotens deus poterit audire pro vobis , quem vos negligitis audire pro deo ? ( a clear evidence , that augustin and other bishops and christians in that age devoutly and constantly prayed to god for king edilbert ) tota igitur mente cum eo vos in fervore fidei stringite , atque adnisum illius virtute quam vobis divinitas tribuit adjuvate , ut regni sui vos ipse faciat participes , cujus vos fidem in regno vestro recipi facitis , et custodiri . after which he concludes his epistle with this prayer for this kings spiritual , temporal , and eternal safety , long life , felicity and salvation . omnipotens itaque deus in vobis gratiam quam coepit , perficiat , atque vitam * vestram et hic per multorum annorum curricula extendat , et post longa tempora in caelestis vos patriae congregatione recip●at . incolumem excellentiam vestram gra●ia suprema custodiat domine fili , julii , anno . mauritii tiberii augusti . anno * pope boniface in his epistle to king ethelbert ( sent by mellitus bishop of lond●n ) anno dom. . prayes thus for him , in christo valeas domine fili. anno anno edwin king of northumberland promised to renounce his idolatry , and to serve christ , because edelburga his queen ( being a christian ) by the prayers of paulinus bishop of the northumberlanders was delivered without much pain of a child ; wherupon m episcopus gratias caepit agere domino christo , regique astruer● , quod ille precibus suis apud illum obtinuerit , ut regina sospes absque dolore n gravi , sobolem procrearet . but this king deferring his conversion to christianity contrary to his promise ; thereupon pope boniface writ to queen edelburga to use all possible means for her kings conversion , and amongst others , to make fervent prayers to god for his illumination and salvation , unde orationi continuò insistens , a longanimitate coelestis clementiae illuminationis illius beneficia impetrare non definas . ut videlicet quos copulatio carnalis affectus unum quodammodo corpus exhibuisse ministratur , hos quoque unitas fidei etiam post hujus vitae transitum in perpetua soci●tate conservet . ad hoc enim misericordiam dominicae pietatis consecuta es , ut fructum fidei , creditorumque tibi beneficiorum redemptori tuo multiplicem resignares . quod equidem suffragante praesidio benignitatis ipsius , ut explere valeas , assiduis non desistimus precibus postul●re . after this n king edwin being converted to the christian faith , pope honorius successor to boniface writ an epistle to this king , in the close whereof there is this prayer for his safety , incolumem excellentiam vestram gratia superna custodiat . anno some few years after cruel king penda invading northumberland , and besieging bebba the royal city ; when he could neither take it by arms nor siege , he resolved to fire it , and laying great store of combustible matter to the walls set it on fire , the flames mounting above the walls , being carried into the city with furious winds , n bishop aidan beholding it from the island of farne , whether he retired secretly to pray , fertur elevatis ad coelum oc●lis manibusque cum lacrymis dixisse , domine , quanta mala facit penda ! quo dicto statim mutati ab urbe venti , in eos qui accenderant flammam incendia retorserunt , ita ut aliqui laesi , omnes territi , impugnare ultra urbem cessarunt , quam divinitus juvari cognoverunt . o anno about the same time ( anno . ) penda king of mercians being sent by cadwallin king of the britons with a great army into northumberland , to slay oswald king thereof ; hee assaulted him in a place called hetenfield : whereupon king ●swald erecting the sign of the crosse with his own hands , commanded all his souldiers with a loud voyce to cry unto god for him , and themselves in these words . flectamus genua ad deum universi , ipsumque in communi deprecemus , ut nos ab exercitu superbi regis britanni et ejusdem nephandi du●is pendae defendat . scit enim ipse quia justa pro salute gentis nostrae bella suscipiamus . fecerunt ergo omnes ut jusserat , & sic in hostes progressi juxtà fidei suae meritum victoria potiti sunt . anno p after king oswald his murder in the year . the freers of the church of hexam every year , the day before the said king was slain , used for a long time , vigilias prosalute animae ejus facere , plurim aque psalmorum laude celebrata , victimam pro eo manè sacrae oblationis offerre . and if they were thus devout in keèping annual vigils , and offering prayers , psalms , and sacrifices to god for the salvation of this king and his soul , after his death : ( according to the superstition of that and after ages ) no doubt they were as loyal and devout in praying and praysing god for him during his life . anno q king oswi after his great victory over penda , and his . old colonels and army , ( all slain in battel ) in performance of his vow , consecrated his daughte● elfleda ( scarce one year old ) to perpetual virginity , donatis insuper duodecim possessiunculis terrarum , in quibus ablato studio militiae terrestris , ad exercendam militiam coelestem , supplicandumque pro pace gentis ejus aeterna , devotioni sedulae monachorum locus facultasque suppeteret . about which year & time ( after the unjust martyrdom of k. oswi by the pagans ) qu. eanfled ob castigationem necis ejus injustae postulàvit à reg● oswi ut donaret ibi locum quod dicitur ingethling , monasterio construendo deifamulo tumhere , quia propinquus ipse erat regis occisi . in quo videlicet monasterio orationes assiduae pro utriusque regis , id est , occisi , et ejus qui occidere jussit , aeterna salute sierent . a clear evidence , that monasteries were then purposely instituted to make daily prayers and supplications for the kings safety , and eternal salvation , and the peace of the nation . anno a theodorus archbishop of canterbury about the year of christ . thus inscribes his epistle to ethelred king of mercians , touching w●lfrid , archbishop of york . ethelredo gloriosissimo & excellentiss●mo regi merciorum , theodorus , &c. in domino perennem salutem , &c. then subjoyns ; oculi mei jucundam faciem tuam videant , & benedicat tibi anima mea antequam moriar , &c. praying for his perpetual health in the lord ; and blessing him with his soul before his death . anno b pope agatho begins his epistle to aethelred king of m●rcians , anno . thus . agatho , &c. aethelredo glorioso merciorum regi , salutem a deo , et benedictionem nostram . and this king the very same and the next year in c his charters of lands to th● church of st. peter of canterbury , gives lands ; tàm pro salute animae m●ae , ac pro oratione fratrum ; that the freers therein might pray for him , and for the salvation of his soul . anno anno the d synod of berghamsted under withred king of kent , anno . can. . made this decree . pro rege preces fiant , mandatisque ejus non urgente necessitate , sed ex sponte obediunto . let prayers be made for the king , and let his commands be obeyed , not from compelling necessity , but from a voluntary minde . e king ina in his charter , anno ● . by the decree and counsel of his prelat adelm , the suggestion of all his priests , and upon the petition of all the monks in the province of the west-saxons , granted this privilege to the monks of glastonbury abby , ut sine impedimento secularium rerum absque tributo fiscalium negotiorum , liberis mentibus sub deo serviant , & monasticam disciplinam , christo s●ffragium largiente , regulariter exerceant , et pro statu et prosperitate regni nostri , et indulgentia commissorum criminum ante conspectum divinae majestatis preces fundere dignentur , et orationum officia frequentantes , in eccles●is pro nostri fragilitate interpellare nitantur : most antient monasteries , as well as this , being specially founded and endowed by our kings and their successors for this purpose , that they might pray for them and their realms , their parents , children , and successors temporal , spiritual , and eternal felicity ; as the charters of their foundations and endowments , in monasticon anglicanum , pars . & . and other authors attest . anno about the year . abbot * ceolfrid writ a large epistle to naitan king of picts , concerning easter and the tonsure of clerks , beginning thus , domino excellentissimo & gloriosissimo regi naitano , ceolfridus abbas , in domino salutem : and ending with this prayer for him ; gratia te regis aeterni longiori tempore regnantem ad nostram omnium pacem custodiat incolumem , dilectissime in christo fili . and if abbots & clergy-men then thus prayed for their health , safety , long-life , and the publike peace of the nation , in their epistles to kings ; much more did they thus pray for them in their private and publike devotions . anno * ethelred king of m●rcians in the year of christ , . in the presence of his bishops and nobles , by his charter gave and granted the whole island of croyland to god , the virgin mary , and st. barthollomew , to found an abby therein for the black monks , submitting himself wholy to the mercy and piety of christ , and commending himself , sanctae matris ecclesiae precibus , to the prayers of his holy mother the church : and particularly to the prayers of st. guthlac the confessor and anchorite . whence a poet thus writ of him . ethelbaldus , &c. oret pro nobis sanctissimus iste sacerdos , ( guthlacus . ) ad tumbam cujus haec mea dona dedi . a clear evidence that the churches and ministers of christ in england did then constantly pray for their christian kings , who specially recommended themselves to their prayers . anno our venerable and most learned beda , doth very much p●esse this duty of prayer for kings , ( though pagans and persecutors , ) from sundry texts of scripture , on which he comments . in his * expositiones allegoricae in ezram , l. . c. . et offerant oblationes deo coeli , orentque pro vita regis et filiorum ejus ; he thus comments , offerunt autem ea sacerdotes iidem pro vita regis , et filiorum ejus , juxta illud ap●stoli , tim. . obsecro igitur primò omnium fieri obsecrationes , orationes , postulationes , & gratiarum actiones pro omnibus hominibus , pro regibus & omnibus qui in sublimitate sunt , ut quietam & tranquillam vitam agamus , &c. and in his exposition on the tim. . , , . tom. . p. , , . he recites and approves the passages of st. augustin at large ( recited in the next chapter ) commanding prayers , supplications , intercessions and thanksgivings to be made , not only for christian and pious kings , but even for pagans and idolaters , though vitious , though persecutors of the gospel and sincere professors thereof . anno our famous * council of clovesho under archbishop cuthbert , anno dom. . cap. . de orando pro rege , decreed ; vt deinceps per canonicas orationum horas non solum pro se ecclesiastici , sive monasteriales , sed etiam pro regibus ac ducibus , totiusque populi christiani incolumitate , divinam incessan●èr exorent clementiam , quatenus quietam et tranquillam vitam sub eorum pia defensione mereantur agere . et ut ita post haec unanimes existerent in deum , fide , spe & caritate , & seipsos invicem diligerent , & etiam post hujus peregrinationis pericula , ad supernam pervenire pariter mereanter patriam . the reason of making this canon for incessant prayers for kings , dukes and princes , is thus expressed in the preceding part thereof , that there was a scandal and suspition raised amongst the priests of god & inferiour clergy , that they had an ill opinion of kings , dukes and princes ( as too many have now . ) hoc est , quod reges cum ducibus & principibus suis , ac deindè minoris potetestatis , persuasi plurimi de eis dicere soleant , quod non tantum sincero eos non diligant affectu , sed insuper eorum bonis praesentibus , ac prosperitatibus quibusque foelicioribus magis invideant , animo nimis infesto quàm devoto satis congaudeant corde , eorumque conversationis statum odibili quadam detractatione dilacerare non desinant . a very good ground to revive and re-enforce this duty both on ministers and people now ; vt horis canonicis preces fiant pro regibus , as the margin of this canon prescribes , as well as the body thereof . anno boniface archbishop of mentz , an englishman by birth , thus inscribes and begins his . epistle to our king ethilbald . domino charissimo & in christi amore caeteris regibus praeferendo inclyta anglorum imperii sceptra gubernanti ethilbaldo regi , bonifacius , &c. & wera , & burckart , & warbeth , & abel , & wilibald coepiscopi , perennem in christo charitatis salutem . confitemur coram deo & sanctis angelis , quia quamcumque prosperitatem vestram video , & opera bona , deo coram & hominilus , per nuncios fidelos audivimus , quod inter gaudentes , et pro vobis orantes , gratias agimus deo ; postulantes et obsecrantes salvatorem nostrum ▪ ut vos sospites et in side stabiles , et in operibus coram deo rectos in principatu christiani populi longo tempore custodiat . and king ethilbert thus closeth his epistle to boniface the archbishop , who prayed for him in those times , orantem pro nobis , beatitudinem tuam longaevam divina pietas faciat . * his . epistle to pippin king of france , begins thus . colsitudinis vestrae clementiae magnas gratias agamus et dominum iesum christum precantes ut vobis in regno coelorum aeternam mercedem retribuat . most of his and lullus ( his successors ) epistles conclude with prayers . * cenewlphus king of the east-saxons , with his bishops and nobles in their epistle to lullus , successor to this boniface , as they pray for him , so they likewise entreat him , and his clerks to pray to god for them in their congregation , vt pro nostra parvitate , proque pace congregationis nostrae domino supplicare cum eis qui tecum invocant nomen domini iesu , memineris . omnipotens deus , qui dispersa congregat & congregata custodit , ipse vos sua gratia protegat , et vestri laboris fructum in aeterna patria nos videre concedat . the renowned council of calchuth held in the year . under alfwold king of northumberlanders , and offa king of mercians , their prelates and nobles , and pope adrians two legates , gregory and theophyla●t , c. . de ordinatione & honore regum , amongst other things , prescribed constant prayers for , and subjection to kings , prohibiting all treasons and conspiracies against them , in these words , and from these scriptures . a scitote quia dominus dominator est in regno hominum , & ipsius est regnum , & cuicunque voluerit , dabit illud . ideo omnes generaliter admonuimus , ut consona voc● et corde dominum rogent , ut qui eum eligi● in regnum , ipse ei tribuat regimen disciplinae sanctae suae , ad regendam plebem suam . honor quoque eis ab omnibus impendatur , dicente apostolo ; b regem honoroficate : & alibi ; five regi quafi praecellenti , five ducibus , tanquam ab eo● missis ad vindictam malesactorum , laudem verò bonorum . item apostolus , c omnis anima sublimioribus potestatibus subdita sit , quia non est potestas data nisi à deo. quae autem sunt , à deo ordinata sunt . igitur qui resistit potestati , dei ordinationi resistit , qui autem resistunt , ipsi sibi damnationem acquirunt . nullus regi detrahat , dicente d salomone , in ore tuo ne detraxeris regi , & in corde tuo ne maledixe● is principi ; quia aves coeli portant illud , & qui habet pennam annuntiabit verbum . in n●cem regis nemo communicare audeat , quia christus domini est . et si quis tali sceleri adhaeserit , si episcopus est , aut ullus ex sacerdotali gradu , ex ipso detrudatur , et â sancta haereditate dejiciatur , sicut j●das ex apostolico gradu ejectus est : & omnis quisquis tali sacrilegio assenserit , aeterno anathematis vinculo interibit , & judae traditori sociatus , sempiternis cremabitur incendiis , ut scriptum est ; a non solum qui faciunt , sed & qui consentiunt facientibus , judicium dei non effugiunt . b duo namque eunuchi asuerum regem interficere cupieutes , in patibulum suspensi sunt . animadvertite quid fecerit david praefecto , cum ei dominus dixerit , c ego tradam saul in manus tuas ; dum inveniet dormientem . et hortatus à milite ut occideret eum , dixit : absit à me hoc peccatum , ut extendam manum meam in christum domini . illum autem militem qui post mortem ejus venit ad eum , protestans , d quod ipse occiderat saul , capite truncavit ; & reputatum est ei ad justitiam , et semini ejus post eum . exemplis namque apud vos saepè probatum est , quod quicunque internecionis dominorum fuêre ( culpabiles ) in spacio vitam inierunt , et utroque jure caruerunt . this was the practise , doctrine , and loyalty of our ancestors in this national great council and primitive age , fit to be revived by our present generation . anno our famous country-man flaccus alchuvinus , ( e scholar to our venerable beda , tutor to the emperor charles the great , and the learnedest english-man in that ag● ) hath many memorable rare passages and prayers for kings and emperors in his works and epistles , not vulgarly known , which i shall trauscribe at large . in his book de psa●morum ●su . operum lutetiae paris . . col . . d. he writes thus , septem praeterea sunt psalmi ex quibus , f●unum corpus efficimus , pro omni prorsus corpore oramus ecclesiae ; in his namque memoria sacerdotum , regum-que et potentatum ; populi quoque et plebis simul . memento domine david , &c. o●t of which psalms he frames a prayer , col . . propitiare domine , quaeso universae tuae cacholicae ecclesiae toto orbe terrarum diffu●ae , &c. propitiare famulo suo , n regi , cunctisque christianis principibus , & universo exercitui eorum . in his . epistle to offa king of mercians , col . . he concludes with this prayer , for gods grace and benediction upon him and his realm . divina te , tumnque regnum coelesti benedictione , comitetur gratia , domine excellentissime . and epistle . . ( written by him to offa in the name of charles the emperor ) he thus closeth it , col . . vita , salus , & prosperitas tibi tuisque fidelibus a deo christo detur in aeternum . in his . epistle to aedilred king of northumberland , ( describing at large the office of good kings and princes ) col . . he hath this passage . ecclesiarum christi sint defensores & tutores , ut servorum dei orationibus , longa vivant prosperitate : and he closeth his . epistle to king aedilred , with this prayer for him , col . . deus omnipotens regni felicitate , morum dignitate , longaeva prosperitate te florere faciat , dilectissime fili . his . epistle to most noble king egfrid king of merciaus concludes thus , col . . e. divina te in omni bonitate pietas florere faciat , fili charissime . but of all his prayers and thanksgivings , those in his epistles to the christian emperor charles the great , his scholar , written to him for the most part , under the name of david rex ) are most observable . i shall instance in some of the chiefest . in his epistle to him , de ratione septuagesimae , &c. col . . he begins thus , benedictus sit deus pater omnipotens , quite creavit & honoravit : & benedictus sit dominus noster jesus christus filius dei ve●i , qui te redemit & elegit . benedictus sit spiritus sanctus paracletus qui te illuminavit , & dilatavit cor tuum in omni sapientia & scientia charitatis dilectissime d. d. & dulcissime domine . et benedicta sit sancta trinitas , unus deus omnipotens , pater & filius & spiritus sanctus , qui mihi serviculo suo , licet indigno , talem concessit dominum , amicum , & adjutorem gratiae suae . et benedicta sit potestas et regnum tuum , et filii tui , et filii filiorum tuorum , usque in generationes secuti sempiternas : et veniat super te et super tuam generationem benedictio sanctorum in die domini nostri iesu christi ; utque sanctissima sua voluntas vigeat floreat & crescat in corde tuo , clarissime ecclesiae christi rector & defensor . his d . epistle to him col. . runs in the same words . his first epistle to him is thus directed , col. . domino piissimo , & praestantissimo & omni honore dignissimo david regi , flaccus albinus , verae beatitudinis aeternam in christo salutem : after his particular thanksgiving to god for him , he thus proceeds , non solum ego ultimus servulus salvatoris nostri , congaudere debeo prosperitati & exaltatione clarissi● ae potestatis vestrae , sed tota sancta dei ecclesia unanimo caritatis concentu gratias agere domino deo omnipotenti debebit ; qui tam pium , prudentem & justum his novissimis mundi & periculosissimis temporibus populo christiano perdonavit clementissimo munere rectorem atque defensorem ; qui prava corrigere , & recta corroborare , & sancta sublimare omni intentione studeat , & nomen domini dei eccelsi per multa terrarum spacia dilatere gaudeat , & catholicae fidei lumen in extremis mundi partibus incendere conetur , &c. in qua dominus noster jesus christus , qui est virtus & sapientia dei , te custodiat & exaltet , et ad gloriam perennis visionis suae pervenire faciat . his * epistles to this emperor , begin for the most part with wishing him perpetuae pacis & gloriae salutem , perpetuam salutem , &c. his . epistle to him , col . . ends thus , deprecantes quoque domini dei nostri clementiam , qui te undique regat et custodiat , et victorem faciat omnium inimicorum tuorum , seu visibilium seu invisibilium , quatenus cum corona gloriae , multis feliciter regnaturum annis , ad regnum perpetuae beatitudinis pervenire , cum fidelibus suis concedat . in his . epistle , col . he and his monks prayed thus for him , totum cordis mei affectum , in gratiarum actiones christo clementissimo regi effudi ; illius sedula oratione deprecans pie●atem , cum omnibus nostrae devotionis cooperatoribus , quatenus vestram pacificam & amabilem potentiam , ad exaltationem sanctae suae ecclesiae , & sacratissimi gubernacula imperii , longaeva prosperitate custodire , regere et dilatare dignetur . his . epistle to him begins thus , col . . gloria & laus deo patri , & dom. nostro jesu christo , quia in gratia sancti spiritus , per devotion●m et ministerium sanctae fidei , & bonae voluntatis vestrae , christianitatis regnum atque agnitionem veri dei dilatavit , & plurimos longè latéque populos ab erroribus impietatis in viam veritatis deduxit , &c. his . epistle ends with prayers and thanksgivings ; his . to him begins thus , col . . d●t tibi perpetuam clemens in sede salutem , et decus imperii , david amate , deus . totum me in gratiarum actiones domino deo jesu christo contuli , felicia christiano populo tempora in vestra felicitate , exalt atione & salute certissimè scieus ; pro qua semper dominum deprecari gaudeo , eandem semper audire desidero , & quasi optatum , à deoque destinatum munus , omni gaudio vestram incolumitatem cupiens semper audire . quis enim est qui non gaudeat sui capitis perfecta integritate , nisi forte furibundus , vel insanus , quem arctissimis hippocratis vinculis all●gandum esse censero ? et si juxta apost●li sententiam * nemo carnem suam odio habet ; fed etiam fovet & nutrit : quanto magis in capitis sanitate , in quo est totius corporis perfectio et gloria , omnis membrorum compago gaudere debet ? which epistle he concludes thus , vestra prccor , christus coelestil us inclyta donis illustret , repleat pectora pacis amor , dulcis amor vitae , dulcis laus , gloria dulcis , sit tibi perpe●ua , david amate , salus . epistola . col . . he writes , continuis precibus domini nostri jesu christi clementiam deprecor , quatenus tibi optima quaeque in terrena felicitate conc●ssit , longè meliora aeternae ▪ beatitudinis regna tibi aeternaliter concedere dignetur . concluding it thus , mitis ab aethereo clementer christus olympo , te regat , exaltet , protegat , ornat , amet , &c. he concludes his . epistle to him thus , col . . det tibi consilium pacis , simul atque salutis david , amor populi , christus ubique pius . omnipotens cujus defendat deoctera semper , victorom faciens , teque tuosque simul , &c. in his . epistle to him , col . . he assures him , nos precibus iter vestrum continuis prosequintur , divinam humiliter obsecrantes clementiam , quatenus vos , vestrosque simul cum omni prosperitate sanos ducat & reducat gaudentes : closing it with this distick , tempora concedat christus felicia regni hujus & aeterni , david amate , tibi . in his . epistle to him , col . . he writes , felix populus qui tali principe gaudet , in cujus prosperitate salus cunctorum consistit , &c. concluding it with a prayer , and these verses , augeat , exaltet vestram benedictio vitam aeternae regis , david amate deo. he closeth his . epistle to him thus , col . . floreat aeternis tecum sapientia donis , vt tibi permaneat laus , honor , imperium , &c. the front of his . epistle to him , col . . begins with an option of perpetuam aeternae gloriae salutem ; and ends thus , alm● dei christi tribuat tibi regna potestas aurea , cum sanctis , david , in arcepoli . in his . epistle to him , he hath this clause , col . . nec meas preces pro veftra stabilitate et salute cassatas in conspectu dei credo , quia libenter divina suscipit gratia lacrymas quae ex charitatis fonte profluunt . he thus concludes it . perpetuam christi tribuat tibi gratia lucem , cum sanctis pariter , david amate deo. in his . epistle , excusing his non-visiting the emperor by reason of his infirmity , he intreats him ; pia compassione fessum concedat requiescere , orationibusque pro vobis instare , closing it with these verses . david in aeternum tecum sit gratia christi , vt vigeas , valeas , victor in orbe potens ; post haec , et teneas coelestia regna beatus cum sanctis pariter semper in arce poli , &c. inclytus aeternis david feliciter annis , in christi meritis vivat ubique sacris . in his . epistle to him , col . . he informs him . sed & lacrymarum munuscula mearum in orationibus apud s. martinum , pro desiderantissima authoritatis vestrae prosperitate vobis fideli transmitto sponsione . ego orabo pro domino dilectissimo , quomodo sancti spiritus visitatio cor m●um inluminare dignabitur . he winds up his . epistle to him thus , col . . ad hujus verò summae b●atitudinis , & indeficientis gloriae , post labores hujus vitae felicitatem , deus jesus te pervenire faciat domine desiderantissime , & omni honore dignissime . divitias tribuat veras tibi , david amate , cum sanctis pariter christus in arce poli . in the inscription of his . epistle to him , col . . he prayeth for and wisheth to him praesentis & futurae beatitudinis salutem : and begins it with this thanksgiving . benedictus dominus deus , et benedicta perpetua illius misericordia super servos suos : pro quorum prosperitate et salute v●s , dulcissime david , prosperè duxit , et pacificè reduxit , conservavit , honoravit et exaltavit , atque in omni loco adventus vestri lumen justitiae pietatisque ante faciem vestrae beatitudinis splendescere fecit , &c. which he thus concludes , hocque deum assiduis precibus obsecro , ut praesens vita excellentiae vestrae ejusdem sancti intercessionibus adjuvetur , protegatur & consistat . et post hanc aeterna cum eodem beatitudine perfrui merearis domine dilectissime & desideratissime david . his . epistle to him , col . . begins thus . domine mi dilect●ssime , et dulcissime , et omnium desiderantissime mi david , tristis est flaccus vester propter infirmitatem vestram . opto et toto corde deum deprecor , ut cito convaleatis , ut gaudium nostrum sit pl●num in vobis , et sanitas vestra sit plena anima et corpore . i shall close with his . epistle to him , which hath this exordium . gloria & laus d●o omnipotenti , pro salute et prosperitate vestra , dulcissime mi david , atque pro omni honore et sapientia in quil us te speciali gratia omnibus supercellere fecit . perpetua gratiarum actio resonet , et assidua sanctarum intercessio orationum ad deum dirigatur , quatenus longaeva prosperitate feliciter vivas , valeas et regnes ad correctionem et exaltationem sanctae suae ecclesiae , ut sub protectione tuae venerandae potestatis secura quiete deo deserviat , &c. and this memorable conclusion . tu , prosperitas regni . tu salus populi . tu decus ecclesiae . tu omnium protectio fidelium christi . nobis igitur sub umbra potentiae , et sub regimine pietatis tuae , divina concesset gratia religiosam ducere vitam , atque summa quiete deo christo deservire . ideo solicita mente , et pia intentione , pro tua prosperitate et falute curam habere et intercedere justum et necessarium habemus , domine desiderantissime , atque omni honore dignissime david rex . i have at large transcribed these salutations , options , supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings of our famous english-man . abbot alchuvinus for . reasons . . because they are a most full pregnant evidence of his conscientious observation of the apostles exhortation and precept , tim. . , , . and of all other abbots , prelates , and clergy-men in that age . ly . because they are a most exact practical commentary upon that text. ly . an excellent president for our imitation , and notable censure of the apostacy , disloyalty , and indevotion of sundry autimonarchical new saints , in this degenerate age . ly . a most clear demonstration of the excellency of kingly government , of the happiness that christian churches , realms , subjects injoy under pious , religious kings & emperors ; and what extraordinary cause they have to pray unto , and to praise and blesse god for them . ly . because they are full of excellent variety , unknown to most , and little taken notice of even by our learnedest divines . ly because they contain the substance of most other abbots , bishops and clergy-mens salutations , benedictions , prayers , thanksgivings of this kind in their epistles to our own and other kings and emperors , in that and succeeding ages , most of which i shall for brevity pretermit , since presidented in and by these epistles . anno about the year of christ . * k. offa praying to god to give him grace , according to his former vow , to find out a place wherein , and a saint to whom he might dedicate a monastery ; thereupon turning about to archbishop humbert , of canterbury , vnwona bishop of winton , and other just & wise men by whom he was governed , he intreated them with tears , and hands joyned together , with all earnestnesse , quatenus sinceramente , totaque devotione deum ●mnipotentem deprecemini , ut ad beneplacitum suum , honorem et gloriam ad effectum meum perducat d●fiderium . et cum omnes hoc gaudentes concessiss●nt , they with other clerks whom they had called together , entred into an oratory that was near , super hoc propensius oraturi . et praemisso hymno , veni creator spiritus , oraverunt devotissioni ut dominus iustum regis desiderium ad effectum duceret gloriosum . et cum prolixius orassent , eccè lux ●missa caelitus totam cellulam illam à summo tecti sastigio ●sque ad pavimentum perlustravit . in quafavor dei manifestè significabatur . after which by the revelation of an angel , whiles this king lodged in the city of ba●h , the place of st. alban the martyr his interment was revealed unto him ; where he built a monastery to him . anno pope a leo the d. in his epistle to kenulphus king of m●rcians , concerning the restitution of the see of canterb. to its antient metropolitical jurisdiction , hath this thansgiving to god for him ; omnipotenti deo referimus grates qui vestram prudentissimam excellenciam in omnibus exornavit et decoravit , &c anno b cenulsus king of the mercians anno ▪ by his charter granted and confirmed sundry privileges to the abby of abbendune ; maximè ut ipsi diebus dominicis . missas pro nobis saluberrime offerant , et armis spiritualibus centum psalteriis contra invisibiles hostes dimicare non cessant . anno c w●●lasius king of mercians being enforced to hide himself . months space from king egberts captains , who sought his , life in st. ethildritha the anchorites cell wit●●n the abby of croyland ▪ till by the mediation of abbot siward he had made his peace with egbert ; thereupon in the year . of our saviours incarnation , he by his charter confirmed and enlarged the lands and privileges of this monastery , and most holy church of croyland ; wherein he stiles it ; turris ad coelum ascendens , quae viligiis et orationibus ▪ psalmis & lectionibus , disciplinis & afflictionibus , la●hrymis et singultibus , eleemosynis et innumeris aliis devotionibus , pietatisque operibus pro seculo peccatore fortissimam violentiam regno coelorum ingerit die et nocte . and by whose prayers and tears , god who had in his wrath humbled him for his sins even to the earth , and levelled him to the dust , iterum in misericordia sua suscitans de pulvere egenum , & destercore erigens pauperem , ut sedeam cum principibus et solium gloriae teneam . anno as king d offa king of mercians in the year . by his charter gave sundry lands to st. peters church of worcester built by his g●andfather , ( as he did to other monasteries ) sciens cum his transitoriis aeterna mercari posse , pro mea , meorumque priorum & propin●uiorum perpetua animae salute , so king bertwulf his successor in the year ▪ by his charter , exempting this monastery as long as the catholick faith and baptism of christ should continue in britain , from some secular services ; thereupon abbot edmond and his congregation of breodune ( by way of retaliation ) decantaverunt duodecim vicibus c. psulteria , & . missas pro rege bertwolso , et pro illius charis amicis , et pro omni gente merciorum , ut eorum libertas firmior ac stabilior permaneat in aevum , et ut illius regis memoria et amicorum ejus , qui hanc pietatem in eleemosynam sempiternam omnibus mercils illis , in congregatione breodune donaverat , in eorum sacris orationibus jugiter permaneat usque in a vum . anno pope f sergius the . closeth his epistle to ethelred , alfred and adulfus , kings of the english , with this option and prayer . optamus ergo , quo misericordia solita dominus noster iesus christus faciat vos inestabiliter ministerii ac regi culminis honore sublimari , et in examine futuri iudicii reservari . anno ‖ king aethelulph , anno . granted the tenth part of his realm ( that is , the tithe of the profits of all lands , as mr. selden rightly expounds it ) to god , the clergy and monks , free from all exactions , tributes and secular services : ut eo diligentius pro nobis preces ad deum sine cessatione fundant ; that thereupon they might the more diligently powre forth prayers unto god for him without ceasing . whereupon elhstan bishop of salisbury , and swithin bishop of winchester , with the abbots , priests , monks and nonns under them , decreed ; omni hebdomade die mercurii in unaquaque ecclesia cantent psalmos . et unusquisque presbyter duas missas pro rege , et aliam pro ducibus ejus , in hunc modum consentientibus , pro salute et refrigerio delictorum suorum ; ( whiles they lived : ) postquàm autem defuncti fuerimus , pro rege desuncto singulariter , & pro ducibus communiter . et hoc sit firmiter constitutum omnibus diebus christianitatis quemadmodum libertas constituta est , quamdiu fides crescit in gente anglorum : the end of this gift being thus expressed by the king in the h chartularies of the abbot of abingdon , vt deus omnipotens nobis , et nostris posteris propitiari dignetur , by the bishops , priests , and monks prayers and intercessions for him in every church . burgred king of mercians confirmed all the lands given by former kings to the church of glocester : et cum consensu , concilio , et licentia omnium optimatum suorum , fecit eandem ecclesiam liberam & quietam , et omnia monasteria et loca quae eidem ecclesiae obediunt , et pertinent , ab omni terreno negocio et servicio , ea duntaxat conditione statuta , ut orationes illorum , deprecationesque pro ipso , et pro justis haeredibus suis , jugiter in illa ecclesia nocte et die memoriter servarentur . this being the principal end of our kings in founding and endowing churches and monasteries , and exempting them from all secular businesses and services , that they might continually powre out prayers , supplications , deprecations and intercessions unto god for themselves , their just heirs , posterities , queens , successors and realms , day and night without ceasing . to pretermit the charter of ▪ * king edward the elder of husbourn to the church of peter and paul in winchester , pro aeterna libertate animae meae , et omnis successive posteritatis meae , adulfi regis , et alfredi regis , necnon et antecessorum suorum , by the prayers of the monks and clergy of that church . at the coronation of king aethelston anno . the joyes , acclamations , prayers and well-wishes of the nobles , prelates and people towards him , are thus poetically expressed tunc juvenis nomen , regno clamatur in omen , vt fausto patrias titulo moderetur habenas . conveniunt proceros , et componunt diadema , pontifices pariter dant infidis anathema ; emicat in populis solito festivior ignis , et produnt variis animi penetralia signis . ardet quisque suum regi monstrare favorem . ille strepit cythera , decertat plausibus iste , in commune sonat , tibi laus , tibi gloria christe . anno the a council of exeter ▪ under king aethelston , and his laws made anno . c. . prescribed in pursuance of the clergies recited decree an. . singulis quoque diebus veneris decantent omnes dei ministri in omnibus caenobiis , . psalmos pro ipso rege : which was accordingly executed . anno king b edmund by his charter an. . gave to aedric and his successors , two tenements in stocke , quat●nus temporalium rerum mobili praesentia utens , fidelem obedientiam ac pacem laudabilem erga regni sceptra nostri et regale nostrum solium a●ternabiliter impetret et benigni●er servet : et post praesentis vitae excessum illis quibuscunque voluerit subsequentibus hoc donum commendet , ut in omnibus paternae obedientiae exemplis circa regiam dignitatem fideles invenianiur . anno the c abby of tavistoc founded in time of the danish wars , which long interrupted it , in the regn of k. edgar , was finished & confirmed in the reign of k. ethelred , anno christi . quando omnipotentis gr●tia it misericord●● angl ▪ patria , sanctorum in ea degentium meritis et precibus pacificata est , qui die et nocte clamaverunt ad dominum in prosperis et in adversis cum iribularentur , et de necessitatibus eorum libertavit eos , the abbot and monks of this monastery of tavistoc giving themselves to reading and prayer for the safety of the souls , and bodies of our kings , and good of the kingdom , as their charters enjoyned them . anno d king ethelred , anno . by his charter gave certain lands to the monastery of st. alban , and confirmed the lands and privileges formerly granted them by king offa , ut inili deo famulantes , tàm pro meis , quàm pro omnibus praedecessorum meorum deliquiis sine ulla terreni potestatis molestia , quotidie saluberrima missarum solennia omnipotenti deo celebrent , et dulcissimas psalmorum modulationes ore et corde decantantes , armis spiritualibus , contra visibiles et invisibiles hostes pro nobis et pro omni populo . christiano dimicare non cessent , quatenus ejusdem beati martyris intercedentibus meritis , sive in praesenti , sive in futura ; sive in utraque vita , christo pro nobis virtutem facienti , anno victoriam quandoque de inimicis nostris , voti compotes adipisci mereamur . anno a king cnute in the year . by his charter , exempted the church of st. mary and all saints in excester , and the lands thereof : ab omni regali et seculari gravedine majori aut minori , exceptis assiduis orationibus ( which they were daily to make for him and his realm ) nisi sola expeditione et pontis constructione . anno this king about the same year by his charter , granted to the monks of the monastery of st. edmunds , that they should be exempted from all episcopal domination , vt in eo domino servientes monachi sine ulla inquietudine pro statu regni dominum prevaleant precari : and that he by their and st edmunds prayers , might obtain a portion of his beatitude after this life was ended . the b council of habam , an. dom. . decreed , vt in omni congregatione eantetur quotidie communiter pro rege una missa , ad matutinalem missam , quae inscripta est , contra paganos . et in omni caenobio celebret omnis presbyter sigillatim . missas pro rege et populo , et omnis monachus dicat . psalmos : by virtue whereof in every monastery there were masses , and psalms sung , and prayers made both commonly and specially for our kings , which every priest and monk used every day , without intermission throughout the realm , and in all parish churches , during the times of popery and monasteries , by vertue of these recited canons ; as all our antient missals and psalters evidence . c our historians record , that about the year . bryghtwold a monk of glastonbury , ( first bishop of wilton● ) when king cnute had banished and almost extirpated the whole royal progeny of the english race , to establish himself and his posterity in the throne , so as there seemed little probability of their restitution ; this bishop falling into a serious meditation of the forlorn condition of the royal race , and the english nation under the danish usurpers , entred into glastenbury abby , where ( as abbot ailred relates ) for the restitution of the exiled king and royal issue , and deliverance of his native country from danish tyranny , maerens et tristis , orationibus vacabat et psalmis . qui cum aliquando pro regis , plebisque liberatione preces lacrymasqus profunderet , quasi in haec verba prorumpens . et tu , inquit , domine usque quo ? usque quo avertis faciem tuam , obliviscens inopiae nostrae & tribulationis nostrae ? sanctos tuos occiderunt , altaria tua suffoderunt , & non est qui redimat , neque qui salvum faciat . scio domine , scio , quia omnia quae fecisti nobis , in vero judicio fecisti : sed nunquid in aeternum projiciet deus , & non opponet & complacitus sit adhuc ? erit ne domine deus meus , erit ne finis horum mirabilium ? aut in aeternum tuus in nos mucro desaeviet , & percutias usque ad intern●cionem ? inter preces tandem & la●brymas fatigatum sopor suavis excepit ; viditque per somnium caelestem chorum cum lumine , beatissimumque petrum in eminenti loco constitutum , dignum tantae majestati habitum praeferentem . videbatur ante eum vir praeclari vultus in forma decenti , regalibus amictus insigniis , quem cum propriis manibus apostolus consecrasset & unxisset in regem , monita salutis adjecit , praecipuèque caelibom vitam commendans , quot esset annos regnaturus aperuit . obstupefactus praesul tanti novitate miraculi , petit sibi à sancto visionis hujus mysterium revelari : de statu insuper regni & instantis fine periculi apostolicum exegit oraculum . tun● sanctus vultu placido intuens intuentem . domini , inquit , o praesul , domini est regnum , ipse dominatur in filiis hominum . ipse transfert regna , & mutat imperia , & propter peccata populi regnare facit hypocritam . peccatum peccavit populus tuus domino , & tradidit eos in manus gentium ▪ & dominati sunt etiam qui oderunt eos . sed non obliviscitur misereri deus , nec continebit in ira sua misericordias suas . erit enim , cum dormis cum patribus tuis sepultus in senectute bona , visitabit dominus populum suum , & faciet redemtionem plebis suae . eliget enim sibi virum secundum cor fuum qui faciet omnes voluntates suas ; qui me opitulante regnum adeptus anglorum , danico furori finem imponet . erit enim acceptus deo & gratus hominibus , amabilis civibus , terribilis hostibus , utilis ecclesiae . qui cum praescriptum terminum regnandi in justicia & pace compleverit , laudabilem vitam sancto fine concludet . quae omnia in beato edwardo completa rei exitus comprobavit ; expergefactus pontifex rursus ad preces lacrymasque convertitur , et licet faelicita tem suae gentis non esset ipse visurus , de malorum tamen fine certus effectus , gratias agens deo plurimum gratulabitur : factus igitur animaequior , populis poenitentiam praedicabat , quibus deus misericordiam non defuturam constantissimè pollicebatur . most of our historians record , that st. peter in this vision shewed edward the confessor to bryghtwold whiles he was an exile in normandy , and anointed him king in his sight , declaring to him the honesty of his life and peaceablenesse of his reign , which should continue for . years space . after which he inquiring of st. peter who should succeed him ? received this comfortable answer from him worthy our confideration , regnvm angliae est regnvmdei , & ipse sibi reges providebit : as he hath done ever since ; and that especially by the constant prayers , supplications and intercessions of the ministers , clergy , and people of the realm in all ages . anno * queen emma ( mother of king edward the confessor ) being falsly accused of incontinency with aldwin bishop of winchester , and other crimes , and enforced to make her purgation in winchester church , by going barefoot over . plough-shares red hot ; the king her son , nobles , bishops , and people resorting thither upon this occasion . when the queen was led to this torment between . bishops only , totius populi , clerique quasi una voce ululantis , s. swithinum invocantis & exclamantis , s. swithine libera eam : maximus fletus paene ad coelos elatus est , tantusque clamoris sonitus vocibus viribusque omnium factus est , ut s. swithinus vel ilico sine mora , vel nunquam occurreret , ut tonitrua reboantia superavit , credebant enim illa sua vociferatione deum ipsum vim pati , coactumque servum suum suithinum quasi violenter extractum è coelo , ad liberandam reginam dimissurum . after which strong fervent united prayers and cries of the people and clergy to god for her , the queen miraculously passed over all these plough-shares , which she pressed with the weight of her whole body , without seeing the iron , or feeling the burning , or receiving the least hurt thereby . anno * king edw. the confessor , having founded and endowed the church of st. peter of westminster with sundry lands and privileges amongst other ends , pro animabus regum tam successorum quam praedecessorum meorum , & omnium parentum meorum , et pro pace ac tranquillitate regni mei , et prosperitate totius anglorum populi ; for all which the monks thereof were to make continual prayers , supplications , and intercessions unto god : pope nicholas thereupon confirmed by his bull , the privileges which the king had granted to this church by his charters ; which bull begins with this salutation , and proceeds with this thanksgiving and prayer for him unto god. nicholaus episcopus , servus servorum dei , gloriosissimo & piissimo , omnique honore dignissimo , speciali quoque filio nostro edwardo anglorum regi , visitationem omnimodam , salutem mellifluam , et benedictionem apostolicam . omnipotenti deo referrimus grates , qui vestram prudentissimam excellentiam in omnibus ornavit ac decoravit erga beatum petrum , &c. orantes misericordiam illius qui est dominus omnium et rex super omnia solus , ut ipse participem vos faciat ex omnibus si qua sunt coram deo bonis operibus nostris , & fratres nos & socios in dilectione constituat in omni tempore amplius , ac non minorem partem nostri obsequii reconsignet in suo regno quàm nobismetipsis provenire optamus . crimus etiam drinceps pro vobis sine dubio orantes assidue , ut ipse deus vobis subjiciat hostes et inimicos qui contra vos voluerint insurgere , et confirmet vos in paterno solio ac propria haereditate ( a most seasonable prayer for our present exiled hereditary king , as well as for king edward the confessor , who after above b . years dispossession of the crown by the tyrannical invading danish usurpers , was by their deaths restored to the crown in peace by his subjects , without the least ●ffusion of blood , for which mercy he repaired and re-founded this abby , as his first charter to it recites ) vestro desiderio & voluntati omnipotens deus praestet effectum , et confirmet vobis paterni regni imperium , et tribuat incrementum , et post praesentis vitae decursum , perducat ad aeternum permanentis gloriae imperium . this king in his epistle to this pope , to confirm these privileges ( recorded by * ailredus ) hath this passage concerning peter-pence , which engaged the pop● particularly to pray for him and his realm . ego quoque pro modulo meo , augeo & confi●mo donationes & consuetudines peouniarum quas sanctus petrus habet in anglia , & ipsas pecunias collectas cum regalibus donis mitto vobis , ut oretis pro me , et pro pace regni mei , et continuam et sollempnem memoriam iusti●uatis totius gentis anglicae coram corporibus sanctorum apostolorum : and if the pope thus prayed continually for this king , his realm and people , upon this account , no doubt his own bishops , clergy , and other subjects did much more do it . anno r king william the first in his charter of confirmation of lands and liberties to the church of derherst , anno . granted them by king edward the confessor his predecessor , that they might pray , pro salute animae meae , omniumque liberorum nostrorum , quatenus nos & soboles nostri ipsius sancti ( dionysii ) precibus , sociorumque ejus , adipisci mereamur prosperum praesentis vitae statum & aeternae stationis portum . anno , &c. king s william rusus by several charters granted and confirmed lands and liberties to the abbies and priories of bermondesey , tavystock , and saint mary magdalen in barnestable , pro salute animae meae , et antecessorum meorum , pro anima patris mei willielmi regis , et matris meae , ipsiusque mei ; to be obtained by the prayers of the monks , and religious persons in these houses . king t henry the first by sundry charters during his reign granted and confirmed sundry lands and liberties to the abbi●s , priories , and churches of malverne , colum , bermondsey , lenton , thetford , mountacute , st. andrews , northampton , barnstaple , and others besides , to pray , pro salute & redemptione animae meae , pro animabus patris mei willielmi regis anglorum , matris et fratris mei , willielmi regis , et pro successorum meorum salute , pro pace et stabtlitate regni , et pro salute et incolumitate filii mei gulielmi , pro salute et incolumitate mei ipsius , et statu regni mei ; pro animabus antecessorū meorum . to which end they constantly made prayers for them . and william peverel , one of his subjects , pro divini cultus amore & communi remedio animarum dominorum meorum willielmi regis , et uxoris ejus matildis reginae , et filii eorum willielmi regis , et omnium parentum suorum et meorum ; necnon et pro salute domini mei henrici regis , et uxoris ejus matildae reginae , et filii eorum willielmi , et ●●liae eorum matildis , pro statu quoque regni sui ; necnon et pro salute animae meae et uxoris meae , et filii mei willielmi , et omnium liberorum meorum , pia devotione et devota largitione , ●ffero deo et ecclesiae cluniacensi , &c. it being usual both in tha● and succeeding ages for subjects and officers to our kings , to endow monasteries and churches with lands , to pray for the spiritual and temporal prosperity of the persons , souls , and realms of their kings , queens , their sons , children and successors in the first place , as well as for their own souls , wives , childrens , and posterities , mentioned only in the second and last place in their charters and endowments , of which there are many presidents in the first and second parts of monasticon anglieanum , collected by mr. roger dodsworth and mr. william dugdale , to whom i refer the reader for fuller satisfaction . anno * pope pascal the first , in his epistle to k. henry the . touching the liberties of the church of ely , as he begins his epistle with , salutem et apostolicam benedic . so he thus ends it , omnipotens deus apostoiorum suorum precibus et vos et prolem vestram custodiat , et caeleste post terrenum vobis regnum concedat . the like he doth in his * epistles to him concerning archbishop anselme : concluding one of them in these words , ipse omnipotens deus in cujus manu corda sunt regum , assit hortatui nostro , assit auditui tuo ; ut juxta praecepta ejus tuas disposueris actiones , ipse regnum tuum pacis et honoris sui stabilitate ac subliminatione disponant . amen . he closeth other of his epistle to him thus , dominus te misericordia sua in potentia et probitate custodiat , et a terre●● ad coeleste ( regnum ) perducat . amen . again , haec si feceris , pro te dominum , ipso adjuvante exorars curabimus , et de peccatis tam tui , quàm conjugis tuae sanctorum apostolorum meritis absolvimus . anno goffridus abbas vindocinensis in france , in his epistola●um l. . epist . . to king henry the . of england , hath this prayer for , and profession of his constant fidelity to him . h clarissimo duci normannorum , et praecelleutissimo regi anglorum henrico , carissimo domino & praecordiali amico , frater goffridus vindocinensis abbas , in praesenti prospere semper et feliciter vivere , et in suturo manere cum rege angelorum . v●strae magnitudini , dulcissime pater et domine , significavi iter nostrum ; et quia vobis sensi esse contrarium , itineris statim mutavi propositum . vester itaque servus , testis est mihi deus , in vestra fidelitate remaneo ; in qua , quandiu vixero , indesinenter permanebo . quod quando et quomodo excellentiae vestrae placuerit , secundum meum posse , operibus compr●bab● . valeat dominus meus rex et vigeat ; quem omnipotens deus ab omni advers●tate defendat , et tribuat ei quod bene desiderat . anselme archbishop of canterbury begins his epistles to this king henry during his exile thus , suo reverendo domino henrico regi anglorum anselm . cantuariensis archiepiscopus , fidele servicium , cum orationibus : & fideles orationes cum fideli servicio . and concludes them thus ; omnipotens deus sic regnet in corde vestro ut vos per ●undem regnetis in gratia ejus . omnipotens deus sic in ●oc et in aliis actibus vestris dirigat a● vestrum secundum voluntatem suam , ut post hanc vitam perducat vos ad gloriam suam . amen . in his commentary and exposition on the tim. . , , . he presseth the duty of praying for kings , though pagans and persecutors , in these words , hujusmodi preces fiant pro omnibus hominibus , &c. et pro illis etiam de quibus minus videbatur , id est , pro regibus , licet sint mali et sanctis infesti : pro omnibus qui in sublimitate secularium potestatum positi sunt , ficut consules et duces , quia de omni genere hominum convertentur ad religionem , et perveniant ad salutem , et de eis qui fastu et elatione secularis potentiae fidem et humilitatem videntur abhorrere ; sicut cernimus , quod ipst reges , desertis idolis , pro quibus persequebantur christianos , unum verum deum cognoverunt et colunt , et ideo pro illis orandum fuit , cum etiam persequerentur eccles●am ; ad hoc etiam orandum est pro principibus , ut nos qui sub illis sumus vitam agamus quietam a persecutione , ut conversts principibus gentiles non andeant inquietare nos movendo persecutiones pro impietate idolatriae , nec haeretici tranquillitatem nostram turbare praesumant volentes corrumpere castitatem fidei quorundam . in pace principum quie● et regnum servatur ecclesiarum . nam in bellis et discordiis eorum dissipatur tranquillitas , tepescit pietas , solvitur disciplina vel districtio . qua soluta , infirmiorum castitas violatur . et ideo pro his orandum est , ne eveniant haec per dissentionem principum : unde et per jeremiam dominus judaeis qui in babylone captivi tenebantur , praecepit dicens , quaerite pacem civitatis ad quam transmigrare vos fecit , et orate pro ea ad dom. quia in pace illius erit pax vobis . babylon vero ( quae dicitur confufio ) societatē iniquorum significat , judaei autē cives supernae jerusalem qui in hoc seculo peregrinantur inter malos , et regibus atque principibus tributa ▪ xeddunt , et caetera quae salvo dei cultu constitutio secularis exigit . idcirco debet orate pro pace eorum , quia in pace eorum erit illis pax : utique interim temporalis , quae b●nis malisque communis est . vtimur ergo et nos pace babylonis , ex qua per fidem et coelestis patriae desiderium ità populus d●i laetabitur , ut apud hanc interim peregrinetur . pax antem nostra propria et hîc cum deo est per fidem , & in aeternum cum illo per speciem . orate ( inguit ) pro pace principum , et pro salute omnium , quia hoc agere est bonum , id est , utile ecclesiae , & acceptum , id est , gratum atque placitum coram deo salvatore nostro : qui sicut nos salvat , ita & omnes homines vult salvos fieri , & ad agnitionem veritatis venire , &c. omne genus hominum intelligamus per quascunque differentias distributum , reges ▪ principes , nobiles , ignobiles , sublimes , humiles , &c. hoc enim bonum est coram salvatore , id est , ut pro talibus oretur . hoc quipp● deus bonum judicavit , ut oratione humilium dignaretur salutem praestare sublimibus . this was the received doctrine of this great learned arch-bishop of canterbury , anselme , both under king w●ll . rufus , and h. the i. anno queen maud his daughter and heir to the crown , by her a charter , founded and granted to the abby of bardesley , sundry lands , pro dei amore , & pro anima h. regis patris mei , et m. reginae , matris meae , & parentum & antecessorum meorum ; & pro salute g. comitis andegaviae domini mei , & mea , & h. haeredis mei , et aliorum filiorum meorum ; et pro pace et stabilitate regni angliae . in her charters of confirmation and grant to the abbyes of kingeswood , stoneley , cogeshale , and st. frideswide in oxford , she hath the like expressions : for all which the monks there were obliged to pray . anno anno king stephen by his respective b charters , of grant and confirmation to the monasteries of feversham , billewas , sibeton and other abbies , gave and confirmed lands and liberties to them , pro salute animae meae , & mathildis reginae uxoris meae , & e. filii mei , et aliorum puerorum meorum , et antecessorum meorum regum angliae , et nominatim pro anima regis henrici et fratrum meorum ; by prayers to be made in them by the monks therein for that purpose . king henry the ii. by his c charters of grant and consirmation of lands and liberties to the abbies and monasteries of st. maryes in york , eton , abberbury , feversham , quarrera , st. maryes , near dublin in ireland , miraval , flexley , croxden , witteham and tavystock , granted sundry lands and franchises to them , pro dei amore , pro salute animae meae et reginae meae , et haeredum meorum , et pro anima regis henrici avi , & pro animabus antecessorum nostrorum , et omnium parentum majorum , et antecessorum meorum regum angliae , et successorum nostrorum , et matris meae imperatricis , et puerorum meorum : to be obtained by their prayers , inserting this clause into his charter of confirmation to st. maries in york , ne aliquis baeres vel successor quaerat relevamen vel aliquod dominium praeter orationes et preces , et eleemosynam animae suae de beneficiis vel eleemosynis quas aliquis dedit praedictae abbathiae . anno king a henry the d . comming into england to be crowned after king stephens death , ut decebat tantum & tàm beatum virum , cum summa laetitia et multis prae gaudio lachrymantibus , in regem benedictus est , in throno regni splendidiffimè collocatus est . de cujus temporis beatitudine sic diximus heroicè : writes henry huntingdon . anglia lethali jamdudum frigore torpens , nunc solis fervore novi rediviva calescens , erigis impressum terrae caput , & vacuatis tristitiae lachrymis , pro laetitia lachrymaris cum lachrymis haec verba tuo profundis alumno , spiritus es , caro sum : tu nunc intrante revixi . anno anno anno . t there falling out a difference between this king and thomas becket archbishop of canterbury , pope alexander thus begins all his epistles to the king on beckets behalf . alexander , &c. dilecto filio henrico illustri regi anglorum , salutem et apostolicam benedictionem . advising him so to govern his realm to the honour of god , and tranquillity and peace of his church , vt regnum temporale conservet , et p●st illud det tibi deus sine fine mansuram . and archbishop becket , though in exile , begins his epistle to the king the same year in these words : reverendissimo domino suo henrico dei gratia , illustri anglorum regi , &c. salutem , et utinam per omnia benefacere . and ends it thus , bene valeat semel et semper dominus meus , anno . * robert abbot of wallatia , and . other ambassadors of king henry sent to rome about reckets businesse , began their epistle to the king with charissimo domino henrico illustr . angliae regi , &c. salutem , & facile in omnibus et ubique servitium . closing it thus , valeat et vigeat sublimitas vestra , confortamini in domino , & exultet cor vestrum . reginald elect bishop of bath begins his epistle from rome to this king , with salutem in eo qui dat salutem regibus . and manuel emperor of constantinople , thus salutes him in the beginning of his epistle to him . salutem et omne bonum . pope lucius in his epistle to him , anno . wisheth him , salutem et apostolicam benedictionem . the pat●iark of antioch begins his epistle to him with this option , in illo regnare per quem reges regnant . the master of the temple tricius , in his epistle wisheth him , salutem in eo qui dat salutem regibus . b stephanus tornacensis episcopus inscribes his first epistle to this king , thus . hen●ico regi anglorum cum omni prosperitate gloriam sempiternam . c petrus blesensis arch-deacon of bath , thus begins his , , , , and . epistles to him . henrico dei gratia , illustrissimo anglorum regi , &c. salutem in eo per quem reges regnant . his . epistle to him is thus concluded . bene valeat charissimus dominus meus , diuque ac faeliciter vivat et regnet richard archbishop of canterbury his epistle to him begins with salutem , et in regno temporali , regni coelestis memoriam et am●xem . and the archbishop of rhoane ( the . epistle of petrus blesensis beginning with the salutation used in his . epistle ) ends with this prayer . bene valeat altissimus dominus , et deus qui se contra eum in superbia et abusione erigunt , reportet in virtute altissimi gloriam et triumphum . king richard the . by his respective charters granted and confirmed several lands , liberties , and privileges to the monasteries and churches of stratford , haliwel , frampton , wells , budesley , revefly , boxele and homecoltram , pro amore dei , et pro salute nostra , et a. reginae matris nostrae , in liberam et perpetuam elemosynam ; for which the monks were to pray . king a john by several charters granted and confirmed several lands and liberties to the respective monasteries of ●ossa , st. katherine near fxeter , thik●hued , st. n●th d●re , farendon , shaftesbury , and wolfraughauton , pro salute animae h. regis avi patris nostri , pro salute nostra et haeredum nostrorum et omnium ancecessorum et successorum nostrorum , & pro salute animae h. regis patris nostri , et matris sui imperatricis , et antecessorum et haeredum nostrorum : which the monks in all these monsteries were obliged constantly to pray for , in all their publike and private masses and devotions . anno , &c. king ‖ henry the d. granted and confirmed several lands and privileges to the abbies and monasteries of danington , fossa , flamsted , cesthont , wilburtosse , lillichurch , wotton , new-minster near morpeth , parcolude , kemmer , jorevall , holmcoltram , bynedone , letselege , lenton and tarente , pro salute animae nostrae , et h. regis et haeredum nostrorum et omnium regum angliae , et omnium fidelium , et animarum antecessorum nostrorum , et patris mei , et matris meae , et pro totius nostri progen . in remis●ionem peccatorum et salvationem , et pro statu regni mei . which the abbots , priors and monks in these respective churches , were constantly to pray for both in publike and private . anno the prior and covent of a st. alba● , in their letters to king henry the d. touching the election and presentation of a new abbot , anno . used this stile and prayer . excellentissimo domino suo & in christo reverendissimo , henrico dei gratia regi angliae , &c. e. prior sancti albani & ejusdem loci cenventus , cum omni humilitate & devotione , aeternam in domino salutem . anno the prior and covent of bath , b anno . begin and end their letters to king henry the d. and his queen , concerning the election of the bishop of bath and wells , in this form , and with these prayers for them . serenissimo domino henrico dei gratia regi angliae , &c. devoti sui humilis th. prior & conventus bathoniae , salutem et debitam cum orationibus assiduis reverentiam et fidelitatem , &c. in omnibus quae nostrae erunt possibilitatis vestris parati sumus affectuose parere mandatis . valeat et vigeat dominatio vestra per tempora longa . valeat regia excellenti● vestra semper in domino . conservet vos ecclesiae et populo suo altissimus per tempora longiora . valeat et vigeat serenitas vestra et filiorum vestrorum per tempora longa . valeat serenitas vestra semper in domino . which were their daily prayers for the , in their publike and private devotions , in their churches and cells as well as in their letters . and likewise for king adelstan , edward , edgar , ethelred , kenulphus , henry the i. and king stephen , benefactors to the priory of bath , whose anniversaries they solemnized every year , with solemn prayers and alms , as the leger book records . anno in the vigil o● ‖ st. matthew , anno . when prince edward eldest son and heir of king henry the . was sick , the said king writ to all the religious persons remaining within the circuit of london , where the said edward lay sick , ut devote orarent pro pueri incolumitate ; that they should devoutly pray for the recovery and health of the child . whereupon , amongst others , he writ specially to the abbot and covent of st. alban , ut pro ipso orantes , that praying for him , all the monks should solemnly sing a masse , whose first collect should be of st. alban , but the second for the sick prince : namely , omnipotens & sempiternè deus salus aeterna credentium , &c which being done , per dei gratiam , puero sanitas est restituta . haec idcircò dixerim ( writes the historian ) propter murmur populi dicentis eccelaici orant dominum et exaudiuntur ; et quare non orat papa & facit pro causa sua , imò nostra & universalis ecclesiae orare : imò rapinis inbiat pecuniae indefessus . dictumque est & affirmatum , quod non sine lachrymis scribo ; plus confidit in pecuniae thesauris , quam fidelium precibus vel eleemosynis . anno the * abbots of the order of black monks , assembling at the abby of bermond●shie , in the year . ordained by common-council , quod ipse dominus rex ab ipsis omnibus impetravit , ut pro ipso et regina dicatur quotidie in missa quae in veneratione beatae virginis canitur in eorum ecclesiis , collecta eelebis , deus in eujus manu ; for the preservation and welfare of the king and queen . anno king ‖ henry the d. being very sick at westminster in the lent , anno . and despairing of his recovery , se orationibus ecclesiae commendavit , recommended himself to the prayers of the church . whereupon the monks of westminster fearing to lose such a patriot , went in pilgrimage bare-foot , in a rainy season to the new temple , and there singing a masse for the king , and returning thence in the same manner as they went , it was told them , that the king had recovered of his sicknesse . whereupon he commanded the monks by his mandates , that they should sing gandeat in coelis , quod convaluit precibus monachorum . george cassandar in his h preces ecclesiasticae , hath sundry forms of prayers for christian king● , emperors , princes , and kingdoms , collected out of several antient liturgies , missals , letanies , and canonical houres ( used antiently in most monasteries and churches as well in england as in other kingdoms . , during the reign of king henry the d. and in the kings reigns preceding and succeeding him ) which i shall here insert . deus qui populis tuis virtute consulis , & amore dominaris , da huic f●mul● tuo spiritum sapientiae cum regimine disciplinae , ut tibi toto corde devotus , in regni regimine maneat semper idoneus ; tuoque munere ipsius temporibus securitas ecclesiae dirigatur , ut in tranquillitate devotio christiana permaneat , ut in bonis operibus perseverans , ad aeternum regnum te duce valeat pervenire , per eundem dominum . omnipotens sempiterne deus qui famulum tuum regni fastigio dignatus es sublimare , tribue ei quaesumus ut ita in hujus seculi cursu in commune salutem disponat , quatenus a tuae veritatis tramite non recedat . per eundem dominum nostrum . deus qui scis humanum genus nulla virtute posse subsistere , concede propicius , vt famulus tuus n quem populo tuo voluisti praeferri , ita tuo sulciatur adjutorio quatenus quibus potuit praeesse , valeat & prodesse per dominum . om●ipotens sempiterne deus coelestium terrestriumque moderator , qui famulum tuum n. ad regni fastigium dignatus es provehere , concede propitius , ut a cunctis adversitatibus libertatus , & ecclesiasticae pacis dono muniatur , & ad aeternae pacis gaudia te donante pervenire mereatur . per dominum nostrum . quaesumus omnipotens deus , ut famulus tuus n. qui tu● miseratione suscepit regni gubernacula , virtutum etiam omnium à re percipiat increment● , quibus decenter armatus , & vi●iorum monstra devitare , & hostem superare , & ad te qui via , veritas & vita e● , gratiosus valeat pervenire . per dominum nostrum . deus in cujus manu corda sunt regum , inclina ad preces humilitatis nostrae aures misericordiae tuae , & famulo tuo imperatori nostro regimen tuae appone sapientia , ut ●austis de tuo fonte ●onfiliis , & tibi placeat , & super omnia regna praecellat . per dominum nostrum . d●us cujus regnum est omnium seculorum , supplicationes nostras clementer exaudi , & christianorum regnum tibi subditum protege , ut in tua virtute fidentes , & tibi placeant , & super omnia regna praecellant . per eundem dominum nostrum . deus qui providentia tua coelestia simul & terrena moderaris , propiciare christianorum rebus & regibus ; ut omnis hostium fortitudo te pro nobis pugnante frangatur . per eundem dominum nostrum . propiciare domine precibus famulorum tuorum : & propter nomen tuum christiani nominis defende rectores : ut salus ser vientium tibi principum , pax tuorum possit esse populorum . per eundem dominum . deus regnorum omnium regumque dominator , qui nos & percutiendo sanas , & ignoscendo conservas , praetende misericordiam tuam , ut tranquillitate pacis tua potestate fi●mata , ad remedia correctionis utamur . per dom. nostrum . these were the constant publick and private prayers and devotions of the clergy and people for their kings , princes , and their kingdoms heretofore , not unseasonable for our present ●●mes . in my perusal of the clause rolls in the tower of london , i have observed sundry memorable writs and mandates issued by king edward the , , . richard the . and other of our kings , to their bishops , clergy , abbots , freers predicants , minors , and other religious orders , upon sundry emergent occasions , requiring and commanding them , to make frequent and fervent supplications , prayers , intercessions , and thanksgivings unto god alone , ( not saints , or angels ) in times of war , danger , treaties , and the like , for his special assistance , direction , protection , blessing , and favour , upon the king , queen , prince of wales , the royal issue , kingdom , nobles , armies , the kings counsels , treaties , affairs of all sorts , and for publike peace and prosperity : which writs , because very rare , pious , pertinent to my present theme , suitable to the state of our affairs , and never hitherto published in print , i shall here insert the chiefest of them at large , pretermitting all others of like nature for brevitie sake , those here transcribed comprehending in them the form and substance of the residue , except only writs for masses , dirgees , and prayers for deceased kings , queens , and princes , of which there are a many presidents ( heterogeneal to my subject matter ) which i shall totally passe by . claus . e. . m. . dorso . rex archiepiscopo eborum , &c. salutem . cum inter magnificum principem dominum regem franciae illustrem consanguineum nostrum , et nos , aliqua sint exorta propter quae ad partes intendimus transmarinas personaliter nos conferre , cum dicto rege super hiis habituri colloquium et tractatum . credentes firmiter et sperantes , quod felicior votis nostris effectus adveniret si devotorum intercessionibus adjuvemur , paternitatem vestiam affectuosè requirimus et rogamus , quatenus apud deum preces devotas suppliciter effundatis , et à vestris subditis illud idem fieri injungatis , ut in hujusmodi negotio prosequendo , tractando ac etiam ordinando , sic deus & dominus regat et dirigat actus nostros , quod cooperante unigenito dei filio jesu christo , labor noster in hac parte ita possit fructuosus haberi , quod cedat ad laudem sui nominis , ac statum quietum & prosperum regni nostri pariter & honorem , necnon ad totius christianitatis commodum & profectum . t. r. apud sanctum albanum , decimo die febr. consimiles literae diriguntur a. dunolm . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur j. epo . karli●l . consimiles literae diriguntur o. line . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur w. elyen . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur r. norwyc. epo . consimiles literae diriguntur j. wynton . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur g. cicestr . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur j. roffen . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur th. exon. epo . consimiles literae diriguntur n. sarum . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur r. london . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur w. bath . & well . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur r. coventr . & lichf . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur g. wygorn . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur . assavin . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur th. heref. epo . consimiles literae diriguntur bangor . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur custod . spiritualitatis archiepiscopatus cant. sede vacante , mutatis tamen mutandis , viz. ubi paternitatem , &c. ibi devotionem , &c. consimiles literae custodi episcopatus landaven . sede vacante diriguntur . consimiles literae diriguntur m. meneven . electo . claus . e. . dorso m. . rex venerabili in christo patri r. eadem gratia cant. archiepo . totius angli● primati salutem . evidentem causae nost●ae justiciam quam vos latere non credimus , ferventi studio hactenus prosecuti , et adhuc summo opere prosequentes , pro recuperatione et defensione terrae nostrae vascon . tanquam coronae regiae et honori regni nost●i angliae hereditario jure annexae , de qua rex ●ranciae nos injustè exhaeredare conatur , ad partes ips●●s ducatus , gentes nostras nuper cum potentia quam tunc commode potuimus , et nunc demum edmundum frat●em nostrum cum honorabili comitiva nobilium dicti regni duximus destinand . sanè cum in homine non sit auxilium sed è coelo , ac propter hoc , oporteat impotentiam nostram divinae manus praesidiis sustentari , paternitatem vestram requirimus & rog●m●s , quatenus non solum nostram set vestram justitiam intuentes , & c●rda vestra sursum habentes ad dominum , apud eum , ut haec & alia quae negotio expedire cognoveritis antedicto , procedant salubriter & in manibus nostris prosperè dirigantur , devotis supplicationibus insistatis . cumque ob reverentiam sedi● apostolicae , et ad venerabilium patrum s. albanem & s. penestren . episcoporum sanctae romanae ecclesiae cardinalium requisitionem instantem , ad tractandum de tre●gis et pace cum rege praedicto super guerris , dissensionibus & discordiis quibuscunque inter ipsum & nos exortis & motis , sollempnes nuncios nostros ad partes miserimus transmarinas ad praesentiam cardinasium praedictorum , piam affectionem vestram excitet quaesumus debitum caritatis , ad divinam misericordiam vestris intercessionibus implor . ut praesentis temporis tempestuoso ●rocellarum turbine quiescente , uberiora tempora subtranquillioris aur ae serenitate succedant , quodque ad feliciter haec & alia peragenda , quae cepimus , dextera regis regum potenter adjuti , ea ad laudem ipsius et honorem nostrum , ac commodum regni nostri ad optatum ●ffectum deducere valeamus , praemissa vero omnibus vestris subditis in vestra dioc. constitutis specialibus orationibus facienda , per vos injungi petimus & mandari . t. r. apud sanctum albanum primo die januarii . consimiles literae diriguntur j. eborum , archiepo . angl. primati , et episcopis subscriptis , videlicet , j. episcopo roffen . r. epo . london . o. epo . lincoln . r. epo . norwycen . w. epo . elyen . g epo . cicestr . j. epo . wynton . th. exon. epo . n. epo . sarum . w. bathon . & wellen. epo . g. wygorn . epo . r. hereford . epo . a. epo . bangor . assaven . epo . j. electo landaven . j. karleolen . epo . a. epo . dunolmen . custod . spiritualit . covent . & lychf. sede vacante . electo meneven . vel ejus vices gerenti , ipso agente in partibus transmarinis . claus . e. . m. . dorso . rex dilecto sibi in christo abbati sancti augustini cantuar. salutem . evidentem causae nostrae justiciam , &c. ut supra usque ibi praesidiis sustentari : et tunc dicitur , vos requirimus & rogamus quatenus , &c. ut supra . praemissa vero omnibus vestris subditis specialibus orationibus facionda , per vos injungi petimus & mandari . t. rege apud crucem roes vij . die januar. consimiles literae diriguntur abbatibus subscriptis , videlicet , abbati de sancto albano . exempti . abbati de waltham . abbati de sancto edmundo . exempti . abbati de evesham . abbati de furneys . cisterc. abbati de salley . abbati de novo monasterio . abbati de jeroval . abbati de fontibus . abbati de bella landa . abbati de melsa . abbati de neuhous . premostrat . abbati de croxton . abbati de alnewyck . abbati de eyleston . abbati de sancta agatha . magistro ordinis de sempingham fratri williemo de hotham priori provinciali de ordine fratrum praedicatorum in angl. ministro ordinis fratrum min or in angl. &c. quod ipsi in singulis domibus specialibus orationibus , &c. claus . e. . m. dorf . rex religioso viro in christo sibi dilecto . priori principiali ordinis fratrum praedicatorum in angl. salutem . qualiter pro tranquillitate & pace regni nostri , ad proterviam & maliciam scotorum reprimendam qui regnū nostrum hostiliter invaserunt , hactenus sumus nos ipsi in periculis expositi , & jam ad partes praedictas cum comitiva nobilium dicti regni nostri , ad praesens proponimus deo d●●te , dirigere gressus nostros , non credimus vos latere . et quia in homine non est auxilium sine deo , ac propter hoc oportet impotentiam nostram divinae manus praesidiis sustentari , vos affectuosè requirimus & rogamus , quatenus consratribus vestris singularum domorum vobis subditarum dare velitis in mandatis , ut deum & dominum nostrum protectorem pro nobis suppliciter exorent . ita quod per ipsorum orationum devotarum suffragia , gratiam nobis adaugeat , nosque ac liberos nostros & regnum nostrum sua pietate ab omnibus adverfitatibus tueatur . dat. apud langele xxx die octobr. confimiles literae diriguntur pro rege generali ministro fratrum minorum in angl. t. ut supra . claus . e. . dorso . m. . rex religiosis viris in christo sibi dilectis fratribus de ordine minorum ad generale capitulum apud notingham proximo conventuris salutem , & spiritu sancto dirigi in agendis . attendentes beneficia sacra orationumque devotarum suff●agia ad divinam misericordiam impetrandam multum humanae conditionis fragilitati prodesse inter alia opera pietatis ; considerantesque nos pro curis & rebus mundialibus quibus circa regni nostri regimen involuti sumus , saluti nostrae spirituali prout nobis expediret intendere non valere ; devotionem vestram requirimus & rogamus quatenus nos , margaretam reginam angl. consortem nostram carisfimam , edwardum principem walliae , primog●nitum nostrum , caeterosque liberos nostros , ac populum nobis commissum beneficiorum & suff●agiorum vestrorum fore participes concedentes , pro nobis , & ipsis , ac statu regni , expeditioneque negotiorum nobis incumbencium supplicationes assiduas & orationes devotas altissimo offeratis , ut hic sua pietate nos & ipsos dirigat per suorum semitam mandatorum , & post diem extremum salvationis locum nobis & ipsis dignetur misericorditer indulgere , statumque regni nostri conservare prosperum & tranquillum . t. rege apud strivelyn xxxi . die julii . per breve de privato sigillo . ibid. m. . rex religiosis viris & in christo sibi dilectis , magistro ordinis fratrum praedicatorum , ac diffinitoribus & fratribus universis in generali capitulo suo apud tolosam proximo congregandis salutem & spiritu sancto dirigi in agendis . dum conditionem humanae fragilitatis attendimus , & qualiter omni creaturae tam sublimi quàm humili , pratereuntibus suo cursu diebus , praesentis vitae finis apropriat , attenta consideratione pensamus , sic praevenire cupimus quantum nobis ex alto permittitur diem mortis , ut aeterni clemencia judicis dignetur nostri de suae gratiae plentitudine misereri . verum cum devotorum orationum suffragia , inter alia pietatis opera multum profint ad divinam miseri●ordiam impet●andam , de vobis quorum ordinem benevolentiae specialis favore prosequimur , ut salutem nostram zelemini , & pro nobis , margareta regina angl. consorte nostra carissima , edwardo principe wall. primogenito nostro , & caeteris liberis nostris , ac statu prospero regni nost●i , preces devotas domino offeratis , plenam fiduciam optinentes , devotionem vestram requirimus & rogamus quatenus nunc & in futurum dignam sollicitudinem impendatis & insistatis assiduis supplicationibus & intercessionibus apud deum , ut hîc sua pietate nos dirigat per suorum semitam mandatorum , & post diem extremum salvationis locum nobis dignetur misericorditer indulgere , statumque praedicti regni nostri conservare prosperum & tranquillam universitatem vestram religiosam diu conservet altissimus in caritate continua & perfecta . dat. apud dumfermelyn primo die januarii . eadem m. . rex religiosis viris & sibi in christo carissimis magistro ordinis fratrum minorum , & diffinitoribus ac fratribus universis in generali capitulo suo apud assisium prox . conventuris , salutem & bravium pro labore perenniter duraturum . nos qui curis sumus & rebus mundialibus involuti , & circa regimen regni nostri incessantibus actibus & continuis medita●ionibus occupati , pro animae nostrae salute contemplationi prout habe●emus necesse intendere nequeuntes , ac advertentes quod beneficia vestra sacra , orationumque vestrarum suffragia nobis in praesenti & etiam in futuro esse poterunt plurimum fructuosa , religiosum cetum vestrum & singulos frarres adunatos in co requirimus & rogamus , quatenus nos , margaretam rrginam angliae , consortem nostram karissimam , edwardum principem walliae primogenitum nostrum , caeterosque liberos nostros , ac populum nobis commissum su●●ragiorum & beneficiorum vestrorum fore participes concedentes , pro nobis , statu regni nostri , & expeditione negotiorum nobis incumbencium hiis diebus pia precamina apud altissimum effundatis , ut sic regnum temporale regere valeamus quod in regno coelesti partem haereditariam consequamur . conservet vos altissimus in caritate continua & perfecta . dat apud dumfermelyn xi . die decembr . claus . e. . m. . rex religiosis viris & fibi in christo dilectis magistro ordinis fratrum praedicatorum ac diffinitoribus fratribus universis in generali capitulo suo paris proximo conventur . salutem & spiritu sancto dirigi in agendis . dum conditionem humanae fragilitatis attendimu , & qualiter omni creaturae quam sublimi qu●m humili , praetereuntibus suo ●ursu diebus praesentis vitae finis appropriat , attenta consideratione pensamus , sic praevenire cupimus quantum nobis ex alto permittitur , diem mortis , ut aeterni clemencia judicis dignetur nostri de suae gratiae plenitudine misereri . verum cum devotarum orationum suffragia inter alia pietatis opera multum prosint ad divinam misericordiam impetrandam , de vobis quorum ordinem benevolentiae specialis favore prosequimur , ut salutem nostram zelemini , & pr● nobis , consorte nostra , et liberis nostris , ac statu prospero regni nostri preces devotas offeratis , plenam fiduciam optinentes , devotion●m vestram requirimus & rogamus quatenus nunc & in futurum dignam sollicitudinem impendatis , et insistatis assiduis supplicationibus et intercessionibus apud deum , ut hîc sua pietate no● dirigat per suorum semitam mandatorum , et post diem extremum , salvationis locum nobis dignetur misericorditer indu●gere , statumque regni nostri conservare prosperum et tranquillum . vniversitatem vestram religiosam diu conservet altissimus in caritate continua et perfecta . dat. apud wolneseyae viii . die aprilis . claus . e. . m. . dorso . rex religiosis viris & in christo sibi dilectis priori provinciali ac fratribus universis ordinis sancti augustini in generali capitulo suo apud lincoln proximo conventuris , salutem , & spiritu sacro dirigi in agendis . fidelium devotio ad religiosorum s●ffragia impl●randa eo f●rventius excitatur , quo speratur preces e●rundem religiosorum apud altissimum gratiosius exaudiri , et exinde fidelibus sic implorantibus de supernis majora commoda provenire . considerantes itaque nos rebus mundialibus quorum dispositioni vacare nos oportet u●dique involutos , quominus saluti animae nostrae prout nobis expediret intendere valeamus , firmaque credulitate tenentes , per preces et orationes vestras summum bonum gratiae coelestis posse facilius impretrari , devotionem vestram attentis precibus requirimus et rogamus , quatenus nos , reginam consortem nostram & liberos nostros , ac statum regni nostri ei qui mensurae termino non arctatur sedulis intercessionibus commendetis , ipsius clemenciam suppliciter implorantes , ut nobis concedat sic regnum temporale regere , negociaque nos et statum regni et aliarum terrarum nostro dominio subjectarum sua mediante ineffabili gratia ordinare , quod in regno coelesti partem haereditariam consequamur , quodque actus nostri ad laudem sui nominis , et ad nostrum , regnique nostri et terrarum praedictarum cedere valeant commodum et honorem . t. r. apud carliolum xx . die maij. per breve de privato sigillo . claus . e. . m. . dorso . rex religiosis viris in christo sibi dilectis fratribus de ordine minorum ad generale capitulum suum apud toles conventur . salutem , & spiritu sancto dirigi in agendis . attendentes beneficia sancta , orationumque devotarum suffragia , ad divinam misericordiam impetrandam multum humanae conditionis fragilitati prodesse inter alia opera pietatis , considerantesque nos pro curis et rebus mundialibus quibus circa regni nostri regimen involuti sumus , saluti nostrae spirituali prout nobis expediret intendere non valere , devotionem vestram requirimus et rogamus quatinus nos , margaretam reginam angliae consortem nostram carissimam , edwardum p●incipem walliae primogeuitum nostrum , caeterosque liberos nostros , ac populum nobis commissum beneficiorum et suffragiorum vestrorū fore participes concedentes , pro nobis & ipsis , ac statu regni nostri , expeditioneque negociorum nobis incumbentium supplicationes assiduas et orationes devotas altissim●●ff●ratis , ut hîc sua pietate nos et ipsos dirigat per suorum s●mitam mandatorum , et post diem extremum salvationis locum nobis et ipsis dignetur misericordites indulgere , statumque regni nostri conservare prosperum et tranquillum . t. r. apud lauretost . to die febr. claus . e. . m. . dorso . rex dilectis sibi in christo magistro ordinis fratrum praedicatorum , ac diffinitoribus & fratribus universis in generali capitulo suo apud argentem in aleman . in festo pentecostes proximo futur . conventuris salutem , & spiritu sancto dirigi in agendis . inter caetera quae fructum salutis repromittere credimus , hoc praecipuè in spei nostrae fulcimentum accedit , quod nos assiduarum deprecationum justorum fulti praesidio divinam propitiationem facilius consequemur . de vobis itaque ut nostram ac reginae consortis nostrae liberorumque nostrorum salutem , necnon statum prosperum regni nostri & expeditionem felicem negotiorum nobis incumbentium hiis diebus zelemini , plenam in domino fiduciam optinentes , devotionem vestram affectuo●è requirimus & rogamus , quatinus apud illum qui est ve●a salus et qui temporalitatis e● perpetuae felicitatis tribuit largitatem , nos , reginum , cons●●tem nostram , et liberos nostros , ac statum regni nostri devotè supplicationis studio commendetis , ipsius clemenciam qui mensurae termino non artatur suppliciter exorantes ut sic regnum temporale regere , negociaque nostra p●aedicta expeditioni felici pro suae subventionis dexteram mancipare possimus , quod hoc ad laudem sui nominis , et ad nostrum regnique nostri commodum cedere valeat & honorem : quodque nos post supremum vitae nostrae exitum in regno coelesti partem haereditariam consequamur . dat. apud lauretost . primo die decembris . to pretermit the charter of king edward the first to the abby of aberconewey , pro salute animae nostrae & animaru● omnium antecessorum & haeredum , seu aliorum nostrorum successorum . and his charter of translation of demhall to the abby of valle-royal , pro salute animae nostrae , & pro salute animae celebris memoriae domini henrici patris nostri , & animarum haeredum & successorum nostrorum . which the monks in these houses were constantly to pray for . claus . . edw. . m. . dorso . rex venerabili in christo patri w. eadem gratia eborum archiepiscopo , angliae primati salutem . quanto in magnis et arduis peragendis neg●tiis divinum praesidium instanciùs & devotiùs imploratur , tanto exinde speratur successus prosperior & felicior pr●venire . hinc est , quod eum inclytae memoriae domino edwardo nuper rege angl patre nostro viam universae carnis ingresso , de quo mentis amaritudine intimè premimur et turbamur , onus regiminis regni angl. nobis incumbat ‖ jure haereditario , sicut scitis , vires nostras ad on●s hujusmodi portand . absque devotarum orationum suffragiis cernimus penitus impotentes : vestramigitur paternitatem aff●ctuosis precibus requirimus et rogamus , quatinus apud eum per quem reges regnant , & principes dominantur preces devotas suppliciter effundatis , & illud idem à religiosis et aliis vestris subditis universis fieri injungatis , ut regnum nostrum et alias terras nobis subditas , semper in statu prospero & pacifico conservare ; nosque ea sub ipso sic regere & tueri per suorum semitas mandatorum ad nostri et ipsius regni dictarumque terrarum honorem , commodum et quietem concedere dignetur , quod pro temporali regno in regn● caelesti partem haereditariam consequamur , &c. teste rege apud westm . xxviij . die octobr. eodem modo scribitur subscriptis , viz. j. karl . episcopo . a. dunel● ▪ episcopo & patriarch . je●lm . j. lincoln . episcopo . r. elien . episcopo . j. norwych . episcopo . r. london . episcopo . t. roff. episcopo . j. cistercien . episcopo . h. winton . episcopo . w. bath . & well . episcopo . r. hereford . episcopo . w. coventr . & lych. episcopo . custodi spiritualitatis episcopatus wigorn. sede vac . custodi spiritualitatis episcopatus exon. sede vac . abbati sancti augustini cantar . vestram igitur devotionem , &c. & illud idem toti conventui , & subditis vestris universis , &c. abbati westm. abbati de sancto albano . abbati de sancto edmundo . abbati de evesham . magistr . ordinis de sempringham . ministro generali ordinisfratrum minorum in angl. quod , &c. & à gardianis fratribus & subditis suis , &c. priori provinciali ordinis fratrum praedicatorum in angl. &c. & à singulis prioribus fratribus et subitis , &c. ibid. rex venerabili in christo patri w. eadem gratia ebor. archiepiscopo angliae primati salutem . deus redemptor omnium et creator , qui hominem ad imaginem et similitudinem suam fecit , cla●ae memoriae dominum edwardum dudum regem angliae progenitorem nostrum pacis et justiciae fervidum zelatorem , quem aliàs constat magnis fuisse virtutum insigniis et meritorum praeconiis decoratum , nuper ab hac luce prout sibi pla●●it evocavit , de quo co●dis amaritudinem , angustias et dolores intrinsecus non immeritò sustinemus . cum itaque opus sanctum et salubre apud altissimum censeatur pro defunctis ut a suorum mole peccaminum liberentur , devotè et suppliciter exorare ; paternitatem vestram affectuosè requirimus et rogamus , quatinus ipsius patris nostri exequias sollempniter celebrantes , animam ejus cum missarum decantatione et aliis ecclesiasticis suffragiis deo vivo et vero qui aufert spiritum principum specialiter commendetis , ac ab omnibus religiosis et aliis subditis vestris in dioc. vestra per missarum decantationes et alia hujusmodi suffragia faciatis similiter commendari , ut vestris et ipsorum patrociniis et precibus adjuta , coelestis regni solium ingredi et in aeterna beatitudine citius valeat collocari . t. rege apud westm. xxx . die octobr. anno , &c. primo . eodem modo scribitur episcopis , abbatibus , magistro de ordinis sempryngham , ministro generali ordinis fratrum minorum in angl. priori provinciali ordinis fratrum praedicatorum in angl. superius nominatis . claus . e. . m. . dorso . rex religiosis viris et in christo sibi dilecti● magistro ordinis fratrum praedicatorum ac diffinitoribus et fratribus universis in capitulo suo generali ad tholosam in proximo celebrand . salutem et spiritus sancti gratia in favore caritatis dirigi in agendis . quanto in●ffabilis divinae miserationis praesidium in urgentibus necessitatibus seu agendis quibuslibet humilius et devotius imploratur , tanto ut nostra tenet fiducia , successus prosperior et eventus felicior subsequuntur . quamobrem de vestra devotione et sincera in domino caritate specialiter confidentes , ac spera●tes quod eo nostram ac isabellae reginae angliae consortis nostrae , necnon et edwardi primogeniti nostri salutem , statumque prosperum et tranquillum regni nostri angliae , aliorumque terrarum nobis subditarum , ac felicem expeditionem negotiorum nobis incumbentium hiis diebus tenerius diligatis , quo nos ad vestram praecipue ordinem nostros affectus hactenus direximus , & devotione fratrum ejusdem ordinis fiduciam gessimus ampliorem , firma etiam creduli●ate tenentes per orationum vestrarum suffragia nobis inestimabile bonum coel●stis munific●ntiae in nostris dirigendis et peragendis negotiis uberius affuturu● ; caritatem vestram sinceris affectibus requirimus et ●ogamus , quatinus domino nostro iesu christo qui est omnium vera salus , et per quem reges regnant et principes dominantur , nos , reginam consortom nostram , et dominum primogenirum nestrum sedulis precibus et devotis orationibus commendetis ; ipsius ●●ementiam suppliciter exorantes , ut sic regni temporalis regimen , quod ipso disponente suscepimus , dictaque negotia nostra prosperè exp●dire per suae suventionis potentiam valeamus , quod ad laudem sui nominis , nostrique ac regni , et aliarum terrarum nostrarum utilitatem cedere valeant et honorem . dat. apud westminst . xxiiii . die aprilis . claus . anno e. . m. . dors . rex dilectis sibi in christo cancellario , magistris & scholaribus vniversitatis oxon salutem . benè novit , ut credimus , vestra discretio , qualiter pro bono pacis & reformatione concordiae inter nos & regem franc. de consilio & assensu praelatorum & aliorum magnatum regni nostri , uxorem nostram sub magna amoris confidentia ad ipsum regem nuper transmisimus , sperantes sicut nobis certitudinaliter per nuncios domini summi pontificis , qui tam ad ipsum regem quam ad nos pro tractatu concordiae fuerant destinati , & etiam per nostros nuncios tunc in partibus franciae existentes promissum extitit , quod ipsa à praefato rege fratre suo posset quaecumque peteret impetrare , & quod ejus interventu firma pax & amoris integritas inter nos & ipsum regem , absque amissione juris seu patrimonii nostri , seu alicujus personae de nostris reformari debuissent , et post haec dicto negocio non secundum promissa , set alium totaliter exitum , sicut nostis , fortiente , cum parati essemus in portu dover . ad transfretandum versus partes franc. de consilio praelatorum & magnatum praedictorum ac dictorum nunciorum , prae●ato etiam rege ad hoc assensum praebente , dictum ducatum nostrum & omnes terras nostras quas habuimus in regno franc. edwardo filio nostro primogenito donavimus , sub certa forma habendum , ipsumque ad dictum regem franc. transmisimus pro homagio suo pro ducatu & terris praedictis faciendo . et ecce quae amoris dulce dine pro pace egimus u● guerrarū discrimina vitarentur , nobis in felle conversa sunt amaritudinis & guerrae materias habundantius administrant . detinuit siquidem idem rex & adhuc detinet dictos nost●os uxorem & filium , ac magnam partem ducatus praedicti , quanquā homagiū ipsias filii nostri pro integro receperit , & jam residuum missis exercitibus satagit occupare . receptat insuper inimicos & rebelles nostros & eos fovet , & quasdam naves quorundam mercatorum nostrorum nuper per gentes suas supra mare cepit hostiliter , & interfectis mercatoribus & marinariis in eis inventis infra regnum franc. abduci fecit , aliasque nos de guerra multipliciter persequitur tam per terram quàm per mare . propter quod nos pro defensione regni nostri navigium nostrum mifimus supra mare , ad refraenand . maliciam gentium ipsius regis si qui fortè ingredi vellent regnum nostrum . verùm quia nobis relatum est , quod aliqui fautores , ut credimus , dictorum inimicorum veritatem nostram in praemissis falsis relationibus satagentes depravare , sinistra de nobis & aliquibus fidelibus nostris praedicare non verentur , ut avertant à nobis corda subditorum nostrorum , qui ex simplicitate frequenter falsis narratoribus fidem praebent . nos ipsorum maliciis obviare & veritatem reigestae cunctis patefieri cupientes , vobis in fide & dilectione quibus nobis tenemini firmiter injungen do mandamus , quod ad confutandam hujusmodi malevolorum audaciam , praemissa omnia & singula in publicis sermonibus & aliis congregationibus vestris recitari , & palam exponi faciatis , ut series gestarum rerum universis & singulis nota fiat . r●gamus etiam vos quatinus vos et quilibet vestrum pro nobis et prospero statu regni nostri missarum solempniis , eleemosynarum largitionibus , et aliis operibus pie●atis ac jugis et devotis precibus jugiter instatis apud altissimum creatorem , quatinus ipse sua pietate nos regat et dirigat in mundi hujus turbinibus per suorum semitam mandatorum , st●tu● regni nostri conservet incolumem , et sua ineffabili potentia a malignorum incursibus tueatur . teste rege apud porcester . v. die septemb. eodem modo mandatum est cancellar . magistris & scolaribus universitatis cantebrig . ibid. eadem m. . dors . rex venerabili in christo patri w. eadem gratia archiepiscopo cantur . totius angliae primati salutem . benè novit vestra discretio , nec potest vobis ut credimus in memoriam non veni●e , qualiter pro bono pacis & reformatione concordiae inter nos & regem franc. de vestro & aliorum praelatorum ac magnatum consilio & assensu , uxorem nostram sub magna amoris confidentia ad ipsum regem nuper transmisimus , sperantes s●cut nobis certitudinaliter per nuncios domini summi pontificis , qui tam ad ipsum regem quàm ad nos pro tractatu concordiae fuerant destinati , ac etiam per nostros nuncios tunc in partibus franc. existentes promissum extitit quod ipsa à praefato rege fratre suo posset quaecumque peteret impetrare , & quod ejus interventu firma pax & amoris integritas inter nos et ipsum regem absque amissione juris seu patrimonii nostri , seu alicujus personae de nostris reformari debuissent : & post haec dicto negotio non secundum promissa , sed alium totaliter exitum sicut nostis sortiente , cum parati essemus in portu dovor . ad transfretandum versus partes franciae , de consilio vestro ac aliorum praelatorum & magnatum praedictorum ac dictorum nunciorum , praefato etiam rege ad hoc assensum praebente , dictum ducatum nostrum & omnes terras nostras quas habuimus in regno franciae edwardo filio nostro primogenito donavimus sub certa forma habendum , ipsumque ad dictum regem franciae transmisimus pro homagio suo pro ducatu & terris praedictis faciendo . et ecce quae amoris dulcedine pro pace egimus , ut guerrarum discrimina vitarentur , nobis in felle conversa sunt amaritudinis , et guerris materias habundantius administrant . detinuit siquidem idem rex et adhuc detinet dictos nostros uxorem et filium , ac magnam partem ducatus praedicti , quamquam homagium ipsius filii nostri pro integro reciperit , & jam residuum missis exercitibus satagit occupare . receptat insuper inimicos et rebelles nostros et eos fovet , et quasdam naves quorundam mercatorum nostrorum nuper per gentes suas supra mare cepit hostiliter , et interfectis mercatoribus et marinariis in eis inventis , infra regnum franc. abduci fecit , aliasque nos de guerra multipliciter prosequitur tam per terram quàm per mare . propter quod nos pro defensione regni nostri , navagium nostrum misimus supra mare ad refraenandam maliciam gentium ipsius regis , si quae fortè ingredi vellent regnum nostrum . verum quia nobis relatum est , quod aliqui fauto●es , ut credimus , dictorum inimicorum , veritatem nostram in praemissis falsis relationibus satagentes depravare , finistra de nobis et aliquibus fidelibus nostris praedicare non verentur , ut avertent à nobis corda subditorum nostrorum , qui ex simplicitate frequenter falsis narratoribus fidem praebent . nos ipsorum maliciis obviare , et ve●itatem ●ei gestae cunctis patefieri cupientes , vobis in fide et dilectione quibus nobis tenemini firmiter injungendo mandamus , quod ad confutandam hujusmodi malevolorum audaciam , praemissa omnia prout gesta fuerunt in publicis sermonibus et aliis congregationibus per totam dioc. vestram recitari et palam exponi faciatis , ut series gestarum rerum universis et singulis nota fiat , et contra hujusmodi falsa et finistra de nobis et fidelibus nostris praedicantes tales et tam rigidas censuras promulgare studeatis , ut hujusmodi saltim timor● à suis temeritatibus compescantur . rogamus insuper vos quatinus clerum et populum vestrae diocaesis salubribus exhortationibus commoneatis , ipsosque praelatos inferiores , religiosos et alios , ac rectores ecclesiarum in singulis ecclesiis per totam dioces . vestram commoneri et exhortari faciatis , ut ipsi pro nobis et prospero statu regni nostri missarum solempniis , eleemosynarum largitionibus et aliis operibus pietatis , ac jugis et devotis preribus jugiter insistant apud altissimum creatorem , quatinus ipse sua pietate nos regar et dirigat in mundi hujus turbinibus per suorum semitam mandatorum , statum regni nostri conservet incolumem , et sua ineffabili potentia a malignorum incursibus tueatur . et universis et singulis vestris suffraganeis injungatis , quod ipsi et eorum quilibet praemissa omnia et singula per singulas ecclesias suorum dioces . praedicari et exponi faciant , et clerum et populum ut orationibus et aliis pietatis operibus ut praemittitur , jugiter insistant , studeant salubriter exhortari . et nos de eo quod inde duxeritis faciendum per vestras literas distincte et aperte cum celeritate qua poteritis certificare curetis . t. r. apud claryndon xii . die augusti . consimiles literae diriguntur archiepiscopo eborum angliae primati . claus . e. . m. . dorso . rex religiosis viris et sibi in christo dilectis priori et fratribus ordinis fratrum praedicatorum ad capitulum generale apud oxon celebrandum conventuris , salutem et spiritu sancto dirigi in agendis . dum conditionem humanae fragilitatis atrendimus , et qualiter omni creaturae tam sublimi quàm humili praetereuntibus suo cursu diebus praesentis vitae finis apropriat , attenta consideratione pensamus , sic praevenire cupimus quantū nobis ex alto permittitur , diem mortis , ut aeterni clementia judicis dignetur nostri de suae gratiae plenitudine misereri . verum cum devotarum orationum suffragia inter alia pietatis opera multum prosint ad divinam misericordiam impetrandam , de vobis , quorum ordinem benevolentiae specialis favore prosequimur , ut salutem nostram zelemini , et pro nobis ac statu prospero regni nostri preces devotas domino offeratis , plenam fiduciam optinentes , devo●ionem vestram requirimus et r●gamus , quatinus nunc et in futurum dignam sollicitudinem impendatis , et insistatis assiduis supplicationibus et intercessionibus apud d●um , ut hic sua pietate nos dirigat per suorum semitam mandatorum , et post diem extremum salvationis locum nobis dignetur misericorditer elargiri , statumque praedicti regni nostri conservare prosperum et tranquillum . vniversitatem vestram religiosam diu conservet altissimus in caritate continus et perfecta . t. r. apud porcestr . vi . die septembr . king * edward the d. granted and confirmed by his charters to the respective abbyes and monasteries of st. denny , lyllye , gratia dei , st. julian , charter-house london , sundry lands and revenues , ad missas , orationes , & alia divina servicia facienda pro anima nostra , et matris nostrae et pro animal us antecessorum & succ●ssorum nostrorum , primogenito nostro & haeredum suorum , &c. which the ab●ots and monks were daily and constantly to perform in these abbyes and monasteries without intermi●sion . and cl. e. . part . m. . dors . he issued his writs for a publick thanksgiving and victory over the scots . rex venerabili in christo patri s. eadem gratia archiepiscopo cantuariensi , totius angliae primati salutem . sedens in trono gloriae qui sui dispositione non fallitur , dilectos suos in oportunitatibus visitat uberius quàm creatae rationis intentio sciat aut valeat invenire : ipse quidem dominantium dominus misericordiam suam nobiscum licet inmeritis magnificè mirificans hiis diebus , funestam scotorum inimicorum nostrorum rabiem et ipsorum perfidam feritatem qui partes regni nostri boreales nuper coadunatis viribus hostiliter invadentes , depraedationes , strages et incendia , necnon & alia mala quae poterant crudeliter perpetrarunt , ordini , aetati vel sexui non parcentes , & demum contra nos et nostrum exercitum propè berewycum die lunae prox . ante festum sanctae margaretae virginis proximo praeterit . videlicet decimo nono die julii , in induratae spiritu superbiae & antiquatae suae maliciae ad . praeliū se parantes virtutis suae potentia mirabiliter dissipavit , ipsos in manu nostra victorioso praesidio concludendo ; quos in eo qui dat salutem regibus , ac de nostra justicia confidentes in timore domini , licet in perdicione hominum non laetemur , in campo certaminis devicimus absque laesione magna , laudetur altissimus , gentis nostrae , et castrum ac villam berewici nobis reddi●a favente domino jam ha●emus , de quibus gratiarum omnium largitori laudes exsolvimus , ut possimus humiles et devotas , ineffabilem ipsius clemenciam implorantes , ut signum quod nobiscum fecit in bonum incrementis faciat felicibus faecundare , pacis firmandae misericorditer spem conceptam , quae vobis ad vestri recreationem et publicam regni nostri saet●●iam divina contemplando magnalia nunciamus . et quia inter caetera humanae reparationis remedia humilem apud deum o●a●ionis instantiam d●vinae gratiae credimus multipliciter inductivam , paternitatem vestram affectuose requirimus et rogamus , quatinus salvatoris nostri clementiam pro concessa nobis cae●itus victoria , devotis laudibus attollatis , et a vestris subditis faciatis ut convenit , devotione celebri venerari ; ipsos salutaribus monitis inducentes , ut intentis orationum suffragiis nos miserationi divinae sedulo recommendent , recommendareque velitis vosmetipsi , quod commissum nobis regimen ad dei beneplacitum , defensionem ecclesiae , regni nostri honorem , commodum et quietem , conservationem , augmentum ac redintegrationem jurium nostrorum regalium , ac nostri et subdi●orum nostrorum salutem animarum agere , et in justicia roborari nostris temporibus feliciter valeamus . t. r. apud berewicum super twedam xxii . die julii . consimiles literae diriguntur archiepiscopo eborum & singulis episcopis angliae & walliae , ac episcopis subscriptis , videlicet archiepiscopo burdegal . episcopo aquen . episcopo agenen . episcopo brion . episcopo basaten . episcopo adduren . rot. parl. an. ed. . n. . entre les peticions des comones & les respons sur les ainsi ensint . premerement priant les dites comones , que pleze a lour dite seigneur lige prier as ercevesqes euesqes , et a toute la clergie pur prier pur son estat , et la pees et bon government de la terre , et pur la continuance de sa bone volente diverseses dites comones . r. il plest au roi de les prier . clause . r. . m. . dorso . rex venerabili in christo patri w. eadem gratia archiepiscopo cantuar. totius angliae primati , salutem . vt praevisa jacula minus laedant , et gravissimis nostri & nostrorum periculis salubrius obvietur , inimicorum fallaces insidias , & malicias mortiferas satis expedit esse not●s . super quo vos scire volumus , quod ab annis teneris quibus deo volente regni gubernacula suscepimus , semper in votis gessimus praecipuis ut subditi nostri in quorum utique quiet● quiescimus , in pace firma sub nostro regimins ponerentur ; et propterea tractatus per inclitae memoriae dominum e. nuper regem angliae avum nostrum , cum tunc adversario suo franciae inchoatos , continuare fecimus , facientes adversario nostro franciae jam praesenti diversas vias pacis multociens offerri , cum detrimento non modico juris nostri , ad finem evitandi subditorum nostrorum gravamina , ac justificandi coram rege regum cui nihil est absconditum , causam nostram , et finaliter ut nihil in nobis deesset , quin praedicta pace habenda poneremus ultimum posse nostrum , johannem regem castellae et●egionis ●egionis , ducem lancastr . primo per se , et deinde ipsum et thomam comitem buk . patruos nostros carissimos ad diversos tractatus pacis cum nonnullis aliis praelatis , proceribus et consiliariis nostris , cum potestate plenaria fecimus destinari . set pars adversarii praedicti videns praefatos patruos nostros ad omnem pacem rationabilem prout eis injunximus inclinatos , dictum tractatum pacis et quamplures ipsius articulos quibus antea consenserant , per cavillationes et subterfugia declinarunt , et tanquam aspides surdae obturantes aures suas nolentes intelligere ut benè agerent , ea quae pacis erant audire adeò contempserunt , quod patrui dicti adversarii , du●ces viz. butricen . et burgundiae qui soli potestatem tractandi ab eodem receperant , cum praefatis patruis nostris in loco medio inter cales et boloniam ubi partes extiterant primitus conventuri * et promisso , pro praedicto tractatu , licet multociens requisiti , convenire penitus recusabant ; jactantes se , ut dicitur , nedum haereditatem nostram ultramarinam , set r●gnum nostrum angliae se vello hostiliter invadere , et nobis locum et gentem auferre , ac totam linguam anglicanam absque consideratione status , aetatis , sexus , aut personae destruere , ipsumque regnum ( quod absit ) imbuere nova lingua : set non placeat pietati divinae quod ea nobis accidant quae minantur , undè meritè dicere possumus , quod quaesivimus pacem , et ecce turbacio , et pro tanto dilectionem estram atttentè requirimus et rogamus , quatinus praefatas inimicorum malicias induratas clero ●t populo vestrae dioc. exemptis et non exemptis , clarè intimari et inter eos publicari debitè fa●iatis , ipsos vobis quantum ex alto permittitur inducentes , ut ad propulsandam tantam inimicorum proterviam in causa regni communi et justissima spiri●um forti●udinis assumant , et pro nostri nostrorumque fidelium , totiusque regni salvatione et tutela , piis apud doum orationum suffragiis intercedant . t. rege apud westm . xxi . die octobr. consimilia brevia diriguntur episcopis subscriptis sub eadem dat . videlicet , a. archipiscopo eborum angliae primati . r. episcopo london . w. episcopo wynton . tho. episcopo elien . h. episcopo norwycen . w. episcopo cicesir . j. episcopo bathon & wellen . r. episcopo coventr . & lich. joh. episcopo dunolm . tho. episcopo karliol . r. episcopo sarum . tho. episcopo exon. j. episcopo hereford . tho. episcopo reffen . h. episcopo wygorn . j. episcopo lincoln . a. episcopo meneven . j. episcopo bang●ren . tho. episcopo landaven . l episcopo assaven . claus . . r. . m. . dors . rex venerabili in christo patri w. eadem gratia archiepiscopo cantur . totius angliae primati , salutem . cum nuper considerantes qualiter inimici nostri franc. & alii quamplures sibi adhaerentes , regnum nostrum angliae pluribus locis saepius invaserunt , mala intolerabilia tam per terram quàm per mare perpetrantes , & insuper de hoc minimè contenti ecclesiam sanctam populumque , & ligeos nostros subvertere , & penitus destruere de die in diem totis viribus suis se parant , & conantur ; de assensu consilii nostri ordinaverimus dilectum consanguineum & fidelem nostrum ricardum comitem arundel admiralum nostrum angliae , ad proficiscendum in obsequi●m nostrū super mare , una cum nonnullis magnatibus & aliis fidelibus nostris in comitiva sua , ad maliciam & proterviam praedictorum hostium nostrorum ( gratia mediante divina ) propulsandam , ac ecclesiam & regnum praedicta protegenda & salvanda . verum quia ad praemissa peragenda & complenda absque devotarum orationum suffragiis vires nostras cernimus penitus impotente● ; ac sperantes indubiè quod quantò in magnis & peragendis negociis divinum praesidium instantius & devotius imploratur , tantò exinde successus prosperior & felicior proveniat & sequatur ; vestram paternitatem & devotionem affectuosis precibus requirimus & rogamus , quatinus tam grandibus periculis quae ecclesiae & regno praedictis oculata fide indies suo ju●e conspicitis debite consideratis , suff●aganeos vestros ac religiosos & alios subditos vestros universos vestrae provinciae , ad devotionem suam e●ga summum regem elevandam , eò specialius quò magis sciveritis vel poteritis juxta possibilitatem tanta necessitate causante indicatis cum effectu , ut ipsi apud ●ltissimum de quo omnis gratia procedit , tota mentis solicitudine preces & orationes devotissimas effundant & devotis precibus & intercessionibus ac processionibus & missarum celebrationibus ad gratiam dei impetrandam pro nobis statuque ecclesiae & regni praedictorum , & specialiter praedicto consang●ineo nostro ac aliis magnatibus & fidelibus nostris praedictis qui corpora sua propter salvationem ecclesiae sanctae ac regni & totius populi praedictorum periculis exponere non evitant assiduè infistant apud deum ut ipse deus statum nostri ecclesiaeque & regni praedictorum conservare dignetur prosperum & tranquillum dictoque consanguineo nostro ac aliis magnatibus & fidelibus nostris praedictis in actibus suis expeditionem felicem pro sua magna mi●ericordia gratiosius tribuat & concedat . teste rege apud westm xx . die martii . consimilis breve dirigitur a. archiepiscopo ebor. angliae primati sub eadem data . r●x venerabili in christo patri r. eadem gratia episcopo london salutem . cum nuper , &c. ut semper usque ibi debitè considerantes ; et tunc sic universos & singulos clericos & subditos vestros tam regulares quam seculares vestra dioc . ad devotionem , &c. ut supra t. ut supra . consimilia brevia diriguntur episcopis subscriptis sub eadem data , viz. w. episcopo wynton . th. episcopo elien . h. episcopo norwicen . th. episcopo cicestr . i. episcopo dunolm . th. episcopo karliol . r episcopo sarum . th. episcopo exon. i. episcopo hereford . th. episcopo roffen . h. episcopo wigorn. i. episcopo lincoln . a. episcopo meneven . i. episcopo bangoren . w. episcopo landaven . l. episcopo assaven . w. episcopo bathon & well . r. episcopo covent . & lich. claus . . r. . m. . dors . rex venerabili in christo patri w. eadem gratia archiepiscopo cantuar. totius angliae primati salutem . cum ecclesia catholica seu populus regni nostri cujus regimen nobis à domino praestatur , in pace & prosperitate absque devotarum orationum suffragiis altissimo reddendis , aliquandi● persistere non valeat . et quia speramus indubiè quod quantò divinum praesidium instantius et devocius imploretur , tantò exinde successus prosperior & felicior proveniet & succedet . vestram paternitatem & devotionem affectuosis precibus requirimus & rogamus , quatinus praemissis devotè & condignè consideratis , universos & singulos clericos & subditos vestros tam regulares quàm seculares vestrae dioc . ad devotionem suam erga summum regem elevandam eò specialius quò magis sciveritis vel poteritis juxta possibilitatem inducatis cum effectu , ut ipsi apud altissimum de quo omnis gratia procedit , tota mentis solicitudine preces & orationes devotissim ▪ eff●ndant , & devotis precibus & inte●cessionibus ac processionibus & missarum celebrationibus ad gratiam dei impetrandam pro nobis , ac statu ecclesiae sanctae , paceque & tranquillitate regni praedicti assid●è insistant apud deum : u● ipse deus , statum ecclesiae nostrique & regni praedicti conservare dignetur prosperum & tranquillum , & nobis ac populo nostro regni praedicti actibus nostris gratiam & expeditionem felicem pro sua magna misericordia gratiosius tribuat & concedat . teste rege apud westm . xxvii . die aug. per ipsum regem . consimilia brevia diriguntur subscriptis sub eadem data , viz. th. archiepiscopo ebor. angliae prim. r. episcopo london . w. episcopo wynton . i. episcopo elien . h. episcopo norwicen . r. episcopo cicestr . w. episcopo dunolm . th. episcopo karliol . i. episcopo sarum . th. episcopo exon. i. episcopo hereford . w. episcopo roffeu . h. episcopo wygorn . i. episcopo lincoln . i. episcopo meneven . i. episcopo bangoren . e. episcopo landaven . a. episcopo assaven . r. episcopo bath . & w●llen . r. episcopo covent . & lich. claus . anno . r. . m. . dors . rex venerabili in christo patri w. eadem gratia archiepiscopo cantuar. totius angliae primati , salutem . cum propter bonum regimen ac prosperam & felicem gubernationem terrae nostrae hiberniae ac fidelium ligeorum nostrorum ibidem , necnon propter castigationem & justificationem inobedientium & rebellium contra ligeanciam fuam in terra nostra praedicta , si qui fuerint , simus ad partes illas personaliter jam profecti . et quia ad onus regiminis regni nostri angliae & terrae nostrae praedictae quod nobis ab alto committitur supportandum , & ad ecclesiam sanctam ac regnum & terram nostra praedicta , nec non legeos nostros eorundem protegendos , & debite gubernandos absque summo dei praesidio ac devotarum orationum , suffragiis pro nobis efflu entius altissimo reddendis , vires nostras cernimus penitus impotentes ; ac sperantes indubiè , quod quantò in magnis & peragendis negotiis nostris divinum adminiculum instantius & devotius imploratur , tantò exinde successus prosperior & felicior proveniat & fequatur . vestram paternitatem & devotionem affectuosis precibus requirimus & rogamus , quatinus praemissis condignè & devotè consideratis , suffraganeos vestros ac religiosos , & ali●s●●ibditos vestros universos vestrae provinciae ad devotionem suam erga summum regem elevandam , eò specia lius quò magis sciveritis vel poteritis juxta possibilitatem tanta necessitate causante inducatis cum effectu , ut ipsi apud altissimum de quo omnis gratia procedit , tota mentis solicitudine preces & orationes devotissimè infundant , & devotis precibus & intercessionibus ac processionibus & missarum celebrationibus ad specialem gratiam dei impetrandam pro expeditione nostra ac aliorum magnatum & fidelium nobiseum in excercitu nostro in partibus praedictis existentium , qui corpora nostra propter salvation● terrae illius pericusis * ponere non evitamus , assiduè infistant apud deum , ut ipse deus statum nostrum ecclesiaeque & regni , ac terrae praedictorum conservare dignetur prosperum & tranquillum , nobisque & fidelibus nostris in actibus nostris in terra nostra praedicta & alibi expeditionem felicem pro sua magna pietate misericorditer tribuat & concedat . teste edmundo duce eborum custode angliae apud westm . xv . die octob. consimile breve dirigitur th. episcopo eborum angliae primati sub eadem data . rex venerabili in christo patri r. eadem gratia episcopo london salutem . cum propter bonum regimen , &c. ut suprae usque ibi consideratis , et tunc sic ; universos & singulos clericos & subditos vestros tam regulares quam seculares vestrae dioc . ad devotionem suam erga summum regem , &c. ut super , teste ut supra . consimilia brevia diriguntur subscriptis sub eadem data , viz. w. episcopo wynton . i. episcopo lincoln . i. episcopo sarum . r. episcopo bath . & well . r. episcopo covent . & lich. i. episcopo elien . w. episcopo dunolm . th. episcopo karliol . r. episcopo cicest . w. episcopo roffen . i. episcopo hereford . h. episcopo wygorn . th. episcopo exon. i. episcopo meneven . h. episcopo norwicen . i. episcopo bangoren . t. episcopo landaven . custodi spiritual . episcopatus assaven . king richard the d . in the . year of his reign , consirmed by his charter to the abby of graces near the tower of london , founded by king edward his grand-father , sundry lands and tenements , in respect of the various dangers to which he and the kingdom were in humane reason exposed to , by land and sea , beyond recovery . ad missas et alia divina officia singulis diebus celebrandas et faciendas in abbatia praedicta pro salubri statu et prosperitate nostra dum vixerimus , et pro anima nostra dum ab hac luce migraverimus , & pro anima ejusdem a●i nostri specialiter , & animabus omnium aliorum progenitorum haeredum & successorum nostrorum & omnium fidelium defunctorum in perpetuum . and michael de la poole , founded the monastery at kingston upon hull , confirmed by king richard the d . granting sundry lands to the prior , monks and their successors upon this condition ; volumus itaque & ordinamus , quod praefati prior & monachi & eorum successores habeant specialiter in missis , orationibus , & aliis divinis serviciis recommendatum , statum nobilissimi domini regis ricardi praedicti , & nostrum , ( and of several others particularly mentioned ) dum vixerimus , & cum ab hac luce migraverimus , orent , celebrent & celebrari facient pro animabus nostris , ac specialiter et continuè pro anima dicti domini nostri regis edwardi defuncti , and of several others particularly mentioned , & pro quibus orare tenemur , et omnium fidelium defunctorum . i could adde many more writs and mandates , of the former nature , upon extraordinary occasions , out of the clause rolls of king john , hen. the d. edw. the d. henry the , , & . edward . h. , . edward . queen elizabeth , king james , and king charles ; which because they would rather surfit than delight or instruct the readers , i shall wholy pretermit . king henry the th . founded a monasterie at s●ene , the grounds and ends whereof he thus expressed in his charter . c●m excelsae majestatis exennia quae gloriam nostri regiminis de die in diem ubertim , ut ipsi videmus , extollant , ritè à nobis gratiarum vendicant actiones , justissimum credimus ut eo ●●dio in a●ctor●m tendant quo nobis ab auctore fl●●●runt , nomine salvatoris ; ut sicut per m●diatorem deiet hominum dominum jesum ad nos indignos , depatre luminum , bon● cuncta procedunt , ità nostrae laudes quamvis inutiles per eundem jesum christum et datorem gratiarum , & omnis boni principium revertantur . whereupon he granted and confirmed for him and his heirs sundry lands to this monastery free from all secular exaction and service , pro orationibus et aliis divinis officiis inivi faciendis pro salubri statu nostro dum vixerimus , ac anima nostra cum ab h●c luce migraverimus , & animabus parentum & progenitorum nostrorum & omnium fidelium defunctorum : necnon pro pace , tranquillitate et quiete populi et regni nostri : ac insuper pro aliis pietatis operibus ibidem sustinendis , ministrandis , et supportandis juxta ordinationem nostram , haereredum et executorum nostrorum in hac parte plenius faciendam ; which was accordingly executed . king edward the th . by his charter of febr. in the ‖ first year of his reign , granted the priory of shirburn to the hospital of st. julian called domus dei in the town of southampton , in augmentationem divinae cultus infra hospitale nostrum sancti juliani , &c necno● ut dilect● nobis in christo magister jahannes p●reson , nunc custos hospitalis praedicti , ac nunc capellani et fratres ejusdem hospitalis , ac successores sui , pro salubri statu nostri et haeredum et successorum nostrorum dum agimus in humanis , necnon pro animabus nostris cum universae carnis viam ing●essi fuerimus , necnon pro animabus recolendae memoriae principis ricardi nuper ducis eb●rici patris nostri , &c. et omnium aliorum primogenitorum nostrorum imperpetuum specialiter exorare teneantur . king henry the th . appropriated the churches of potterspiry and eggemond to the priory and covent of st. anne by coventre founded by his ancestors , ut iidem prior & conventus , pro bono statu nostro , ac consortis nostrae , liberorumque nostrorum , ac carissimae matris nostrae , deum altissimum deprecentur indies et exorent ; ac missam de spiritu sancto pro nobis semel in ebdomade durante vita nostra faciant celebrari , et quendam solempnem annualem obitum pro anima nostra cum ab hac luce migraverimus , custodiant et observent . anno anno h. . in the book entituled horae beatissimae mariae , ad ligituum . ecclesiae salisburiensis ritum , printed parisiis , . ( the . year of king henry the th . but generally used throughout england some hundreds of years before ) f. . there is this set form of prayer for the king of england for the time being . deus regnorum et christiani maximè protector imperii , da servo tuo h. regi nostro de hoste triumphum , ut qui tua providentia extitit coronatus , tuo semper munimine tutus sit et securus , per christum dominum nostrum . anno and in process●●ale ad usus insignis ecclesiae sarum , p●risiis . f. . , . i meet with these short prayers & ejaculations then and formerly publickly used in all processions for our successive kings . domine salvum sac regem . regem nostrum ac principes , &c. in omni sanctitate custodi . salvum fac regem n●strum famulum tuum : et exaudi nos in die quo invocav●rimus te . all our antient missals , offices , howers , primers , in times of popery , containing the like prayers , and such as i have formerly recited out of * cassander his preces ecclesiasticae , together with prayers for their souls after their deaths : which according to the modern use of the church of rome are popish , vain , sinfull , superstitious , implying and presupposing a purgatory : but according to their primitive use and institution , pious and religious , importing no purgatory at all , as learned bishop vsher proves at large in his answer to the jesuites challenge , of prayers for the dead , p. . to . to which i refer the reader for fuller satisfaction herein , and concerning the forementioned prayers for , and charters of our kings to monasteries to pray for their own , their ancestors , successors , heirs , and others souls when departed out of this world. i'could adde many prayers made for king henry the th . in sundry epistles and dedications of books unto him , but for brevity i shall omit all but . the . is pope leo the th . his bull to him in the . year of his reign , subscribed with all the cardinals hands ; wherein he conferred on him the title of defender of the faith , for writing a book against luther , in defence of pardous , the papacy , and . sacraments , which bull begins thus . * leo episcopus , servus servorum dei. charissimo in christo filio , henrico angliae regi , fidei defensori , salutem et apostolicam benedictionem ; and is closed with this benediction and prayer for him and his posterity . perpetuum hoc & immortale gloriae tuae monumentum posteris tuis relinquere , illisque viam ostendere , ut si tali titulo ipsi quoque insigniri optabunt , talia etiam opera efficere , praeclaraque majestatis tuae vestigia sequi studeant , quam prout de nobis & dicta sede optimè merita est , unâ cum uxore & filiis , ac omnibus qui à te & ab illis nascentur nostra benedictione in nomine illius à quo illam concedendi potesta● ▪ nobis data est , larga & liberali manu benedicentes , altissimum illum qui dixit ; per me reges regnant , & principes imperant , & in manu sua corda sunt regum , rogamus et obsecramus , ut eam in suo sancto proposito confirmet , ejusque devotionem multiplicet , ac praeclaris pro sancta fide gestis ita illustret , ac toti orbi terrarum conspicuam reddat , ut judicium quod de ipsa fecimus eam tàm insigni titulo decorantes , à nemine falsum aut vanum judicari possit . demum mortatis ●ujus vitae finito curriculo sempiternae illius gloriae consortem atque participem reddat . the is william wraghton ( an acute protestant writer ) who in his epistles to king henry the th . before his two books , intituled , the hunting of the romish fox , printed at basyl , . and his rescuing of the romish fox , against stephen gardner , printed . wisheth him prosperity both of body and soul , closing his last epistle to him with this prayer . god grant you health both of body and soul , victory over your enemies , and grace to do in this our matter of religion as shall be most to the glory of god , and the profit of the common-wealth , amen ; and he closeth his last treatise with this prayer , god save the king. the third is our learned protestant divine , thomas beacon , who in his * path-way unto prayer ( dedicated to the lady anne grey ) ch . . hath this godly exhortation to all private christians . ●et us flee to god at all times with humble o●secrations and hearty requests . let our prayers be continual . let us in all our prayers seek the glory of god , the advancement of his most blessed word , and the health of our own souls . let us pray for the prefervation of the kings most excellent majesty ( h. . ) and for the prosperous successe of his intirely-beloved son , edward , our prince , that most angel-like impe. let us pray for all the lords spiritual and temporal : specially for those that have the regiment of the publick-weal under the kings graces highness . let us pray for the ministers of gods word , that they may freely speak the truth of christs gospel , as it becommeth them . let us pray for all men universally , chiefly for the inhabitants of this realm of england , that they may all bear a faithfull heart both towards god and our king. anno upon the reformation of religion , and abolishing of popish missals , psalters , howers , processionals , and portuasses by king edward the sixth in his parliament , . & edw. . ch . . the king by advice of his convocation and parliament , commanded a book of common-prayer and administration of the sacraments in the english tongue , to be used in all churches and chapels throughout the realm , by the statutes of e. c. . & , & e. . c. . wherein there was not only a prayer for the king in the letany , but in a special collect , agreeing in substance with those in our later books of common-prayer , hereafter cited . in this pious kings reign , the bishops and ministers in their epistles and dedications to him , and in their prayers before & after their sermons , usually prayed most heartily and particularly for his long life , religious and prosperous reign , and spiritual , temporal , and eternal felicity . and john bale bishop of ossery , in his image of both churches , or paraphrase upon st. johns revelation , printed . in the last page thereof , exhorts all gods meek-spirited servants in their daily prayer , afore all other to remember that most worthy minister of god , king edward the sixth , which hath so sore wounded the beast , that he may throw all his superstition into the bottomless● lake again , ( from whence they have comen ) to the comfort of his people . our learned a thomas beacon in his preface to the flower of godly prayers , dedicated to anne dutchesse of somerset , as he doth exceedingly bl●sse god for the extraordinary zeal and piety of king edward the th . in delivering his realm from antichristian tyranny and popery , reforming the church , propagating true religion , and in giving us this most worthy prince to be our king : so he hath this particular b prayer for the king , to be used by all private christians daily in their respective families and closets with zeal and devotion . almighty god , ( e ) king of kings , and lord of lords , which by thy divine ordinance hast appointed temporal rulers to govern thy people , according to equity and justice , and to live among them as a loving father among his natural children , unto the advancement of the good , and punishment of the evil , we most humbly beseech thee favourably to behold edward thy servant , our king and governour , and to breath into his heart , through thy holy spirit , that wisdom , that is ever about the throne of thy majesty , whereby he may be provoked , moved , and stirred to love , fear and serve thee , to seek thy glory , to banish idolatry , superstition , and hypocrisy out of this his realm , and unfeignedly to avance thy holy and pure religion among us his subjects , unto the example of other forein nations . o lord defend him from his enemies , send him long and prosperous life among us , and give him grace not only in his own person , godly and justly to rule , but also to appoint such magistrates under him , as may be likewise affected both toward thy holy word , and toward the common-weal ; that his subjects living under his dominion in all godlinesse , peace and wealth , may passe the time of this our short pilgrimage in thy fear and service , unto the glory of thy blessed name , which alone is worthy all honour for ever and ever . amen . next after this , follows one prayer for the kings council . and after that , d a prayer for the common peace and quietnesse of all realms : very seasonable for our times . and in his e pomaunder of prayer , he hath this prayer of subjects or commons . as it is thy godly appointment , o lord god , f that some should bear rule in the world to see thy glory set forth , and the common peace kept , so is it thy pleasure again , that some should be subjects and inferiours to others in their vocation , although before thee there is no respect of persons . and for as much as it is thy good will , to appoint me in the number of subjects , i beseech thee to give me a faithfull and an obedient heart unto the high powers , that there may be found in me no disobedience , no vnfaithfullnesse , no treason , no falsehood , no dissimulation , no insurrection , no commotion , no conspiracy , nor any kind of rebellion in word or deed against the civil magistrates : but all faithfulnesse , quietnesse , subjection , humility , and whatsoever else becommeth a subject ; that i living her● g in all lowlynesse of mind , may at the last day , through thy favour be lifted up into everlasting glory , where thou , with the father and the holy ghost liv●st and reignest very god for ever . amen . these were the godly , loyal , fervent , daily publick and private prayers of protestant ministers and subjects for king edward the th . in that age. anno queen mary , a popish prince , succeeding king edward , set aside the book of common-prayer , and introduced popish m●ssals , processi●nals , howers , prim●rs , and popery again , wherein they publickly prayed for her in the forecited manner under our popish king● ; her zealous protestant bishops , ministers , and subjects likewise making ●ervent constant prayers for her : but some over-zealous , anabaptistical fanaticks using some unchristian expressions in their prayers against her , h that god would cut her off , and shorten her daies , of which there was complaint made in parliament ; whereupon there was this special act made against such prayers , anno . , & phil. & mar. ch . anno forasmuch as now of late diverse noughty , seditious , malicious , and heretical persons , not having the fear of god before their eyes ; who in a divellish sort , contrary to the duty of their allegiance , congregated themselves together in conventicles , in divers and sundry prophane places within the city of london , esteeming themselves to be in the true faith , where indeed they are in errors and heresies , and out of the true trade of christs catholick religion , and in the same places at several times using their phantastical and schismatical services , have of their most malicious and wicked stomachs prayed against the queens majesty , that god would turn her heart from idolatry to the true faith ( which was good and christian ) or else to shorten her daies , or take her quickly out of the way . which prayer was never heard or read to have been used by any good christian man , against any prince , though he were a pagan and infidel , and much lesse against any christian prince , and especially so virtuous a princess as our soveraign lady that now is , is known to be , &c. for reformation whereof it is enacted , that every such person and persons which since the beginning of this parliament have by expresse words and sayings , prayed , required or desired , or hereafter shall pray by express words or sayings , that god would shorten her daies , or take her out of the way ( whose life almighty god long preserve ) or any such like malicious prayer ▪ amounting to the same effect , their promoters & abetters therein , shall be taken , reputed and judged traytors , and every such praying , requiring and desiring , shall be judged , taken and reputed high treason . and the offendors therein , their procurours and abetters being thereof lawfully convict , according to the laws of this realm , shall have , suffer and forfeit as in cases of high treason . provided alwaies , and be it enacted , that if any person or persons shall be indicted for any the offences aforesaid , done and perpetrated during this session of this present parliament , and upon his or their arraignment , shall shew him or themselves penitent for their offence , and submit him or themselves to the kings and queens mercy , and humbly desire the same , before such justices or commissioners before whom he or they shall be arraigned , that then no judgement of conviction , or attaindour of treason , shall be given against any such person or persons , so being penitent and submitting themselves . and in every such case , the justices or commissioners before whom such person or persons shall be arraigned , shall have authority by virtue of this act , to prescribe , adjudge and appoint such corporal punishment , other than death , to such offender and offenders , as to them by their discretion shall seem convenient ; and upon that penance prescribed and done , to be discharged of the said treason , comprised in that judgement . these prayers were much against and directly contrary to the judgement of i archbishop cranmer , bishop farrer , bishop hooper , rowland taylor , john philpot , john bradford , edward crome , john rogers , laurence saunders , edward laurence , miles coverdale bishop of fxon , and other of our godly protestant bishops and ministers , who soon after suffered as martyrs ; they in their letter the . of may anno dom. . professing , that as obedient subjects we shall behave our selves towards queen mary , and all that be in authority , and not cease to pray to god for them , that he would govern them all , generally and particularly , with the spirit of wisdom and grace , and so we heartily desire , and humbly pray all men to do , in no point consenting to any kind of rebellion or sedition against our soveraign lady the queens highnesse : but where they cannot obey , but they must disobey god , there to submit themselves with all patience and humility , to suffer as the will and pleasure of the higher powers shall adjudge : as we are ready through the goodness of the lord , to suffer whatsoever they shall ●djudge us unto . and bishop hooper writ an apology against the slanderous report made of him , that he should encourage and maintain such as cursed qu. mary , printed . wherein his innocency and loyalty to the queen , in praying for her , are vindicated at large . in this parliament k there being a general opinion that queen mary was with child by king philip her husband , there was a special act made , that in case queen mary should die , during her childs minority , that king philip should have the education and protection of him : in which act , the lords spiritual and temporal , and commons assembled in parliament , have firm hopes and confidence by the goodnesse of almighty god , that he will of his infinite goodnesse give the queens majesty and highnesse strength , the rather by our continual prayers , so passe well the danger of deliverance of child , &c. upon this occasion , the popish bishops , clergy , and churchmen , made many processions , masses , collects and prayers , to be daily said in all churches for qu. maryes safe deliverance and her issue , recorded at large by mr. fox , where you may peruse them : in one of which prayers there were these expressions . give unto our queen thy servant , a little infant in fashion and body , comely and beautifull , in pregnant wit , notable and excellent . grant the same to be in obedience like abraham , in chastity and brotherly love like joseph , in meeknesse and mildnesse like moses , in strength and valour like sampson : let him be found faithfull as david , after thy heart ; let him be wise among kings , as the most wise solomon ; let him be like job , a simple and an upright man , fearing god and eschewing evil ; let him finally be garnished with the comlinesse of all virtuous conditions , and in the same let him wax old and live , that he may see his childrens children to the third and fourth generation . and give unto our soveraign lord and lady king philip , and queen mary , thy blessings , and long-life upon earth , and grant that of them may come kings and queens , which may stedfastly continue in faith , love and holinesse . and blessed be their seed of our god , that all nations may know , thou art only god in all the earth , which art bl●ssed for ever and ever . amen . anno after queen maries decease , anno . masses and popish prayers being again abolished , and the book of common prayer restored by the parliament of eliz. ch . . there were the same prayers publickly used for the queen , both in the letany and collects , as were formerly used for king edward ; and in sundry books dedicated to her majesty , and prayers published during her reign , there were many loyal and zealous prayers , supplications and intercessions , made to god for her long life and prosperous reign , over-tedious to recite at large , and vulgarly known ; and in all or most prayers , morning and evening , for private families and christians , there were special petitions to god for her majesty , some of them being printed with the bibles themselves , then in use ; and likewise at the end of most quarto bibles under king james , and king charles . i shall touch only upon some few presidents of many . anno in the . year of her reign , john veron , ( divinity lecturer at pauls ) in the close of his dedicatory epistle to her majestie , before his fruitfull treatise of predestination , prayes thus . christ jesus of his tender mercy and goodnesse , vouchsafe to defend and preserve your most gracious highnesse , from all your enemies , and with his holy spirit , so to fill , strengthen and comfort your princely heart , that ye may at all times boldly set forth his glory , and maintain it to your lives end . which the lord long continue to his honor. anno in the th . year of queen elizabeth , there was a collection of prayers in latin , intituled preces privatae , printed by william seres , and published by the queens special privilege and authority ; wherein not only the duty of subjects is set down , out of mat. . . rom. . tim. . , , . tit. . . & pet. . but these special prayers , psalms and hymnes made to god , to be used daily in private closets and families for the queen . domine pater coelestis , rex regum & dominus dominantium , omnium principum gubernator & rector , intimis votis te suppliciter quaesumus reginam nostram elizabetham , benigno vultu respicias , eique singulari gratia & spiritu sancto ità semper assistere digneris , ut voluntatem tu●m ubique exequatur , & secundum saluberimam normam mandatorum tuorum , omnem vitam transigat . accumul● in illam coel●stia tua dona , ut diu feliciter nobis imperet , hostes sortiter devincat , tandemque in coelesti gloria vivat in aeternum , qui vivis & regnas deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . amen . after which follow the same prayers for her in latin in the letany , as in the english letany in the book of common-prayer : and the same collects for her in latin , as for her and the king in english . then there ensue , psalmi selecti & peculiares pro rege vel regina , to wit , psalm , & , & . applyed to the king and queen litterally , with domine salvum fac regem , & exaudi nos in die in qua invocaverimus . after that precatio ad exemplum orationis salomonis , pro regina . domine deus qui serenissimam nostram reginam super nos regnare fecisti , eamque in medio populi tui , ut in aequitate nos regat & in cordis integritate subditos suos judicet constituisti : mitte illi quaeso de coelis sanctis tuis , & à sede majestatis tuae assistricem tuam sapientiam , ut ei semper adfit , & apud eam perpetuò refideat , ut sciat quod tibi acceptum sit . dies praetereà super dies ejus adjicito , eique tàm benignè principali tua gratia adesto , ut & in hac vita grata sint tibi opera ejus , & in futuro tecum regnet in omnem aeternitatem , per christum dominum et servatorem nostrum . amen . salvam fac domine reginam , nec unquam avertas faciem tuam ab ea . vitam longaevam tribus illi : et sub umbra tuarum alarum protege eam . amen . after these follow this prayer , pro christianis magistratibus . misericors deus ac coelestis pater , in cujus manu est omnis terrena potestas & magistratus , per te constitutos , ad supplicium malorum , & defensionem bonorum ; in cujus potenti dextera fita sunt omnia jura & leges imperatorum , te supplices oramus pro principe nostro , proque eis qui sunt ei à consiliis , & qui rempublicam administrant , ut gladium ipsis per te commissum , in side vera & timore dei rectè gerant , eoque pro tua voluntate & jussu utantur . obumbret eos virtus & sapientia altissimi . illuminet & conservet eos in amore dei divina tua gratia . da illis ô domine sapientiam & intellectum . concede quietam gubernationem , ut omnes subditos in veritate sidei , dilectione & justitia , quae tibi cordi sit , regant , & dicto audientes conservent . proroga ipsis dies vitae suae , et annos multos largire , ut prospera & laudata ipsorum functione , nomen tuum & sanctificetur & laudetur in omne aevum . amen . towards the end of the book follow certain latin prayers and graces to be used before and after meals , to which there is this conclusion added . gratiarum actiones à cibo , semper concludantur hac precatiuncula : deus servet ecclesiam , regem vel reginam custodiat , consiliarios ejus regat , populum universum tueatur , & pacem nobis donet perpetuam . amen . in imitation whereof this prayer was commonly used in all colleges , schools , hospitals , families throughout the realm , in their graces after every meal . god save his church , our king , queen , ( prince , the rest of the royal issue , when there were such living ) and realms . god send us peace in jesus christ our lord. am●n . the like prayers in english for the queen to be used in i● christian families , were published by john field , in his prayers and meditations for the use of private families , . the kings psalms , and queens prayers , . in christian private prayers by edw. deering . in the manuel of prayers , set out by iohn rogers , anno . in ●hristian prayers set out by henry bull , anno . in tho. sampsons prayers . with sundry others . but i shall close up all with bishop iewels prayer for the queens majesty , in his epistle to her prefixed to his apology of the church of england , printed . and after re-printed . god evermore enflame and direct your majesty with his holy spirit , that the zeal of his house may sincerely devour your gracious heart , that you may safely walk in the wayes of your father david , that you may utterly abandon all groves and hill-altars , that you may live an old mother in israel , that you may see an end of all distractions , and stablisht peace and unity in the church of god. amen . and with the prayer of doctor thomas bilson , in the close of his epistle to her majesty before his books of , the true difference between christian subjection and unchristian rebellion , ( a very learned and seasonable treatise , wherein he produceth * some testimonies of fathers praying for heretical and persecuting emperors . ) the king of kings and lord of lords bless and preserve your majesty ; and as he hath begun a good and glorious work in you , and in the realm by you , so continue the same by lightening you with his holy spirit , and defending you with his mighty arm , as he hath done from the day that he chose you to be the leader and guider of his people , that you may long keep them in truth and peace by the assistance of his grace , to the prayse of his glory , increase of the godly , and grief of his and your subjects . even so lord iesus . the clergy of england assembled in convocation , anno . the first year of king iames his reign , in their constitations and canons ecclesiastical then agreed upon by them , ratified and published by the kings authority under his great seal , did thus evidence to the world their loyalty to the king and his royal posterity . can. . as our duty to the kings most excellent majesty requireth , we first decree and ordain , that the arc●bishop of canterbury , ( from time to time ) all bishops of this province , or deans , archdeacons , vicars , and all other ecclesiastical persons , shall faithfully keep and observe , and ( as much as in them lyeth ) shall cause to be observed and kept of others , all and singular laws and statutes made for the restoring to the crown of this kingdom , the antient jurisdiction over the state ecclesiastical , and abolishing of all forein power repugant to the same . furthermore , all ecclesiastical persons having cure of souls , and all other preachers , and readers of divinity lectures , shall to the uttermost of their wit , knowledge and learning , purely and sincerely ( without any colour or dissimulation ) teach , manifest , open , and declare four times every year ( at the least ) in their sermons and other collations and lectures , that all usurped and forein power , ( forasmuch as the same hath no establishment nor ground by the law of god ) is for most just causes taken away and abolished : and that therefore no manner of obedience and subjection within his majesties realms and dominions , is due unto any such forein power : but that the kings power within his realms of england , scotland and ireland , and other his dominions and countries , is the highest power vnder god , to whom all men as well inhabitants as born within the same , do by gods laws owe most loyalty and obedience , afore and above all other powers and potentates in the earth . canon ii. impugners of the kings supremacy censured . whosoever shall hereafter affirm , that the kings majesty hath not the ●ame authority in causes ecclesiastical , that the godly kings had among the jews , and christian emperours in the primitive church , or impeach in any part his regal supremacy in the said causes restored to the crown , and by the laws of this realm therein established , let him be excommunicated ipso facto , and not restored but only by the archbishop after his repentance and publick revocation of those his wicked errors . canon xxxvi . subscription required of all such who are to be made ministers . no person shall hereafter be received into the ministry , nor either by institution or collation admitted to any ecclesiastical living , nor suffered to preach , to chatechize , or to be a lecturer , or reader of divinity in either universities , or in any cathedral or collegiate church , city , or market-town , parish-church , chapel , or in any other place within this realm , except he be licenced by the archbishop , or by the bishop of the diocesse , ( where he is to be placed ) under their hands and seal , or by one of the two universities under their seal likewise , and except he shall first subscribe to these three articles following , in such manner and sort as we have here appointed . . that the kings majesty under god , is the only supreme governour of this realm , and of all other his highnesse dominions and countries , aswell in all spiritual or ecclesiastical things or causes , as temporal : and that no forein prince , person , prelate , state , or potentate , have or ought to have jurisdiction , power , superiority , preeminence , or authority ecclesiastical or spiritual , within his majesties said realms , dominions and countreys , &c. and can. . they prescribed this form of prayer to be used by them in their prayers before all their ser-lectures , and homilies . and herein i require you , most especially to pray for the kings most excellent majesty our soveraign lord charles , king of england , scotland , france and ireland , desendor of the faith , and supreme governour in these his realms , and all other his dominions and countries , over all persons , in all causes , aswell ecclesiastical as temporal . ye shall also pray for the kings most honourable councel , and for all the nobility and magistrates of this realm , that all and every of these in their several callings , may serve truly and painfully to the glory of god , and the edifying and well governing of his people , remembring the account that they must make . also ye shall pray for the whole commons of this realm , that they may live in true faith and fear of god , in humble obedience to the king , and brotherly charity one to another . which all ministers and preachers duly observed ; usually adding this clause thereunto ; that god out of his infinite mercy , would grant so to bl●sse the kings majestie , and his royal issue with a perpetual posterity , that there might never want a man of that royal race to sway the scepter of these realms , so long as the sun and moon should endure , and till all scepters and kingdoms should be resigned at the last day into the hands of jesus christ , the king of kings . anno the lords spiritual , temporal and commons of the realm of england , assembled in parliament , in the first year of king james , do thus expresse and declare their own and the whole kingdoms unspeakeable joys , acclamations and thanksgivings unto god , and their own and their posterities signal loyalty , affection , and devotion to king james , his heirs and royal progeny for ever , in the statute of jacobi ch . . intituled , a most joyfull and just recognition , of the immediate , lawfull , and undoubted succession , descent and right of the crown . great and manifold were the benefits ( most dread and most gracious soveraign ) wherewith almighty god blessed this kingdom and nation , by the happy union and conjunction of the two nobles houses of york and lancaster , thereby preserving this noble realm , formerly ●orn and almost wasted with long and miserable dissention and bloodie civil war. but more inestimable and unspeakable blessings are thereby powred upon us , because there i● derived and grown from and out of that union of those two princely families , a more famous and greater union , ( or rather a re-uniting ) of two mighty , famous , and antient kingdoms , ( yet antiently but one ) of england and scotland , under one imperial crown , in your most royal pers●n , who is lineally , rightfully , and lawfully descended of the body of the most excellent lady margaret , eldest daughter of the most renowned king henry the th . and the high and noble princesse queen elizabeth his wife , eldest daughter of king edward the th . the said lady margaret being eldest sister of king henry the th . father of the high and mightie princesse of famous memorie , elizabeth late queen of england . in consideration whereof , albeit we your majesties loyal and faithfull subjects of all estates and degrees , with all possible publike ioy and acclamation , by open proclamations within few houres after the decease of our late soveraign queen , acknowledging thereby , with one full voice of tongue and heart , that your majesty was our only , lawfull and rightfull leige lord and soveraign , and by our unspeakable and general rejoycing , and applause at your majesties most happy inauguration , and coronation : by the affectionate desire of infinite numbers of us of all degrees , to see your royal person , and by all possible outward means have indeavoured to make demonstration of our inward love , zeal , and devotion to your most excellent majestie , our undaubted rightfull leige soveraign lord and king : yet , as we cannot do it too often or enough , so can there be no means or way , so fit both to sacrifice our unfeined and heartie thanks to almighty god , for blessing us with a soveraign , adorned with the rarest gifts of mind and body , in such admirable peace and quietnesse , and upon the knees of our hearts to agnize our most constant faith , obedience , and loyalty to your majestie , and your royal progenie , as in this high court of parliament , where all the whole body of the realm , and every particular member thereof , either in person or representation ( upon their own free elections ) are by the laws of this realm , deemed to be personally present . to the present acknowledgment whereof to your majestie , we are the more deeply bounden and obliged , as well in regard of the extraordinarie care and pains , which with so great wisdom , knowledge , experience , and dexteritie , your majestie ( since the imperial crown of this realm descended to you ) have taken for the continuance and establishment of the blessed peace both of the church of england in the true and sincere religion , and of the common-wealth , by due and speedy administration of justice , as in respect of the gracious care and inward aff●ction , which it pleased you on the first day of this parliament so lively to expresse by your own words , so full of high wisdom , learning , and virtue , and so repleate with royal and thankfull acceptation of all our faithfull and constant endeavours , which is ▪ and ever will be to our inestimable consolation and comfort . we therefore your most humble and loyal subjects , the lords spiritual and temporal , and the commons in this present parliament assembled , do from the bottom of our hearts , yield to the divine majestie , all humble thanks and prayses , not only for the said unspeakable , and inestimable benefits , and blessings above mentioned , but also that he hath further enriched your highnesse with a most royal progenie , of most rare , and excellent gifts and forwardnesse , and in his goodnesse is like to increase the happy number of them . and in most humble and lowly manner , do beseech your most excellent majestie , that ( as a memorial to all posterities , amongst the records of your high court of parliament for ever to endure , of our loyalty , obedience , and harty and humble affection ) it may be published and declared in this high court of parliament , and enacted by authority of the same , that we ( being bounden thereunto , both by the laws of god and man ) do recognize and acknowledge , ( and thereby expresse our unspeakable ioyes ) that immediately upon the dissolution and decease of elizabeth late queen of england , the imperial crown of the realm of england , and of all the kingdoms , dominions , and rights belonging to the same , did by inherent birthright , and lawfull and undoubted successien , descend and come to your most excellent majestie , as being lineally , iustly and lawfully , next and sole heir of the blood royal of this realm , as is aforesaid . and that by the goodnesse of god almighty , and lawfull right of descent , under one imperial crown , your majestie is of the realms and kingdoms of england , scotland , france , and ireland , the most potent and migh●y king , and by gods goodnesse , more able to protect , and govern us your loving subjects , in all peace and plentie , than any of your noble progenitors . and thereunto we most humbly , and faithfully do submit , and oblige our selves , our heirs and posterities for ever , until the last drop of our bloods be spent , and do beseech your majestie to accept the same , as the first fruits in this high court of parliament , of our loyalty and faith to your majestie and your royal progenie , and posterity for ever . which if your majestie shall be pleased ( as an argument of your gracious acceptation ) to adorn with your majesties royal assent , ( without which , it can neither be complete and perfect , nor remain to all posteritie according to our most humble desire , as a memorial of your princely and tender affection towards us ) we shall adde this also to the rest of your majesties unspeakable and inestimable benefits . in which act there are these particulars , very seasonable and observable , in respect of the present posture of our publike affairs . . that the happy union and conjunction of our divided kingdoms , formenly torn and wasted , with long and miserable dissentions and bloody civil wars , between competitors for the crown , and the king and subjects , is a great and unspeakable benefit and blessing to the kingdom and nation , bestowed on them by god himself . . that the re-uniting not only of the two , but three mighty , famous and antient kingdoms of england , scotland and ireland , under one imperial crown , and heredirary king , is a far more inestimable and unspeakable blessing to all . kingdoms and nations . . that there is no interregnum in law in the realm and crown of england , but that immediately upon the decease of the king thereof ; the imperial crown of the realm of england , and of all the kingdoms , dominions , and rights belonging to the same , do by inherent birth-right , and lawfull and undoubted succession , lineally , justly , and lawfully descend to the next heir of the blood royal , before he be publikely crowned king. a● this act in direct terms declares , and a all the judges of england , unanimously adjudged in the case of watson , and cleark , . popish priests , ( who held king james no lawfull king , before he was crowned , and thereupon conspired to imprison him in the tower , &c. for which they were both condemned and executed as traytors ) hill. . jacobi ; as had been oft adjudged before in the first . years of king h. . and in the cases of queen jane , the dukes of northumberland and suffolk , the lord rochford , sir john gates , sir , thomas palmer and others , condemned , in levying war against her , and executed mariae , for treason against qu. mary , before she was crowned , to deprive her of the crown ; which both the peers and judges of the realm , and the parliament of mariae , ch . . adjudged treason within e. . against the mistaken doctrine of mr. thomas scot , and some temporizing lawyers of late years . . that it is the duty and practice of all loyal and faithfull subjects , of all estates and degrees , with all possible publike joyes , unspeakable general rejoycings , acclamations , applauses , affectionate desires , & by other means to proclaim , acknowledge and crown their lawfull hereditary kings , after the decease of their ancestors , and to make all possible demonstrations of their cordial loyalty , love , zeal and affection to them both in and out of parliment , being obliged thereunto both by the laws of god and man. . that this act of parliament , and the oathes of supremacy and allegiance , do both in point of law , loyalty , justice , conscience , oblige the whole english nation , their heirs and posterities for ever , to be true , faithfull , loyal and obedient to king james , his heirs and poste●itie for ever , ( and so to our present king ) till the last drop of their blood be spent , as to their undoubted , lawfull , and hereditary kings and soveraigns . . that a numerous hopefull royal progeny , likely to continue and perpetuate the hereditarie succession of the crown in the true regal line , is an extraordinarie blessing and happinesse to the kingdom , for which they are all bound both in and out of parliament , to render all humble thanks and praises unto god. to this i shall subjoyn the statute of iacoli , ch . . entituled , an act for a publick thanksgiving to almighty god every year , on the fifth day of november . forasmuch as almightie god hath in all ages shewed his power and mercy , in the miraculous and gracious deliverance of his church , and in the protection of religious kings and states : and that no nation of the earth hath been blessed with greater benefits than this kingdom now enjoyeth , having the true and free profession of the gospel under our most gracious soveraign lord king iames , the most great , learned and religious king that ever reigned therein , enriched with a most hopefull and plentifull progeny , proceeding out of his royal loyns , promising continuance of this happinesse and profession to all posterity : the which many malignant and devillish papists , iesuites and seminary priests much envying and fearing , conspired most horribly , when the kings most excellent majesty , the queen , the prince , and all the lords spiritual and temporal , and commons should have been assembled in the upper house of parliament upon the fifth day of november in the year of our lord . suddenlie to have blown up the said whole house with gunpowder ; an invention so inhuman , barbarous and cruel , as the like was never before heard of , and was ( as some of the principal conspirators thereof confesse ) purposely devised and concluded to be done in the said house , that where the sundry necessarie and religious laws for preservation of the church and state were made , which they falsly and slanderously term cruel laws : enacted against them and their religion , both place and persons should be all destroyed and blown up at once , which would have turned to the utter ruine of this whole kingdom , had it not pleased almighty god , by inspiring the kings most excellent majestie with a divine spirit , to interpret some dark phrases of a letter shewed to his majestie , above and beyond all ordinarie construction , thereby miraculously discovering this hidden treason not many hours before the appointed time for the execution thereof : therefore the kings most excellent majestie , the lords spiritual and temporal , and all his majesties faithfull and loving subjects , do most justly acknowledge this great and infinite blessing to have proceeded merely from god his great mercy , and to his most holy name do ascribe all the honour , glory and praise . and to the end this unfeigned thankfulnesse may never be forgotten , but be had in perpetual remembrance , that all ages to come may yield praise to his divine majesty for the same , and have in memorie this ioyfull day of deliuerance . be it therefore enacted by the kings most excellent majestie , the lords spiritual and temporal , and the commons in this present parliament assembled , and by the authoritie of the same , that all and singular ministers in everie cathedral and parish-church , or other usual place of common prayer within this realm of england , and the dominions of the same , shall alwaies upon the fifth day of november , say morning prayer , and give unto almighty god thanks for this most happy deliverance . and that all and everie person and persons inhabiting within this realm of england , and the dominions of the same , shall alwaies upon that day diligentlie and faithfullie resort to the parish church or chapel accustomed , or to some usual church or chapel where the said morning prayer , preaching , or other service of god shall be used , and then and there to abide orderlie and soberlie during the time of the said prayers , preaching , or other service of god there to be used and ministred . and because all and everie person may be put in mind of this dutie , and be the better prepared to the said holy service , be it enacted by authoritie aforesaid , that every minister shall give warning to his parishioners publikelie in the church at morning prayer , the sunday before everie such fifth day of november , for the due observation of the said day . and that after morning prayer or preaching upon the said fifth day of november , they read publicklie , distinctlie , and plainlie this present act. upon this occasion there was a special book of prayers and thanksgivings , compiled by the bishops and clergy , prescribed by authority to be annually read in all churches and chapels , on the th . of november , wherein ( amongst others ) there were four remarkable prayers and thanksgivings relating to the king , queen , prince , all the royal posterity , nobility , and magistrates , which i shall here insert . i. almighty god , who hast in all ages shewed thy power and mercy , in the miraculous and gracious deliverances of thy church , and in the protection of righteous and religious kings , and states , professing thy holy and eternal truth , against the wicked conspiracies , and malicious practises of all the enemies thereof : we yield unto thee from the very ground of our hearts all possible praise and thanks for the wonderfull , and mighty deliverance of our gracious soveraign king iames , the queen , the prince , and all the royal branches , with the nobility , clergy , and commons of this realm assembled together in parliament , by popish treachery appointed as sheep to the slaughter , and that in most barbarous and savage manner , no age yielding example of the like cruelty intended towards the lords anointed , and his people . can this thy goodness o lord , be forgotten , worthy to be written in a pillar of marble , that we may ever remember to praise thee for the same , as the fact is worthy a lasting monument , that all posteritie may learn to detest it ? from this unnatural conspiracy , not our merit , but thy mercy , not our foresight , but thy providence hath delivered us , not our love to thee , but thy love to thy anointed servant , and thy poor church , with whom thou hast promised to be present to the end of the world . and therefore not unto us , not unto us , lord , but to thy name be ascribed all honour and glorie in all churches of the saints , throughout all generations : for thou lord hast discovered the snares of death , thou hast broken them , and we are delivere●d ; be thou still our mighty protector , and scatter our cruel enemies , which delight in blood : infatuate their counsel , and root out their babylonish and antichristian sect , which say of ierusalem , down with it , even to the ground . and to that end strengthen the hands of our gracious king , the nobles and magistrates of the land with iudgement and iustice , to cut off these workers of iniquity , ( whose religion is rebellion , whose faith is faction , whose practise is murthering of souls and bodies ) and to root them out of the confines and limits of this kingdom , that they may never prevail against us , and triumph in the ruine of thy church : and give us grace by true and serious repentance , to avert these and the like judgements from us . this lord we earnestlie crave at thy mercifull hands , together with the countenance of thy powerfull protection over our dread soveraign , the whole church , and these realms , and the speedie confusion of our implacable enemies , and that for thy dear sons sake , our onlie mediator and advocate . ii. almighty god and , heavenly father , which of thy everlasting providence and tender mercy towards us , hast prevented the extreme malice and mischievous imagination of our ensmies , revealing and confounding their horrible and devilish enterprise plotted against our soveraign lord the king , his royal house , and the whole state of this realm , for the subversion thereof , together with the truth of thy gospel and pure religion amongst us , and for the reducing of popish superstition and tyranny into this church and land : we most humbly prayse and magnifie thy glorious name , for thine infinite gracious goodnesse in this our marvelleus deliverance ; we confesse it was and is thy mercy , thy mercy alone , ( most mercifull father ) that we are not consumed , that their snare is broken , and our soul is escaped . for our sins cryed to heaven against us , and our iniquities justly called for judgement upon us : but thy great mercy towards us hath exalted it self above judgement , not to deal with us after our sins , to give us over ( as we deserved ) to be a prey to our enemies , but taking our correction into thine own hands , to deliver us from their blood-thirsty malice , and preserve from death and destruction our king and state , with thy gospel and true religion amongst us : good lord give us true repentance , and unfeigned conversion unto thee , to prevent further judgements : increase us more and more in lively faith and fruitfull love in all obedience , that thou mayest continue thy loving favour with the light of thy gospol , to us and our posterity for evermore . make us now and alwaies truely thankfull in heart , word and deed , for all thy gracious mercies , and this our special deliverance . protect and defend our soveraign lord the king , with the queen and all the royal progeny , from all treasons and conspiracies , preserve them in thy faith , fear and love , under the shadow of thy wings against all evil and wickednesss , prosper their reign with long happinesse on earth , and everlasting glory following in the kingdom of heaven . bless the whole state and realm with grace and peace , that with one heart and mouth we may praise thee in thy church , and alwaies sing joyfully , that thy mercifull kindness is ever more and more towards us , and the truth of the lord endureth for ever , through jesus christ our only saviour and redeemer , amen . iii. eternal god , and our most mighty protector , we thy people of this land , confesse our selves , above all the nations of the earth , infinitely bound unto thy heavenly majesty for thy many unspeakable benefits conferred and heaped upon us , especially for planting thy gospel among us , and placing over us a most gracious king , a faithfull professor and defendor of the same ; both which exasperate the enemies of true religion , and enrage their thoughts to the invention of most dreadfull designs : all which notwithstanding it hath pleased thee hitherto , either to prevent or overthrow : at this time principally thou hast most strangely discovered an horrible and cruel plot and device , for the m●ssacring as well of thy dear servant and our dread soveraign , as of the chief states assembled in thy fear , for the continuance of thy truth and good of this realm . we humbly present our selves at thy feet , admiring thy might and wisedom , and acknowledging thy grace and favour , in preserving them and the whole realm by their safety : beseeching thee for thy son iesus christ his sake to continue still thy care over us , and ●o shield our gracious king under the shadow of thy wings , that no mischievous attempt may come near , nor the sons of wickednesse may hurt him , but that under him we may still enioy this his peaceable government , with the profession of the gospel of thy son iesus christ , to whom with thee and the holy ghost , &c. iv. o god , infinit in power and of endless mercy , we give thee all possible thanks , since it hath pleased thee so miraculously to discover , and defeat the mischievous plots of thine and our enemies : thou hast delivered our dread soveraign from the snares of the fowler , and his nobles from the fire of the fury of the wicked : he shall rejoyce in thy salvation , and we his people shall tryumph in this thy wonderfull deliverance , thy gospel shall prosper , and thine adversaries shall be confounded . and multiply ( good lord ) we beseech thee , thy great goodnesse towards our gracious king , and his kingdoms , from this time forth , through jesus christ our lord , amen . after this deliverance from this horrid powder-plot , there were these . forms of prayers used in the commons house by the speak●rs during the parliaments session , very seasonable for our times , wherein they expressed their loyalty and devotion to the king and his royal progeny . a prayer used by the speaker of the commons house of parliament . i. o god , most great and glorious , which dwellest in the heavens over all , yet humblest thy self to behold the things that are done upon the earth : we , the people and sheep of thy pasture , assembled by thy providence , to the performance of this high service , whereupon the honour of thy name , the beauty of thy church amongst us , the g●ory of the king , and wealth of our state doth depend , knowing , that without thee , we can do nothing : do , at this time , with fear and reverence , in the beginning of our consultations , first look up unto thee ( from whom wisedom and happie successe doth come ) praying thee to look down upon us , who first look up unto thee ( from whom wisdom and happie successe doth come ) praying thee , to look down from heaven upon us with the eye of thy mercy ; to draw near unto us with the presence of thy grace : to prepare us all with counsel and understanding ; and to be president , and director of all our conferences : that those things may be propounded , conceived , allowed , and confirmed , which may best please thee , and most directlie and soundly uphold the honour of thy name , the s●nceritie of thy worship ; the safety of our king ; and peace of thy people : even for thy son our lords sake . and that we may not our selves , be any hinderance to the obtaining of these our defires , either by means of any sin formerly committed , or of any corruption yet remaining in us : we humblie pray thee , to forgive our sins , and blot out all our iniquities : and to stand reconciled unto us , in an everlasting covenant of peace , as if we had never sinned against thee . and , because our hearts by nature are not fit for good cogitations ; create a new heart , and renew a right spirit in us : remove far from us all vain-glorious humour of advancing our private profit , all envious humour of disgracing other mens gifts , all malicious humour of hurting anie mans person : and ( finally ) all froward humour of opposing our selves , against just , needfull , and godly things , by whomsoever propounded . furnish us with knowledge , wisedom , and zeal , by sending down thy spirit into our hearts , that we may understand , discern , prefer , and set forward all things tending to the advancement of thy glorie , and such as may be thought worthie our assent and furtherance . and , because all good things are not of equal goodness , nor all needfull things of equal necessitie : let our care and zeal be equallie proportioned to the degrees of things in goodnesse and necessitie different . and therefore , first , make us carefull of the glory of thy name ( which is the high end of all thy counsels and works , and ought to be the last , and first respect of all our purposes and doings ) and therein , let our especial care be , to provide for the continuance of thy word , and religious practice of thy worship by the ministery and means that christ hath planted in his church : next , let the good of this whole island move our care and zeal ; which consisting in the safety and honour of the king , and the enacting and executing of good laws ; let us be wisely carefull , and faithfully zealous for the person of our king , whom thou the king of kings hast in mercy set over us . and because no law can be good , that is not agreeable to thy law , which containeth the fundamental equity of all laws : in making laws to govern thy people , let us alwaies have an eye unto thy law , not digressing from the holy equity thereof : and what through thy mercy , we shall here profitably enact , we pray thee , through the whole kingdom it may be truly executed , that our great labour may not be disgraced with little fruit . and forasmuch as we all and every one of us have , in this place , with wonder and astonishment , and without any merit of ours , found a most evident assurance of thy mercy and goodnesse , in a miraculous deliverance from the greatest danger , by popish treachery that ever was attempted or threatned , towards our king , our state and us : give us ( good lord ) hearts above the hearts of men , to offer unto thee in the same place , a daily sacrifice of thanksgiving in the highest measure ; together with a servent and incessant zeal , care , and diligence in all our proceedings , for the setling of the peace and happy estate of thy church amongst us : the preservation of our king ; his royal progeny ; our selves , and our posterity : and for the preventing , suppressing , and final rooting out of the spring , issue , and fruit of all such hellish and popish hearts , intentions , and practices : to the everlasting praise and glory of thy blessed name . hear us , we pray thee ( o father of mercy ) in these our most humble and needfull petitions : forgive and answer us , according to thy fatherly and great goodnesse , for jesus christ his sake , to whom with thee and the holy ghost , three persons , and one god , be all praise , glory , and power , now , and forever , amen . a prayer for the parliament , used also in the house ii. almighty god , which by thy holy prophet david art most truly said , to stand in the congregation of princes , and givest judgement in the midst of the mighty men of the world , and through whom princes do reign , law-makers do discern just things , lords bear rule , and all judges of the earth execute judgement , and for that cometh of thee all counsel and equity , all understanding and strength : grant unto us here gathered together in thy name , that wisdom which is alwaies assistant to thy seat , to give knowledge to our feeble and ignorant minds . send down ( we beseech thee ) the same wisdom out of thy holy heavens , and from the throne of thy majesty , that is may be now with us , and labour with us , whereby we surely knowing what is acceptable unto thee , may be led through it to the debating , weighing and final determining of those matters , by the which thy blessed name may be glorified , thy catholick church of england . confirmed and increased , the kings assurance established , the common tranquillity of this realm safely maintained , and last of all , all estates and people thereof , in true obedience and charity united and knit together . grant this , o god , for thy only sons sake jesus christ our lord , amen . in the lords house , the collects and prayers in the common prayer book and letany for the king , queen , prince , and royal posterity , with other prayers were daily used by the bishops , and peers during their session . to mention all the particular prayers for the king , queen , and royal posterity , comprised in books of private prayers and devotion ( as the practice of piety , and the like ) and * epistles dedicatory , perfixed to hundreds of b●oks , and sermons , dedicated to king james , by bishops , ministers , and others of all sorts , and in usual graces before and after meals , would be both infinite , and nauseous , being commonly known , and obvious to all , and therefore i shall wholy pretermit them , the substance of them being comprised in those prayers already mentioned . anno i shall now proceed to the reign of our late king charles ; who as he had constant supplications and prayers made for him in all cathedral and parish churches , chapels , colledges , most private families , and in our parliaments themselves , by name , during all king james his reign , as duke of york and prince of wales ; so after his comming to the crown march . . till january . he had the like publike and private prayers , intercessions , and supplications , made for him throughout his . realms , as king , and for his queen and royal posteritie , not only by our preaching ministers , in their prayers before their sermons , and by most others in their morning and evening family and closet prayers , & graces before or after meales , as our own experience attests , but likewise these special set prayers , petitions and collects in our letany , and common prayer book , which i shall here transcribe , because almost quite forgotten , by above . whole years discontinuance in most churches & families too . in the publike l●tany , ordered to be read thrice every week , or oftener upon occasion , there are these several prayers , and petitions to god , that it would please thee to keep and strengthen in the true worshipping of thee , in righteousnesse and holinesse of life , thy servant charles , our most gracious king and governor . that it may please thee to rule his heart in thy faith , fear and love ; and that he may evermore have affiance in thee , and ever seek thy honour and glory . that it may please thee , to be his defender and keeper , giving him the victory over all his enemies . that it may please thee to blesse and preserve our gratious queen mary , prince charles , and the rest of the royal issue . after every of which several prayers , and supplications , all the people severally answered ; we beseech thee to hear us good lord. after which followed these two prayers , for the kings majestie , the queen , prince and royal issue , and read twice every day in most places . o god our heavenly father , high and mighty , king of kings , and lord of lords , the only ruler of princes , which dost from thy throne behold all the dwellers upon earth , most heartily we beseech thee with thy favour to behold our most gracious soveraign lord king charles ; and so replenish him with the grace of thy holy spirit , that he may alwaies incline to thy will , and walk in thy way ; endue him plentifully with heavenly gifts , grant him in health and wealth * long to live , strengthen him that he may vanquish and overcome all his enemies ; and finally , after this life , he may attain everlasting joy and felicity , through jesus christ our lord , amen . almighty god , the father of thine elect and of their seed ( which bishop laud changed into , the fountain of all goodnesse ) we humbly beseech thee to blesse our gracious queen mary , prince charles , and the rest of the royal issue : endue them with thy holy spirit , enrich them with thy heavenly grace , prosper them with all happinesse , and bring them to thine everlasting kingdom , through jesus christ our lord , amen . in the prayer for the whole estate of christs church , there is this clause , relating to kings in general , and king charles in particular . we beseech thee also to save and defend all christian kings , princes , and governors , and specially thy servant charles our king , that under him we may be godly , and quietly governed . when these prayers and collects with the book of common-prayer , were suspended , by the directory of the publike worship of god , in most places throughout the , kingdoms of england , scotland , and ireland , printed by order of both houses , martii . yet the substance of them was still continued by the very directory it self , during the heat of the late wars , between the king and parliament : witnesse p. , . of publike prayer before the sermon , wherein all ministers are directed , to pray for all in authority , especially for the kings majesty , that god would make him rich in blessings , both in person and government , establish his throne in religion and righteousnesse , save him from all evil counsel , and make him a blessed and glorious instrument for the conservation and propagation of the gospel , for the encouragement and protection of those that do well , and the terror of all that do evil , and the great good of the whole church , and of all his kingdoms , for the conversion of the queen , the religious education of the prince , and the rest of the royal seed , for the comforting of the afflicted queen of bohemia , sister to our soveraign , and for the restitation and establishment of the illustrious prince charls , elector palatine , ( much more then now of our illustrious long-exiled king charles ) to all his dominions and dignities . to pretermit all prayers made for king charles , in epistles perfixed to hundreds of books , of all sorts , dedicated to him whiles prince of wales , and king of england , scotland , and ireland ; i shall conclude only with . short prayers of this nature , in . of our learnedest late deceased antiquaries dedicatory epistles to his majesty , being of . several professions . the first is mr. john seldens , in the cloze of his dedicatory epistle to his mare clausum , londini . inexuperabilem tibi felicitatem , sanctissima illa majestas , quae tuae ●rchetypa est , praestet conservetque . the . is sir henry spelmans in the end of his dedicatory epistle before the first tome of his councils londini . dei vicario , ecclesiae nutricio , fidei defensori carolo , dei gratia magnae britaniae , franciae , & hiberniae regi , &c. magno , pio , augustissimo , deus optimus maximus , regiam vestram majestatem , sobolemque serenissimum , ecclesiae et britaniis imperpetuum sospitet beatissime . the , is , most learned , renowned and pious archbishop vsher , who thus winds up his epistle to king charls , perfixed to his britannicarum ecclesiarum antiquitates , dublini , . deus optimus maximus , regum suorum custos et vindex , vitam tibi det prolixam , imperium sccurum , domum tutam , exercitus fortes ▪ senatum fidelem , populum probum ; * veteris ecclesiae pro imperatoribus suis vota haec solemnia , pro tua et tuorum salute redintegrat et toto animi affectu numini divino nuncupat , serenissimae tuae majestatis servus humilimus , iacobus armachanus . the very next day after the most illegal trial , condemnation and bloody execution of our late soveraign lord king charles by that prodigy of lawyers john bradshaw , and his assessors , in the new created high court of injustice , against the a votes and protests of the secluded lords , and secured commons , one of the then secured members ( out of his loyalty to his majesty , and his royal heir and successor whose rights he strenuously asserted in his speech in the house , for which he was seized and imprisoned by the army dec. . . ) at his own charge printed , . of the ensuing b proclamations , which he caused to be sent to most sheriffs and may●rs throughout england and wales , and some of them to be pasted up at westminster , and elsewhere in and about london , notwithstanding the anti-parliamentary , and antimonarchical junctoes strict proclamation to the contrary , under pain of high treasons and the most capital punishments ; which deterred others both from crowning and proclaiming their hereditary soveraign , according to their former oathes , covenants , and printed remonstrances . a proclamation proclaiming charles prince of vvales , king of great britain , france and ireland . wee the noblemen , iudges , knights , lawyers , gentlemen , free-holders , marchants , citizens , yeomen , seamen , and other freemen of england , doe , according to our allegiance and covenant , by these presents heartily , joyfully and unanimously acknowledge and proclaim the illustrious charles prince of wales , next heir of the blood royal to his father king charles ( whose late wicked and trayterous murther we doe from our souls abominate , and all parties and consenters thereunto ) to be by hereditary birthright , and lawfull succession , rightfull and undoubted king of great britain , france and ireland , and the dominions thereunto belonging . and that we will faithfully , constantly and sincerely , in our several places and callings , defend and maintain his royal person , crown and dignity with our estates , lives , and last drop of our bloods , against all opposers thereof ; whom we do hereby declare to be traytors and enemies to his majestie and his kingdoms . in testimony whereof , we have caused these to be published and proclaimed throughout all counties and corporations of this realm , the first day of february , in the first year of his majesties raign . god save king charles the second . this short ejaculatorie prayer and acclamation god save the king , subjoyned to this proclamation , was not only used at the corouations , tryumphs , and publick receptions in cities , colleges , villages , corporations , of all our own , & forein kings , as i have elswhere touched ; but constantlie annexed at the end all our statutes at large , printed after everie session of parliament from h. . till caroli , and at the close of all our kings , & queens publick d proclamations , yea ecchoed out by our sheriffs , heralds , cryers , officers , who proclaimed them , and by the generalitie of the people present at such proclamations ; and it was likewise constantlie used by all cryers of all publick co●rts of iustice , assises , s●ssions of the peace , eyres and gaol deliveries upon sundrie occasions , yea by everie malefactor , acquitted or admitted to his clergie , who usually cry'd , god save the king ; neither could our kings enter into anie citie , town , village , college , school , or house within their dominions , but their ears were silled with the joyfull sound of this prayer and loyal acclamation . which c●stom i trust will gr●w into common practice again , after its over-long dis-continuance , through the treacherie , and disloyalty of those who above all others had most obliged themselves to continue it , by their respective old oftreiterated oaths of fealty , homage , supremacy , allegiance , iustices , maiors , recorders , serjeants at law , freemen ; & their new protestations , solemn national league and covenant , commissions , trusts , offices , callings ; obliging them both in point of conscience and dutie to bear faith and true allegiance to the kings majesty , his heirs and lawfull successors , and to maintain and defend his and their persons , crowns , and all jurisdictions rights , privileges , and royal prerogatives , united , annexed and belonging to the imperial crown of their realms , against all powers , persons , invasions , plots and conspiracies whatsoever , without any apostacy , defection or detestable neutrality . which i hope they will now at last remember so far as to expiate all former violations of them , by their future sincere , cordial , constant , inviolable observations , by their dailie publick and private fervent prayers , supplications , intercessions , thanksgivings , to god for his majesties restitution , long life , and prosperous reign ; and by ●cchoing out this usual acclamation upon all occasions , according to its pristine frequent use throughout our realms and dominions . i have thus at large by histories , records and presidents of all times & sorts , ( to which sundrie more might be accumulated ) irrefragably evidenced the constant un-interrupted practical loyaltie of our christian predecessors , in making publick and private supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings for our christian kings in this island , whether of the british , sax●n , english , danish , norman , or scotish race , and for their queens , their royal posterity , and kingdoms , in their publick and private devotions , and in their epistles , addresses , and dedications to them ; to the inrent they may now at last excite , encourage , provoke , and enflame our degenerated disloyal , undutifull , men-fearing , time-serving generation conscienciously to revive , and constantlie to practise this long neglected christian dutie , as being the principal means prescribed by god himself , and pu●sued by his saints in all ages , to produce that publick peace , unitie , prosperitie and settlement which we h●●e all so long expected and longed for , but could never yet obtain by anie carnal policies , fastings , humiliations , prayers , since we gave over this enjoyned d●ty , and can never probably hope for , much lesse actually enjoy , till we return to the cordial un-interrupted performance thereof , and to our pristine allegiance , loyaltie , obedience and subjection to our undoubted hereditary soveraign lord and king , according to our multiplyed oaths , protestations , covenant , the laws both of god and the land , the only rules of our consciences and practises , both as christians and subjects . and if all these with the precedent and subsequent presidents , scriptures , examples , authorities , our own present pressures , dissentions , confusions , decay of trade , hopes of settlement , peace and prosperity , will not perswade our whole . kingdoms to this their bounden duty , that black character which the apostle gives to the obstinate hard-hearted jews , upon whom wrath was come to the uttermost , will be ours too , thes . . . who both killed the lord jesus christ ( their king ) and their own prophets , and have persecuted us , and they please not god , and are contrary to all men . — * pudet haec opprobria nobis , et dici potuisse , & non potuisse refelli . ovid. chap. vii . i have heretofore ( in the th . chapter ) presented you with sundry presidents of the primitive christians signal loyaltie and pietie to their very persecuting heathen emperors , in making fervent publick and private prayers , supplications and intercessions unto god for their long life , health and prosperitie . to which i shall adde two presidents more . anno the first out of the annals of eutychius patriarch of alexandria ( translated out of arabick into latin by learned mr. pokock ) printed oxoniae . who relates this of the christians under a marcus antonius severus , ( a great persecutor of them ) magnae hic calamitatis & tristitiae diuturnae christianis author fuit , multis sub illo martyrium passis . ejus tempore magna fuit fames , siccitasque & pestis , dum per biennium non plueret , adeo ut par●m abesset , quin rex & populus imperio ipsius subditus fame & peste perirent ; qui ergo christianos rogarunt , ut precibus a domino suo pluviam impetrarent : * illis igitur preces ad dominum nostrum fundentibus magnam pluviae copiam demisit , quo pacto sublata est et fames , et pestis , both from this persecuting emperor and his subjects . anno the second is the memorable storie of the emperor maximinianus , who was smitten by god with several discases for persecuting the christians , so that his flesh did rot away , and worms crept out of his bowels , and he lay prostrate on the earth , stinking in such sort that no man could come nigh unto him ; all his companions admiring , and his very enemies pitying him for what had thus befallen him . whereupon ipse verò ad se reversus ; hoc forsan quod patior ( inquit ) inde mihi accidit , quod christianos interfecerim . literas ergò ad omnes provincias suas dedit , ut christianos quicunque in carceribus essent , dimitterent , eosque honore afficerent , nec ullum iis damnum inferrent ; rogarent autem ut inter precandum pro imperatore vota funderent ; orantibus ergo pro imperatore christianis ac preces fundentibus , deus ipsi sanitatem restituit , adeo ut viribus et sanitate melius quam antea gauderet , as eutichyus : or , c addit praetereà mandatum , ut statas solitasque pro imperatore preces ad deum funderemus : christianos christiana sua templa exaedificare , rem maturare , consueta officia in illis facere , preces pro imperii statu fundere , he publishing . edicts in the christians behalf . d vndè christiani hac indulgentia concessa devincti , debent deo suo obnixe supplicare pro nostra , pro reipublicae , pro sua ipsorum salute , ut quovis modo cum publicus rerum status integer & incolumis retineatur , tum ipsi in suis familiis absque cura & sollicitudiue vitam traducere queant , as eusebius & nicepborus , record the story . lo here this persecuting bloodie pagan emperor restored to his perfect health , by the prayers of the christians whom he slew , imprisoned , persecuted in his health ; yet behold his desperate ing●atitude both to god and them . ille verò ubi sanitati restitutus convaluisset , ad majorem impietatis gradum quàm antea prolapsus , in omnes ditiones suas scribens , christianos occidi jussit , & ne professionis ejus quispiam in imperio ejus relinqueretur , neve urbem aut oppidum incolere sinerentur , sed penitus extirparentur . interfecti sunt ergo è christianis , qua viri , qua feminae , qua pueri , plures quàm numerari possint , adeo ut prae occisorum multitudine plaustris delati in mari , & in deserto projicerentur . but god soon after smote him with an ulcer in his bowels , which tortured him extremely , corroded and eat out his bowels , caused his verie eyes to fall out of his head upon the ground , burnt up his flesh which was severed from his bones , so as he perished by a most miserable death , confessing that god had deservedlie punished him in this sort , for his madnesse and rashness against christ and his members . anno constantine the great e ( born and declared emperor first of all in this our island of britain , the first professed christian of all the roman or other emperors in the world ) about the year of our lord . having conquered this tyrant maximinianus in the field , he and the christians sang prayses unto god for his great victorie , in the words of moses and the israelites after pharaoh his overthrow , exodus . , to . after which entring into rom● in tryumph with great pomp , he was there received by all the people , both men , women and children , senators and other noble persons running out by troops to meet him with joyfull countenances , willing minds , happy acclamations , and unsatiable joy , as their deliverer , the conservatour of their countrie , and most benign patron . but he as one having the fear of god naturally residing in his mind , not puffed up with these triumphant acclamations and popular applauses , nor yet with the proclamation of his prayses , yet very conscious of the ayd given him from god , commanded immediatelie , that the banner of our saviours passion should be fet in the hand of his statue . which being set up in the most famous place in rome , holding the sign of the crosse in his right hand , he commanded this following insc●iption to be engraven thereon in roman letters ; in this wholsom sign , the true cognisance of fortitude , i have delivered the city from under the tyrants yoke , and set the senate and people of rome at liberty , and restored them unto their pristi●e greatnesse and splendor . after f maximinianus the tyrants death , an utter enemy to all pietie and godliness , through the grace of almighty god churches were re-edified , and erected from the foundations , the gospel of jesus christ freely preached , professed and propagated ; maximinianus by publick edicts , proclaimed the chiefest and most deadly enemy , the most impious , wicked , pernicious and malicious tyrant , and most excerable hater of god. all tables and inscriptions set up in every city to his and his childrens honour , were either thrown down from aloft to the ground , or obliterated , or blotted out with a deformed & black colour : in like manner all statues erected to his honour being tumbled down , were broken in pieces , and exposed to the laughter and derifion of such who would abuse them . all his persecuting instruments , favorers and partisans , were in like manner disgraced , disofficed , and some of them slain . the christian bishops , ministers , and professors of the gospel , made and sang special songs of prayse and thanksgiving unto god almighty , the king and governour of all things , and to jesus christ his son , the redeemer of their souls , and author of their internal and external peace , enjoyed under their christian emperor ; whose prayses they extolled , as you may read at large in eusebius , ecles . hist . l. . c. , , , , . and de vita constantini , l , , & . after which constantine i prescribed to all his soldiers and subjects as well pagans as christians , a set form of prayer to god for himself and his sons , to be said ev●ry day , or lords day at least ; recited in the k former chapter . anno this first christian emperor , in the first general * council of nice , anno . when he dismissed the many bishops there assembled by him from all parts ( whereof . came from our isle of l britain ) with a grave exhortation , to pres●rve mutual concord ; added this request to them in the close thereof , ut pro ipso ad deum preces obnixe funderent , that they would earnestly powre forth prayers for him unto god. m eusebius further records of him , that whereas he esteemed that the prayers of pious men , were of great moment to him , and to the safety and preservation of the whole common-wealth , towards which seeing he reputed them necessary , he did not only upon all occasions throw himself down as a supplicant unto god , uerum etiam ut pro se ab ecclesiae praes●dibus supplicaretur , mandavit , but likewise commanded that supplications should be made for him by the rectors of the church ; which they accordinglie performed . anno in the th . year of his reign , n when a certain priest praysed him to his face , as worthy to enjoy the chief power of all things in this life , & to reign together with the son of god in the life to come ; he signifying his dislike therof , exhorted him , not to use such flattering words concerning him for time to come ; but rather to contend for him with prayers from god , that he might seem worthy to be the servant of god both in this life , and that which is to come . the same year this emperor having assembled a very great synod of bishops and priests to ierusalem to the dedication of the temple he had there built ; some of them adorned that solemnity with prayers and disputations , others with elegant orations , sermons and interpretations of obscure places of scripture : others who could do none of these , supplices deo preces , &c. offered up humble prayers and supplications unto god for common peace , for the church of god , and for the emperor himself , the author of these most excellent things , and for his children who were dear to god. in his n expedition against the persians , communicating his design unto the bishops , and desiring some of them to be alwaies present with him who were most fit to discharge the duties of piety , they readilie promised to follow and not to depart one step from him , but to go on warfare with him , et apud deum supplicibus vovotis se pugnaturos , and that they would fight with god for him against his enemies with supplications and prayers : whereupon being greatly delighted with this expression of their wills and endeavours , he caused a magnificent tabernacle to be made in form of a church , in quo deo victoriarum datori ipse cum episcopis supplicaret . wherein he with his bishops might make supplications to god the giver of victories . anno when he lay upon his death-bed , his centurions , and captains of the army coming to his chamber , deploring his condition , longioremque ei vitam optarent , and wishing him a longer life : he answered them , he had now obtained true life , ( after his baptism ) and that he only understood of what felicity he was made partaker ; and therefore he would hasten and not procrastinate his migration unto god. upon the tydings of his death , all his gards renting their cloaths , casting their bodies upon the ground , and knocking their heads against it , sending forth mournfull voyces with great sorrow and clamours , calling him their lord , prince , emperor and in the interim bewayling him not as a lord and tyrant , but as pious and natural children do their father . the centurions and other officers and souldiers predicated him their saviour , keeper , benefactor ; the whole army with all reverence desired him as flocks of sheep their shepheard ; all the people throughout every city running up and down manifested the secret wound and grief of their minds by outcries and clamours , and the rest walked with dejected countenances as if they were astonished ; every one reputing that this calamity had principally hapned to himself , and miserably afflicting themselves , as bereaved of the common safety of human life . all the dukes , earls , and assembly of princes , who were formerly accustomed to reverence and bow down unto him , observing their pristine use and custom , going in at set times saluted the emperor lying in his herse , as if he were alive even after his death , bowing themselves to the ground ; the sena●e , with all the rest of the magistrates and people doing the like reverence to him . upon which eusebius hath this memorable observation , solus vero iste beatus imperator etiam mortuus regnavit , cum ei soli post hominum memoriam , vel ipso deo authore , omnes qui solebant , honores tanquàm superstiti tribuerentur . nam cum is solus ex omnibus imperatoribus , regem omnium deum & christum ejus omnibus vitae actionibus , piè sanctèque coluerit , jure sanè etiam hunc honorem solus adeptus est , ut dei voluntate , quod in eo morte sepultum erat , tamen apud homines regnaret , ut ista scilicet ratione nobis deus significaret , animarum regnum , his qui non prorsus obduruerunt , nunquàm consenescere , nunquàm entori . his two sons being absent when he died , there were some select captains out of the whole army , eminent for their fidelitie , sent to acquaint them with his death , the news whereof being spread throughout all the legions , they all with one mind and consent presently resolved , as if great constantine himself were alive , neminem praeter ejus filios romani imperii principem agnituros ; and soon after all resolved , that they should not only be called caesars , but likewise augusti , which being a title of the greatest dignity of all sorts , is the proper note of the greatest empire . the senate , people , and whole city of rome exceedingly lamented this emperors death , did the same reverence to his pictures , as to himself whiles living ; and painting the effigies of heaven in its proper colours , pictured him above the coelestial orbs , resting in the heavenly assembly . at his funeral the souldiers , priests and people standing round about his herse expressed their affections and devotions towards him in every kind they could : ● quibus divinus per preces cultus exhibitus est . whose prayses when they gloriously predicated ; jam populus frequens unà cum saverdotibus non sinc lachrymis , et sane magno cum gemitu , pre●es pro anima imperatoris fundebant ( to wit , * that it might speedily b● united to his body again at last by a most joyfull resurrection , not delivered out of purgatorie ) in quo & illi gratum atque optatum pro principe officium praestabant : & deus ipse singularem benevolentiam ergà famulum suum ostendit , quod post mortem charis ejus ac germanis filiis , patris sui successoribus , imperium donasset . this was the signal loyalty , piety and devotion of the christian bishops , priests , nobles , senators , souldiers and people of all sorts , in that age , to this first christian emperor constantine , both living and after his decease , and to his royal posterity after him , worthy our imitation . anno . . constantine the d . son of constantine the great , degenerating from his fathers faith and pietie , favoured the arrian heresy , and very much persecuted the orthodox bishops , who maintained the deity of our saviour jesus christ ; yet they and the orthodox christians ceased not to make constant servent publick and private prayers unto god for his long life , health and prosperous reign . among others athanasius bishop alexandria , ( the chiefest champion against the arrians ) though exceedingly persecuted , injured , deprived and banished by him , merely for his zeal in defending the orthordox faith , and the godly christians under his charge , were very loyal and consciencious in discharge of this duty , as is evident by these notable passages in his apologia ad constantinum imperatorem , against the arrians calumnies , who falsely accused him , for holding intelligence with magnentius ( the murtherer of his brother constans ) who wipes off that calumny by this argument , that he made prayers for this prince in the open assembly of the people , and likewise for the emperors safety , q pro salute tua vota facio . quapropter dum te contemplatus fuissem in illo ( constante imperatore ) illumque in te , quî fieri potuisset ut illi malidieere sustinerem , aut hosti illius literas mittere , ac non potius pro tua salute voces precesque funders , quod et feei . hujus rei testis est praecipuus dominus , qui exaudivit te , & largitus tibi est integrum à majoribus tuis relictum imperium : testesque sunt qui tam affuerunt philicesumus qui fuit dux aegypti , ruffinus , item & stephanus , ( and four more there named ) agentes in rebus . nihil enim aliud dixi , quàm precemur pro salute religiosissimi imperatoris censtantii ; & statim , universus populus una voce acclamavit , christe auriliare constantio , et magna cum perseverantia has preces continuavit . after which excusing the peoples meeting in the great church of theona built by the emperor , before it was consecrated by his order , because the multitude of the people was so great , that the other churches could not hold them ; he addes , festum erat paschae , & tanta vis populorum aderat , quantum christianorum in urbe esse christicola principes optarunt . cum igitur & ecclesiae paucae parvaeque essent , magnoque tumultu posceretur ut in magna ecclesia conventus celebrarentur , atque ibidem preces pro tua salute fierent , quod et factum est , egone adhortationibus , &c. nec tamen celebrata sunt à nobis encaenia , sed tantummodo precationum synaxis habita est . tu autem religiosissime imperator , ubinam malles populum manus extendere , et pro te orare , ibine , ubi ethnici oberrabant ? an in loco tuum nomen titulumque referrente ? quem cum in praesenti dominicum universi appellarent , &c. ecce domine jesu christe rex regum , veri fili dei unigeniti , verbum & sapientia patris reus agor . quia tuam misericordiam populus suis orationibus convenit , & per te , patrem deum omnium imprecavit , idque pro salute famuli tui pientissimi constantii . sed tamen gratiae sunt tuae lenitati , quod de precibus populi & de tuis ritibus in crimen vocari . tu tamen interim deo dilectissime auguste vivas per multos annorum recursus , & solemnia dedicationis perficias . preces enim omnium pro tua salute factae nihil impediunt encaeniorum festum , &c. if then this godly orthodox bishop , and all other orthodox bishops and christians thus constantly prayed to god for this cruel persecuting arrian emperor , that christ would be propicious to him , that he might continually live in safety , and reign in peace , and live many years ; and stiled him , most religious and gracious emperor , and prince ; i shall thence infer , with our learned doctor thomas bilson against the jesuites , in the true difference between christian subjection , and unchristian rebellion part . p. , . hear you deaf of ears , and dull of hearts : the church of christ prayed for heretical princes in the midst of their impiety and tyranny : and when it was objected to athanasius , that he and others wrote letters to one that rebelled and took arms against the prince , he made answer , vincat quaeso apud te veritas , &c. i beseech you let truth take place with you ▪ and leave not this suspition upon the catholick church , as though any such things were written or thought of by christians , and especially by bishops . how far then were these men from your humours , which professe to depose ( yea murder ) princes , and not only license subjects to rebel , but intice them to kill their soveraigns , as you did lately parry , with pardon , praise , and recompence both here and in heaven ? anno anno st. hilary bishop of poyctiers wrote thus to this arrian emperor constantius , not long after athanasius , in the orthodox christians behalf . we beseech your clemency to permit , that the people may have such teachers as they like , such as they think well of , such as they chuse , and let them solemnize the divine mysteries , and make prayers for your safety and prosperity . the godly western bishops assembled by this arrian emperor constantius to the council of ariminum , and there long detained by him from their cures , writ two epistles to him from thence , to dismisse them to their bishop-pricks before the cold winter approached . in the first they w●ite thus . we beseech you that you cause us not to be banished , nor stayd from our churches , but that the bishops , together with the people may live in peace and tranquil●ity , and may humb●y pray for your health , kingdom and sa●ety , in which the divine majesty long preserve you : ●ro . tua s●lute , imperio , & pace orantes , quam tibi divinum numen largiri dignetur prolixam ; so nicephorus renders it ; but others thus , supplicantes deo pro pace tui imperii pariter & salutis , quam tibi dominu● in perpetuum largiatur . they conclude their second letter to him in these words . * for this cause we beseech your clemency the second time , most religious lord and emperor , that you command us to depart to our churches , if it so please your godlinesse , before the sharpnesse of winter come , that we may make our accustomed prayors together with the people , to the almighty god , and our lord and saviour christ for your empire ( or reign ) as we have alwaies accustomed in times past , and yet cease not to do , and now wish to continue . here we have a most pregnant double testimony of all these godly bishops assembled in full council , of their own and the peoples constant and continual custom , both for time past , present , and to come , to powre forth fervent publick prayers , supplications and thanks givings to god , for the health , reign , safety and prosperity of their christian emperors , though arrians and persecutors of them ; much more then was it their constant usage when orthodox and protectors of them , thus to do . anno st. cyril bishop of hier●s●lem thus recites the practise of the christians in his age in this particular : we pray to god for the common peace of the church throughout the world , for our kings , their forces and adherents . anno st. ambrose bishop of millain flourishing in the year of christ . in his book , de vocatione gentium , l. . c. . reciting the tim. , , , . thus descants upon it . de hac ergo doctrinae apostolicae regula qua ecclesia universalis imbuitur ne in diversum intellectum nostro evagemur arbitrio , quid in ipsa universalis ecclesia s●ntiat , requiramus , quia nihil dubium esse poterit in praecepto si obedientia concordat in studio . praecepit itaque apostolus , imò per apostolum dominus qui loquebatur in apostolo , fieri obsecrationes , & postulationes , gratiarum actiones pro omnibus hominibus , pro regibus , ac pro iis qui in sublimitate sunt . quem legem supplicationis ita omnium sacerdotum et omnium fidelium devotio concorditer tenet , ut nulla pars mundi sit , in qua hujusmodi orationes non celebrantur a populis christianis : supplicat ergo ubique ecclesia deo non solum pro sanctis , & in christo jam regeneratis , sed etiam pro omnibus infidelibus , & inimicis crucis christi ; pro omnibus idolorum cultoribus , pro omnibus qui christum in membris suis perfequuntur ; pro judaeis , quorum caecitati lum●n evangelii non refulget ; pro haereticis & schismaticis qui ab unitat● fidei & charitatis alieni sunt . quid autem pro istis petat , nisi ut relictis erroribus suis convertentur ad deum , accipiant fidem , accipiant charitatem , & de ignorantiae tenebris liberati in agnitionem veniant veritatis , &c. which he thus prosecutes in his commentary on tim. . , , . haec regula ecclesiastica est tradita a magistro gentium , qua utuntur sacerdotes nostri , ut pro omnibus supplicent ; deprocantes pro regibus huius seculi , ut subjectas habeant gentes , ut in pace positi , in tranquillitate mentis & quietè deo domino servire possumus . orantes etiam pro ●is quibus sublimis potestas est credita , ut in justitia & veritate gubernent rempublicam , suppeditante rerum abundantia , & amota perturbatione seditionis succedat laetitia , &c. ut sepositis omnibus quae huic imperio infesta & inimica sunt , in affectu pietatis & castitatis deo servire possumus . perturbatio enim & captivitas nec pietatem servat , nec castitatem . unde enim pius qui invidus est ? & unde castitas ubi potestatis suae non est ? in his epistolarum , l. . epist . . ad gratianum augustum , he thus expresseth his servent prayers for him . et nocte & die in tuis castris cura & censu locatus , orationum excubias praetendebam , & si invalidus merito , sed affectu sedulus . et haec quidem pro tua salute deferebamus , pro nobis faciebamus . nihil hic adulationis est si scit ipse arbiter quem fateris & in quem piè credis , me non solum officio publico debitas pendere preces , sed etiam amore privato . which epistle he concludes with this prayer for this emperor . ' beatissimum te & florentissimum deus omnipotens pater domini nostri jesu christi tueri aetate prolixa , et regnum tuum in summa gloria et pace perpetua , confirmare dignetur , domine imperator auguste , divino electe judicio , principum gloriosissimo . in his epist . l. epistola . ad theodosium imperatorem , he concludes with this prayer . beatissimus & florentissimus cum sanctis pignoribus fruaris tranquillitate perpetua imperator auguste . to pretermit all other passages of this kind , in his funeral oration , de obitu valentiniani imperatoris , he hath this passionat expression , nulla inhonoratos vos mea transibit orati● : nulla nox non donatus aliqua precum mearum contexione transcurret . omnibus oblationibus frequentabo , &c. quam nostrae vitae temporibus fulcire curaremus , ut de nostris annis viveret , qui fungi non potuit suis : which he thus concludes . tequaeso summe deus ut clarissimos juvenes matura resurrectione suscites & resuscites , ut immaturum hunc vitae istius cursum matura resurrectione compenses ; to which this other passage in his oration , de obitu theodosii imperatoris , might be added , * da requiem perfectam servo tuo theodosio , requiem quam praeparasti sanctis tuis . this godly emperor theodosius ( as * eutychius patriarch of alexandria records ) was by the joynt and servent prayers of the christians in constantinople ( who spent the whole night in supplications , and beseeched god and our lord jesus christ , ut nobis regem eligat , & quem●unque ipse elegerit nobis regem praeficiamus ) miraculously elected and chosen emperor , beyond all human expectation , being of a very poor and mean condition , as he there relates . anno gregory bishop of nyssa in his excellent book de oratione , p. . hath this memorable passage . oratio corporum robur est , abundantia domus , recta iuris ac legum in civitate constitutio , regni vires , belli trophaeum , pacis securitas , dissidentium conciliatio , conjunctorum conservatio , &c. therefore it was certainly used by all christians , churches , bishops , ministers , subjects , for their kings and kingdoms to effect these publick ends , especially in times of war and danger . anno the . godly u bishops assembled together in the first general council of constautinople , anno . in their epistle to the emperor theodosius , not only render publick thanks to god for advancing him to the empire for the peace of the church , and maintenance of the orthodox faith , but likewise pray to god for the establishment of his empire in peace and righteousnesse for many generations , and his temporal and eternal joy and beatitude , in these ensuing words , initio quidem nostri ad tuam poetatem scripti , gratias agamus deo , qui tuae pietatis imperium constituit ad communem pacem ecclesiarum , & sanae fidei confirmationem ; agentes autem deo debitas gratias , necessaria quoque ea , quae acta sunt in sancto concilio , ad tuam referrimus pietatem , &c. dominus autem imperium tuum in pace et iustitia stabiliat , transmittatque et producat in multas et infinitas usque generationes , atque ad terrenam potentiam caelestis quoque regni gaudium et fructum adjiciat . gratificetur deus orbiterrarum , ut te , qui réverà pietatis studiosissimus , deique amantissimus imperator es , valentem , omnibusque praeclaris rebus florentem et excellentem videat , id quod sancti etiam ab illo praecibus et votis petunt et orant . this being the general usual prayer of all bishops , saints and christians for him under his empire , both in their churches , closets & epistles to him . anno the bishops assembled in the council of aquileia , whereof st. ambrose was one , in their epistle to gratian , valentinian and theodosius the emperors , use this benediction and thanksgiving for their advancement to the empire . benedictus deus pater domini nostri jesu christi qui vobis romanum imperium dedit ; et benedictus dominus noster jesus christus , vnigenitus dei filius , qui regnum v●strum sua pietate eustodit , apud quem gratias agimus vobis clemencissimi principes quod & fidei vestrae studium probavistis , &c. concluding with this prayer and option for them , vt vos , deo praestante , triumphetis , qui paci ecclesiarum quietique consulitis . anno st. jerom in his commentary ( and caelius s●dulius too in his exposition on the tim. . , , . ) presse the duty of praying for kings , though pagans , and persecutors ; in the same words and manner almost , as st ambrose , & chrysostom , theodoret , primasius and rhemigius ( hereafter cited ) and comment . in danielem c. . v. . tom. . p. . upon daniels words to king nebuchadnezzar ; rex in aeternum vive ; he thus paraphraseth : honorat honorantem se , et ei vitam impreca●ur aeternam , though cast into the lions den by his command . anno st. chrysostom archbishop of constantinople , though very much persecuted by the emperor and empresse for his zeal and piety , yet zealously presseth the duty of prayer for kings , and all in authority , though infidels , and wicked , homilia . in epistolam ad corinthios . c. . quod oporteat orare pro infideli , audi quid dicat paulus . obsecro primum omnium fieri obsecrationes , orationes , postulationes , gratiarum actiones pro omnibus hominibus . quod autem non essent omnes fideles est cuivis perspicuum . et rursus , pro regibus , & omnibus qui in sublimitate constituti sunt . quod autem ii essent impii & iniqui , hoc quoque est perspicuum . deinde causā quoque orationis dicens , subjung it . hoc enim bonum est & acceptum coram deo salvatore , qui omnes homines vult salvos fieri , & ad agnitionem veritatis venire . in his homilia . in epist . . ad timotheum , c. . he thus comments on these words of paul. quasi communis quidam totius orbis pater , sacerdos est : dignum igitur est ut omnium euram agat , omnibusque provideat , sicut et deus cujus ministerio servit & fungitur vice ; ideircoait , obsecro igitur primum omnium fieri obsecrationes & orationes , &c. quid autem sibi vult quod ait , primum omnium ? in obsequio scilicet quotidiano , perpetuoque divinae religionis ritu . atque id noberunt fideles quomodo diebus singulis mane et vespere orationes sunduntur ad dominum pro omni mundo et regibus , et omnibus qui in sublimitate sunt positi , obsecrationes ab ecclesia fiant . sed fortè quis dixerit , pro omnibus quod ait , tantum fideles intelligi voluisse . at id verum non esse , quae sequuntur ostendunt . denique ait , pro regibus : neque enim tunc reges deum colebant , verum multis postea temporibus in infidelitate quàm per seriem successioni ▪ acceperant , perstiterunt . deinde ut omnis assentationis suspicio tolleretur , cum praemisisset , pro omnibus , tunc demum , pro regibus , addidit : si enim tantum pro regibus dixisset , fortassis non deessent qui adulationis gratia illum ita scripsisse putarent . quoniam vero consequens esse cernebat , ut christiani animus ad ista torpesceret , neque hujusmodi admitteret monita , siquidem pro gentili sacramentorum tempore preces oporteret offerre , vide quid secutus adjunxit , ut ex consideratione lucri admonitionem facilius , libentiusque susciperent ; ut quietam inquit & tranquillam degamus vitam . ac si diceret , in eorum salute securitas vestra consistit . deus enim pro utilitate communi hujusmodi principatus instituerit . quàm igitur absurdum est , cum illi idcirco militant , & arma circumferant , ut nos in tranquillitate atque ocio simus , nos pro periclitantibus , ac nostri causa labores suscipientibus preces effundere detrectemus ? non igitur assentandi gratia hujusmodi mandatum dedit , verum * iustitiae lervavit leges : nifi enim illi servarentur , atque inter bella & hostes prosperè agerent , necessariò & nostra omnia turbis tumultibusque plena essent . nam nos aut militare opus fuisset , ac per nosmet eadem subire pericula concisis illis , aut fugere vagosque per orbem terrarum ferri . sunt enim , inquit , hujusmodi veluti obices quidam hostibus oppositi per quos nos in pace serven●ur . bellorum tria sunt genera , unum quòd à barbaris excitatur . bellum quod a barbaris ingruit , regum industria atque virtus sedat ; quibus et nos orationibus succurrere opus est , &c. deprecationes inquit , orationes , interpellationes , gratiarum actiones . deo quippè oportet referre gratias etiam pro sucessionibus aliorum ; quod scilicet * solem oriri faciat super malos & bonos , & pluit super justos & injustos . vides ut ille non modo per orationis studium , verum etiam per gratiarum actiones nos conjungat atque conglutinat ? qui enim necessariò cogitur deo referre gratias pro felicibus proximorum successibus , ipsum quoque amore compellitur sibique samiliarius jungi . he addes much more in the moral or use , to like effect . in his homilia . de incompraehensibili dei natura , he hath this memorable passage touching prayer in general , & for a sick king in special . minimè igitur agendum & pro his ( insanis & haereticis ) preces agamus supplicemusque domino . aptissima enim arma oratio est , thesaurus cert● perpetuus , divitiae inexhaustae , portus quietus , occa●●o tranquillitatis , denique author , parens , fons , & radix bonorum omnium & innumerabilium oratio est , atque etiam regia ipsa facultate potior & superior . saepius itaque evenit , ut cum rex ipse aegrotet , cubet , fcbriat , ardore laboret , & adsint medici , adsint clientes familiares , proceres , milites , duces ; non ars medicorum , non amicorum praesentia , non familiarium administratio , non medicamentorum copia , non apparatus magnificentia , non pecuniarum facultas , non aliud quicquam rerum humanarum possit reddere infestantem morbum leviorem . at si quis valens familiaritate apud deum accesserit , ac corpus languidum duntaxat tetigerit , et syncere pro eo oraverit , languorem omnem expellet ; & quod non divitiae , non numerus ministrorum magnus , non medecinalis scientia , non regius fastus efficere possit , hoc unius pauperis atque egeni oratio potuit . oratiouem dico , non tamen illam & desidiosam , sed eam quae intenta ex amino dolente , & corde contrito proficiscatur . haec enim est quae in coelum scandere valeat . to pretermit all passages to this effect in his , , & . homilies ad populum antiochiae , and in his two homilies de davide & saul , i shall conclude with these set forms of prayers for kings in the liturgy or masse , which is attributed to * chrysostom , and printed with his works . memento domine augustissimorum et dei observantium regum nostrorum . diaconus . pro augustissimis et deo deditis regibus nostris , toto palatio , et exercitu illorum dominum rogemus . populus . domine miserere . diaconus . ut illos in bello adjuvet , & subjiciat pedibus illorum omnem hostem & inimicum . dominum rogamus . populus . domine miserere . adhuc te invocamus pro fidelissimis et christum amantibus nostris regibus , omni palatio et exercitu illorum . da illis domine pacificum robur , ut & nos in tranquillitate illorum pacatam & quietam vitam agamus in omni pietate & religione . pacem mundo tuo da , ecclesiis tuis , sacerdotibus , regibus nostris , exercitui , & omni populo tuo , &c. amen . st. augustin de civitate dei l. . c. . thus presseth this duty , and the reasons of it . quoniam quamdiu permixtae sunt ambae civitates , utimur & nos pace babylonis . ex qua ita per fidem dei populus liberatur , ut apud hanc interim peregrinetur . propter quod & apostolus admonuit ecclesiam , ut oraret pro regibus ejus atque sublimibus , addens , & dicens , ut quietam & tranquillam vitam agamus cum omni pietate & charitate . et propheta jeremias quum populo veteri dei venturam praenunciaret captivitatem , & divinitus imperaret , ut obedienter in babyloniam irent , deo suo etiam ista patientia servientes , monuit & ipse , ut oraretur pro illis , dicens , quia in pace ejus erit pax vestra ; utique interim temporalis , quae bonis malisque communis est . pax autem nostra propria , & hic est cum deo per fidem , & in aeternum erit cum illo perspeciem . in his book de catechezandis rudibus , he prosecutes this more largely . extiterunt reges babyloniae subquibus illi serviebant , qui ex eorum occasione commoti quibusdam miraculis cognoscerent & colerent & coli juberent unum verum deum , qui condidit universam creaturam . jussi sunt autem pro cis orare , a quibus captivi tenebantnr , & eorum pace pacem sperare ad gignendos filios , & domos aedificandas , & plantandos hortos & vinea● . post septuaginta autem anos promittitur eis ab illa captivitate liberatio . hoc autem totum figurat● significat ecclesiam christi in omnibus sanctis ejus qui sunt cives hierusalem coelestis servituram fuisse sub regibus hujus seculi : dicit enim & apostolica doctrina ; ut omnis anima sublimioribus potestatibus subdita sit , & ut reddantur omnibus omnia , cui tributum tuibutum , cui vectigal vectigal , &c. quae salvo domini nost●i cultu constitutionis humanae principibus ●edditur . quando & ipse dominus , ut nobis hujus sanae doctrinae praebe et exemplum , pro capite hominis quo erat indutus , tributum luere non dedignatus est . jubentur autem etiam servi christiani & boni fideles , dominis suis temporalibus aequammiter fideliterque servire , quos judicaturi sunt , si usque in sinem iniquos invenerint , aut cum quibus aequalicer regnaturi sunt , si & illi ad verum deum conversi fuerint . omnibus autem praecipitur servire humanis potestatibus atque ter●enis quousque post tempus praefiuitum , ab istius saeculi confusione tanquam de captivitate babyloniae sicut hierusalem liberetur ecclesia . ex cujus captivitatis occasione , ipsi etiam terreni reges relictis idolis , pro quibus persequebautur christianos , unum verum deum & christum dominum cognoverunt & colunt . pro quibus apostolus paulus jubet orare , etiam cum persequerentur ecclesiam . sic enim dicit ( tim . , , . ) obsecro , &c. itaque per ipsos data est pax ecclesiae , quamvis temporalis tranquillitas temporis ad aedificandas spiritualiter domos , & plantandos hortos & vineas . nam ecce modo per istum sermonem aedisicamus atque plantamus , & hoc fit per totum orbem terrarum , cum pace regum christianorum , sicut idem dicit apostolus : dei agricultura , dei ecclesia estis . in his book ad paulum episcopum , paraphrasing upon the tim. . , , . shewing the differences between supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings , he addes , pro omnibus hominibus , pro regibus , &c. ne quisquam sicut se habet humanae cogitationis infirmitas existimaret ista non esse facienda pro his à quibus persecutionem patiebatur ecclesia , cum membra christi ex eorum essent hominum genere colligenda . unde addit & adjungit , hoc enim bonum est & acceptum coram salvatore nostro deo ; qui omnes homines vult salvos fieri , & in agnitionem veritatis venire . anno theodoret bishop of cyrene , in his interpretation in tim. . , . pro regibus , omnibus qui in sublimitate sunt : thus descants , valdè sapienter hominum commune p●aeposuit , ne quis orationem pro regibus assentationem existimaret . quia enim erant impii , qui tunc dominatum obtinebant , & pietatis aperti hostes , docet iustam esse causam cur pro eis oretur . vt quietam & t●anquillam vitam agamus in omni pietate & castitate . si enim illi in pace degant nos quoque sumus tranquillitatis participes , ac in quiete ac silentio leges pietatis adimplemus ita e●iam captivi judaei qui erant babyloniae , ad eos qui in judaea relicti erant , scripserunt , ut pro nabuchodonosor et baltasar ejus filio deo preces funderent . dominus autem apostolus non solum ubi est causa praecipit pro eis fieri orationes , sed etiam ut ab impietate cessantes , ediscant pietatem : as he proves by the subsequent words . * sanctorum enim deprecatio est commune omnium malorum remedium : non solum autem medetur aegritudinibus corporis , sed etiam animis convenientem exhibet curationem ; as he addes in the life of maco . in his interpretation upon daniel , c. . . and the queen said , o king live for ever : rex in secula vive , rex in ae●ernum vive . he writes , haec autem erat praefatio qua subjecti regibus , eos tunc salutabant , & ad hoc usque tempus mos invalu●t : quid●m enim imperiti , reges eos , qui nunc sunt ae●●rnos vocare consueverunt : in syngraphis quoque commerciorum hoc quidam ascribunt , stultitiae magis quàm impietatis damnandi . and c. . v. . da●●el respondet , dicens , rex in secula vive , &c. usitatam praefationem sermonibus praeponit , videlicet , licet et t●bi rex diutissime vivere . anno the bishops assembled in the great * synod of ephesus ▪ held about the year . in their th . epistle , pientissimis ac deo dilectissim is theodosio & valentiniano victoribus , triumphatoribus & semper augustis , made this prayer for them : deus autem omnium , reguum vestrum mult●s annorum revo utionibus cus●odiat pientissimi victores ac semper augusti . and in their . epistle to these emperors , the businesse being ended for which they were convened , they prayed the emperors to dismisse them from ephesus . vt ordinationi futuri episcopi incumbamus , & in fide jam & pietate confirmata nos obl●ctemus , purasque et synceras pro dominatione vestra preces domino christo destinemus . primasius bishop of vtica in africa , in his commentary , on tim. . , , . comments thus , obsecratio firmior oratione est . v●l aliter . obsecrationes sunt pro peccatis praeteri●is vel prae , entibus ; orationes , pro adipiscendis quae speramus ; postulationes cum pro aliis intervenimus ; gratiarum actiones , cum ea quae poss●mus , impetramus , velc●rt● , pro universis dei beneficiis gratias laudesque referimus . gratiarum actiones , gratias agamus ei qui nos dignos fecit pro aliis impetrare . pro omnibus hominibus , etiam pro persecutoribus . pro regibus omnibus qui in sublimitate sunt , ut quietam & tranquillam vitam agamus in omni pietate & castitate . vt cognoscant deum , sive ut subjectas habeant gentes : in eorum enim pace nostra consistit : si enim christiani sunt c●ssabit persecutionis impetus . anno pope leo the . flourishing about the year of christ , . in his . epistle to the emperor theodosius , writes thus : ecce ego christianissime imperator cum consacerdotibus meis implens erga reverentiam elementiae vestrae synceri amoris ●fficium , cupiensque vos per omnia placere deo , cui pro vob●s ab ecclesia supplicatur : & epistola . to the same emperor , he hath the same passage . in his . epistle to the emperor martian he writes thus , vnde ineffabiliter deo gratias ago , qui eo tempore quo oboritura haereticorum scandala praesciebat , in imperii fastigio c●llocavit ; in quibus ad totius mundi salutem , & regia potentia , & sa●erdotalis vigeret industria . epist . . to the empresse pulc●eria , he thus expresseth himself : per quam significationem clementiae vestrae , absolutè me gaudere , & incessabilibus a deo precibus postulare ; ut vos et romanae reipublicae , et catholicae ecclesiae in omni prosperitate conservet . in his epist . . to the emperor leo , he writes , non d●sinimus gratias agere , & providentiam dei in fidei vestrae fervore benedicere , qui sancto & catholico spiritu , ita haereticor●m impudentiae restitistis , &c. his epistola . to the same emperor , begins thus , ●ulto gaudio mens mea exultat in domino , & magna mihi est ratio gloriandi , cum clementiae vestrae excellentissimam fidem ingeri per omnia donis gratiae caelestis agnosco , &c. and epist . . to the same emperor leo , he informs him , sciat igitur clementia vestra omnes ecclesias dei cum laude vestra exu●tare pariter et laetari . inveniemur impares in gratiarum actione , s● nostri tantum oris angustiis universalis ecclesiae gaudia celebremus , &c. anno in the general council of chalcedon , anno . consisting of no lesse than . bishops and fathers of the church , they all unanimously cried out several times with this acclamation , multi anni imperatoribus , multi anni augustae ( placidiae ) multi anni imperatoribus ; multi anni imperatoribus ; deus qui hoc fecit ; multi anni imperatorum ; magnorum imperatorum multi anni ; multi anni senatus ; multi anni judicum ; orthodoxorum multi anni . haec integra adunitio , haec pax ecclesiarum . p●iss●●is & christi amantibus nostris , nostris imperatoribus , flavio valentiniano & flavio martiano , victoribus ac triumphatoribus semper augustis , multi anni . after which divers archimandratae ( or abbots ) in their epistle to the emper●r martianus , pray thus for him , vt iterum per sanctos patres sancta fi●le confirmata , poss●mus reliquum tempus vitae nostrae caste & pie vivere , & in pace incessanter con●ue●as orationes offerre domino nostro christo pro diutur●ita●e aeterni vestri imperii , qui et sua bona voluntate invisibiliter nobis donavit imperium divinissimi augusti . after this actio . martianus the emperor making . orations to the council , the one in latin , the other in greek , recorded in the acts thereof , all the whole * council at the end of both his orations cryed out , omnes clamaverunt ; multi anni imperatori ; multi anni augustae ; orthodoxis multos annos ; martiano novo constantino multos annos ; imperatori . multos annos ; augustae orthodoxae multos annos ; martiano amatore christi , vestrum nobis duret imperium , semper nobis imperatis , digne ex orthodoxa fide . amatoribus christi pr●cul invidia . after this having tendered a confession of their faith to the emperor , omnes clamaverunt . omnes sic credimus , &c. martiano novo constantino , novo paulo , novo david multos annos . david imperatori pro domino vitam ci . novo constantino , novo martiano . vos estis pax orbis , pie domine . dominus vitam ei conservet . vos , fides nostra . christus quem honoras , ipse te custodiet . orthodoxam fidem tu roborasti . sicut apostolici ità creditis . augustae mu tos annos . vos lumina orthodoxae fidei . propter haec ubique pax est . linnina pacis , domine tu custodi . lùminaria mundi , domine tu custodi . perpetua memoria novo constantino . quae ex genere orthodoxa est , deus eam custodiat . eam quae semper pia est deus custodiat . pia orthodoxa , quae contraria est haereticis , deus eam rustodiat . omnes haereticos tu fugasti , nestorium & eutichen tu persecuta es . absit invidia a vestco imperio . fideles imperatores sic honorantur . deus custodiat potestatem vestram . deus paci●icet imperium vestrum . martianus novus constantinus . pulcheria nova helena . z●lum helenae tu sectaris . vestra vita , muninem cunctorum est , vestra fides , ecclesiarum gloria est . after which the emperor rendring publick thanks to god for composing the manifold discords of those who had erred concerning the faith , and that now , in unam eandemque religionem omnes nunc una voluntate convenerimus , sperantes celerimam vestris ad divinitatem precibus , & curae omnia pacem nobis a deo donari . omnes clamaverunt . haec digna vestro imperio . haec propria vestri regni , &c. coelestis rex , terrenum custodi . per te firmata fides est . coelestis rex augustam custodi . per te fides firmata est . vnus deus qui hoc fecit . coelestis rex augustam custodi , dignam paci , &c. per vos fides , per vos pax . haec oratio ecclesiarum : haec oratio pastorum . after this again , omnes clamaverunt , multos annos imperatori ; multos annos augusto pio et christiano , augustae orthodoxae multi anni . multos annos piae et matri●● christi . imperium vestrum deus custodiat , &c. in perpetuum maneat vestrum imperium . after which in this council , actio xi . bassianus bishop of ephesus humbly petitioned the emperors valentinian and martian to be restored to his bishop●ick , & goods , of which he was forcibly dispossessed by soldiers without hearing , * ut iis potitus , consuetas orationes referam incessanter deo pro vestrae potestatis imperio . it being the custom of that and former ages for bishops and people to make supplications , prayers and intercessions for the emperors in all their publick churches and assemblies . anno rhemigius bishop of rhemes in his * explanatio , in epist . . ad tim. c. . , , . makes this abridgement of the contents of this chapter , vult pro regibus & magistratibus , fleri orationes , et gratiarum actiones . then explaining the precept , obsecro , &c. beatus apostolus dirigens haec verba timotheo , in illo tradidit omnibus episcopis & presbyteris , omnique ecclesiae formam , quomodo debent missarum solemnia celebrare , & pro omnibus hominibus orare : quam formam , id est , exemplum omnis ecclesia modo tenet , &c. ne fortè diceret aliquis , non debemus orare pro regibus infidelibus , & judicibus ac ducibus , quia pagani s●nt ; praecepit apostolus pro omnibus hominibus orare : eodem spiritu afflatus quo & hieremias propheta ; qui misit epistolam judaeis , qui erant in babylone , ut orarent pro vita regis nebuchadonozor filiorumque e●us , & pro pace civitatis , ad quam ducti erant captivi ; inquiens , ideo debetis orare pro eis , quia in pace eorum erit pax vestra : similiter & apostolus reddit causam quare talia praecipiat : ut tranquillam & quietam , id est pacificam , vitam agamus in omni pietate & castitate . pietas est cultus , & religio omnipotentis dei. ideò ergo orandum est se●vi● dei , pro vita regis , et pace regni , ut ipsi liberius possint dedi●i esse in cultu et religione dei. quia plerumque dum hostes fugant servos dei à propriis sedibus , & discurrerent bella & seditiones per regna , ut non possint in cultura dei esse intenti per omnia sicut tempore pacis . pietas etiam est mise●icordia , quàm debemus impendere pauperibus & indigentibus . si ergo depraedamur ab hostibus , non possumus opus misericordiae exercere , quia non valet impendere alteri , qui non habet undè semetipsum sustentet . sed ut habeamus , unde eleemosynam tribuamus , orandum est pro vita regis ac principum , et pro pace regni , & ut agamus vitam nostram in omni castitate corporis tempore pacis ; utcumque & nimia difficultate servari potest castitas . quando verò depraedatur regnum à p●aedonibus & hostibus , nequaquam potest servari , quia domini qui depraedati sunt captivos , expleant voluntatem & immunditiam suam cum eis , ut libet , nec valent resistere . quapropter orandum est pro salute et vita fidelium regum et principum , ut longo tempore conservati pacem habeat regnum , et magis ac magis proficiant in melius . pro infidelibus quoque orandum est ut proficiant in melius et transeant ad fidem , &c. pope gregory the . in his epistles writen to emperors kings and queens , hath many prayers unto god for them , some of them recited in the * precedent chapter , relating to england , i shall insist only upon some others , epist . l. epist . mauricio augusto , he hath this passage . tunc magis dominorum exercitus contra hostes crescit , quanto dei exercitus ad orationem creverit ; by their prayers , tears and fastings for the emperor , epist . l. . epist . . mauricio augusto , he concludes with this prayer for him . inter haec ergò omnia incerta ad solas lachrymas redeo , petens , ut idem omnipotens deus piiss●●um dominum nostrum et sua hic manu regat , et in illo judicio liberum ab omnibus delictis inveniat . epist . l. . epist . . constantinae augustae : he hath this passage . et in redemptoris nostri largitate confido , quia bonum hoc in serenissimo domino ( mauritio ) & piissimis filiis in coelestis quoque patriae retributione recipietis . in omnipotenti autem domino confido , quia longam piissimis dominis vitam tribuet ; lib. . epist . . mauritio augusto , he concludes thus . quatenus deus omnipotens , qui placitam sibi catholicae rectitudinis integritatem clementiam vestram amare cernit atque defendere , et hic devictis hostibus pacatae vos imperare reipublicae , et cum sanctis in aeterna faciat vita regnare . the like expressions he useth epist . . brunichildae reginae francorum . he begins his . epistle mauricio augusto , with , inter annorum curas , & innumerabiles sollicitudines quas indefesso studio pro christianae reipublicae regimine sustmetis , magna mihi cum universo mundo laetitiae causa est , quod pietas vestra custodiae fidei , quà dominorum fulget imperium , praecipua solicitudine semper invigilat . unde omninò confido quia sicut vos dei causas religiosae mentis amore tuemini , ita deus vestras majestates sua gratia iuetur et adjuvat . lib. . epist . . mauricio august● ; he begins thus . omnipotens deus , qui pietatem vestram pacis ecclesiasticae fecit esse custodem , ipsa vos fide servat , &c. pro qua re totis precibus deprecamur , ut bonum hoc omnipotens deus serenitati dominorum , piaeque eorum soboli , et in praesenti s●culo , atque in perpetua remuneratione retribuat . epist . . mauritio augusto , he concludes with this prayer for him . omnipotens autem deus serenissimi domini nostri vitam , et ad pacem sanctae ecclesiae , et ad utilitatem reipublicae romanae per tempora longa custodiat . certi enim sumus quia si vos vivitis , qui coeli dominum timetis , nulla contra veritatem superbia praevalere permittetis , lib. . epist . . brunichildae reginae francorum : he ends with this prayer for her . omnipotens deus sua vos protections custodiet , atque a perfidis gentibus regnum vestrum sui brachii extensione defendat . vosque post longa annorum curricula ad gaudia aeterna perducat . the like prayer he makes epist . . theodelindae longobardarum reginae , videlicet , dei nostri misericordiam deprecamur , ut bonorum vicem & retributionem in corpore & in anima , hîc & in futuro compenset , &c. epist . . theoderico & theoberto regibus franciae , he begins and ends thus : summum in regibus bonum est , justiciam colere , ac sua cuique jura servare , & subjectis non sinere quod potestatis est fieri , sed quod aequum est custodire , &c. quatenus per hoc aequitatem sacerdotibus custoditis , eorunt precibus ante dei semper occulos florcatis . epistola . richaredo regi wisigothorum , he is verie copious in rendering thanks to god for him , as being a chief instrument in converting the goths to the christian faith , concluding with this prayer for him . omnipotens deus in cunctis actibus vestris , coelestis brachii extensione vos protegat , vobisque et praesentis vitae prospera , et post multa annorum curricula gaudia concedat aeterna . lib. . epist . . mauritio augusto ; he and the clergy thus prayed for him . pro qua re lachrymabili prece omnes deposcimus , ut omnipotens deus qui clementiae vestiae corda compunxit , incolume in amoris sui constantia dominorum servet imperium , ut victorias eorum in cunctis gentibus auxilio suae majestatis extendat . see his epistola , , , , , , . to several kings and queens , wherein he renders thanks and makes prayers for them unto god , lib. . epist . . he recites the murther of the emperor mauritius , with all his . sons , brother , and some of his nobles by phocas ; after which phocas who usurped the empire , and leontia his empresse sending their statues to rome , kal. maij , acclamatum est eis in lateranis in basilica julii , ab omni clero vel senatu , exaudi christe , phocae augusto et leontiae augustae vita : so much did they flatter this bloody murderer of his soveraign lord and his royal issue , and invader of his crown . and epist . . phocae augusto , pope gregory himself thus courts and prayes for him . considerare cum gaudiis & magnis gratiarum actionibus libet , quantas omnipotenti domino laudes debemus , quod remoto jugo tristitiae ad libertatis tempora sub imperialis benignitatis vestrae pietate pervenimus , &c. sancta itaque trinitas vitam vestram per longa tempora custodiat , ut de bono vestrae pietatis quod tardè suscepimus , diutius gaudeamus . lib. . epist . . brundechildae reginae francorum ; he concludes with this prayer for her , omnipotens deus excellentiam vestram in suo timore semper custodiat , atque ita vestra vota ad filiorum excellentissimorum regum nepotum vestrorum sospitate adimpleat , ut stabile vobis gaudium de eorum semper incolumitate sicut cupitis , habere con●●dat . and epist . . theodorico regi francorum , de pace in republica facienda , ( fit for our age and condition ) he prays thus for him . sancta trinitas in suo semper faciat vos timore proficere , & ita cor vestrum placita sibi moderatione disponat , ut & subjectis vestris de vobis , & postmodum vobis de se gaudium sine fine concedat . i shall conclude with his epist . l. . epist . . leontiae augustae f●aught with thanksgivings , gratulations and prayers for her quae lingua loqui , quis animus cogitare sufficiat , quanta de serenitate vest●i imperii omnipotenti deo gratias debemus , quod tam dura longo tempore pondera cervicibus nostris amota sunt , & impe●ialis culminis leve jugum subiit , quod libeat portare subjectis . reddatur ergò creatori omnium ab hymnidicis angelorum choris gloria in coelo , persolvatur ab hominibus gratiarum actio in terra , quia universa respublica quae multa maeroris pertulit vulnera , nunc consolationis vestrae juvenit fomenta . vnde nobis necesse est omnipotentis dei misericordiam enixius exorare , ut cor v●strae pietatis sua semper dextera teneat , ejusque cogitationes coelestis gratiae ope dispenset ; quatenus tranquillitas vestra tantò rectius valeat sibi servientes regere , quantò dominatori omnium noverit , minus deservi●e . in amore catholicae fidei faciat desensores suos , quos f●cit ex benigno opere imperatores nostros . in undat in vestris mentibus zelum simul et mansuctudin●m , ut semper pro fervore valeatis , et quidquid in deo exceditur non inultum relinquere , et si quid vobis delinquitur parcendo tolerare . det vobis in vestra pie●ate p●lcheriae augustae clementiam , quae pro zelo catholicae fidei in sacta synodo h●lena nova vocata est . omnipotens dei misericordia largiora vobis cum piissimo domino spacia vivendi concedat , ut quo vestra longius vita extenditur , subjectorum omnium , consolatio validius confirmetur , &c. ipse ergo sit vestri custos imperii , sit vobis protector in terra , sit pro vobis intercessor in coelo ; ut per hoc quod relevatis duris ponderibus in vestro imperio subjectos gaudere facitis , post multa annorum tempora in caelesti regno gaudeatis . anno the . council of toledo anno under king reccaredus ; thus extoll and pray for him . cui à deo aeternum meritum ; cui aeterna corona ; cui praesens gloria & aeterna nisi verè catholico , orthodoxo reccaredo regi ? ipse sit deo & hominibus amabilis , qui tàm mirabiliter glorificavit deum in terris . anno anno marculfus a monk flourishing about the yeat of our lord , . in his * formularum , l. . c. . con●essio regis ad privilegium granted to an abby : makes this the only usual form in that age of kings confirmations of lands , and privileges to monasteries , expressed in their charters : vt pro aeterna salute , vel faelicitate regis , constanster delectet ipsis monachis , immensam domini pietatem jugiter implorare . and c. . confirmatio regis , de omni corpore facultatis monasterii : vt vos & successores vestri , uti necessitas fuerit , in conditionibus ipsius monasterii , pro salute nostra crebrius exorare valeant . and cap. . praeceptum de episcopatu : there is this clause in the usual form of kings grants of any vacant bishopprick : quatenus dum ecclesiam sibi à dispensatione divina commissam , strenuè regere atque gubernare videtur , nobis apud aeternum retrilutor●m mercedem suffragia largiantur , & ille pro peccatorum nostrorum mole , indesinenter immensum dominum debeat deprecari . this being one principle end of kings erecting and endowing monasteries , bishopricks and churches , that the abbots , monks , bishops , priests and people might therein constantly pray for the safety , prosperity and felicity of them , their royal families , posterity , and realms ; as all their charters , confirmations , and instruments evidence . the . council of toledo , anno . under king sisenandus : as it denounced this solemn excommunication thrice one after another , against all traytors who should attempt to murder or dethrone the king , or usurp his crown , against their oath of allegiance to him . quicunque ergo ex nobis , vel totius hispaniae populis qualibet conjuratione , tractatu vel studio , sacramentum sidei suae quo pro patriae gentisque gothorum statu vel conservatione regiae salutis pollicitus est , temeraverit , aut regem nece attractaverit , aut potestate regni exuerit , aut praesumpsione tyrannica regni fastigium usurpaverit , anathema sit in conspectu dei patris & angelorum , atque ab ecclesia catholica , quam perjurio prophanaverit , efficiatur ex traneus , & ab omni coetu christianorum alienus , cum omnibus impietatis suae sociis . anachema maranatha , hoc est , perditio in adventu domini sint , & cum juda scarioth partem habeant ipsi & socii eorum . amen . so also they made this devout prayer for this king. pax , & salus , et diuturnitas piissimo & amatori christi domino nostro sisenando regi . corroboret ergo christi gratia regnum illius gentisque gothorum in fide catholica annis et meritis , protegat illum usque ad ultimam senectutem summi dei gratia , & post praesentis regni gloriam ad aeternum regnum transeat , sin● fine regnet , qui in seculo feliciter imperat , ipso praestante , qui est rex regum et dominus dominorum , cum patre & spiritu sancto in secula seculorum . amen . anno the th council of toledo under king chintilla , anno as it provides for the safety of the kings person , the royal issue , and their possessions ; prohibiting all calculation of their nativities , or aspiring after their crowns , and reviling of them , under pain of excommunication : so all the bishops and nobles in it concluded with this prayer for their king. donet ei dominus & de inimicis triumphum , & de beatudine gaudium : custodiat eum protectione assidua , muniat bonae voluntatis suae circumspectione tutissima , cujus regnum manet in secula seculorum . anno the . council of toledo under king suintilla , anno . as it provides for the safety of the kings person , and of the royal posterity : with a quis ferat , aut quis christianus toleranter videat regiam sobolem aut potestatem expoliari rebus , aut privari dignitatibus , & c ? cap. , . so it concludes with this prayer for the king , cap. . donet ei dominus optimo principi diuturnum in saeculo praesenti triumphum , & in parte justorum perpetuum regnum , felicibusque annis felix ipse in longa felicitate fruatur , et divinae dexterae protectione ubique muniatur . anno in the . general council of constantinople under constantinus pogonatus , pope agatho , and the synode of rome consisting of . bishops , prayed thus for him in their several epistles to him , pro incolumitate atque exaltatione fortissimi vestri imperii unanimiter incessabiles domino preces effundentes . dei majestatem fideliter obsecrare pro longevitate atque perfecta prosperitate vestrae fortitudinis imperio divinitus concedenda , &c. and this whole general council thus unanimously cryed out with loud joyfull voyces , and prayed to god for him q sancta synodus exclamavit : multos annos imperatori : christo dil●cto imperatori multos annos . pium & christianum imperatorem domine conserva ; aeternum permaneat vestrum imperium . orthodoxam fidem tu confirmasti . after which this whole council in their gratulatory oration to him , pray thus for him , omnes unanimi●er atque consonanter acclamamus ; domine salvum fac regem nostrum , cui post te corroboravit fidei fundamentum : benedicito vitam ejus , dirige gressus cogitationum ejus , conterat virtutem inimicorum suorum , et resistentes ei continuo corruant , quia fecit judicium & justitiam sempiternam , &c. this emperor dying before this general council dissolved , and justinian succeeding in the empire , all the fathers assembled therein in their r oration to him , close it with this prayer for him , dominus imperium tuum stabiliat ac confirmet in pace et justitia , et generationum generationibus transmittat , et terrenae quoque potentiae adjiciat , et etiam coelesti r●gno fruaris . anno a the . council of toledo under king chindasiundus , and the . bishops in it , make this prayer for him . vt memorato principi cum prosperitate praesentis regni , futuri etiam largiant●r praemia gaudii , ipso praestante qui in trinitate unus deus vivit et gloriatur in saecula saeculorum . anno b in the council of toledo k. recesuinthus presented him●elf amongst the prelates , abbots , priors , earls then present , that they they might commend him in their prayers to almighty god , which they did . anno c the . council of toledo held in the th . year of his reign , made this prayer for him , obsecrantes ejus misericordiam largam ut serenissimo domino et amabili christo recesuintho principi glorioso , ita praesentis vitae felicitatem impeudat , ut angelicae beatitudinis gloriam , post longaeva tempora concedat : atque ita nos ejusdem felicitate laetos semper efficiat , ut in terra viventium remunerandos attollat . anno d the council of toledo in the . year of king recesuinthus , as it provides for the safety of his person , an crown in subjecting all clergymen and monks , who shall wittingly violate their general oaths made for the safety of his royal person and realm , to deprivation , and the kings justice , c. . so. c. . all present in it pray thus to god for him . a quo petimus et optamus , ut porrecta in longitudine felicium dierum sacratissimi principis vita , eam ●mni gloriarum decore perpetua faciat pollere salute . anno e the council of cavailon under king clodoveus assembled in the church of st vincent , pray the intercession of this holy martyr , ut longaevitatem supradicti principis suo suffragio mereamur . anno f the . council of toledo in the th . year of king vuambanus ( or bamba ) made this prayer for him , det ergo eidem principi d●minus , et cursum praesentis vitae in pace transire , et post diuturna tempora , ad se in pace , remissis iniquitatibus pervenire : qualiter et hîc felicia tempora ducat , et felix cum omnibus , quibus principatur , ad christum sine confusione perveniat : ut , quia per eum corona nos●ri ordinis in melius restauratur , coronam futuri regni capiat ex hoc in regione vivorum regnans cum christo insaecula saeculorum . amen . anno the council of * bracara in the same year , concludes with this prayer for king bamba , sit pax , salus et diuturnitas , piissimo & amatori christi domino nostro vuambano regi : divinam postulantes clementiam , ut gloria christi regnum ejus corroberet usque ad ultimam senectutem , praestante ipso qui cum patre & spiritu sancto vivit & gloriatur in trinitate deus , in saecula saeculorum . amen . anno the . council of toledo under king evingius , c. . is closed up with this prayer for him : * sanctae trinitatis poscimus inenarrabile numen & gloriosam ineffabilis potentiae majestatem , ut det amatori christi serenissimo domino nostro atque amantissimo evingio principi , imperare clementer , regnare feliciter , habere de elementis fructum , obtinere de justitia praemium , de pietate trop●aeum , quò & hic invictus victor hostium semper appareat ; & post diuturna hujus seculi curricula , ad regnum aeternum cum suis omnibus coronandus pervenire , praestante deo & salvatore nostro jesu christo domino nostro , qui cum patre & spiritu sancto in trinitate vivit & regnat deus , in secula seculorum . amen . anno the synode of frankford on the mene under charles the great , thus prayed for him . catholicum atque clementissimum semperque inclytum dominum carolum regem , omnipotens & sancta trinitas sua cum gratia circumcingat , suaque dextra semper protegat et defendat , ut faciat semper quae illi sunt placita , quatenus coelestibus fretus armis inimicos nominis christi auxilio fultus de caelo , ad terram prosternat . barbaras etiam nationes , infinita deus omnipotens ditioni ejus potentia subdat , ut ex hac occasione ad agnitionem perveniant veritatis , et cognoscant verum et unum deum creatorem suum , &c. multipliceter pax in diebus ejus , ut sit sancta ecclesia libera , et ab omni strepitu mundi secura qua libertate christus eam liberavit , &c. indulgeat miseratus captivis , subveniat oppressis , dissolvat fasciculos deprimentes : sit consolatio viduaarum , miserorum refrigerium : sit dominus et pater ; sit rex et sacerdos , fit omnium christianorum moderantissimus gubernator , auxiliante domino nostro jesu christo , qui cum patre et spiritu sancto vivit et regnat deus in trinitate perfecta per omnia secula seculorum . amen . the judgements and practices of this kinde of our venerable beda ; of boniface archbishop of mentz , and lullus his successor ; of the council of clovesho and calchuth ; and of abbat alchuvinus and others : from the year , to . you have already cited in the * precedent chapter . anno the synod of * towers in france , under charles the great , c. . decreed : primò omnium admonuimus generaliter cunctos , qui nostri conventui interfuêre , ut obedientes sint domino excellentissimo imperatori nostro , et fidem quam ei promissam habent inviolabiliter conservare studeant . orationes quoque assiduas intentè fundere pro ejus stabilitate ac incolumitate omnes se velle secundum . nostram admonitionem unanimiter professi sunt , ut misericordia divina longiori aevo illius mansuetudinem conservare dignetur , &c. anno the council of * mentz about the same time under charles the great , c. , &c. made this prayer for him and his posterity : in nomine patris et filii , et spiritus sancti ; gloriosissimo et christianissimo imperatori carolo augusto , verae religionis rectori , ac defensori dei ecclesiae , una cum prole sua , ejusque fidelibus , vita et salus , honor et benedictio , cum victoria sine fiue mansura . anno the council of * cavailon the same year under this charles the great , thus decreed : omnis iste conventus gratissima deliberatione decrevit , ut ab omnibus indesinenter orationes fiant pro vita et incolumitate , pro salute animae et corporis domini imperatoris prolisque ejus ; pro statu regni , &c. the synod of * rhemes the same year under the same emperor decreed : ut pro domino imperatore suaque nobilissima prole , orationes et oblationes , quae pro ipsis hactenus deo omnipotenti oblatae sunt augeantur , ut eos suis temporibus in praesenti seculo cum omni saelicitate custodiat , et in futuro cum sanctis angelis suis pia miseratione gaudentes efficiat . anno the like is decreed in capitularia caroli magni & ludovici , l. . c. . fredericus lindebrogus codex legum antiqu . p. . the * synod of paris under lewis & lotharius , anno . l. . c. . as it presseth all obedience , subjection , and loyalty to kings , so it prescribes constant prayers for them , from the tim. . concluding thus : si enim hieremias propheta dei , pro vita idololatrae regis nebuchadonozor orare admonet , quantò magis pro salute christianorum regum de omnibus ordinibus deo est humiliter supplicandum ? the * synod of paris under bishop odo made this decree : praecipitur districtè omnibus presbyteris ut pro domino rege faciant specialem commemorationem quando poterunt . anno a theodulphus abbas floriacensis , et aurelianensis episcopus in his poems to ludovicus the emperor thus prays for him . inclite caesar ave , ludovice serene , valeque , et tibi cunctipotens det bona cuncta deus . orbis te totus laudat , veneratur , amatque , et monitis paret , sedulus undè tuis , &c. grates pro vestrâ summa pietate rependam . aeterno patri , qui vos regnare potenter , et mores sanctos servare salubriter egit , prospera multigenis concedens cuncta triumphis , &c. vos pater , et gnatus , sanctus quoque spiritus omni tempore concedat domino praestante valere . in his poem , b in adventu caroli filii augustorum , he hath this salutation , and prayer for him . salve regum sancta proles . salve regum sancta proles , nullus ordo , nulla rerum , chare christo carole . mens & lingua , cor , voluntas , nunc silescat vastitas ,   laudem dando personet . salve regum sancta proles , chare christo carole , &c.   clerus ipse primitus , dicat omnis plebis agmen , consonent in laudibus . dives , pauper , sospes , aeger , chare christo carole , &c. which salve is . times more repeated in that poem , with other prayers for prince charles . in his poem , e in adventu lotharii imperatoris , he useth these prayers for and acclamations to him . imperator magne vivas . gaudeat totum tuorum , omnis aetas , omnis ordo , imperator magne vivas , sancta lothari , maria virgo , et simul cum patre magno , imperator magne vivas , et valens junctis beatis , vestra pax in pace cunctos , intus , extra , longe , juxta , britto cedat , atque bulgar vita , virtus et potestas , fama felix te sequatur summa summae trinitati , quae gubernet et coronet , imperator magne vivas . semper et feliciter , which is ten times repeated . agmen hic fidelium , corde dicens intimo , semper et feliciter , te cum fratribus , servet , armet , protegat , semper et feliciter . hoc precetur omnibus , firmet apta subditos , fulgeat concordia , omnis ardor hostium , robur et victoria , atqu● vitae praemia , sit per oevum gloria , te per omne seculum , semper et feliciter . anno * walafridus strabus abbot of st. gall , in his poem to ludovicus the emperor makes this expression of his loyalty to , and prayes thus for him . vilia pro meritis sunt haec munuscula vestris , sed tamen ex pleno quae dat amore fides . quam vobis servare diu , totumque per aevum , hanc animam veluti nitar ad usque obitum . quid mihi , quid possit consistere clarius unquam , gloria quàm domini continuata pii , &c. * ipse pio vires , divinaque munera regi , et clarum aeterno tempore det columen . pacem consilio faciet retinere salubri , quem paci aeternae muneribusque parat , haec vos cum vestris repetitus saepius annis , haec ad ●esta deus provehat incolumes . in his verses to the a empresse judeth , he prayes thus for her , and hers . — orabo quod ipse hactenus orabam , quaeque petenda reor . vita , praesidio , pace et solamine christi , vos vestrosque simul tempus in omne frui . proxima sanctorum quod nos per festa dierum , plenius acturos credimus et volumus . in another ( b ) poem to her , in reference to her name judeth , he prays thus for her . nomine quem sequitur , factis da christe sequatur , pace , fide , pietate , animo , sermonibus , ausis , dogmate , consiliis , successu , et prole fideli , &c. laeta cubans , sit laeta sedens , sit laeta resurgens , laeteturque poli faelix in sede locata . in his other c verses to her , he prays thus . vos vestrosque dei semper miserata potestas , protegat , exaltet , ffrmet , regat , armet , adornet . and in his d poem to charles the emperors son by judeth , he prays thus for him . majestas tibi cuncta dei det prospera semper , et vitae aeternae dulcia dona seret . anno haymo bishop of halberstat in germany , interpretatio . in epist . tim. c. . v. , , . hath the self-same commentary , and words , pressing the duty of praying for kings , as remigius forecited . anno hincmarus archbishop of rhemes in france , flourishing under charles the great , and lewis his sonne , one of the learnedest scholars in that age , in his * epistola . ad ludovic●m balbum regem , who desired his advice , how hee might settle and govern his distracted kingdom in peace , in such a time of confusion , as we now are in ; returns him this answer , in an epistle thus directed . domino ludovico regi glorioso , sit semper salus et vita . . that he should elect good counsellers of state , quia boni reges constituti bonos sibi consiliarios adhibuerunt , & per bonos reges & bonos consiliarios regimen populi multa bona habuerunt . ly . vt seniores et regni sui primores convocaret , ut omnes communi concilio de communi necessitate et vtilitate tractetis : ( the best means of publike peace and settlement , as he proves by sundry former presidents ; ) nec in exordio regni vestri inter primores regni de vestro regimine oriatur● discordia , quae non sine impedimento possit esse sedata . et regni primores qui vobiscum sunt , sic seipsos & suas voluntates contemperent , ne alios istius regni primores ad scandalum per suam cupiditatem , aut negligentiam provocent . ly that when this great parliamentary council of the nobles , and great men of the realm should assemble , they should treat of these . heads , very pertinent and seasonable for our times . primò , qualiter vos in regimine regni cum honore & salvamento , ac supplemento de his quae necessaria sunt , cum regno ac domo vestro possitis insistere . secundò ▪ ut capitulum , de honor● sanctae ecclesiae & sacerdotum & servorum dei debito privilegio ad effectum perduci possit ; ut & ecclesiae in isto regno per occasionabiles cicadas & per indeletas consuetudinarias exactiones , quae tempore pipini , caroli & ludovici non fuerunt , ante annos viginti impositas , non affligantur . tertio , qualiter regni primores cum debita sereniate & honore ergà vos consistere possint , & caeteri nobiles homines in regno securitatem habeant , ne per diversa ingenia a suis opibus , quas habere potuerint , despolientur : quia postquam radix omnium malorum cupiditas in regno isto exarsit , ut nullus , aut poenè nullus honorem , aut aliquod bonum sine precio possit adquirere , aut tenere , aut securitatem habere ; pax , & consilium & justicia , atque judicium , sicut necesse fuerat , locum in isto regno non habuerunt . quartò , ut inveniatis cum deo & vestris fidelibus , qualiter istae rapinae & depraedationes in isto regno cessent , & miser iste populus , qui jam per plures annos perde praedationes diversas & continuas & per exactiones ad normannos repellandos affligitur , aliquod * remedium habeat , & justitia & judicium quae quasi emortua apud nos sunt , reviviscant : quia usque modo , jam ante plures annos locum in isto regno defensio non habent , sed redemptio & tributum , & non solum pauperes homines , sed & ecclesias quondam divites tàm emarciatas habent . quintò , ut concordiam quae secundum deum est , inter fideles dei & vestros haberi , & vigere quantum potueritis , satagatis ; & vos talem ergà eos praeparetis , ut verum consilium vobis dare possint & audeant , &c. sexto , ut inveniatis cum deo & vestris sidelibus , qualiter pacem & amicitiam secundum deum cum vestris sobrinis , patrui vestri filiis & juvenum adjutorium vobis ad dei voluntatem , & sanctae eccles●ae ac vestrum honorem , at communem fidelium vestrorum salvationem exhibeatis . caeterum qualiter haec ad effectum perveniant , et caetera necessaria inveniantur , et assequautur , deus est exorandus , &c. faciendum est judicium pro iniquorum correctione , et pro injuriam sustinentium directione , non pro malevolentiae ultione , nec pro justam causam habentium oppressione , &c. sollicitè unicuique ambulandum est cum deo suo , et regi precipuè , qui sub tantis erit in poenis in futuro seculo , si malus fuerit , super quantos fuerit in isto seculo , in quo se à malitia non correxit , et non fecit judicium et justitiam , et non ambulavit sollicitè cum deo suo . ‖ in the front of his d . epistle to the emperor charles the gresse , praesentem et futuram optat prosperitatem et gloriam ; advising him : ut ecclesiam gallicanam poenè collapsam restituat , regni dissidia tollat , justitiae leges apud primores aequè ac subditos sartas tectas conservare , divinum auxilium per preces crebro imperare , impios et sceleratos coercere ; orphanorum et pupillorum patrocinium suscipere ; humilitatem , caritatem , mansuetudinem erga omnes sectari , improborumque societatem et samiliaritatem defugere : as the readiest way to publick peace , unity and prosperity . his d. and th . epistles are full of excellent instructions for young kings : and his th . very pertinent to our condition . the emperor lewes the d . being dead , charles the bald king of france went into italy to obtain the imperial crown from the pope : which his brother lewes , king of germany , taking in ill part , attempted in his absence to invade the realm of france . whereupon divers bishops and nobles of france being doubtfull what to do in this difficult cause , craved the advice of their metropolitan , hincm●rus archbishop of rhemes ; who in this epistle adviseth them at large : in tanta discrimine , confugiendum esse ad arma spiritualia orationum , jejuniorum , aliorumque id genus p●aesidiorum ; et in fide proprii regis caroli , licet absit , forti●er persistendum ; nec oves ulla ratione , quantum vis ludovicus vi invadat regnum , deserendas , ipsosque reges libere de suis erratis commone faciendos , ac si parere nolint , etiam à corpore christi abscindendos ; quod multorum s. patrum exemplis fusè probat . after his debate of the difficulties and dangers on both sides in resisting the unjust invador of his brothers realm , and deserting charles their absent lawfull king , he resolves thus : nos episcopi domini nostri caroli , si acciderit ut consulere ei non possimus , sicuti cupimus in temporali sui regni defensione atque tuitione , et consulamus ei in debitae fidei ob●ervatione . consulamus et nobis dei cooperatione in pia dei erga illum , observatione , et continua mentis devotione atque pro eo apud deum et sanctos ejus obsecratione , &c. consulamus et nobis ne pro quacunque cupiditate vel temporali emolumento ab illius debita fide exorbitantes , quenquam in illius regnum missis episcopis , vel quibuscunque internunciis , invitemus , nec pro abbatiis , vel hono●ibus temporalibus , atque rebus , vel facultatibus nos venundemus , iudae similes effecti , qui abiens ad iudaeos dixit ; quid vultis mihi dare , & ego vobis eum tradam ? est etiam , quoniam ab alio quocunque justè & rationabiliter credi non poterimus neque debemus , si quocunque terreno lucro vel illata injuria , salva in deum fide , seniori nostro ( regi ) fidem non servaverimus , &c. consulamus etiam quantum adjuvante domino poterimus , sociis & commilitonibus nostris , exhortantes eos , ut fidem debitam apud eum observent , &c. consulamus etiam ei , si sortè quis fuerit , qui in absentia ejus regnum ipsius moliatur subripere , ut moneamus eum de sacramentis inter se , et seniorem nostrum factis , quae rex noster se servare velle fatetur , et proponemus ei sententiam domini prolatam per jeremiam prophetam contra sedechiam , qui juravit nebuchadonozor gentili regi in nomine domini ezech. . & hierom. ibid. ( whose severe ) judgement on him for this perjury he recites at large out of king . together with the danger of perjury out of st. augustin , epist. . who stiles it , gravissimum peccatum ) si autem & contra praepositum suum agentibus consulere non potuerimus ; secundum verba a sancti ambrosii , consulamus nobis , ne faciamus quacunque cupiditate , vel adulatione , vel deceptione , vel communicatione undè vituperetur ministerium nostrum , & perdamus nomen bonum , &c. et non solum in vectigalibus stipendiariis militiae , & ecclesiis debitis , et regibus deservire jubemur , verum et in orationibus , sicut augustinus in libro b de civitate dei ostendit , ( whose words he recites at large . ) after which he thus winds up this most learned and seasonable epistle , worthy reading . si denique rex noster fuerit , annuente deo reversus , recipiamus eum cum ga●dio , & de sibi ac ecclesiae atque regni necessariis in postmodum procurare episcopaliter illum commoneamus , et prosperitati suae congaudeamus ; si vero , quod non optamus , aliter judicio dei contigerit , devotionem ac fidem debitam erga illum sinceriter custodientes , sicut scriptum est , dicamus corde , dicamus & ore domino , exultaverunt filiae iudae , id est , confessionis humillimae , in omnibus judiciis tuis domine . this was the advice of that learned loyal bishop in that age upon this occasion . anno gerbertus archbishop of rhemes , afterwards pope sylvester the d . as he hath this expression of his loyalty to the emperor otho , epist . . non dicatur reus , cui pro caesare stare semper fuit gloria , contra caesarem ignominia . so in his his . epistle , adelaidi imperatrici , he concludes thus : m●asententia haec est , quam fidem filio dominae meae ( imperatori ) asservavi , eam matriservabo ; si nequeo praesens , saltem absens , benè loquendo , bene optando , bene orando . he begins his . epistle othoni imperatori thus . domino & glorioso othono semper augusto gerbertus gratia domini remorum episcopus , quicquid tanto imperatori dignum . and in his . epistle to diedericus the bishop , in the person of prince charles the emperors nephew , he thus brands him for his perjury and treachery to the emperor , and the republick . diederico hypocritarum ideae , imperatorum infidelissimo , prolisque parricidae , ac in communi hosti reipublicae . tu divina & humana confundisti jura . cur pastorali officio mi●as intendis ? quasi verò tu pastor , & non lupus rapax , & non potius alter judas apostolus , qui dominum suum . perdidit argenteis , & tu episcopus qui dominum tuum regem haeredem regni regno privasti spe famostssimi quaestus , &c. anno b fulbertus carnotensis episcopus , inscribes his , , & , & . epistles to robert king of france thus . domino suo regi roberto lonignissimo , fulbertus dei & sui gratia carnotensis episcopus , in gratia regis regum semper manere ; statu plenae felicitatis ; in perpetuum regnare . cursum honesti continuum ad beatitudinem finis . he concludes his , , , & epistles to this king , with valete regaliter ; vale nunc & semper . vigeat excellentia vestra . he inscribes his . epistle with this option : aeterni regis consortium ; and ends it thus : omnipotens deus dilatet imperium vestrum , et dextra vos semper protegat ad pacem sanctae ecclesiae ; vitam vobis longae●am tribuat , et sua vos benedictione in omnibus exornet . his . epistle is thus directed : nobilissimo regi danemarchiae cnuto , fulbert . dei gratia carnotensium episcopus , cum suis clericis et monachis orationis suffragium . in which he writes : te non modo christianum , verum etiam erga ecclesias atque dei servos benignissimum largitorem agnoscimus . vnde gratias agentes regi regum , ex cujus dispositione talia descendunt ; rogamus ut ipse regnum tuum in vobis prosperari faciat , et animam tuam a peccatis absolvat , per aeternum & consubstantialem sibi unigenitum christum dominum nostrum in unitate spiritus sancti . amen . and his epist . is thus directed , dilectissimo domino suo roberto , regi ac reginae constantiae , verum in domino constantissimo fulbertus humilis carnot . episcopus fidelitatis obsequium et orationum suffragium , quantum scit et potest . i pretermit his other prayers and options of this kind , epist . , , , &c. anno oecumenius in his enarratio in tim. . , . useth the self-same words and passages touching prayers , intercessions and supplications for kings , as st. chrysostom and theodoret , forcited , p. , , , &c. anno the like doth theophylact , upon the tim. . , . whom they both follow . anno st. bernard abbot of clarevall thus begins and proceeds in his epistola . ad ludovicum regem francorum ( written in the name of all the cistercian abbots and monks ) eximio regi francorum ludovico , stephanus abbas cisterciensis , totusque conventus abbatum et fratrum cisterciens●um , salutem , sospitatem et pacem in christo iesu . rex coeli et terrae regnum vobis in terra donavit , donaturus et in coelo , si quod accepistis justè & sapienter amministrare studueritis . hoc est quod vobis optamus , et pro vobis oramus , ut et hic fideliter , et illic feliciter regnetis . caeterum vos quonam consilio , eisdem nostris pro vobis orationibus , quas , si recolitis , olim tàm humiliter requisistis , modo tàm acriter repugnatis ? qua enim fidueia manus pr● vobis levare possumus ad sponsum ecclesiae , quam ita et fine causa , ut putamus , ausu inconsulto contristaris ? gravem siquidem adversum vos apud eundem sponsum , et dominum suum querimoniam deponit , dum quem acceperat defensorem , sustinet oppugnatorem , &c. alioquin si non meremur exaudiri , sed contemnimur , et nos , fratres et amici vestri , et qui quotidie oramus pro vobis , et filiis vestris , et regno ; ex hac jam noveritis parvitatem nostram , &c. he begins his epistle , ad ludovicum juniorem regem francorum , with this loyal preface , and seconds it with his constant prayers day and night . si totus orbis adversum me conjuraret , * ut quippiam molirem adversus regiam majestatem , ego tamen deum timerem , & ordinatum ab eo regem offendere temerè non auderem . nec enim ignoro ubi legerim ; qui potestati resistit , dei ordinationi resistit , &c. non contristabit per illum & de illo ecclesiam suam , in quem et de quo in tantis plura laetificavit : quem suo munere contulit , sua longanimitate servabit ; et si quid aliter sapitis , et hoc ipsum vobis revelabit , et erudiet corda in sapientia . hoc optamus , hoc oramus die et nocte . he begins his epistle to this king thus , libentèr quidem sicut ipse fateri dignamini , etiam propria testante conscientia , quae ad honorem vestrum et regni vestri utilitatem spectant , pro nostro exiguo posse et quaerimus & quaeremus : though he sharply reprehends him therein : in his epistle to this king ( who oppugned the church ) he writes thus . profectò stabimus & pugnabimus usque ad mortem , si ita oportuerit , pro matre nostra , armis quibus licet , non scutis et gladiis , sed precibus fletibusque ad deum . et ego quidem qui me memini praeter quotidianas preces , quas pro pace et salute vestra , atque regno coram domino supplex ipso teste fundebam . and why so ? insuper et fratri vestro , ejusque militibus balastariisque domos episcopales contra jus et phas inhabitandas , et res ecclesiae in hujusmodi nefarios usus profligandas audacter nimium exponitis . dico vobis non erit diu inultum , si haec ita facere pergitis , &c. his epistle begins thus , ludovico dei gratia excellentissimo regi francorum , bernardus clarevallis vocatus abbas , fidelis suus , salutem à rege regum , & domino dominantium ipsi , et dilectae ejus , et filiis ejus . regna terrae & jura regnorum tun● sanè sana suis dominis atque illaesa persistunt , si divinis ordinationibus ac dispositionibus non resistunt , &c. he addes , colligitur concilium . quid in hoc detrahitur regiae gloriae , regni utilitatibus ? ibi vniversae ecclesiae commendabitur ac rememorabitur excellentiae vestrae prompta et specialis devotio , qui regum primus , aut certè inter primos rabiei persequentium eandem matrem vestram strenuissimè , et christianissimè defendendo obviastis . i●i gloriosè ab ingenti illa multitudine debitae gratiae referentur vobis : ibi a millibus sanctorum orabitur pro vobis et vestris . he begins his epistle , thus . henrico illustrissimo regi anglorum , b. abbas dictus de clarevalle , honorem , sospitatem & pacem . and his epistle , thus . lothario dei gratia imperatori augusto , b. abbas de clarevalle . si quid potest peccatoris oratio , benedictus deus , qui vos elegit , et erexit cornu salutis nobis ad laudem et cloriam nominis sui , et reparandum imperii decus , ad subveniendum ecclesiae suae in tempore malo , postremo , ad operandum etiam nunc salutem in medio terrae . from all which passages it is most apparent , that this devout abbot , with all the abbots , monks , clergy , and councils in that age , did constantly pray for their own christian kings , their queens , sons , posteritie , and other kings & emperors , wishing all health , safety , happinesse , prosperity to them , and their realms , for the churches happinesse , and did blesse god for their reigns , exaltations , successes , piety , zeal , and government . anno petrus abbas cluniacensis , epist . l. . epist . . sigivardo norwegiorum regi , prefaceth his epistle with this salutation ; in praesenti faeliciter , in futuro , faelicissimè cum christo regnare : & begins it with this thanksgiving to god : omnipotenti et aeterno regi toto cordis affectu gratias agimus , qui menti vestrae favorem et amorem suum inspirare dignatus , in vobis amorem coelestium terrenis affectibus praevaluisse ostendit , &c. and thus closeth it , ipsi omnium bonorum largitori grates quas possumus agimus ; et ut hoc ad effectum perducere satagatis , votis omnibus exoramus . epist. . glorioso principi et magnifico constantinopolitanae urbis imperatori , ioan ui calo , he wisheth , salutem ab eo qui dat salutem regibus : beginning with this thanksgiving . gratias omnipotenti regi regum , cujus regnum regnum est omnium seculorum , qui imperatoriam majestatem vestram super omnes christiani nominis principes exaltavit , et ad tenendam toto orbe ecclesiam suam , velut in medio orientis , occiedentis , aquilonis constituit , &c. et ut aliquid beneficii spiritualis vobis istud facientibus , rependamus , sicut praedecessores nostri ac nos ipsi , reges francorum , reges anglorum , reges hispanorum , reges romanorum , ipsos imperatores , ac vicinos vobis reges vngarorum confratres et comparticipes omnium beneficiorum cluniacensis congregationis fecimus ( by their daily prayers for them ) it à sublimitatem vestram , ex parte omnipotentis dei , &c. in eisdem et spiritualibus beneficiis , plenè et perfectè , in quantum licet , suscipimus : ut omnipotens salvator et hîc temporale regnum vobis adaugeat et conservet , et in futuro , cum sanctis regibus vos ad sempiternum perducat . amen . he begins his . epistle to the king of ●rusalem with the like salutation and thanksgiving to god. epistola l. . epist . . illustri et religioso regi siciliae , domino et amico rotgerio , he useth the very same salutation , blesseth god for him , and ends with this prayer for him : inde laetamur , inde in domino gloriamur , inde celsitudinem vestram , etsi vultu incognitam , verae dilectionis brachiis amplectimur : et ut ad honorem nominis sui , et ad salutem populi sui omnipotens salvator vestram regalem potentiam magnificet et con●ervet , humiliter et frequenter precamur . epist . l. . epist. . to the same king rotgerio : he wisheth , bonorum regum dignitatem et honorem : beginning it with gratias omnipotenti regi regum , qui sublimitatem vestram inter universos christiani orbis reges ac principes quadam specialis magnificentiae gloria insignivit , quadam gloriosi nominis fama singulariter exaltavit . adding , personam vestram regnumque omnipotenti deo , religiosisque tam nostris , quam aliis congregationibus , studicsissime commendavi . epistola illustri ac magnifico principi , domino ludovico regi francorum , is prefaced with this option : feliciter hic regnare , regemque regum in regno ac decore suo videre : and begins with , licet regis aeterni militiam , quam per te regem terrenum contra inimicos crucis suae armare disposuit , ad peregrina euntem comitari non valeam : devotione tamen , oratione , consilio , et auxilio , quali quantoque potero , prosequi concupisco , &c. i shall only adde , epist . l. . epist . . magnifico principi , domino rotgero , regi siciliae , frater petrus humilis cluniacensium abbas , salutem praesencem et regnum sempiternum . audientes obitum ●iliorum , vestrorum valdè doluimus , et t●m pro sosyitate vestra , quàm pro omnibus illorum , missas celebrari , orationes ad deum sundi , eleemosynas fieri , in conventu nostro praecepimus . non solum autem nunc sed et saepe diebus solempnibus et majoribus capitulis nostris , inter alios reges amicos et benefactores nostros , vestri memoriam frequentamus . anno stephanus tornacenfis episcopus , thus ends his epistola . illustri , r. hungariae regi : valeat sanctitas vestra et regnum vestrum coram domino . and he inscribes his epistle thus . canuto illustri dacorum regi , salutem , vitam et victoriam , and concludes it in this manner , valeat et crescat in dies semper magnificentia vestra . i could draw down a continual series of authorities almost every year , from the year of our lord . till this present , pressing and practicing this duty of prayer for kings , in publick and private , in their commentaries , epistles , and other writings ; but to avoid prolixity , i shall refer the readers to hugo de sancto victore , petru● lombardus , nicholaus gorrhan , anselmus laudensis , petrus commestor , hugo cardinalis , dion . carth●sianus , nicholaus lyranus , hugo de sancto victore , isiodor clarius , vitus theodorus , johannis sarisburiensis , alexander alesius , jo. arbor●us , jo. bradmyllerus , tho. de vio cajetanus , calvin , bulinger , gualther , hemmingius , arrias montanus , nic. hemingius , and. hyperius , and. scaynus , nic. selneccerus , dan. tossanus , fran. titeburamus , jo. brand myllerus , jo. faber , egidius hunnius , jo. miyer , alf. salmeron , guil. estius , jo. gagneius , claud. guilliandus , cornelius a lapide , junius , beza , marlorat , lamb. danaeus , cl. espencaeus , ant. fayus , phil. melancthon , wolf. musculus , jo. piscator , frid. balduinus , deodatus , georg. dibuadius , georg. wenirichius , adam . sasbout , pet. steuartius , jodoc . willichius , hugo grotius , dr. hamond , and others in their commentaries , explanations , and annotations on the tim. . , , . the harmony of confessions , chapter of the civil magistrate , who all presse this duty in point of precept and practice , as well for pagan as christian , vitious and tyrannical , as virtuous and gracious , heretical and popish , as well as orthodox and protestant kings and emperors . as for the forms of publick and private prayers for them , i shall refer you to all antient and modern missals , processionals , pontificals , ceremonials , psalters , primers , letanies , manuals , books of prayers and devotions , which are almost infinite in all popish and protestant kingdoms throughout the world. i shall only recite a few publick prayers of this nature , for example sake . the . is missa aethiopum , or the usual forms of common prayers used in all the aethiopian churches : wherein there are these , preces pr● rege da domine pacem , regi nostro claudio , et principibus ejus , & judicibus ejus , & subditis ejus , orna eos omni genere pacis , rex pacis pacem da nobis , quoniam omnia dedisti nobis . the . is the antient prayers used for the roman emperors in churches deus regnorum omnium & christiani maximè protector imperii : da servo tuo imperatori nostro r. triumphum virtutis tuae scienter excolere , ut qui tua constitutione est princeps , tuo munere sit potens , per eundem dominum nostrum . deus qui ad praedicandum aeterni regis evangelium , romanorum imperium praeparasti , praetende famulo tuo imperatori nostro r. arma coelestia , ut pax ecclesiarum nulla turbetur tempestate bellorum , per eundem dominum nostrum . these two forms of publick prayers are still retained in missale romanum ex decreto concilii tridentini , princed salamanticae , . orationes ad diversa , p. , . and missale romanum ex decreto pii quinti antuerpiae . orationes ad diversa , p. , . to which there are these two prayers , pro rege subjoyned . quaesumus omnipotens deus ut famulus tuus , n. rex noster , qui tui miseratione suscepit regni gubernacula , virtutum etiam omnium percipiat incrementa : quibus decenter ornatus , & vitiorum monstra devitare , & ad te qui via , veritas & vita es , gratiosus valeat pervenire . per dominum . munera quaesumus domine , o●lata sanctifica , ut & nobis vnigeniti tui corpus fiant , et regi nostro ad optinendam animae corporisque salutem ; et ad peragendum injunctum officium , te largiente , usquequaque proficiant . pereundem dominum nostrum jesum christum . what other prayers have been used for them , i have before transcribed , p. . to which i shall adde , that in most * litanies , there is this prayer inserted . et regibus , et principibus christianis pacem et veram concordiam donare digneris ; te rogamus . never more seasonable to be used than now . in the pontificale romanum , restored and published by command of pope clement the . printed antuerpiae . p. , . there is this set form of receiving the emperor , when he comes to any city , or notable town , by the clergy thereof in way of procession , intituled , ordo ad recipiendum processionaliter imperatorem . quando imperator venit ad aliquam urbem vel oppidum insigue , clerus ur●is o●viam venit ei processionaliter , extrà portam , &c. imperator , ex equo descendens , &c. sub baldachino ducitur usque ad ecclesiam . processio praecedit immediatè imperatorem , &c. whiles they go in procession towards the church , divers anthems and hymes are sung ; and when the emperor enters into the church , the bishop or chief minister , turning towards the emperor , saith , deum judicium tuum regi da : and the chorus answer , et justitiam tuam filio regis , v. salvum fac n. imperatorem nostrum domine . r. deus meus sperantem in te . v. mitte ei auxilium domine de sancto . r. et de sion tueri eum . v. nihil proficiat inimicus in eo . r. et filius iniquitatis non opponat nocere ei . v. fiat pax in virtute tua . r. et abundantia in turribus ejus . v. dominus exaudiorationem meam . r. et clamor meus ad te veniat . v. dominus vobiscum . r. et cum spiritu tuo . oremus . deus in cujus manu sunt corda regum , inclina ad preces humilitatis nostrae aures misericordiae tuae , et imperatori nostro famulo tuo n. regimen tuae sapientiae appone , ut haustis de tuo fonte consiliis , et tibi placeat , et super omnia regna praecellat . praetende domine quaesumus , famulo tuo n. imperatori nostro dexteram caelestis auxilii , ut te toto corde perquiret , et quae digne postulat assequi mereatur . per christum dominum nostrum . amen . after which follows p. , . ordo ad recipiendum processionaliter regem ; almost in the self-same words with some variation only in the anthem ; and this prayer . deus , cui omnis potestas & dignitas famulatur , da huic famulo tuo regi nostro n. prosperum suae dignitatis effectum , in qua te semper timeat , tibique jugiter placere contendat . per christum dominum nostrum . amen . ibidem p. . follows , ordo ad recipiendum processionaliter principem magnae potentiae , little different from that of kings . and p. . ordo ad recipiendum processionaliter imperatricem vel reginam . where the responsory is fitted to these persons ; and then this prayer ensues . oremus . deus , cujus providentia insua dispositione n●n fallitur , ineffabilem clementiam tuam supplices exoramus , ut sicut esther reginam , israeliticae plebis causa salutis , ad regis assueri thalaemum , regnique sui consortium transire fecisti : ità hanc famulam tuam christianae plebis salutis gratia , ad gratiam tuam transire facias ; ut tibi super omnia jugiter placere desideret , et te inspirante , quae tibi placita sunt , toto corde perficiat , et dextera tuae potentiae illam semper hic et ubique circumdet . per christum dominum nostrum . amen . i shall cloze up this chapter with the decree of the * synod of towers in france , anno . imprimis , deo optimo maximo haec synodus referendas gratias cenfuit , ( prout refert ) quod divini ejus spiritus afflatu , christianissimus rex noster , ecclesiae dei statum ac ordinem modis omnibus roborare disponens ; conciliorum provincia lium in universo galliae regno celebrationem gratam non solum habuerit , sed eam etiam indici procuraverit : hinc futurum sperans , ut quae summo nostro malo diutius grassatae sunt haereses , radicitus extirpentur , & quibus turpiter ecclesia deformatur , prorsus abo●eantur abusus , ac toti galliae mul●is jamdudum seditionibus , ac perturbationibus afflictae , omnium bonorum votis desiderata pax plenissime restituatur . idcircò summopere exoptat , et humilibus a deo precibus obnixe contendit haec synodus , ut regem tam pium , tamque religiosum fidei suae conservatione stabiliat , aequa justitiae rogatione muniat , pacem ei locupletem reddat , misericordiae fulciat affectibus , virium fortitudine roboret , commissa sibi regni gubernacula discreto moderamine tenere concedat , ut commissos sibi populos benigne regat , aeque judicet , et ad pietatis jura modificetur , illum et piissimam religiosamque ejus sponsam virili prole fructuosoque regni successore locupletet , ejusque optimam matrem , quam diutissime conservet . itaque cum sancta sit et augusta regum majestas , sitque ut sacrilegus et parricida , qui vel re vel verbo tenus regem violat ; quod priscis cautum est conciliis , quodque praesertim in synodo apud lauriacum pagum andegavensem habita pridem fuit constitutum , renovans haec synodus statuit . quandoquidem religioni inimicum , & hominibus constat esse perniciosum , futura curiosius perscrutari , & fata principum eorumque casus inquirere , cum scriptum sit ; non est vestrum nosse momenta , vel tempora , quae pater posuit in sua potestate : hoc decreto censemns , ut quisquis inventus fuerit talia perquisivisse , et vivente principe de alio regni successore habendo consilium intisse , sibique hac in re socios conciliasse , a conventu catholicorum excommunicationis sententia expellatur . quin etiam pro perversis hominum moribus emendandis salubri deliberatione c●ns●mus , ne quis in principem maledicta congerat : scriptum est enim a legislatore ; principem populi tui ne maledi●eris . quod si quis fecerit , excommunicatione ecclesiastica plectatur . nam si maledici regnum dei non possidebunt ; quantò magis talis ab ecclesia necessariò pellitur , qui divinae sententiae violator , atque in principem peccans , invenitur ? si quis contra regiam dignitatem dolose , callide et perniciose machinari comprobatus fuerit , nisi dignissime satisfecerit , anathematizetur . si quis potestati regiae ( quae non est nisi a deo ) contumaci ac inflato spiritu , contra anthoritatem et rationem pertinaciter contradicere praesumpserit , et ejus justis imper●is obtemperare noluerit , anathema sit . chap. viii . anno i now proceed in the last place to the solemn publick prayers , acclamations , supplications , thanksgivings , collects , usually made at the solemn coronations of christian emperors , kings and queens , and the homage and oaths of allegiance and fidelity then commonly sworn to them by their prelates and nobles , especially in england . i shall begin with a corippus , who poetically relating the manner of the coronation of the emperor justin , and his empresse sophia , anno , ( he living in that age ) brings in the patriarch of constantinople , thus praying for him , and the people supplicating and praying for their happiness , long life , and prosperous reign , with united reiterated shouts and acclamations . postquàm cuncta videt ritu praefecta priorum pontificum summus , plaenaque aetate venustus a●stantem benedixit eum , coelique potentem exorans dominum , sacro diademate jussit augustum sancire caput , summoque coronam , imponens apici , &c. after which the people justinum , sophiamque pares duo lumina mundi esse ferunt . regnate pares in saecula , dicunt ; felices annos dominis felicibus orant ; insonuit vox illa ●iu ; tandemque quievit . anno cautachuthenus , histor . l. . c . recording at large the ceremonies used at the coronation of the emperors of constantinople , and particularly of the inauguration of andr●nicus the younger , anno . informs us , that the patriarch of constantinople ascending upon a scaffold : patriarcha precationes ad imperatorum unctionem compositas , alias submissa , alias clara voce , omnibus audientibus ordine recitat , ac deum , ei qui ungendus est propitiat , &c. patriarcha verò ad soleam consistens , pro imperatore , imperatrice , et eorum populis preces pronunciat . after which diaconus sublata voce inquit , memor sit dominus deus potentiae imperii vestri , in regno suo ubique , nunc et semper , et in secula seculorum , addens , amen . deinceps et reliqui diaconi ac sacerdotes adeuntes , idem comprecantur . after his consecration he ascends into the catechumeum , where he may be seen of all , where there is a hymn sung to his prayse , et sanctis acclamationibus ab omnibus excipitur . as touching the ceremonies used at the coronations of the roman emperors , and the several prayers , collects , oaths made at them , you may consult at leisure , hieromymus balbus de coronatione ad carol. . c. , & . gunther . lib. . onuphrins de comitiis imperatoriis , c. , . bartholomeus chassaneus , catalog . glor. mundi pars . consid . . krantzius saxoniae hist . l. . c. . sigonius de regno ital. l. , , , . aventinus annal. boyorum , l. . antonius sabinus , georgius flammin . grimstones imperial history and others in the lives of the emperors charles the th . maximilian , & . matthias & ferdinand . the form of the emperors coronation in italian , printed and above all others melchior goldastus politica imperialia : part. . discurs . . anno the old b ordo romanus antiqu ▪ de divinis catholicae ecclesiae officiis et ministeriis , compiled about . years after christ , as iodocus coccius , and others apprehend , prescribes this form of consecration , prayers , and collects at the emperors coronation , which i shall recite , because omitted by mr. selden ; it begins thus , incipit ordo romanus , ad benedicendum imperatorem orationem primam det episcopus de castello albanensi ante portam argenteam . oremus . deus in cujus manu corda sunt regum , inclina ad preces humilitatis nostrae aures misericordiae tuae , & principi nostro regimen tuae appone sapientiae , ut haustis de tuo fonte confiliis , & tibi placeat , & super omnia regna praecellat . per dominum . orationem secundam det episcopus portuensis intra ecclesiam beati petri apostoli , in medio rotae . deus inenarrabilis auctor mundi , ut supra scriptum est in ordinatione regis . deinde vadat ante confessionem beati petri apostoli , & prosternat se pronus in terram , & archidiaconus faciat litaniam . qua finita , episcopus ostiensis ungat ei oleo exorcizato brachium dextrum & inter scapulas , & dicat orationem istam . domine deus omnipotens cujus est omnis potestas ▪ & dignitas , te supplici devotione atque humillima prece deposcimus , ut huic famulo tuo n. prosperum imperatoriae dignitatis concedas effectum , ut in tua dispositione constituto , ad regendam ecclesiam tuam sanctam nihil praesentia officiant , futuraque non obsistant , sed inspirante sancti spiritus tui dono , populum sibi subditum aequo justitiae libramine regere valeat , & in omnibus operibus suis te semper timeat , tibi jugiter placere contendat . per. pontifex ergo stet sursum ante altare , & imponat ei diadema super caput , dicens : accipe signum gloriae in nominae patris , & filii , & spiritus sancti , ut spreto antiquo hoste , spretisque contagiis omnium vitiorum , sic judicium & justitiam diligas , & misericorditer vivas , ut ab ipso domino nostro jesu christo in consortio sanctorum aeterni regni coronam percipias . qui cum patre & spiritu tuo sancto vivit & regnat deus , per insinita secula seculorum . resp . amen . alia coronae impositio . accipe coronam à domino deo tibi praedestinatam , habeas , teneas , atque possideas , & filiis tuis post te futuris ad honorem deo auxiliante derelinquas . exaudi domine preces nostras , & famulum tuum n. ad regendum rom. imperium constitutum , ut per te regere incipiat , & per te fideliter regnum custodiat . qui vivit & regnat . oremus . prospice omnipotens deus serenis obtutibus hunc gloriosum imperatorem nostrum n. & sicut benedixisti abraham , isaac , & jacob , require supra in benedictione regis . alia . deus pater aeternae gloriae , sit adjutor tuus & protector , & omnipotens benedicat tibi , preces tuas in cunctis exaudiat , et vitam longitudine dierum adimpleat , et semper in sua voluntate custodiat , thronum regni corroboret , gentes populumque tuum ad nutum tuum subjiciat , et à peste et fame tuis temporibus conservet , inimicostuos confusione induat , et super te christi sanctificatio floreat , et super caetera regna excellentiorem faciat , ut qui t●ibuit in terris imperium , ipse tibi in coelis cum electis suis conferat habere consortium . per. to this i shall subjoyn the ceremonies and prayers made at the coronation of the emperor of russ●● , recorded both in latin and english in the * marginal authors . the solemities used at the russe emperors coronation , are on this manner . in the great church of precheste ( or our lady ) within the emperors castle is erected a stage , whereon standeth a skreen , that beareth upon it the imperial cap and robe of very rich stuff . when the day of the inauguration is come , there resort thither , first , the patriarch with the metropolitans , abchbishops , bishops , abbots , and priors , all richly clad in their pontificalibus . then enter the deacons with the qier of singers . who so soon as the emperor setteth foot into the church , begin to sing : many years may live noble theodore juanowich , &c. whereunto the patriarch and metropolitan , with the rest of the clergy , answer with a certain hymn , in form of a prayer , singing it altogether with a great noise . the hymn being ended , the patriarch with the emperor mount up the stage , where standeth a seat ready for the emperor . whereupon the patriarch willeth him to sit down ; and then placing himself by him upon another . seat provided for that purpose , boweth down his head towards the ground and saith this prayer : o lord god , king of kings , and lord of lords , which by thy prophet samuel diddest choose thy servant david , and anoint him for king over thy people israel , hear now our prayers , and look from thy sanctuary upon this thy servant theodore , whom thou hast chosen , and exalted for king over these thy holy nations ; anoint him with the oyl of gladnesse , protect him by thy power , put upon his head a crown of gold and precious stones , give him length of daies , place him in the seat of justice , strenthen his arm , make subject unto him all the barbarous nations . let thy fear be in his whole heart ; turn him from an evil faith , and from all error , and shew him the salvation of thy holy , and universal church , that he may judge thy people with justice , and protect the children of the poor , and finally attain everlasting life . this prayer he speaketh with a low voyce , and then pronounceth aloud : all praise and power to god the father , the son , and the holy ghost . the prayer being ended , he commandeth certain abbots to reach the imperial robe , and cap : which is done very decently , and with great solemnity , the patriarch withall pronouncing aloud : peace be unto all . and so he beginneth another prayer to this effect : bow your selves together with us , and pray to him that reigneth over all . preserve him ( o lord ) under thy holy protection , keep him , that he may do good and holy things , let justice shine sorth in his daies , that we may live quietly without strife and malice . this is pronounced somwhat softly by the patriarch , whereto he addeth again aloud : thou art the king of the whole world , and the saviour of our souls ; to thee the father , son , and the holy ghost , be all prayse for ever and ever . amen . then putting on the robe and the cap , he blesseth the emperor with the sign of the crosse : saying withall , in the name of the father , the son , and the holy ghost . the like is done by the metropolites , archbishops and bishops : who all in their order come to the chair , and one after another bl●sse the emperor with their two fore-fingers . then is said by the patriarch another prayer , that beginneth : o most holy virgin mother of god , &c. after which a deacon pronounceth with a high loud voyce : many years to noble theodore , good , honourable , beloved of god , great duke of volodemer , of mosko , emperor and monarch of all russia , &c. whereto the other priests and deacons , that stand somewhat far off by the altar or table , answer singing , many years , many years to the noble theodore ; the same note is taken up by the priests and deacons that are placed at the right and left side of the church , and then altogether they chaunt and thunder out , singing : many years to the noble theodore , good , honourable , beloved of god , great duke of volod●mer , mosko , emperor of all russia , &c. these solemnities being ended , first commeth the patriarch with the metropolites , archbishops and bishops , then the nobility and the whole company in their order , to do homage to the emperor , bending down their heads , and knocking them at his feet to the very ground . to these prayers and acclamations used at the coronations of christian emperors , i shall only annex the prayer of the very turks themselves , at the coronation of their mahometan emperors ( which they doubtlesse derived from the christians ) thus briefly related by leunclavius . when * selim the d . after the death of his father soliman was placed in the imperial throne , inde per urbem , proclamationes more majorum factae , quibus , vota primum concipiebant●r ut anima solimanis in paradiso foelix aevum ageret , ac in perpetua gloria quiesceret : deinde , multos ut annos viveret sultanus selimes chan , prosperique status incremento continuo frueretur . i now proceed to the prayers and benedictions used at the coronation of christian kings and queens , beginginning with those in forein parts . * ordo romanus antiquus , de divinis ecclesiae catholicae officiis , contains and relates them in this manner , incipit ordo ad regem benedicendum , quando novus à clero & populo sublimatur in regnum . primum enim exeunte illo thalamum , vnus archiepiscopus dicat hanc orationem . omnipotens sempiterne deus , qui famulum tuum n. regni fastigio dignatus es sublimare , tribue ei quaesumus , ut ita in praesenti collecta multitudine cunctorum in commune salutem disponat , quatenus à tuae veritatis tramite non recedat . per , &c. postea suscipiant illum duo episcopi dextra laevaque h●norificè parati , habentes reliquias collo pendentes . caeteri autem clerici solenni apparatu ornati , praecedente sancto evangelio & duabus crucibus cum incenso boni odoris , ducant illum ad ecclesiam , responsorium canentes : ecce mitto angelum meum . cum vers . israel si me audieris . cuncta ●um plebe sequente : ad ostium autem ecclesiae clerus subsistat , & dicat alius archiepiscopus hanc orationem . deus qui scis genus humanum nulla virtute posse subsistere , concede propitius , ut famulus tuus n. quem populo tuo voluisti praeferre , ita tuo fulciatur adjutorio , quatenus quibus potuit praeesse , valeat & prodesse . per. introeuntes autem clerici ecclesiam , hanc decantent antiphonam . domine salvum fac regem , & exaudi nos in die qua invocaverimus te . psal . exaudiat te dominus . totum . usque introitum chori . tunc dominus metropolitanus dicat hanc orationem . omnipotens sempiterne deus , coelestium terrestriumque moderator , qui famulum tuum ill . ad regni fastigium dignatus es provehere , concede quaesumus , ut à cunctis adversitatibus liberatus , & ecclesiasticae pacis dono muniatur , & ad aeternae pa●is gaudia , te donante pervenire mereatur . p●r. tunc designatus princeps pallium deponat , atque inter manus episcoporum perductus in chorum usque ad altaris gradus incedat , cunctoque pavimento tapetibus & palliolis ●ontecto , ibi humiliter totus in cr●ce prostratus jaceat cum episcopis & presbyteris hinc inde prostratis , caeteris autem in choro litaniam breviter psallentibus , id est , duod●cim apostolos , totidemque martyres , confessores , & virgines . et inter caetera inferenda sunt ista . ut hunc famulum tuum illust . in regem eligere digneris . terogamus audi nos . ut eum benedicere , & sublimare digneris . terogamus audi nos . ut eum ad imperii fastigium perducere digneris . terogamus audi nos . et caetera huic benedictioni convenientia . finita litania , erigant se episcopi , sublevatumque principem interroget dominus metropolitanus his verbis . vis sanctam fidem à catholicis viris tibi traditam tenere , & operibus justis observare ? resp . volo . vis sanctis ecclesiis ecclesiarumque ministris tutor & defensor esse ? respon . volo . vis regnum tibi à deo concessum , secundum justitiam patrum tuorum , regere & defendere ? respon . in quantum divino fultus adjutorio ac solatium omnium fidelium suorum valuero , ita me per omnia fideliter acturum esse promitto . deinde ipse dominus metropolitanus affatur populum his verbis . vis tali principi ac rectori te subjicere , ipfiusque regnum firma fide stabilire , atque jussionibus illius obtemperare , juxta apostolum , omnis anima potestatibus sublimioribus subdita sit , regi , quasi praecellenti : tunc ergo à circumstante clero & populo unanimiter dicatur . fiat . fiat . amen . postea vero eo devotè inclinato , dicatur ab episcopo haec oratio . benedic domine hunc regem nostrum illust . qui regna omnia moderaris à seculo , & tali eum benedictione glorifica , ut davidicae teneat sublimitatis sceptrum , & glorificatus in ejus protinus reperiatur merito . da ei tuo inspiramine cum mansuetudine ita regere populum , sicut salomonem fecisti regnum obtinere pacificum . tibi semper cum timore sit subditus , tibique militet cum quiete . sit tuo clypeo protectus cum proceribus , & ubique tua gratia victor existat . honorifica eum prae cunctis regibus gentium , felix populis dominetur , et feliter eum nationes adornent . vivat inter gentium catervas magnanimus , sit in judiciis aequitatis singularis , locupletet eum tua praedives dextera , frugiferam obtineat patriam , & ejus liberis tribuas profutura . praesta ei prolixitatem vitae per tempora , et in diebus ejus oriatur justitia . a te robustum teneat regiminis solium , et cum jocunditate et justitia , aeterno glorietur in regno . per dominum . omnipotens aeterne deus , creator omnium , imperator angelorum , rex regnantium , dominusque dominantium , qui abraham fidelem famulum tuum de hostibus trumphare fecisti : moysi & josue populo praelatis multiplicem victoriam tribuisti , humilemque david puerum tuum regni fastigio sublimasti , & salomonem sapientiae pacisque ineffabili munere ditasti , respice quaesumus ad preces humilitatis nostrae , & super hunc famulum tuum ill . quem supplici devotione in regem elegimus , benedictionum tuarum dona multiplica , eumque dextera tuae potentiae semper & ubique circunda , quatenus praedicti abrahae fidelitate firmatus , moysis mansuetudine fretus , josue fortitudine munitus , davidis humilitate exaltatus , salomonis sapientia decoratus , tibi in omnibus placeat , & per tramitem justitiae inoffenso gradu semper incedat , ecclesiamque tuam deinceps cum plebibus sibi annexis ita enutriat ac doceat , muniat , & instruat , contraque omnes visibiles & invisibiles hostes , eidem potenter regaliterque tuae virtutis regimen administret , & ad verae fidei pacisque concordiam eorum animos , te opitulante , reformet , ut horum populorum debita subjectione fultus , condigno amore glorificatus , ad paternum decenter solium tua miseratione conscendere mereatur . tuae quoque protectionis galea munitus , & scuto inseparabili jugiter protectus , armisque caelestibus cicundatus , optabilis victoriae triumphum fideliter capiat , terroremque suae potentiae infidelibus inferat , & pacem tibi militantibus laetanter reportent per dominum nostrum , qui virtute crucis tartara destruxit , regnoque diaboli superato , ad coelos victor ascendit , in quo potestas omnis regumque consistit victoria , qui est gloria humilium , & vita salusque populorum , qui tecum vivit & regnat deus per omnia secula seculorum . amen . deinde ab alio episcopo haec dicatur oratio . deus inenarrabilis auctor mundi , conditor generis humani , g●bernator imperii , confirmator regni , qui ex utero fidelis amici tui patriarchae nostri abrahae praeelegisti regem seculis profuturum , tu praesentem regem hunc ill . cum exercitu suo per intercessionem omnium sanctorum ubere benedictione locupleta , & in solium regni firma stabilitate connecte . visita eum sicut moysen in ruho , jesum nave in praelio , gedeon in agro , samuelem in templo , et in illa eum benedictione sidera , ac sapientiae tuae rore profunde , quam b. david in psalterio , salomon filius , te remunerante , percepit è coelo . sis ei contra acies inimicorum lorica , in adversis galea , in prosperis patientia , in protectione clypeus sempiternus , & praesta , ut gentes illi teneant fidem , proceres sui habeant pacem , diligant charitatem , abstineant se à cupiditate , loquantur justitiam , custodiant veritatem . et ita populus iste pullulet , coalitus benedictione aeternitatis , ut semper maneant tripudiantes in pace victores . quod ipse praestare dignetur qui tecum vivit . tunc dominus metropolitanus ungat de oleo sanctificato caput , pectus , & scapulas , ambasque compages brachiorum ipsius ita dicendo : vngo te in regem de oleo sanctificato in nomine patris , & filii , & spiritus sancti . et dicant , ame. pax tibi . et cum spiritu tuo . deinde ungat sibi manus de oleo sanctificato ita dicendo : vngantur manus istae de oleo sanctificato unde uncti fuerunt reges & prophetae , & sicut unxit samuel david in regem ut sis benedictus , & constit●tus rex in regno isto super populum istum , quem dominus deus tuus dedit tibi ad regendum ac gubernandum . quod ipse praest . sequitur . prospice , omnipotens deus , serenis obtutibus hunc gloriosum regem , et sicut benedixisti abraham , isaac , et jacob , sic illum largis benedictionibus spiritualis gratiae cum omni plenitudine tuae potentiae irrigare atque perfundere dignare . tribue ei de rore coeli , & de pinguedine terrae abundantiam frumenti , vini & olei , & omnium frugum opulentiam ex largitate divini muneris longa per tempora , ut illo regnante , sit sanitas corporum in patria , & pax inviolata sit in regno , & dignitas gloriosa regalis palatii maximo splendore regiae potestatis oculis omnium fulgeat , luce clarissima clarescat , atque splendere quasi splendidissima fulgura , maximo perfusa lumine videatur . tribue ei omnipotens deus , ut sit fortissimus protector patriae , & consolator ecclesiarum , atque coenobiorum sanctorum maxima cum pietate regalis munificentiae , atque ut sit fortissimus regum , triumphator hostium , ad opprimendas rebelles & paganas nationes . sitque suis inimicis satis terribilis prae maxima fortitudine regalis potentiae optimatibus quoque atque praecelsis , proceribusque ac sidelibus sui regni sit magnificus & amabilis et pius , ut ab omnibus timeatur , atque diligatur . reges quoque de lumbis ejus per successiones temporum futurorum egrediantur regnum hoc regere totum , et post gloriosa tempora , atque felicia praesentis vitae gaudia sempiterna in perpetua beatitudine habere mereatur . quod ipse praestare , spiritus sancti gratia , humilitatis nostrae officio in te copiosa descendat , ut sicut manibus nostris indignis oleo materiali oblitus , pinguescis exterius , ita ejus invisibili unguine delibutus impinguari merearis interius , ejusque spirituali unctione persectissimè semper imbutus , & illicita declinare tota mente & spernere discas seu valeas , & utilia animae tuae jugiter cogitare , optare , atque operare queas . auxiliante domino nostro jesu christo , qui cum deo patre & ●odem spiritus . &c. alia . deus qui es justorum gloria & misericordia peccatorum qui misisti filium tuum preciosissimo sanguine fuo genus humanum redimere , qui conteris bella , et propugnator es in te sperantium , et sub cujus arbitrio omnium regnorum continetur potestas , te humiliter deprecamur , ut praesentem famulum tuum n in tua misericordia confidentem benedicas , eique propitius adesse digneris , ut qui tua expetit protectione defendi , omnibus sit hostibus fortior . fac eum domine beatum esse et victorem de inimicis suis : corona eum corona justitiae et pietatis , ut ex toto corde et tota mente in te credens tibi deserviat , sanctam tuam ecclesiam defendat et sublimet : populumque à te sibi commissum justè regat , nullus insidiantibus malis eum in injustitiam vertat . accende domine cor ejus ad amorem gratiae tuae per hoc unctionis oleum , unde unxisti sacerdotes , reges , et prophetas , quatenus justitiam diligens per tramitem similiter justitiae populum ducens , post peracta à te disposita in regali excellentia annorum curricula , pervenire ad aeterna gaudia mereatur . per eundem dominum . per omnia secula seculorum . resp . amen . dominus vobiscum . resp . et cum spiritu tuo . sursum corda . resp . habemus ad dominum . gratias agamus domino deo nostro . respon . dignum & justum est . praefatio . vere dignum , &c. usque deus . creator omnium , imperator angelorum , rex regnantium , dominus dominantium , qui abraham sidelem famulum tuum de hostibus triumphare fecisti , moysi et josue populo praelatis multiplicem victoriam tribuisti , humilemque david puerum tuum regni fastigio sublimasti , et salomonem sapientiae pacisque ineffabili munere ditasti : respice quaesumus ad preces humilitatis nostrae , et super hunc famulum tuum n. quem supplici devotione in regem elegimus , benedictionum tuarum dona in eo multiplica : eumque dextera tuae potentiae semper et ubique circunda , quatenus praedicti abrahae fidelitate firmatus , moysis mansuetudine fretus , josue fortitudine munitus , davidis humilitate exaltatus , salomonis sapientia decoratus , tibi in omnibus placeat , et per tramitem justitiae in offenso ingressu semper incedat . ecclesiam ergo tuam deinceps cum plebibus sibi annexis ita enutriat et instruat , contraque omnes visibiles et invisibiles hostes eidem potenter regaliterque tuae virtutis regimen administret , et ad verae sidei pacisque concordiam , eorum animos , te opitulante , reformet : ut horum populorum debita subjectione fultus , cum digno amore glorificatus , ad paternum decenter solium tua miseratione conscendere mereatur . tuae quoque protectionis galea munitus , & scuto insuperabili jugiter protectus , armisque coelestibus circundatus , optabilis victoriae triumphum feliciter capiat , terroremq●e suae potentiae insidelibus inferat , & pacem tibi militantibus laetanter reportet , per dominum nostrum qui virtute crueis tartara destruxit , regnoque diaboli superato , ad coelos victor ascendit , in quo potestas omnis , regumque consistit victoria , qui est gloria humilium , & vita salusque populorum , qui tecum vivit & regnat deus . s . dei filius jesus christus dominus noster , qui à patre oleo exultationis unctus est prae particibus suis , ipse per praesentem sacri ungu inis infusionem , spiritus paraclyti super caput tuum infundat benedictonem , eandemque ad interiora cordis tui penetrare faciat , quatenus hoc visibili & tractabili dono invisibilia percipere , & temporali regno justis moderaminibus executo , aeternaliter cum eo regnare merearis : qui solus sine peccato rex regum , vivit & gloriatur , cum deo patre in unitate ejusdem spiritus sancti deus . postea ab episcopis ensem accipiat , & cum ense totum regnum sibi fideliter ad regendum sciat commendatum , & dicatur : accipe gladium per manus episcoporum licet indignas , vice tamen & auctoritate sanctorum apostolorum consecratas , tibi regaliter impositum , nostraeque benedictionis officio in defensionem sanctae dei ecclesiae divinitus ordinatum . et esto memor , de quo psalmista prophetavit , dicens : accingere gladio tuo super femur tuum potentissime , ut in hoc per eundem vim aequitatis exerceas , molem iniquitatis potenter destruas , & sanctam dei ecclesiam ejusque fideles propugnes ac protegas , nec minus sub fide falsos , quam christiani nominis hostes execres ac destruas viduas & pupillos clementer adjuves , ac defendas , desolata restau●es , restaurata con●erves , ulciscaris injusta , confirmes benè disposita , quatenus haec in agendo , virtutum triumpho gloriosus , justitiaeque cultor egregius , cum mundi salvatore , cujus typum geris in nomine , sine fine merearis regnare . qui cum patre & spiritu sancto vivit et regnat . accinctus autem ense , similiter ab illis armillas & pallium et annulum accipiat , dicente metropolitano . accipe regiae dignitatis annulum , et per hunc in te catholicae fidei cognosce signaculum , quia ut hodie ordinaris caput et princeps regni ac populi , ita perseverabis auctor ac stabilitor christianitatis , et christianae fidei , ut felix in opere , locuples in fide , cum rege regum glorieris per aevum , cui est honor et gloria per infinita . postea sceptrum & baculum accipiat , dicente sibi ordinatore . accipe virgam virtutis atque aequitatis , quia intelligas mulcere pios , et terrere reprobos , errantibus viam pandere , lapsis manum porrigere , disperdasque superbos , et releves humiles , et aperiat tibi ostium jesus christus dominus noster qui de seipso ait , ego sum ostium : per me si quis introierit , salvabitur . et ipse qui est clavis david , & sceptrum domus israel : qui aporit , & nemo claudit , claudit & nemo aperit . sitque tibi auctor , qui educit vinctos de domo carceris , sedentemque in tenebris , et umbra mortis , et in omnibus sequi merearis eum , de quo david propheta cecinit , sedes tua d●us in seculum seculi , virga aequitatis , virga regni tui , et imitando ipsum , diligas justitiam , et odio habeas iniquitatem : quia propterea unxit te dous tuus , ad exemplum illius , quem ante secula unxerat oleo exultationis prae participibus suis , jesum dominum nostrum . postea metropolitanus reverenter coronam capiti regis imponat , dicens : accipe coronam regni , quae licet ab indignis episcoporum tamen manibus capiti tuo imponitur , eamque sanctitatis gloriam et honorem , et opus fortitudinis expressè signare intelligas , et per hanc te participem ministerii nostri non ignores , ita ut sicut nos in interioribus pastores , rectoresque animarum intelligimur , ●u quoque in exterioribus verus dei cultor , strenuusque contra omnes adversitates ecclesiae christi defensor , regnique tibi à deo dati , et per officium nostrae benedictionis vice apostolorum omniumque sanctorum tuorum regimine commissi , utilis executor , regnatorque proficuus semper appareas , ut inter gloriosos athletas virtutum gemmis ornatus , et praemio sempiternae felicitatis coronatus , cum redemptore ac salvatore jesu christo , cujus nomen vicemque gestare crederis , sine fine glorieris , qui vivit et imperat deus , cum deo patre in unitate spiritus sancti , per omnia secula seculorum . amen . et ab eo statim dicatur benedictio super eum , quae et tempore synodi super regem dicenda est : benedicat tibi dominus , custodiatque te , et sicut te voluit super populum suum esse regem , ita in p●aesenti seculo felicem et aeternae felicitatis tribuat esse consortem . amen . clerum ao populum , quem sua voluit opitulatione in tua sanctione congregari , sua dispensatione et tua administratione , per diuturna tempora faciat feliciter gubernari . amen . quatenus divinis monitis parentes , adversitatibus carentes , bonis omnibus exuberantes , tuo imperio fideli amore obsequentes , et in praesenti seculo tranquillitate fruatur , et tecum aeternorum civium consortio potiri mereantur . quod ipse praestare dignetur , cujus regnum et imperium sine fine permanet in secula seculorum . benedictio dei patris et filii , et spiritus sancti , descendat super te . amen . deinde coronatus , honorisicè per chorum ducatur de altari ab episcopis usque ad solium , canente clero : resp . desiderium animae ejus tribuisti ei domine . deinde dicit sibi dominus metropolitanus . sta , et tene amodo locum , quem hucusque paterna successione tenuisti , haereditario jure tibi idelegatum per auctoritatem dei omnipotentis , et praesentem traditionem nostram , scilicet omnium episcoporum caeterorumque servorum dei. et quanto clerum sacris altaribus propinquiorem perspicis , tanto ei potiorem in locis congruis honorem impendere memineris , quatenus mediator dei et hominum , te mediatorem cle i et plebis , ( hoc in loco dominus metropolitanus sedere eum faciat super sedem , dicendo : ) in hoc regni solio confirmet & in regno aeterno secum regnare faciat jesus christus dominus noster , rex regum , & dominus dominantium , qui cum deo patre et spiritu sancto vivit et regnat in secula seculorum . respon . amen . post haec det illi oscula pacis . cunctus autem coetus clericorum tali rectore gratulans , sonantibus campanis , hymnum alta voce concinant , te deumlaudamus . tunc episcopus metropolitanus missam celebret plena processione . incipit benedictio reginae in ingressu ecclesiae . omnipotens aeterne deus , fons & origo totius bonitatis , qui foeminei sexus fragilitatem , nequaquam reprobando aversaris , sed dignanter comprobando potius eligis , & qui infirma mundi eligendo , fortia quaeque confuudere decrevisti , quique etiam gloriae virtutisq●e tuae triumphum in manu judith foeminae olim judaicae plebi de hoste saevissimo resignare voluisti : respice quaesumus ad preces humilitatis nostrae , & super hanc famulam tuam n. quam supplici devotione in reginam elegimus , benedictionum tuarum dona multiplica , eamque dextera tuae potentiae semper & ubique circunda , ut ambone muniminis tui undique firmiter protecta , visibilis seu invisibilis hostis nequitias triumphaliter expugnare valeat , & una cum sara , atque rebecca , lia , & rachel , beatis reverendisque foeminis , fructu uterisui foecundari seu gratulari mereatur , ad decorem totius regni , statumque sanct● dei ecclesiae regendum , necnon protegendum per christum dominum nostrum , qui ex intemerato beatae mariae virginis alvo nasci , visitare ac renovare hunc dignatus est mundum , qui tecum vivit & gloriatur , deus in unitat● spiritus sancti per immortalia secula seculorum . item benedictio ejusdem ante altare . deus qui solus habes immortalitatem , lucemque habitas inaccessibilem , cujus providentia in sui dispositione non fallitur , qui fecisti quae ventura sunt , & vocas ea quae non sunt , tanquam ea quae sunt : qui superbos aequo moderamine de principatu dejicis , atque humiles dignanter in sublime provehis , ineffabilem misericordiam tuam supplices rogamus , ut sicut hester reginam , israelis causa salutis , de captivitatis suae compede solutam , ad regis assueri thalamum , regnique sui consortium transire fecisti , ita hanc famulam tuam n. humilitatis nostrae benedictione christianae plebis gratia salutis , ad dignam sublimemque regis nostri copulam , regnique sui participium misericorditer transire concedas : & ut in regalis foedere conjugii semper manens pudica , proximam virginitati palmam obtinerc queat , tibique deo vivo & vero in omnibus & super omnia jugiter placere desideret , & te inspirante , quae placita sunt toto corde perficiat . per. sacri unctio olei . spiritus sancti gratia , humilitatis nostrae off●cio , in re copiosa descendat , ut sicut manibus nostris indignis , oleo materiali oblita pinguescis exterius , ita ejus invisibili unguine delibuta , impinguari merearis interius : ejusque spirituali unctione perfectissime semper imbuta , & illicita declinare tota mente & spernere discas seu paleas , & utilia animae tuae jugiter cogitare , optare , atque operari queas , auxiliante domino nostr● jesu christo , qui cum deo patre , & eodem spiritu sancto vivit & regnat deus in secula seculorum . coronae positio . officio indignitatis nostrae seu congregationis , in reginam benedicta , accipe coronam regalis excellentiae : quae licet ab indignis , episcoporum tamen manibus capiti tuo imponitur , undè velut exterius auro & gemmis redimita enites , ita & interius auro sapientiae , virtutumque gemmis decorari contendas : quatenus post occasum hujus seculi cum prudentibus virginibus sponso perenni deo nostro jesu christo digne & laudabiliter occurrens , regiam coelestis aulae nerearis ingredi , qui cum deo patre , & spiritu sancto vivit & regnat deus , per infinita secula seculorum . amen . to these i shall subjoyn the prayers for and benedictions of christian kings and queens at their coronation , in pontificale romanum clementis viii . pontif. max. jussu restitutum atque editum , antuerpiae . fol. . &c. de benedictione et coronatione regis . cvm rex est coronandus , episcopi regni ad ●ivitatem , ubi coronatio fieri debet , convocantur . rex triduanum jejunium devotè peragit , per hebdomadam praecedentem , videlicet quarta et sexta feria , et sabbato . dominica verò proxima sequenti coronatur , qua ipse rex se ad communionem parat . ecclesia verò ipsa metropolitana , sive cathedralis , ubi solemnitas celebrabitur , paretur et ornetur , quò melius fieri poterit . ad altare majus parantur ea quae consueta sunt parari , pontifice celebrante ; et credentia juxta altare cum rebus opportunis . super altare ponitur gladius , corona , et sceptrum regi danda , et oleum catochumenorum , bombyx ad ligandum et extorgendum brachium regis , et inter scapulas post unctionem , fascia ad ligandum bombycem in brachio . paratur in ecclesia , in loco competenti , thalamus sive suggestum pro rege , in quo sit regalis sedes ornata , et thalamus ipse sit ornatus pannis sericeis , et aulaeis . sed advertendum est , quòd altitudo thalami non sit major quàm gradus supremus altaris . paratur etiam in loco convenienti tentorium , sive papilio , sub quo rex vestes regales , pro regni consuetu●ine , quae ibidem pro eo parantur , suo tempore recipit . et st regina etiam simul est coronanda , pariter pro ea illius thalamus , non longè à regio , sed illo aliquantulùm humilior ; et ita sunt situandi thalami , ut inde possiut videri altare et pontifex celebrans . parantur etiam ante altare hinc et inde sedes , pro numero episcoporum coronationi interessentium . die autem dominica , qua rex benedicendus et coronandus est , omnes episcopi conveniunt manè in ecclesia , in qua hoc fieri debet ; et metropolitanus , sive pontifex , ad quem spectat , parat se solemniter cum ministris , missam celebraturus , paramentis tempori convenientibus . episcopi verò induuntur supra rochetum ( vel supra superpelliceum , si sint religiosi ) amictu , stola , pluviali albo , et mitra simplici . quibus omnibus paratis , metropolitanus in ●aldistorio ante medium altaris pos●to sedet cum mitra , et episcopi parati hinc et inde super sedibus pro eis paratis , quasi in modum coronae sedentes , sibi assistunt . interim rex vestibus militaribus indutus , cum suis praelatis domesticis non paratis , ac baronibus , nobilibus , et aliis , venit ad ecclesiam ; et cùm fuerit prope presbyterium , duo priores episcopi ex paratis veniunt ei obviàm , et cum mitris capita illi aliquantulum inclinantes , ipsum inter se medium , birre●o deposito , usque ante metropolitanum deducunt : cui rex caput inclinans , humilem reverentiam exhibet ; qua facta , prior episcoporum deducentium stans , detecto capite , versus ad metropolitanum , dicit intelligibili voce : reverendissime pater , postulat sancta mater ecclesia catholica , ut praesentem egregium militem ad dignitatem regiam sublevetis . interrogat metropolanus : scitis illum esse dignum & utilem ad hanc dignitatem ? ille respondet : et novimus , & credimus eum esse dignum , & utilem ecclesiae dei , et ad regimen hujus regni . metropolitanus dicit : deo gratias . tunc sedet rex medius inter duos episcopos deducentes , congruenti spatio à metropolitano , ita ut illi faciem vertat ; ips● etiam deducentes episcopi , senior ad dexteram , alius ad sinistram regis se collocant , ut et ipsi ad alterutrum factes vertant . quibus sic sedentibus , postquam aliquantulùm quieverint , metropolitanus coronandum regem admonet , dicens : cum hodie per manus nostras , optime princeps , qui christi salvatoris nostri vice in hac re fungimur ( quāvis indigni ) sacram unctionem et regni insignia sis suscepturus ; benè est , ut te priùs de onere , ad quod destinaris , moneamus . regiam hodie suscipis dignitatem , et regendi fideles populos tibi commissos curam sumis . praeclarum sanè inter mortales locum , sed discriminis , laboris , atque anxietatis plenum . verùm , si consideraveris , quòd omnis potestas à domino deo est , per quem reges regnant , et legum conditores justa decernunt , tu quoque de grege tibi commisso ipsi deo rationem es redditurus . primùm , pietatem servabis , dominum deum tuum tota mente ac puro corde coles . christianam religionem , ac fidem catholicam , quam ab incunabulis professus es , ad finē usque inviolatam retinebis , eamque contra omnes adversantes pro viribus defendes . ecclesiarum praelatis , ac reliquis sacerdotibus condignam reverentiam exhibebis . ecclesiasticam libertatem non conculcabis . justitiam , sine qua nulla societas diu consistere potest , erga omnes inconcussè administrabis , bonis praemia , noxiis debitas poenas retribuendo . viduas , pupillos , pauperes , ac debiles ab omni oppressione defendes . omnibus te adeuntibus benignum , mansuetum , atque affabilem , pro regia tua dignitate te praebebis . et ita te geres , ut non ad tuam , sed totius populi utilitatem regnare , praemiumque benè factorum tuorum , non in terris , sed in coelo expectare videaris . quod ipse praestare dignetur , qui vivit et regnat deus , in saecula saeculorum . resp . amen . rex electus accedit ad metropolitanum ; et coram eo , detecto capite , genuflexus , facit hanc professionem , dicens : ego n. deo annuente futurus rex n. profiteor , et promitto coram deo , et angelis ejus , deinceps legem , justitiam & pacem ecclesiae dei , populoque mihi subjecto , pro posse & nosse , facere ac servare salvo condigno misericordiae dei respectu , sicut in consilio fidelium meorum meliùs potero invenire . pontisicibus quoque ecclesiarum dei condignum & canonicum honorem exhibere ; atque ea , quae ab imperatoribus & regibus ecclesiis collata & reddita sunt , inviolabiliter observare . abbatibus , comitibus , & vasallis meis congruum honorem , secundum consilium fidelium meorum , p●aestare . deinde ambabus manibus tangit librum evangeliorum , quem metropolitanus ante se apertum tenet , dicens , sic me deus adjuvet , & haec sancta dei evangelia . posteà rex electus metropolitani manum reverenter osculatur . his expeditis , illo genuflexo manente , metropolitanus , deposita mitra , surgit , et stans versus ad ipsum coronandum , dicit competenti voce sequentem orationem , quam etiam dicunt omnes pontifices parati , similiter sine mitris stantes ; dicunt etiam omnia alia benedictionem et coronationem ipsam concernentia , voce submissa , metropolitanum tamen in omnibus observantes , et imitantes . oremus . omnipotens sempiterne deus , creator omnium , imperator angelorum , rex regum , & dominus dominantium , qui abraham fidelem servum tuum de hostibus triumphare fecisti , moysi & josue populo tuo praelatis multiplicem victoriam tribuisti , humilemque david puerum tuum regni fastigio sublimasti , & salomonem sapientiae pacisque ineffabili munere ditasti ; respice , quaesumus domine , ad preces humilitatis nostrae , & super hunc famulum tuum n. quem supplici devotione in regem eligimus , benedictionum tuarum dona multiplica , eùmque dexterae tuae potentia semper & ubique circumda : quatenus praedicti abrahae fidelitate firmatus , moysi mansuetudine fretus , josue fortitudine munitus , david humilitate exaltatus , salomonis sapientia decoratus , tibi in omnibus complaceat , & per tramitem justitiae inoffenso gressu semper incedat ; tuae quoque protectionis galea munitus , & scuto insuperabili jugiter protectus , armisque coelestibus circumdatus , optabilis de hostibus sanctae crucis christi victoriae triumphum feliciter capiat , terroremque suae potentiae illis inferat , & pacem tibi militantibus laetanter reportet . per christum dominum nostrum , qui virtute sanctae crucis tartara destruxit , regnoque diaboli superato , ad coelos victor ascendit , in quo potestas omnis , regnique consistit victoria , qui est gloria humilium , & vita salúsque populorum : qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . resp . amen . post haec metropolitanus cum mitra procumbit supra faldistorium . rex verò ad ejus sinistram in terram se prosternit , aliis praelatis paratis ante sedes suas similiter procumbentibus . tunc cantores incipiunt , et prosequuntur litanias , choro respondente . cum dictùm fuerit , ut omnibus fidelibus , &c. resp . te rogamus audi nos . metropolitanus surgit , et accepto baculo pastorali in sinistram manum , super electum regem prostratum , dicit : ut hunc electum in regem coronandum benedicere digneris . r. te rogamus audi nos . secundò dicit . ut hunc electum in regem coronandum benedicere et consecrare digneris . r. te rogamus audi nos . producendo semper super eum signum crucis . idem dicunt et faciunt episcopi parati , genuflexi tamen permanentes . quo dicto , metropolitanus redit ad accubitum , cantoribus resumentibus , et perficientibus litanias . quibus finitis , metropolitanus , deposita mitra , surgit , illo prostrato , atque episcopis , deposita mitra , genuflexis manentibus , versus ad coronandum , dicit : pater noster . v. et ne nos inducas in tentationem . r. sed libera nos à malo . v. salvum sac servum tuum domine . r. deus meus sperantem in te . v. esto ei domine turris fortitudinis . r. a facie inimici . v. nihil proficiat inimicus in eo . r. et filius iniquitatis non apponat nocere ei . v. domine exaudi orationem meam . r. et clamor meus ad te veniat . v. dominus vobiscum . r. et cum spiritu tuo . oremus . praetende domine , huic famulo tuo dexteram coelestis auxilii : ut te toto corde perquirat ; & quae dignè postulat , consequi mereatur . actiones nostras , quaesumus , domine , aspirando praeveni , & adjuvando prosequere : ut cuncta nostra oratio & operatio à te semper incipiat , & per te coepta finiatur . per christum dominum nostrum . r. amen . post haec metropolitanus sedet , accipit mitram , et electus rex coram eo genuflectit ; et circumastantibus praelatis paratis cum suis mitris in modum coronae , metropolitanus intingit pollicem dexterae manus in oleum catechumenorum , et inungit , in modum crucis , illius brachium dexterum , inter juncturam manus , et juncturam cubiti , atque inter scapulas , dicens hanc orationem . deus , dei filius , jesus christus dominus noster , qui à pat●e oleo exultationis unctus est , prae participibus suis ; ipse per prae●entem sanctae unctionis infusionem spiritus paracliti super caput tuum benedictionem infundat , eandemque usque ad interiora cordis tui penetrare faciat : quatenus hoc visibili & tractabili oleo , dona invisibilia percipere , & temporali regno justis moderationibus executo , aeternaliter cum eo regnare merearis , qui solus sine peccato , rex regum vivit & gloriatur cum deo patre in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . oremus . omnipotens sempiterne deus , qui hazael super syriam & jehu super israel per eliam , david quoque & saulem per samuelem prophetam in reges inungi fecisti ; tribue , quaesumus , manibus nostris opem tuae benedictionis , & huic famulo tuo n. quem hodie , licet indigni , in regem sacra unctione delinimus , dignam delibutionis hujus efficaciam , & virtutem concede : constitue , domine , principatum super humerum ejus , ut sit fortis , justus , fidelis , providus , & indefessus regni hujus & populi tui gubernator , infidelium expugnator , justitiae cultor , meritorum & demeritorum remunerator , ecclesiae tuae sanctae & fidei christianae defensor , ad decus & laudem tui nominis gloriosi , per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . quo facto , metropolitanus lavat et abstergit manus , surgit cum mitra , descendit ante altare ; ubi deposita mitra , stans cum suis ministris facit confessionem . rex verò electus ad partein se ●etrahit , et genuflexus cum suis praelatis domesticis idem facit . similiter et episcopi parati sine mitris stantes , bini et bini confessionem dicunt . finita confessione , metropolitanus ascendit ad altare , et procedit in missa , more solito , usque ad allelujah , sive ultimum versum tractus , vel sequentiae , exolusivè , prae●atis paratis juxta suas sedes stantibus , vel sedentibus , prout tempus requirit . interim schola inchoat introitum , et prosequitur in missa ; et rex à suis ducitur in sachristiam , vel sub papillione ad hoc parato , ubi inter scapulas et brachium inunctum bombyce benè abstergitur , et induitur regalibus indumentis , ex more regni paratus itaque rex , et ornatus , procedit cum suis praelatis , baronibus , et aliis ad eminentem et ornatum thalamum , in ecclesia sibi praeparatum , et ibi super aliquo faldistorio ornato genuflexus incumbens , audit missam , quam praelati sui non parati circumstantes etiam genuflexi legunt usque ad allelujah , sive ultimum versum tractus , vel sequentiae , exclusivè . missa dicitur de die ; et cum oratione diei , dicitur pro ipso electo rege , sub uno per dominum , haec oratio . quaesumus , omnipotens deus , ut famulus tuus n. rex noster , qui tua miseratione suscepit regni gubernacula , virtutum etiam omnium percipiat incrementa ; quibus decenter ornatus , et vitiorum monstra devitare , et ad te , qui via , veritas , & vita es , gloriosus valeat pervenire . per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spitus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculor●m . r. amen . graduali cantato , metropolitanus sedet ante altare cum mitra in faldistorio , et rex à suis associatus medius inter priores praelatos paratos ad metropolitanum redueitur ; cui facta reverentia , ut prius , genuflectit coram eo . tunc metropolitanus accipit gladium , quem unus ministrorum sibi porrigit de altari , et illum evaginatum tradit in manus regis , dicens : accipe gladium de altari sumptum per nostras manus , licet indignas , vice tamen & auctoritate sanctorum apostolorum consecratas , tibi regaliter concessum , nostraeque benedictionis officio , in defensionem sanctae dei ecclesiae divinitus ordinatum ; & memor esto ejus , de quo psalmista prophetavit , dicens : accingere gladio tuo super femur tuum potentissime ; ut in hoc per eundem vim aequitatis exerceas , molem iniquitatis potenter destruas , et sanctam dei ecclesiam , ejusque fideles propugnes ac protegas ; nec minùs sub fide falsos , quàm christiani nominis hostes execres , ac dispergas ; viduas & pupillos clementer adjuves , ac defendas ; desolata restaures , restautata conserves ; ulciscaris injusta , confirmes benè di●posita : quatenus haec agendo , virtutum triumpho gloriosus , justitiaeque cultor egregius , cum mundi salvatore sine fine regnare merearis . qui cum deo patre , & spiritu sancto , vivit et regnat deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . his expeditis , ensis à ministris in vaginam reponitur ; et metropolitanus accingit ense regem , dicens : accingere gladio tuo super femur tuum potentissime , & attende , quòd sancti non in gladio , sed per fidem vicerunt regna . et mox rex accinctus surgit , et eximit ensem de vagina , illumque viriliter vibrat ; deinde super brachium sinistrum tergit , et in vaginam reponit ; atque i●erum coram metropolitano genuflectit . tunc ei corona imponitur , quam omnes praelati parati , qui adsunt , de altari per metropolitanum sumptam manibus tenent , ipse metropolitano illam regen●e , capiti illius imponente , ac dicente : accipe coronam regni , quae , licet ab indignis , episcoporum tamen , manibus capiti tuo imponitur . in nomine patris , & filii , & spiritus sancti , quam sanctitatis gloriam , et honorem , & opus fortitudinis , significare intelligas ; & per hanc te participem ministerii nostri non ignores . ita , ut sicut nos in interioribus pastores rectoresque animarum intelligimur , ita & tu in exterioribus verus dei cultor , strenuusque contra omnes adversitates ecclesiae christi defensor assista● ; regnique tibi à deo dati , & per officium nostrae benedictionis in vice apostolorum , omniumque sanctorum , regimini tuo commissi utilis executor , proficuusque regnator semper appareas ; ut inter gloriosos athletas , virtutum gemmis ornatus , & praemio sempiternae felicitati● coronatus , cum redemptore ac salvatore nostro jesu christo , cujus nomen vicemque gestare crederis , sine fine glorieris . qui vivit et imperat deus , cum patre & spiritu sancto , in saecula saeculorum r. amen . posteà metropolitanus dat ei adhuc genuflexo sc●ptrum , dicens : accipe virgam virtutis ac veritatis , qua intelligas te obnoxium mulcere pios , terrere reprobos , errantes viam docere , lapsis manum porrigere , disperde●e superbos , & relevare humiles : & ape●iat tibi ostium jesus christus dominus noster , qui de semetipso ait , ego sum ostium , per me si quis introierit , salvabitur : qui est clavis david , & sceptrum domus israel ; qui aperit , & nemo claudit ; claudit , & nemo ape●it . sitque tibi ductor , qui educit vinctum de domo carceris , sedentem in teneb●is & umbra mortis : & in omnibus sequi merearis eum , de quo david propheta cecinit , sedes tua , deus , in saeculum saeculi ; virga directionis , virga regni tui ; & imitando ipsum , diligas justitiam , et odio habeas iniquitatem , quia proptereà unxit te deus , deus tuus , ad exemplum illius , quem ante saecula unxerat oleo exultationis , prae participibus suis , jesum christum dominum nostrum , qui cum eo vivit & regnat deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen tunc regi surgenti discingitur ensis , et in vagina datur alicui , qui eum ante regem immediatè portat . et metropolitanns cum aliis prae●atis paratis deducit regem , sceptrum in manu et coronam in capite ferentem medium inter se à dexteris , et digniorem praelatum paratum à sinistris regis incedentem , ad solium supra thalamum ; et adjuvante cum digniore prae●ato praedict● , inthronizat regem in solio , dicens : sta , & retine amodò locum tibi à deo delegatum , per auctoritatem omnipotentis dei , & per p●aesen em traditionem nostram , omnium scilicet episcoporum , cae●erorumque dei servorum ; & quantò clerum sac●is altaribus propinquiorem perspicis , tanto ei potiorem in locis congruis honorem impendere memineris ; quatenus mediator dei & hominum te mediatorem cleri et plebis permanere faciat . deinde metropolitanus , deposita mitra , stans versus ad altare inchoat , schola prosequente , hymnum : te deum laudamus . qui totus dicitur : quo incepto , metropolitanus accedit ad dextram regis : ibi continuò maneus , usque ad finem hymni ; et eo finito , metropolitanus stans , ut priùs , ad dexteram regis sine mitra , dicit super illum versus . firmetur manus tua , et exaltetur dextera tua . r. justitia et judicium praeparatio sedis tuae . v. domine exaudi orationem meam . r. et clamor meus ad te veniat . v. dominus vobiscum . r. et cum spiritu tu● . oremus . deus , qui victrices moysi manus in oratione firmasti , qui quamvis aetate languesceret , infatigabili sanctitate pugnabat ; ut dum amalech iniquus vincitur , dum profanus nationum populus subjugatur , exterminatis alienigenis , hereditati tuae possessio copiosa serviret ; opus manuum tuarum pia nostrae orationis exauditione confirma : habemus & nos apud te , sancte pater , dominuum salvatorem , qui pro nobis manus suas extendit in cruce ; per quem etiam precamur , altissime , ut , tua pctentia suffragante universorum bostium frangatur impietas ; populusque tuus , cessante formidine , te solum timere condiscat . per eundem cbristum dominum nostrum . r. amen . oremus . deus inenarabilis auctor mundi , conditor generis humani , confirmator regni , qui ex utero fidelis amici tui patriarche nostri abrahae praeelegisti regem saeculis profuturum : tu praesentem insignem regem hunc cum exercitu suo per intercessionem beatae maria semper virginis , & omnium sanctorum , uberi benedictione locupleta , & in solium regni f●●ma stabil itate connecte : visita eum , sicut visitasti m●ysen in r●bo , josue in praelio , gedeonem in agro , samuelem in templo ; & illa eum siderea benedictione , ac sapientiae tuae rore persunde , quam beatus david in psalterio , salomon filius ejus , te remunerante , percepit de coelo . sis ei contra acies inimicorum lorica , in adversis galea , in prosperis sapientia , in protectione clypeus sempiternus . et praesta , ut gentes illi teneant fidem , proceres sui habeant pacem , diligant charitatem , abstineant se à cupiditate , loquantur justitiam , custodiant veritatem : & ita populus iste sub ejus imperio pullulet , coalitus benedictione aeternit●tis ; ut semper tripudiantes maneant in pace , ac victores . quod ipse praestare dignetur , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . quibus finitis , metropolitanus cum prae●atis paratis redit ad sedem suam , vel faldistorium propè altare , et ( nisi sit coronanda regina ) dicitur alleluia , sive ultimus versus tractus , vel sequentiae evangelium , et alia usque ad offertorium inclusivè . quo dicto , metropolitanus residet in faldistorio suo ante medium altaris cum mitra ; et rex à su●s praelatis , et baronibus associatus , venit ante metropolitanum , coram quo genuflexus , detecto capite , offert ei aurum , quantum sibi placet , et manum metropolitani recipientis osculatur . deinde ad solium suum revertitur . metropolitanus lavat manus , surgensque accedit ad altare , et prosequitur missam usque ad communionem . cum secreta diei dicitur pro rege , sub uno per dominum nostrum . secreta . munera , quaesumus domine , oblata sanctifica : ut et nobis unigeniti tui corpus et sangu is fiant ; et regi nostro ad obtinendam animae corporisque salutem , et ad peragendum injunctum officium , te largiente , usquequaque proficiant , per eundem dominum nostrum jesum christum 〈◊〉 cuum , qui tecum vivit et ●egnat in unitate spi●itus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . pax d●●ur regi per primum ex p●ae●atis paratis , cum instrumento ad hoc ordinaro . postquam metropoli anus se de corpo●e , et sanguine , quem totum sum●re d●be● , communicaverit ; rex , de●ecto cap●te , de tha●●m●●●o accedit a● altare , cor●m quo , in supremo gradu genufl●cti● , et metropoli●anus conversus a● regem , ipsum communicat . rex , priusquam communionem suma● , osculatur manum dexteram metropolitani ; et sump●a communione , ex calice de manu metropolitani se purificat , et purificatus ad thalamum suum revertitur . metropolitanus verò ▪ blutionem sumit ; et accepta mitra , lavat manus , et perficit missam . cum postcommunione diei , dicitur pro rege , sub uno per dominum , postcommunio . haec , domine , oblatio salutaris famulum n. regem nostrum ab omnibus tueatur adversi● ; quatenus ecclesiasticae pacis obtineat tranquillitatem , & post istius tempo●is decursum ad aeternam perveniat haereditatem . per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . in fine metropolitanus dat benedictionem solemnem , ut suprà ; qua data , singuli ad sua revertuntur . de benedictione & coronatione reginae . siverò tunc regina benedicenda sit et coronanda , quàm primùm , ipso rege inthroniza●o , et orationibus expletis , metropolitanus cum prae●atis paratis ad altare reversus in faldistorio sedet rex de solio suo surgens , cum comitiva sua , coronam in capite et sceptrum in manu gestans , ante altare ad metropolitanum proficiscitur ; et facta ei reverentia , stans , detecto capite , petit reginam benedici , et coronari , sub his verbis : reverendissime pater , postulamus , ut consortem nostram nobis à deo conjunctam benedicere , & co●ona reginaii deco●are dignemini , ad laudem & gloriam salvatoris nostri jesu christi . deinde ad solium suum revertitur . tunc regina , quae in aliquo loco ad partem in ecclesia à principio steterat , à duobus episcopis paratis , non his qui regem deduxerunt , sed primis post eos , crine soluto , & capite velato , in vestibus suis communibus ad metropolitanum ante altare deducitur ; & facta metropolitano reverentia , coram illo genuflectit , & ejus manum osculatur . tunc surgit metropolitanus cum mitra , & in faldistorio procumbit . regina verò ad ejus sinistram in terram se prosternit ; & inchoantur ac perfi●iuntur litaniae , ut suprà : quibus finitis , m●tropolitanus , deposita mitra , surgit , & stans versus ad illam ante segenufl●xam , dicit sequentem orationem intelligibili voce ; quam etiam , & alia sequentia , astantes praelati parati submissa voce dicunt . oremus . omnipotens sempiterne deus , hanc famulam tuam n. coelesti benedictione sanctifica , quam in adjutorium regni reginam eligimus ; tua ubique sapientia doceat , & comfortet , atque ecclesia tua fidelem famulam semper agnoscat . per eundem dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus . deinde , extensis manibus ante pectus , dicit : per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . v. dominus vobiscum . r. et cum spiritu tuo . v. sursum corda . r. habemus ad dominum . v. gratias agamus domin● deo nostro . r. dignum & justum est . verè 〈◊〉 & justum est , aequum & salutare , nos tibi ●emper & ubique gratias agere ▪ domine sancte , pater omnipotens , aeterne deus : honorum cunctorum auctor ac distributor , benedictionumque omnium largus infusor , tribue super hanc famulam tuam reginam benedictionis tuae copiam ; & quam humana electio sibi praeesse gaudet , tua supernae electionis & benedictionis infusio accumulet . concede ei , domine , auctoritatem regiminis , consilii magnitudinem , sapientiae , prudentiae , & intellectus abundantiam religionis ac pietatis custodiam ; quatenus mereatur benedici & augmentari in nomine , ut sara ; visitari & faecundari , ut rebecca ; cont●a omnium muni●i vitiorum monstra , ut judith ; in regimine regni eligi , ut esther . ut , quam humana nititur fragilitas benedicere , c●lestis potius intimi roris repleat infusio . et quae à nobis eligitur & benedicitur in reginam , à te mereatur obtinere praemium aeternitatis perpetuae . et sicut ab hominibus sublimatur in nomine , ita à te sublimetur side & operatione . illo etiam sapientiae tuae ●am ro●e perfunde , quem beatus david in repromissine & filius ejus salomon percepit in locupletatione . sis ei , domine , contra cunctorum ictus inimicorum lorica ; in adversis galea ; in prosperis sapientia ; in protectione clypeus sempiternus . sequatur pacem , diligat charitatem , abstineat se ab omni impietate ; loquatur justitiam , custodiat veritatem ; sit cultrix justitiae et pietatis , amatrix religionis . vigeatque praesenti benedictione in hoc aevo annis plurimis , & in sempiterno sine fine aeternis . quod sequitur , dicit planè legendo ; ita tamen , quòd à circumstantibus audiatur . per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . qua praefatione expleta , sedet metropolitanus ; et accepta mitra , inungit in modum crucis cum oleo cate●huminorum illius brachium dexterum , inter juncturam m●nus , et juncturam cubiti , atque inter scapulas , dicens : deus pater aeternae gloriae sit tibi adjutor , & omnipotens benedicat tibi , preces tuas exaudiat ; vitam tuam longitudine dierum adimpleat ; benedictionem tuam jugiter confirmet ; te cum omni populo in aeternum conservet ; inimicos tuos confusione induat ; et super te christi sanctificatio , atque hujus olei infusio floreat : ut , qui tibi in terris tribuit benedictionem , ipse in coelis conferat meritum angelorum ; ac benedicat te , et custodiat in vitam aeternam jesus christus dominus noster , qui vivit & regnat deus , in saecula saeculorum . r. amen . quo facto , surgit regina , et à suis ducitur ad sacristiam , seu papilionem , ubi rex regales vestes indutus est ; ibi et ipsa induitur vestibus reginalibus , quibus induta reducitur ad metropolitanum adhuc cum mitra in faldistorio sedentem , qui imponit illi ante genuflexae coronam , dicens : accipe coronam gloriae , ut scias te esse consortem regni , populoque dei semper prospere consulas ; et quantò plus exaltaris , tantò amplius humilitatem diligas , et custodias , in christo jesu domino nostro . et mox dat ei sceptrum , dicens : accipe virgam virtutis ac veritatis , et esto pauperibus misericors , et affabilis ; viduis , pupillis , & orphanis , diligentissimam curam exhibeas ; ut omnipotens deus augeat tibi gratiam suam , qui vivit et regnat in saecula saeculorum . r. amen . quo facto , surgit regina ; & episcopi parati , qui ipsam ad altare deduxerunt , eam associant usque ad suum thalamum , ubi sedet in solio suo , matronis ejus ipsam comitantibus : deinde dicitur alleluia , sive ultimus versus tractus , vel sequentiae , evangelium , & offertorium . quo dicto , regina cum rege à suis tantùm associati , vadunt ad offerendum metropolitano in faldistorio ante medium altaris sedenti , de auro quantum volunt , & manum metropolitani recipientis osculantur : deinde revertuutur ambo ad thalamum suum , et proceditur in missa usque ad communionem . data pace regi et reginae per primum ex praelatis paratis , cum instrumento ad hoc ordinato ; rex et regina à suis tantùm associati descendunt de thalamis , et veniunt ad altare , ubi in supremo gradu genuflectunt : et percepta communione , metropolitanus ponit ambas hostias consecratas super patenam , et conversus ad regem et reginam , eos communicat . rex , priusquam communionem sumat , osculatur manum dexteram metropolitani ; cum simili modo communicat reginam , quae similiter ejus manum osculatur : et succ●ssivè ambos ex calice suo purificat ; qui purificati ad thalamossuos revertuntur , eo ordine quo venerunt . metropolitanus verò ablutionem sumit ; et accepta mitra , lavat manus , perficitque missam , et in fine dat benedictionem solemnem . qua data rex et regina vadunt ad palatium suum ; et metropolitanus atque alii praelati omnes deponunt vestes sacras , et ad propria quisque revertitur . de benedicione et coronatione reginae solius . si rege jam pridem coronato , regina sola , ut conjux illius , coronanda sit parantur duo thalami , et alius locus , in quo regina à principio officii usque ad tempus corona fonis expectat . vocantur omnes praelati regni , atque omnia alia fiunt , quae supra pro coronatione reg●s ordinata sunt . die autem statuto , metropolitano et praelatis in ecclesia constitutis , et se vestientibus , rex vestibus regalibus indutus cum corona in ca●ite , et sceptro in manu , ense praecedente , à suis associa●us venit ad ecclesiam , et ascendit thalamum suum ; et metropolitano ac praelatis omnibus paratis incipitur missa , more solito , et continuatur usque ad alleluia , sive ultimum versum tractus , vel sequentiae , exclusivè . tunc rex coronam et sceptrum ferens descendit de thalamo suo ; et metropolitono in faldistorio ante altare tum mitra sedente , sta●s , detecto capi●e , petit ab eo reginam benedici , et coronari , sub his verbis : reve●endissime pater , postulamus ut consortem nostram nobis à deo conjunctam benedice●e , et corona reginali decora●e dignemini , ad laudem et glo●iam salvato●i● nostri jesu christi . deinde ad thalamum suum revertitur : et regina , quae usque tunc in aliquo loco ad par●em in ecclesia steterat , à duobus prioribus praelatis paratis , c●ine soluto , et capi●e ve ato ducitur ad metropo●itanum an●e altarę sedontem ; et facta ei reveren●ia coram eo genuflectit , et ejus manum osculatur . tunc surgit metropolitanus , et cum mitra procumbit supra faldistorium ▪ regina verò ad ejus simstram se in ●erram prosternit , et inchoantur litan●ae et perfic●untur , atque omnia alia fiunt , quae suprà in coronatione reginae dicta sunt , usque ad offertorium ; ad quod poterit rex cum regina procedere , vel regina sola , prout regi placebit . facta communione per metropolitanum , communicatur regina . deinde perfici●ur missa , et in fine metropolitanus dat benedictionem solemnem , &c. de benedictione et coronatione regin● ut regni dominae . si verò regina coronanda est ut regni domina , et absque rege , tunc paratur thalamus unus in ecclesia ; vocantur praelati regni , et omnia alia simili●er fiunt , quae suprà pro coronatione regis ordinata sunt . die sta●uto , conveniunt in ecclesia , in qua corona●io fieri debet ; ubi metropolitanus , au . alius ad quem spectat , cum episcopis aliis parat se , et sedent ante al are , ut suprà dictum est . interim regina consue●is vestibus induta , cum suis praelatis , baronibus , et ma●ronis , a●que aliis domesticis v●nit ad ecclesiam ; et cùm fuerit prope presbyterium , duo priores episcopi parati veniunt et obv●àm , et cum mitris capi●a illi aliquantulum inclinantes , ipsam inter se mediam usque ad metropolitanum deducunt : cui regina caput inclinans , humilem reverentiam exhibet ; qua facta , prior ipsorum deducentium detecto capite , versus ad metropoli●anum , dicit : reverendissime pater , postulat sancta mater ecclesia catholica , ut praesentem circumspectam mulierem ad dignitatem reginalem sublevetis . tunc interrogat metropolanus : scitis illam esse dignam & utilem ad hanc dignitatem ? ille respondet : et novimus , & credimus eam esse dignam , & utilem ecclesiae dei , et ad regimen hujus regni . metropolitanus dicit : deo gratias . tunc sedet regina media inter ipsos episcopos deducentes , congruenti spatio à metropolitano , i●a ut illi faciem vertat ; ipsi etiam deducentes episcopi , senior ad dexteram , alius ad sinistram reginae se collocant , ut et ipsi ad alteru●rum factes vertant . ipsis sic sedentibus , pos●quam aliquantulùm quieverint , metropolitanus coronandam reginam admonet , dicens : cum hodie per manus nostras , circumspecta mulier , qui christi salvatoris nostri vice in hac re fungimur ( quāvis indigni sacram unctionem et regni insignia sis suscepturus ; benè est , ut te priùs de onere , ad quod destinaris , moneamus . regiam hodie suscipis dignitatem , et regendi sideles populos tibi commissos curam sumis . praeclarum sanè inter mortales locum , sed discriminis , laboris , atque anxietatis plenum . verùm , si consideraveris , quòd omnis potestas à domino deo est , per quem reges regnant , et legum conditores justa decernunt , tu quoque de grege tibi commisso ipsi deo rationem es redditura . primùm , pietatem servabis , dominum deum tuum tota mente ac puro corde coles . christianam religionem , ac fidem catholicam , quam ab incunabulis professa es , ad sinem usque inviolatam retinebis , eamque contra omnes adversantes pro viribus defendes . ecclesiarum praelatis , ac reliquis sacerdotibus condignam reverentiam exhibebi● . ecclesiasticam libertatem non conculcabis ; justitiam , sine qua nulla societas diu consistere potest , erga omnes inconcussè administrabis , bonis praemia , noxiis debitas poenas retribuendo . viduas , pupillos , pauperes , ac debiles ab omni oppressione defendes . omnibus te adeuntibus benignam , mansuetam , atque affabilem , pro regia tua dignitate te praebebis . et ita te geres , ut non ad tuam , sed totius populi utilitatem regnare , praemiumque benè factorum tuorum , non in terris , sed in coelo expectare videaris . quod ipse praestare dignetur , qui vivit et regnat deus , in saecula saeculorum . resp amen . regina electa accedit ad metropolitanum ; et genuflexa facit hanc professionem , dicens : ego n. deo annuente futura regina n. prositeor , et promitto coram deo , et angelis ejus , deinceps legem , justitiam & pacem ecclesiae dei , populoque mihi subjecto , pro posse & nosse , facere ac servare , salvo condigno misericordiae dei respectu , sicut in consilio fidelium meorum meliùs potero invenire . pontisicibus quoque ecclesiarum dei condignum & canonicum honorem exhibere ; atque ea , quae ab imperatoribus & regibus ecclesiis collata & reddita sunt , inviolabiliter observare . abbatibus , comitibus , & vasallis meis congruum honorem , secundum consilium fidelium meorum , praestare . deinde ambabus manibus tangit librum evangeliorum , ( quem metropolitanus coram ea super genibus apertum tenet , inferiori parte libri reginae versa ) dicens , sic me deus adjuvet , & haec sancta dei evangelia . et post regina electa metropolitani manum reverenter osculatur . quo facto , metropolitanus surgit , et cum mitra procumbit in faldistorio . regina verò ad ejus sinistram in terram se prosternit . et cantores incipiunt , schola prosequente , litanias ; in quibus cùm dictum fuerit , ut omnibus fidelibus , &c. r. te rogamus audi nos . metropolitanus surgit , et accepto baculo pastorali in sinistra , super illam dicit : ut hanc electam in reginam coronandam benedicere digneris . r. te rogamus audi nos . secundo dicit . ut hanc electam in reginam coronandam benedicere , & consecrare digneris . r. te rogamus audi nos . producendo semper super reginam signum crucis . idem dicunt et faciunt episcopi parati , genuflexi tamen permanentes . quo dicto , metropolitanus redit ad aceubitum , cantoribus litanias resumentibus , et perficientibus . quibus finitis , metropolitanus , deposita mitra , surgit , regina prostrata manente , etdicit super eam intelligibili voce orationem sequentem ; quam astantes episcopi , etiam sine mitris in locis suis stantes , submissa voce pronunciant . oremus . omnipotens sempiterne deus , hanc famul●m tuam coelesti benedictone sanctisica , quam in gubernationem regni reginam eligimus , tua ubique sapientia doceat , et confortet , atque ecclesia tua fidelem famulam semper agnoscat . per eundem dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus . tunc surgit regina et coram pontifice genuflectit . deindo pontifex mediocri voce , extensis manibus ante pectus , dicit : per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . v. dominus vobiscum . r. et cum spiritu tuo . v. sursum corda . r. habemus ad dominum . v. gratias agamus domino deo nostro . r. dignum & justum est . verè dignum & justum est , aequum & salutare , nos tibi semper & ubique gratias agere , domine sancte , pater omnipotens , aeterne deus : honorum cunctorum auctor ac distributor , benedictionumque omnium largus infusor , tribue super hanc famulam tuam reginam benedictionis tuae copiam ; & quam humana electio sibi praeesse gaudet , tua supernae electionis & benedictionis infusio accumulet . concede ei , domine , auctoritatem regiminis , consilii magnitudinem , sapientiae , prudentiae , & intellectus abundantiam , religionis ac pietatis custodiam ; quatenus mereatur benedici & augmentari in nomine , ut sara ; visitari & faecundari , ut rebecca ; contra omnium muniri vitiorum monstra , ut judith ; in regimine regni eligi , ut esther . ut , quam humana nititur fragilitas benedicere , coelestis potius intimi roris repleat infusio . et quae à nobis eligitur & benedicitur in reginam , à te mereatur obtinere praemium aeternitatis perpetuae . et sicut ab hominibus sublimatur in nomine , ita à te sublimetur fide & operatione . illo etiam sapientiae tuae eam rore perfunde , quem beatus david in repromissine & filius ejus salomon percepit in locupletatione . sis ei , domine , contra cunctorum ictus inimicorum lorica ; in adversis galea ; in prosperis sapientia ; in protectione clypeus sempiternus . sequatur pacem , diligat charitatem , abstineat se ab omni impietate ; loquatur justitiam , custodiat veritatem ; sit cultrix justitiae et pietatis , amatrix religionis . vigeatque praesenti benedictione in hoc aevo annis plurimis , & in sempiterno sine fine aeternis . deinde dicit planè legendo ; ita tamen , quòd à circumstantibus audiatur . per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . quibus dict●s , sedet metropolitanus ; et accepta mitra , intingi● pollic●m dexierae manus in oleum ca●echumenorum ; et inungit , in modum cruc●s , brachium dexterum reginae inter juncturam manus , et inter juncturam cubiti , atque inter scapulas , dicens deus pater aeternae gloriae fit tibi adjutor , & omnipotens benedicat tibi , preces tuas exaudiat ; vitam tuam longitudine dierum adimpleat ; benedictionem tuam jugiter confirmet ; te cum omni populo in aeternum conservet ; inimicos tuos confusione induat ; et super te christi sanctificatio , atque hujus olei infusio sloreat : ut , qui tibi in terris tribuit benedictionem , ipse in coelis conferat meritum angelorum ; ac benedicat te , et custodiat in vitam aeternam jesus christus dominus noster , qui vivit & regnat deus , in saecula saeculorum . r. amen . quo facto , surgit regina , et ad partem se retrahit ubi praelati sui domestici ei assistunt . metropolitanus verò lavat et abstergit manus , deinde accedit an●e altare ; et deposita mitra , cum suis ministris facit confessionem . idem faciunt episcopi parati juxta sedes suas sine mitris stantes . facta confessione , metropolitanus ascendit ad altare , osculatur , incensat , et procedit in missa usque ad allelujah exclusivè , sive ultimum versum tractus , vel sequentiae , si dicitur , more consueto . regina verò ducitur à suis ad sacristiam , vel papillionem , ubi accipit vestes reginales . deinde redit cum illis ad thalamum , ubi manet usque ad dictum graduale ; non tamen sedet in so●io , sed super aliquod scabellum sibi paratum genuflexa procumbit audiens missam . missa dicitur de die ; et cum oratione diei , dicitur pro ipsa electa regina sub uno , per dominum . oratio . quaesumus , omnipotens deus , ut famula tua n. regina nostra , qui tua miseratione suscepit regni gubernacula , virtutum etiam omnium percipiat incrementa ; quibus decenter ornata , et vitiorum m●nst a devitare , et ad te , qui via , veritas , & vita●e , g●a i 〈…〉 va●eat pervenire . per dominum nostrum je●um christum filium tuum , qui tec●m vivit & regnat in unitate spitus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . graduali cantato , metropolitanus sedet ante altare in faldistorio cum mitra , et regina à suis associata media inter priores duos praelatos paratos ad metropolitanum reducitur ; cui facta reverentia , ut prius , genuflectit coram co . tunc imponitur ●i corona , quamomnes episcopi parati , qui adsunt , de altari per metrolitanum sumptam manibus tenent , ipso metropolitano illam regente , et capiti illius imponente , ac dicente : accipe coronam regni , quae , licet ab indignis , episcoporum tamen manibus capiti tuo imponitur . in nomine patris , & filii , & spiritus sancti , quam sanctitatis gloriam , et honorem , & opus fortitudinis , significare intelligas ; & per hanc te participem ministerii nostri non ignores . ita , ut sicut nos in interioribus pastores rectoresque animarum intelligimur , ita & tu in exterioribus vera dei cultrix , strenuaque contra omnes adversitates ecclesiae christi defensatrix assistas , regnique tibi à deo dati , & per officium nostrae benedictionis in vice apostolorum , omniumque sanctorum , regimini tuo commissi utilis executrix , proficuaque regnatrix semper appareas ; ut inter gloriosos athletas , virtutum gemmis ornata , & praemio sempiternae felicitatis coronata , cum redemptore ac salvatore nostro jesu christo , cujus nomen vicemque gestare crederis , sine fine glorieris . qui vivit et imperat deus , cum patre & spiritu sancto , in saecula saeculorum . r. amen . et mox dat ei sceptrum in manum , dicens : accipe virgam virtutis ac veritatis , et esto pauperibus misericors , et affabilis : viduis , pupillis , et orphanis , diligentissimam curam exhibeas ; ut omnipotens deus augeat tibi gratiam suam , qui vivit et regnat in saecula saeculorum . r. amen . tunc surgunt omnes , et metropolitanus cum omnibus episcopis paratis deducit reginam , coronam in capite et sceptrum in manu ferentem , mediam inter se et digniorem episcopum paratum , supra solium ; ubi stans cum mitra , unà cum eodem digniore episcopo , inthronizat eam in solio , dicens . sta , et retine amodò locum tibi à deo delegatum , per auctoritatem omnipotentis dei , et per praesentem traditionem nostram , omnium scilicet episcoporum , caeterorumque dei servorum ; et quantò clerum sacris altaribus propinquiorem perspicis , tanto ei potiorem in locis congruis honorem impendere memineris ; quatenus mediator dei & hominum te mediatricem cleri et plebis permanere faciat . deinde metropolitanus , deposita mitra , inchoat , schola sequente , hymnum : te deum laudamus . qui totus dicitur : quo incepto , metropolitanus accedit ad dextram reginae : ibi continuò manens , usque ad finem hymni ; finit● hymno , metropolitanus stans , ut priùs , iuxta reginam sine mitra , dicit super illam : v. firmetur manus tua , et exaltetur dextera tua . r. justitia et judicium praeparatio sedis tuae . v. domine exaudi orationem meam . r. et clamor meus ad te veniat . v. dominus vobiscum . r. et cum spiritu tuo . oremus . deus , qui victrices moysi manus in oratione firmasti , qui quamvis aetate languesceret , infatigabili sanctitate pugnabat ; ut dum amal●ch iniquus vincitur , dum profanus nationum populus subjugatur , exterminatis alienigenis , hereditati tuae possessio copiosa servi●et ; opus manuum tuarum pia nestrae orationis exauditione confirma : habemus & nos apud te , sancte pater , dominum salvatorem , qui pro nobis manus suas extendit in cruce ; per quem etiam precamur , altissime , ut , tua potentia suffragante univer●orum hostium frangatur impietas ; populusque tuus , c●ssante formidine , te solum tim●re condiscat . per eundem christum dominum nostrum . r. amen . quibus finitis , metropolitanus cum episcopis paratis revertitur ad sedem suam , vel faldistorium propè altare , et dicitur alleluia , sive ultimus versus tractus , vel sequentiae evangelium , et alia usque ad offertorium inclusivè . quo dicto , metropolitanus residet in faldistorio ante medium altaris cum mitra ; et regina à suis praelatis , magnatibus , et aliis associata venit ante metropolitanum , coram quo genuflexa , offert ei aurum , quantum sibi placet , et manum metropolitani recipientis osculatur . deinde ad solium suum revertitur . metropolitanus lavat manus , surgit , et accedit ad altare , et prosequitur missam usque ad communionem . cum secreta diei dicitur pro regina , sub uno per dominum . secreta . munera , quaesumus domine , oblata sanctifica : ut et nobis unigeniti tui corpus et sanguis fiant ; et reginae nostrae ad obtinendam animae corporisque salutem , et ad peragendum injunctum officium , te largiente , usquequaque proficiant . per eundem dominum nostrum jesum christum silium tuum , qui tecum vivit et regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . pax datur reginae per primum ex praelatis paratis , cum instrumento ad hoc ordinato . postquam metropolitanus se communicaverit de corpore , et sanguine ; regina sine corona , et sine sceptro , de thalamo suo , à suis duntaxat associata , accedit ad altare , genuflectit in supremo gradu altaris , et metropolitanus conversus ad reginam eam communicat . regina , antequam sumat sacramen●um , osculatur manum dexteram metropolitani ; et sumpta communione , ex calice de manu metropolitani se purificat , et purificatus ad thalamum suum revertitur cum suis , ut venit . metropolitanus verò ablutionem sumit ; et accepta mitra , lavat manus , et perficit missam . cum postcommunione diei , dicitur pro reg●na sub uno per dominum . postcommunio . haec , domine , oblatio salutaris famulam tuam n. reginam nostram ab omnibus tueatur adversis ; quatenus ecclesiasticae pacis obtineat tranquillitatem , & post istius temporis decursum ad aeternam perveniat haereditatem . per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . in fine metropolitanus dat benedictionem solemnem , qua data , omnes vadunt in pace . de benedictione & coronatione regis in consortem electi . cvm autem regina , jampridem , ut regni domina benedicta et coronata , deinde consortem sibi elegerit , quem posteà statuerit coronari , ad diem ordinatam vocantur omnes praelati regni ; parantur duo thalami , atque omnia alia ordinantur , prout suprà in coronatione regis posita sunt , f . die autem statuto , metropolitano et praelatis in ecclesia constitutis , et se vestientibus , regina reginalibus vestibus induta , cum corona in capite et sceptro in manu , à suis associata venit ad ecclesiam , et ascendit thalamum suum . illis autem paratis , et suo ordine sedentibus , ut suprà in coronatione regis ordinatum est ; regina de thalamo suo descendens cum corona in capite , et sceptro in manu , venit coram metropolitano , à quo , facta ei reverentia , petit regem consortem suum benedici et coronari , sub his verbis : reverendissime pater , postulamus ut consortem nostram nobis à deo conjunctam benedicere , et corona reginali decorare dignemini , ad laudem et gloriam salvatoris nostri jesu christi . deinde ad thalamum suum revertitur . interim rex vestibus militaribus indutus veniat ad ecclesiam , à suis praelatis domesticis non paratis , et comitibus , magnatibus regni , et aliis associatus . qui cùm venerit propè presbyterium , duo priores episcopi ex paratis ei obviàm veniunt , et cum mitris capita illi aliquantulum inclinantes , ipsum , bireto deposito , usque ante metropolitanum deducunt ; coram quo rex caput inclinans , humilem ei reverentiam exhibet . oua facta , prior episcoporum deducentium stans , detecto capite , versus ad metropolitanum , voce intelligibili dicit : revereudissime pater , postulat sancta mater ecclesia catholica , ut praesentem egregium militem ad dignitatem regiam sublevetis . et omnia alia suo ordine fiunt , prout habetur suprà sub prima rubrica de benedictione et coronatione regis , fol. . usque ad aliam rubricam de coronatione reginae , fol. . quae hîc omittitur , cùm sit priùs coronata . these forms of prayers and ceremonies are used in most forein kingdoms , as spain , hungary , bohemia , poland , &c. with some little variation relating only to their particular kingdoms . m. paulus stranskie reipub. bohemiae , lugd. bat. . c. . sect . , to . p. , &c. describing at large the manner of the coronation of the kings of bohemia in later times , informs us , that after the supreme burgrave of prague hath in the name of the most blessed and undivided trinity pronounced such a one to be elected and accepted king of bohemia , all the multitude hearing this , presently cry out , vivat , vivat , vivat n. bohemiae rex : after which having taken his oath , the archbishop and bishops use several set prayers for him ; and all the people , as well those who are present as absent at the coronation feast , cry out with ingeminated joyfull shouts , vivat , vivat , vivat , triumphatis reipublicae hostibus n. bohemiae rex . * in france they have a particular pontifical or form of prayers , benedictions and ceremonies used at the consecration of their kings , writen and used in the year . the first year of charles the th . king of france , by his special command , and thus subscribed . ce liure du sacre des roys de france est a nous charles le v ▪ de nostre nom roy de france ; & le fimes corriger , ordeiner , escrier & istorier l' an . agreeing for the most part with that in laurentius bochellus , decretorum ecclesiae gallieanae , lib. . tit. . de consecratione & coronatione regis franciae , c. . p. , to . ordo ad inungendum , & coronandum regem . primò paratur solium in modum escha●audi aliquantulum eminens contigu●m exteriùs choro ecclesiae inter vtrumque chorum positum in medio , in quo per gradus ascenditur . et in quo possint pares regni , & aliqui si necesse fuerit , cum eo consistere . rex autem die quo ad coronandum venerit , debet processionalitèr recipi tam à canonicis quàm à caeteris ecclesiis conventualibus sabbato praecedente diem dominicam in qua rex est consecrandus , & coronandus , post completorium expletum , committitur ecclesiae custodia custodibus à rege deputatis cum propriis custodibus ecclesiae . et debet rex intempestae noctis silentio venire in ecclesiam orationem facturus , & * ibidem in oratione aliquantulum , si voluerit , vigilaturus . cum pulsatur autem ad matutinas debent esse parati custodes regis introitum eccl. observantes , qui alijs hostijs ecclesiae firmius obseratis & munitis , canonicos & clericos ecclesiae debent honorificè intromittere ac diligentèr quotienscunque opus fuerit eis . matutinae more solito decantentur quibus expletis pulsatur ad primam , quae cantari debet in aurora diei . post primam cantatam debet rex cum archiepiscopis , & episcopis & baronibus & aliis quos intromittere voluerit in ecclesiam venire antequam siat aqua benedicta , & debent esse sedes dispositae circà altare , hinc & indè , ubi archiepiscopi & episcopi honorificè sedeant . episcopis * paribus , videlicet , primò landunensi , postea beluacensi , deinde lingonensi , posteà cathalanensi , ultimum , novio mensi cum alijs episcopis a archiepiscopatus remensis sedentibus seorsum inter altare & regem ab oppositis altaris non longè à rege , nec multis indecentèr interpositis . et debent canonici ecclesiae remensis procession alitèr cum duabus crucibus cereis , & thuribulo cum incenso ire ad palatium archiepiscopale . et episcopi landu●ensis & beluacensis , qui sunt primi pares de episcopis , debent esse in praedicta processione habentes sanctorum reliquias colle pendentes . et in camera magna debent reperire principem in regem consecrandum sedentem , & quasi jacentem supra thalamum decenter ornatum . et cum ad dicti principis praesentiam applicaverint , dicat landunensis episcopus hanc orationem . omnipotens sempiterne deus : qui famulum tuum n. fastigio dignatus es sublimare , tribue quaesumus ei , ut ita in hujus saeculi cursu multorum in communè salutem disponat , quatenus à veritatis tuae tramite non recedat . b per dominum . qua oratione dicta , statim suscipiant eum duo praedicti epistopi dextera laevaque honorificè , & ipsum reverentèr ducant ad ecclesiam canentes hoc c resp . cum canonicis praedictis . ecce mitto angelum meum qui praecedat te & custodiat semper . observa & audi vocem meam , & inimicus ero inimicis tuis , & affligentes te affligam , & praecedet te angelus meus . finito resp . cantetur d vers . israel si me audieris , non erit in te deus recens , neque adorabis deum alienum , ego enim dominus . observa * cunctoque eum populo sequente ad hostium ecclesiae clerus subsistat . et alter episcopus scilicet b●luacensis , si praesens fuerit , dicat hanc orationem quae sequitur . deus qui scis humanum genus nulla virtute posse subsistere , concede propitius ut famulus tuus n. quem populo tuo voluisti praeferri , ità tuo fulciatur adjutorio e quatenus quibus potuit prae●sse , valeat & prod●sse . per d●minum . introeuntes autem ecclesiam p●aecedentes canonici dicant usque ad introitum chori hanc antiphonam . domine in virtute tua laetabiter rex . finita antiphona metropolitanus cui in ecclesia expectanti ante altare per praedictos episcopos , rex consecrandus praesentabitur , f dicat hanc orationem sequentem . g h omnipotens d●us , ●oelestium moderator , qui famulum tuum n. ad regni fastigium dignatus es provehere , con●ede quaesumus , ut à cunctis adversitatibus liberatus , & eccl●siasticae pacis dono muniatur , & ad aeternae pacis gaudia , te donante , pervenire mereatur . per dominum . qua oratione dicta ducant praedicti episcopi regem consecrandum ad sedendum in cathedra fibi praeparata in conspectu cathedrae archiepiscopi , & ibi sedebit donec archiepiscopus veniat cum sancta ampulla , cui venienti assurget rex reverentèr . quando sacra i ampulla debeat v●nire . inter primam & tertiam debent venire monachi beati remigii processionaliter cum crucibus & cereis cum sacrosancta ampulla quam debet abbas reverentissimè deferre sub cortina serica quatuor particis à quatuor monachis albis indutis sublevata . rex autem debet mittere de baronibus qui eam securè conducant , &c cum venerit ad ecclesiam beati dionysii vel usque ad majorem januam ecclesiae propter turbam comprimentem , debet archiepiscopus super pilitio stola & capa sollempni indutus cum mitra & baculo pastorali sua cruce praecedente , cum caeteris archiepiscopis & episcopis , baronibus , necnon & canonicis , si fieri potest , occurrere sanctae ampullae , & eam de manu abbatis r●cipere , cum pollicitatione de reddendo bona side , k & sic ad altare cum magna populi reverentia deserre , abbate & aliquibus de monachis pariter l cum comitantibu● . caeteri verò monachi debeat expectare in ecclesia beati dionysii vel in capella beati nicholai , donec omma peracta fuerint , & quousque saera ampulla fuerit reportata . quid susc●pt â ampullâ agendum sit . m archiepiscopus ad missam se praeparat cum diaconibus , & subdiaconibus vestimentis insignioribus , & pallio n induendus , & in hunc modum indutus venit o processionaliter ad altare more solito , cui venienti , rex debet assurgere reverenter . cum autem venerit archiepiscopus ad altare , debet pro omnibus ecclesiis sibi subditis à rege haec petere . ammonitio ad regem dicendo ità . a vobis perdonari petimus ut unicuique de nobis & ecclesiis nobis commissis , canonicum privilegium , ac debitam legem atque justitiam conservetis , & defensionem exhibeatis , si●nt rex in regno suo debet unicuique episcopo , & ecclesiae sibi commissae . responsio regis ad episcopos . promitto vobis & perdono , p quia unicuique de vobis , et ecclesiis vobis commissis , canonicum privilegium , et debitam legem atque justitiam q conservabo , et defensionem quantum potuero exhibebo domino adjuvante , sicut rex in suo regno unicuique episcopo , et ecclesiae sibi commissae per rectum exhibere debet . item haec dicit rex , & promittit & sirmat juramento . haec populo christiano et mihi subdito , in christi nomine , promitto , in primis ut ecclesiae dei omnis populus christianus veram pacem nostro arbitrio in omni tempore servet ( r et superioritatem , jura , et nobilitates coronae franciae inviolabiliter custodiam , et illa nec transportabo nec alienabo . ) item , ut omnes rapacitates et omnes iniquitates omnibus gradibus , interdicam . item , ut in omnibus judiciis aequitatem et misericordiam praecipiam , ut mihi et vobis indulgeat per suam misericordiam clemens , et misericors dominus . item , de terra mea ac iurisdictione mihi subdita universos haereticos ab ecclesia denotatos pro viribus bona fide exterminare studebo . haec omnia praedicta firmo juramento . tunc manum apponat libro , & librum osculetur . his factis ſ processionibus , statim incipiatur , te deum laudamus . sed secundum usum romanum , & aliquorum regnorum non dicitur , te deum , usque post intronizationem quae est post t orationem . sta , et retine , & videtur melius ibi dici quam hic . et duo praedicti episcopi ducunt regem per manus ante altare , qui prosternit se ante altare usque in finem , te deum . u postmodum surgit jam anteà praeparatis , & positis super altare , corona regia , gladio in vagina incluso , calcaribus aureis , sceptro deaurato , & virga ad mensuram unius cubiti vel amplius habente desuper manum eburneam . item caligis sericis & x jacinctinis per totum intextis liliis aureis , & tunica ejusdem coloris & ope●is in modum tunicalis quo induuntur subdiaconi ad missam , necnon , & y socco prorsus ejusdem coloris & operis , qui est factus ferè in modum cappae sericae absque caperone , quae omnia abbas beati dionysii in francia de monasterio suo debet remis asferre , & stans ad altare custodire ▪ tunc primo rex stans ante altare deponit vestes suas praeter tunicam sericam & camisiam apertas profundius ante & retro in pectore videlicet & inter scapulas z aperturis , tunicae sibi invicem connexis ansulis argenteis , et tunc in primis dicatur ab archiepiscopo oratio sequens . deus inenarrabilis auctor mundi , conditor generis humani , gubernator imperii , confirmator regni , qui ex utero fidelis amici tui patriarchae nostri abrahae praeelegisti regem saeculis profuturum , tu praesentem regem hunc n. cum exercitu suo per intercessionem omnium sanctorum , uberi benedictione locupleta , et in solium regni firma stabilitate b connecta . visita eum sicut moysem in rubo , jesum nave in praelio , gedeon in agro , samuelem in templo . et illa eum benedictione sid●rea ac sapientiae tuae rore perfunde , quam beatus david in psalterio , salomon filius ejus , te remunerante , percepit è coelo . sis ei contra acies inimicorum lorica , in adversis galea , in prosperis patientia , in protectione clypeus sempiternus . et praesta ut gentes illi teneant fidem , proceres sui habeant pacem , diligant caritatem , a●stineant se à cupiditate , loquantur justitiam , custodiant veritatem . et ità populus iste pullulet coalitus benedictione aeternitatis , ut semper maneant tripudiantes in pace victores . quod ipse praestare , c &c. qua oratione dicta statim ibi à magno camerario franciae , regi dictae caligae calciantnr . et postmodum à duce burgundiae calcaria ejus pedibus astringuntur & statim tolluntur . benedictio super gladium . exaudi domine quaesumus preces nostras , & hunc gladium quo famulus tuus n. se accingi desiderat , majestatis tuae dextera d benedicere dignare , quatenus desensio atque protectio possit esse ecclesiarum , viduarum , orphanorum , omniumque deo servientium contra saevitiam paganorum , aliisque insidiantibus sit pavor , terror , et formido f postmodum rex , à solo archiepiscopo , gladio accingitur , quo accincto , statim idem gladius discingitur et è vagina ab archiepiscopo extrahitur , vaginâ super altare repositâ , & datur ei ab archiepiscopo in manibus cum ista oratione g dicendo quem rex in manu sua teneat cuspide elevato donec h a. confortare , &c. fuerit cantata & oratio sequens dicta per archiepiscopum . accipe i hunc gladium cum dei k benedictione tibi collatum in quo per virtutem sancti spiritus resistere et ejicere omnes inimicos tuos valeas , et cunctos sanctae dei ecclesiae adversarios , regnumque tibi commissum tutari atque protegere castra dei per anxi●ium invietissimi triumphatoris domini nostri jhesu christi . accipe inquam hunc gladium per manus nostras vice et authoritate sanctorum apostolorum consecratas tibi regalitèr impositum , nostraeque benedictionis officio in defensione sanctae dei ecclesiae ordinatum divinitus . et esto memor de quo psalmista prophetavit dicens , accingere gladio tuo super femur tuum potentissime , u● in hoc per eundem vim aequitatis exerceas , l molam iniquitatis potenter destruas , et sanctam dei ecclesiam , ejusque fideles propugnes et protegas , nec minus sub fide falsos quam christiani nominis hostes execreris ac destruas , viduas , et pupillos clementèr adjuves ac defendas , desolata restaures , restaurata conserves , ulciscaris injusta , confirmes bene disposita , quatenus haec in agendo , virtutum triumpho gloriosus , justitiaeque cultor egregius cum mundi salvatore cujus t●pum geris in nomine , sine fine merearis regnare , qui cum patre , &c. m hic cantatur ista antiphona . confortare , et esto vir , et observa custodias domini dei tui , ut ambules in viis ejus et custodias ceremonias ejus , et cepta ejus et testimonia et judicia n quoeunque te verteris confirmet te deus . cantata ista antiphona dicitur ista oratio post dationem gladii . deus qui providentia tua coelestia simul et terrena moderaris , propitiare christianissimo regi nostro , ut omnis hostium s●orum fortitudo virtute gladii spiritualis frangatur , à o te pro illo pugnante penitus conteratur , per dominum . gladium debet rex humiliter recipere de manu archiepiscopi , et devote flexis genibus offerre ad altare , et statim genibus regis in terram positis resumere de manu archiepiscopi , et p incontinenti dare seneschallo franciae , si seneschallum habue●it , sin autem , cui voluerit de baronibus ad portandum ante se & in ecclesia usque in finem missae , et post missam usque ad palatium tradito per regem gladio , ut dictum est , dicat archiepiscopus hanc orationem . prospice a omnipotens deus serenis obtutibus hunc gloriosum regem n. et sicut benedixisti abraham , isaac & jacob , b & sic illum largis benedictionibus spiritualis graciae , cum omni plenitudine potentiae irrigare atque perfundere dignare . tribue ei de rore coeli , & de pinguedine terrae , habundantiam frumenti , vini & olei , & omnium frugum opulentiam , ex largitate divini muneris longa per tempora , ut illo regnante sit sanitas corporum in patria , & pax inviolata sit in regno , et dignitas gloriosa regalis palatii maximo splendore regiae potestatis oculis omnium fulgeat , luce clarissima c choruscare atque splendere , quasi splendidissima fulgura maximo persusa lumine videatur . tribue ei omnipotens deus ut sit fortissimus protector patriae , & consolator ecclesiarum atque coenobiorum sanctorum maxima cum pietate regalis munificentiae , atque ut sit fortissimus regum , triumphator hostium ad opprimendas rebelles & d paganas nationes . sitque suis inimicis satis terribilis prae maxima fortitudine regalis potentiae , optimatibus quoque atque praecelsis proceribus ac fidelibus sui regni sit munificus , & amabilis , & pius , ut ab omnibus t●meatur atque diligatur . reges quoque de lumbis ejus per successiones temporum futurorum egrediantur , regnum hoc regere totum . et post glor iosa tempora atque faelicia praesentis vitae , gaudia sempiterna in perpetua beatitudine habere mereatur . quod ipse praestare e dignetur , &c. alia benedictio . benedic domine quaesumus hunc principem nostrum quem ad salutem populi nobis à te credimus esse concessum , fac eum esse annis multiplicem , vigenti atque salubri corporis robore vigentem , & ad senectutem optatam , atque demùm ad finem pervenire saelicem . sit nobis fiducia eam obtinere gratiam pro populo quam aaron in tabernaculo , helyseus in fluvio , ezechias in lectulo , zacharias vetulus impetravit in templo ; sit illi regendi virtus atque auctoritas , qualem josue suscepit in castris , gedeon sumpsit in praeliis , petrus accepit in clave , paulus est usus in dogmate . et ita pastorum cura tuum proficiat in ovile , sicut isaac profecit in fruge te , jacob dilatatus est in grege . quod ipse f , &c. oratio deus pater aeternae gloriae sit adjutor tuus et protector , et omnipotens benedicat tibi , preces tuas in cunctis exaudiat , & vitam tuam longitudine dierum adimpleat , thronum regni tui jugitèr firmet , & gentem populumque tuum in aeternum conservet , & inimicos tuos confusione induat , & super te sanctificatio christi floreat , ut qui tibi tribuit in terris imperium ipse in coelis conferat p●aemium , qui vivit , &c. hucusque de gladio . posthaec praeparatur vnctio in hunc modum . sed quamdiu ab archiepiscopo paratur incipit cantor . resp . gentem francorum inclytam , simul cum rege nobili , beatus remigius sumpto , caelitùs crismate , sacro , santificavit gurgite , atque spiritus sancti , plenè ditavit munere , vers . qui dono singularis gratiae in columba apparuit & divinum crisma caelitus pontifici ministravit . vers . ora pro nobis beate remigi . resp . vt digni efficiamur promissi●ni●us christi . oratio . oremus . deus , qui populo tuo aeternae salutis beatum remigium ministrum tribuisti , praesta , quaesumus , ut qu●m doctorem vitae habuimus in terris , intercessorem babere mereamur in coelis per christum . g crisma in alta●i ponitur super patenam consecratam , & archiepiscopus sacrosanctam ampullam , quam abbas beati remigii attulit super altare , debet ape●ire , & inde cum acu aurea , aliquantulum de oleo caelitus misso attrahere , & crismati parato in patena diligentiùs cum digito immiscere ad immgendum regem , qui solus inter universos reges terrae hoc glorioso praesulg●t privilegio , h ut oleo caelitùs misso singularitèr inungatur . paratá unctione qua rex debet inungi ab archiepiscopo , debent dissolvi ansulae aperturarum vestimentorum regis ante et retrò , et genibus regis in terram positis , prostrato super faldistorium ; archiepiscopo etiam consimiliter prostrato . duo archiepiscopi vel episcopi incipiunt letaniam . tune archiepiscopus ab accubitu surgens , et ad regem consecrandum se volvens , baculum pastoralem cum sinistra tenens dicat hos versus , choro post eum quem●ibet integrè repetente . vt hunc praesentem famulum tuum n. in regem coronandum benedicere digneris . te rogamus audi nos . secundo dicit . benedicere , & sublimare digneris , te rogamus . tertio dicit . benedicere , sublimare , & consecrare digneris , te rogamus . quo dicto , et à choro responso , redit ad accubitum , episcopis resumentibus et prosequentibus letaniam . vt regibus , & principibus christianis pacem & concordiam donare digneris . te rogamus audi nos . vt cunctum populum christianum precioso sanguine tuo redemp●um conservare digneris . te rogamus audi nos . vt cunctis fidelibus defunctis requiem aeternam donare digneris . te rogamus audi nos . vt nos exaudire digneris . te rogamus audi nos . ●●li dei. te rogamus audi nos . agnus dei qui tollis peccata mundi , parce nobis domine . agnus dei qui tollis peccata mundi , exaudi nos domine . agnus dei qui tollis peccata mundi , miserere nobis . christe audi nos . kyrie eleyson . christe eleyson . kyrie eleyson . letania finita , metropolitanus surgens , rege et episcopis prostratis manentibus , annunciat . pater noster . et ne nos . salvum fac servum tuum . deus m●us , sperantem in te . esto ei , domine , turris fortitudinis . a facie inimici . nihil pr●ficiat inimicus in eo . et filius iniquitatis non opponat nocere ei . domine exaudi . et clamor . dominus . vobiscum . et cum spiritu tuo . oremus . oratio . praetende quaesumus domine huic famulo tuo n. dexteram coelestis auxilii , ut te toto corde perquirat , & quae dignè postulat assequi mereatur . per dom. resp . amen . alia oratio . actiones nostras , quaesumus , domine aspirando praeveni , & adjuvando prosequere , ut cuncta nostra operatio & oratio , à te semper incipiat , & per te coepta finiatur . per dom. item archiepiscopus debet super regem dicere has oratiotiones , antequam eum inungat , et debet sedere sicut sedet quando consecrat episcopos . te invocamus domine , sancte pater omnipotens , aeternae deus , ut hunc famulum tuum n. quem tuae divinae dispensationis providentia in primordio plasmatum usque in hunc praesentem diem , juvenili flore laetantem crescere concessisti : eum tuae pietatis dono ditatum , plenumque gratia veritatis de die in diem coram deo & hominibus ad meliora semper proficere facias , ut summi regiminis solium , gratiae supernae largitate gaudens suscipiat , & misericordiae tuae muro ab hostium adversitate undique munitus , & plebem sibi commissam cum pace propitiationis , & virtute victoriae regere mereatur , per dominum . alia oratio . deus qui populis tuis virtute consulis & amore dominaris , da huic famulo tuo spiritum sapientiae tuae cum regimine disciplinae , ut tibi toto corde devotus , in regni regimine semper maneat idoneus , tuoque munere ipsius temporibus securitas ecclesiae dirigatur , & in tranquillitate devotio eccl●siastica permaneat , ut in bonis operibus perseverans , ad aeternum regnum te duce valeat pervenire . per. alia oratio . in diebus ejus oriatur omnibus aeq●itas & justitia , amicis adjutorium , inimicis obstaculum , humi●ibus solatium , elatis corr●ctio , divitibus doctrina , pauperibus pietas , peregrinis pacificatio , propriis in patria pax & securitas , unumquemque secundum suam mensuram moderatè g●bernans , seipsum sedulus dis●at , ut tua irrigatus compunctione toto populo tibi placita praebere vitae possit ●xempla , & per viam veritatis cum grege gradiens sibi subdito ●pes frugales habundanter acquirat , simulque ad salutem non solum corporum sed etiam cordium à te conc●ssam , cuncta accipiat . sicque in te cogitatum animi consiliumque omne componens , plebis gubernacula cum pace simul & sapientia semper invenire videatur . teque auxiliante praesentis vitae prosperitatem et prolixitatem percipiat , & per tempora bona usque ad summam senectutem perveniat , hujusque fragilitatis finem perfectum ab omnibus vitiorum vinculis tuae pietatis largitate liberatus , & infinitae prosperitatis praemia perpetua angelorumque aeter●a comm●rcia consequatur . per dom. consecratio regis . omnipotens sempiterne deus creator ac gubernator coeli , & terrae conditor , & disp●sitor angelorum et hominum , rex regum , et dominus dominorum , qui abrabam fidelem fam●lum tuum de hostibus triumphare fecisti , moysi et josue populo tuo praelatis multiplicem victoriam tribuisti , humilem quoque puerum tuum david regni fastigio s●blimasti , ●umqu● de ore leonis , et de manu bestiae atque goliae , sed et de gladio maligno saul et omnium inimicorum ejus liberasti , et solomonem sapientiae pacisque in●ffabili munere ditasti ; respice propitius ad preces nostrae humilitatis , et super hunc famulum tuum n. quem supplici d●voti devotione in hujus regni regem pariter eligimus , benedictionum tuar●m dona multiplica , ●umque dextera potentiae tuae ubique circunda , quatenus praedicti abrahae fidelitate firmatus , moysi mansuetudine fretus , josue fortitudine munitus , david humilitate exaltatus , solomonis sapientia decoratus , tibi in omnibus complaceat , et per tramitem justitiae inoffenso gr●ssu semper incedat , et totius regni ecclesiam deinceps cum plebibus sibi annexis ita enutriat ac doceat , muniat et instruat , contraque omnes visibiles et invisibiles hostes idem potenter regaliter que tuae virtutis regimen administret , ut regale solium videlicet a saxonum , merciorum , nordanchimbrorum sceptra non deserat , sed ad pristinae fidei pacisque concordiam eorum animos tè opitulante reformet , ut utrorumque horum populorum debita subjectione fultus , cum digno amore glorificatus per longum vitae spatium paternae apicem gloriae tua miseratione unitum stabilire et gubernare mereatur , tuae quoque protectionis galea munitus , et scuto insuperabili jugiter protectus , armisque coelestibus circundatu● , optabilis victoriae triumphum de hostibus faelicitèr capiat , terroremque suae potentiae infideli●us inferat , et pacem militantibus laetantèr reportet , virtutibus necnon quibus prae●atos fideles tuos decorasti , multiplici honoris benedictione condecora , et in regimine regni sublimiter colloca , et oleo gratiae spiritus sancti perunge . per dominum nostrum qui virtute crucis tartara destruxit , regnoque diaboli superato , ad coelos victor ascendit . in quo potestas omnis regnumque consistit et victoria , qui est gloria humilium et vita salusque populorum , qui tecum , &c. hîc inungatur inunctione crismatis et ol●i de caelo missi priùs ab archiepiscopo confecti in patena ficut superius dictum est . inungat autem archiepiscopus eum primò in summitate capitis de dicta unctione , secundò in pectore , tertiò inter scapulas , quartò in compagine brachiorum et dicat cuilibet unctioni . vngo te in regem de oleo sanctificato in nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti . dicant omnes . amen . dum haec unctio agitur cantent assistentes hanc antiphonam . vnx●runt solomonem sadoch sacerdos , et nathan propheta regem in gyon , et accedentes laeti dixerunt , vivat rex in aeternum . facta unctione et cantata antiphona , dicat archiepiscopus hanc orationem . christe perunge hunc regem in regimen undè unxisti sacerdotes , reges , ac prophetas , ac martyres qui per fidem vicerunt regna , operati sunt justitiam , atque adepti sunt promissiones . tua sacratissima unctio super caput ejus defluat , atque ad interiora descendat , et cordis illius intima penetret , et promissionibus quas adepti sunt victoriosissimi reges , tua gratia dignus efficiatur quatenus et in praesenti saeculo faelicitèr regnet , et ad eorum consortium in coelesti regno perveniat . per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui unctus est oleo laetitiae p●ae consortibus suis ; et virtute crucis potestates aerias debellavit , tartara destruxit , regnumque diaboli superavit , et ad coelos victor ascendit , in cujus victoria * manu omnis gloria et potestas consistunt ; et tecum vivit et regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . amen . alia oratio . deus electorum fortitudo et humilium celsitudo , qui in primordio per effu●●onem dilu vii mundi crimina castigare voluisti , et per columbā ramum olivae portantem pacē terris redditam demonstrasti . iterumque sacerdotem aaron famulum tuū per unctionem olei sacerdotem sanxisti , et postea per hujus unguenti infusionem ad regendū populum israeliticum sacerdotes , reges , ac prophetas perfecisti , vultumque ecclesiae in oleo exhilarandum per propheticam famuli tui vocem david , esse praedixisti : ita quaesumus , omnipotens deus pater , ut per hujus creaturae pinguedinē hunc servum tuum sanctificare benedictione digneris , eumque in similitudinem columbae pacem simplicitatis populo sibi commisso praestare , et exempla aaron in dei servitio diligenter imitari , regnique fastigia in consiliis scientiae et aequitate judicii semper assequi , vultumque hilaritatis per hunc olei unctionem , tuamque benedictionem te adjuvante toti plebi paratum habere faciat . per dominum . alia oratio . deus dei filius dominus noster jesus christus , qui à patre oleo exultationis unctus est prae particibus suis , ipse per praesentem sacri unguinis infusionem spiritus paracliti super caput tuum infundat benedictionem , eandemque usque ad interiora cordis tui penetr are faciat , quatenus hoc visibili et tractabili dono invisibilia percipero , et temporali regno justis moderaminibus executo , aeternalitèr cum eo regnare merearis . qui solus sine peccato rex regum vivit , et gloriatur cum deo patre in unitate ejusdem spiritus sancti deus . per , &c. * his dictis orationibus connectuntur ansulae aperturarum vestimenti regis ab archiepiscopo vel sacerdotibus vel diaconibus propter unctionem . * benedictio cujuscunque regalis ornamenti . d●us rex regum , & dominus dominantium , per quem reges reguant , & legum conditores jura decernunt , dignare propitius benedicere hoc regale ornamentum , & praesta ut famulus tuus rex noster qui illud portaturus est ornamento bonorum morum & sanctarum actionum in conspectu tuo fulgeat , & post temporalem vitam aeternam quae tempus non habet sine fine possid●at , &c. et tunc à camerario franciae induitur tunica * jacinctina , & desuper socco ita quod dexteram manum habet liberam in * apertura socci , & super soccum elevatum sicut elevatur casula sacerdoti . tunc ab archiepiscopo ungantur sibi manus de praedicto oleo caelitiùs misso ut supra , & dicat archiepiscopus . vngantur manus istae de oleo sanctificato unde uncti fuerunt reges , & prophetae , & sicut unxit samuel david in regem ut sis benedictus , & co●stitutus rex in regno isto quem dominus deus tuus dedit tibi ad regendum , & gubernandum . quod ipse praestare , &c. deinde dicat arichiepiscopus hanc orationem . deus qui es justorum gloria , & misericordia peccatorum , qui misisti filium tuum preciocissimo sanquine suo genus humanum redimere , qui conteris bella , pugnator es in te sperantium , & sub cujus arbitrio omnium regnorum continetur potestas , te humilitèr deprecamur ut praesentem famulum tuum n. in tua misericordia confidentem in praesenti sede regali benedicas , eique popitius ad●sse digneris ; ut qui tua expetit protectione defendi , omnibus hostibus sit fortior . fac eum domine beatum esse , & victorem de inimicis suis . corona eum corona justitiae & pietatis , ut ex toto corde , et tota mente in te credens tibi deserviat , sanctam ecclesiam tuam defendat , & sublimet , populumque à te sibi commissum justè regat , et nullis insidiantibus malis eum injustitia convertat . accende domine cor ejus ad amorem gratiae tuae , per hoc unctionis oleum , unde unxisti sacerdotes , reges et prophetas , quatenus justitiam diligens per tramitem similitèr incedens justitiae , post peracta à te deposita , in regali excellentia annorum curricula pervenire ad aeterna gaudia mereatur . per eundem , &c. facta autem manuum unctione , inungat rex ante pectus . poste● si voluerit rex cyrotecas subtiles induere sicut faciunt episcopi dum consecrantur , ob reverentiam sanctae unctionis ne manibus nudis aliquid tangant ; primò ab archiepiscopo benedicentur cyrotecae iu haec verba sequentia . oratio . omnipotens creator qui homini ad imaginem tuam creato manus digitis discretionis insignitas tanquam organum intelligentem ad rectè operandum dedisti , quas serva●i mundas praecepisti , ut in eis anima digna portaretur , & tua in eis dignè contractarentur myste●ia ; benedicere , & sanctifica●e digne●is haec manuum tegumenta , ut quicunque reges hiis cum humilitate manus suas velare voluerint , tam cordis quàm operis munditiam tua misericordia subministret . per christum . et aspergantur cyro●ecae aqua benedicta , deinde imponantur manibus regis per archiepiscopum dicentem . ci●cunda domine manus hujus famuli tui n. munditia novi hominis qui de coelo descendit , ut quemadmodum jacob dilectus tuus pelliculis * edorum opertis manibus paternam benedictionem oblato patri cibo potuque gratistimo impetravit , sic & iste gratiae tuae benedictionem impetrare mereatur . per eundem dominum nostrum jesum christum qui in similitudinem carnis peccati tibi obtulit semetipsum . amen . vel si rex maluerit cyrotecas non habere , tunc facta manuum unctione dictisque orationibus ad eam spectantibus episcopi adsistentes cum cotone manus regis abstergant , et mica panis vel cum sale fricent , deinde lavent sibi manus , quibus lotis et manibus etiam archiepiscopi , benedicat archiepiscopus annulum sic dicens . oremus . oratio . deus totius creaturae principium & finis , creator & conservator humani generis , dator gratiae spiritualis , largitor aeternae salutis in quo clausa sunt omnia , tu domine tuam emitte benedictionem super hunc annulum , ipsumque benedicere , et sanctificare digneris , ut qui per eum famulo tuo honoris insignia concedis , virtutum praemia largiaris , quo diseretionis habitum semper retineat , & verae fidei fulgore praefulgeat , sanctae quoque t●initatis armatus munimine miles inexpugnabilis acies diaboli constantèr evincat , & fibi veram salutem mentis & corporis proficiat . per christum . * benedictio annuli . deus coelestium terrestriumque conditor creaturarum , atque humani generis benignissimus reparator , dator spiritualis gratiae , omniumque benedictionum largitor , qui justitiam tuae legis in cordibus credentium digito tuo , id est , unigenito tuo scribis . tui magi in egipti resistere non valentes continuabant dicentes , digitus dei hic est , immitte spiritum sanctum tuum paraclitum de coelis super hunc annulum arte fabrili decoratum , & sublimitatis tuae potentiae ità eum emundare digneris , ac omni nequitia lividi venenosique serpentis procul expulsa metallum à te bono conditore creatum * munimine à cunc●is sordibus inimici maneat . amen . alia oratio . benedic domine & sanctifica annulum istum , et mitte super eum septiformem spiritum tuum quo famulus tuus eo fruens annulo fidei subarratus , virtute a●●issimi sine peccato custodiatur , & omnes benedictiones quae in scripturis divinis reperiuntur super eum copiosè descendant , ut quaecunque sanctificaverit sanctificata permaneant , et quaecunque benedixerit , spirituali be●edictione benedicantur . per , &c. deindè datur ei ab archiepiscopo sceptrum in manu d●xtera , et virga in sinistra , et in datione s●eptriet virgae dicentur istae orationes . sed not andum , antequam dantur sc●ptrum et virga , datur annulus , et in dation● ann●li dici●ur haec oratio . hic detur annulus , et dicatur . accipe annulum signaculum videlicet fidei sanctae , solidatem regni , augmentum potentiae per quae scias triumphali potentia hostes repellere , haereses destruere , subdito● coadunare , & catholicae fidei perseverabilitati connecit . oratio post annulum deus cujus est omnis potestas & dignitas da famulo prosperum suae dignatatis effectum , in qua te remunerante permaneat , semperque timeat , tibique jugitèr placere contendat . per dominum . dato annulo , statim post detur sceptrum in manu dextera , et dicatur haec oratio . accipe sceptrum regiae potestatis insigne , virgam scilicèt regni , rectam virgam virtutis , qua te ipsum bene regas , sanctam ecclesiam populumque videlicet christianum tibi à. deo commissum regia virtute ab improbis defendas , pravos corrigas , rectos pacifices , & ut viam rectam tenere possint tuo juvamine dirigas , quatenus de temporali regno ad aeternum regnum pervenias , ipso adjuvante cujus regnum , imperiū , sine fine permanet in saecula saeculorum . oratio post sceptrum datum . omnium domine fons bonorum , cunctorum deus institutor profe●tuum , tribue quaesumus famulo tuo n. adeptam bene regere dignitatem , & à te sibi praestitum honorem dignare corroborare , honorifica eum prae cunctis regibus terrae , uberi eum benedictione locupleta , & in solio regni firma stabilitate consolida , visita eum in sobole , praesta ei prolixitatem vitae , in diebus ejus oriatur justitia , ut cum jocunditate ; & laetitia aeterno glorietur in regno . per dominum . post statim datur ei virga in manu sinistra , et dicitur . accipe virgam virtutis atque aequitatis , qua intelligas mulcere pios , et terrere reprobos , errantibus viam dare , lapsisque manum porrigere , disperdasque superbos , & releves humiles , ut aperiat tibi hostium jesus christus dominus noster , qui de ipso ait , ego sum hostium , ●er me si quis introi●ri● salvabi●ur et qui est clavis david , & sceptrum domus israel , qui aperit , & nemo claudit , claudit & nemo aperit . sit tibi adjutor qui adduxit vinctum de domo carce●is sedentem in tenebris , & umbra mortis , ut in omnibus sequi merearis eum de quo propheta david cecinit , sedes tua deus in saeculum saeculi , virga aequitatis ; virga regni tui , & imiteris eum qui dixit , diligas justitiam , et odio habeas iniquitatem , proptereà unxit te deus , deus tuus oleo laetitiae ad exemplum illius , quem ante saecula unxerat prae particibus suis jesum christum dom. nostrum . benedictio coronae . deus * tuorum corona fidelium , qui in capitibus eorum po●is coronam de lapide precioso , benedic , et sanctifica coronam istam , quatenus si●ut ipsa diversis preciosisque lapidibus adornatur , sic famula tua largiente gratia repleatur . per d. post istam orationem convocantur pares a nomine suo à cancellario suo si praesens est . sin autem , ab archiepiscopo . primò b laici , posteà clerici , quibus vocatis & circumstantibus archiepiscopus accipit de altari coronam regiam , & solus imponit eam capiti regis . qua posita , omnes pares tam clerici quam laici manum apponunt c coronam , & eam undique sustentant , & soli pares . tunc archiepiscopus dicit istam orationem antequam coronam situet in capite , sed eam d tenet satis altè ante caput regis . oratio . coronet te deus corona gloriae atque justitiae honore , et opere sortitudinis , ut per officium nostrae benedictionis cum fide recta et multiplici bonorum operum fructu ad coronam pervenias regni perpetui , ipso largiente , cujus regnum et imperium permanet in saecula saeculorum . qua oratione dicta ponendo coronam in capite , * dicat archiepiscopus . accipe coronam regni in nomine patris et filii et spiritussancti , ut spreto antiquo haste , spretisque contagiis vitiorum omnium , sic justitiam , misericordiam , et judici●m diligas , et ita justè et misericorditer et piè vivas , ut ab ipso domino nostro jesu christo in consortio sanctorum aeterni regni coronam percipias . accipe inquam coronam quam sanctitatis gloriam et honorem , et opus fortitudinis intelligas signare , et per hanc te particip●m ministerii nostri non ignores , ità ut sicut nos in interioribus pastores , rectoresque animarum intelligimur , b itàut contrà omnes adversitates ecclesiae christi defensor assistas , regnique tibi à deo dati , & per officium nostrae benedictionis in vice apostolorum , omniumque sanctorum regimini tuo commisst utilis executor , perspi●uusque regnator semper appareas , ut inter gloriosos athletas virtutum gemmis ornatus , et praemio sempiternae faelicitatis coronatus , cum redemptore ac salvatore nostro christo cujus nomen vicemque gestare cred●ris , sine fine glorieris ; qui vivit , & imperat deus cum deo patre in saecula saeculorum . amen . oratio post coronam . deus perpetuitatis , dux virtutum , cunctorum hostium victor , ben●dic hunc famulum tuum tibi caput suum inclinantem , & prolixa sanitate , & prosperafaelicitate eum conserva , et ubicunque pro quibus auxilium tuum invocaverit , citò assis , & protegas ac defendas , tribue ei quaesumus domine divitias gloriae tuae , comple in bonis desiderium ejus , corona eum in mis●ratione , et misericordia , tibique deo pia devotione jugitèr famuletur . per d. statim post istom orationem dicatur ista benedictio . extendat omnipotens deus dexteram suae benedionis , & circundet te muro faelicitatis ac custodia tua protectionis sanctae mariae ac beati petri apostolorum principis sanctique dyonisii e atque omnium sanctorum intercedentibus meritis . amen . alia benedictio . indulgeat tibi dominus omnia peccata quae gessisti , & tribuat tibi gratiam & misericordiam quam humilitèr ab eo deposcis , & liberet te ab adversitatibus cunctis , & ab omnibus inimicorum omnium visibilium & invisibilium insidiis . amen . alia benedictio . angelos suos bonos qui te semper & ubique praecedant committentur , & subsequantur ad custodiam tui ponat , & à peccato , sive gladio , & ab omnium periculorum discrimine sua potentia liberet . amen . alia benedictio . inimicos tuos , ad pacis , caritatisque benignitatem covertat , & bonis omnibus te gratiosum , & amabilem faciat , pertinaces quoque in tui insectatione & odio infusione saluta●i induat , super te autem participatio & sanctificatio sempiterna floreat . amen . alia benedictio . victoriosum te atque triumphatorem de invisibilibus atque visilibus hostibus semper efficiat , & sancti nominis sui timorem , parit●r & amorem continuum cordi tuo infundat , et in fide recta ac bonis operibus perseverabilem reddat , & pace in diebus tuis concessâ cum palma victoriae , te ad perpetuum regnum perducat . amen . alia benedictio . et qui te voluit super populum suum constituere regem , ut in praesenti saeculo foelicem aeternae foelicitatis tribuat esse consortem . amen . quod ipse praestare , &c. alia benedictio dicenda super eum a benedic domine hunc regem nostrum qui regna omnium regum à saeculo moderaris . amen . alia b●nedictio . et tali eum benedictione glorisica , ut davidica teneat sublimitate sceptrum salutis , & sanctificae propitiationis munere reperiatur locupletatus . amen . alia benedictio . da ei tuo speramine cum mansuetudine ita regere populum , sicut solomonem fecisti regnum obtinere pacificum . amen . alia benedictio . tibi cum timore sit subditus , tibique militet cum quiete , sit tuo clypeo protectus , cum proceribus , & ubique gratia tua victor existat . amen . alia benedictio . honorifica eum prae cunctis regibus gentium , foelix populis dominetur , & foelicitèr eum nationes adornent , vivat inter gentium nationes magnanimus . amen . alia benedictio . sit in judiciis aequitatis singularis , locupletet eum tua praedives dextera , frugiferam obtineat patriam , & ejus beris tribuas profutura . amen . alia benedictio . p●aesta ei prolixitatem vitae per tempora , ut in diebus ejus oriatur justicia , à te robustum teneat regiminis solium , & cum jocunditate & judicio aeterno glorietur regno . quod ipse praestare , &c. alia cratio . omnipotens deus det tibi de rore coeli , & de pinguedine terrae abundantiam frumenti , vini , & olei , & serviant tibi populi , & adorent te tribus , esto dominus fratrum tuorum , & incurventur ante te filii matris tuae , & qui benedixerit tibi benedictionibus repleatur , & qui maledixerit tibi maledictionibus repleatur , et deus erit adjutor tuus . alia oratio . omnipotens benedicat tibi benedictionibus coeli desuper in montibus , & collibus , benedictionibus abyssi jacentibus deorsum , benedictionibus uberum , et uvarum pomorumque , benedictiones patrum antiquorum abraham , isaac , et jacob , confortatae sint super te per dominum . alia oratio . benedic domine fortitudinem principis , opera manuum illius suscipe , et benedictione tua terra ejus de pomis repleatur de fructu coeli et rore , atque abyssi subjacentis , de fructu solis et lunae , et de vertice antiquorum montium , de pomis aeternorum collium , et de frugibus terrae , et de plenitudine ejus ; benedictio illius qui apparuit in rubo veniat super caput ejus , et plena sit benedictio domini in filiis ejus , et tingat in oleo pedem suum , cornua rinoceruntis cornua illius , in ipsis ventilabit gentes usque ad terminos terrae , quia ascensor coeli auxiliator suus in sempiternum fiat . per d. deinde coronatus rex , et ducatur per manum ab archiepiscopo , concomitantibus paribus , tam praelatis quàm laicis , de altari per chorum usque ad solium jam anteà praeparatum . et dum rex ad solium venerit archiepiscopus ipsum collocet in sede . et hic regis status designatur , et dicat archiepiscopus . sta , et retine amodo statum quem huc paterna successione tenuisti haereditario jure tibi delegatum per auctoritatem dei omnipotentis , & per praesentem traditionem nostram , omnium scilicet episcoporum caeterorumque servorum dei. et quanto clerum propinquiorem sacris altaribus prospicis ; tanto ei potiorem in locis congruentibus honorem impendere memineris , quatenus mediator dei & hominum , te mediatorem cleri & plebis constituat . hic faciat cum sedere archiepisc . tenendo eum per manum . in hoc regni solio confirmet & in regno aeterno secum regnare faciat , jesus christus dominus noster rex regum , & dominus dominantium . qui eum deo patre , &c. secundum usum aliquorum , maximè secundum usum romanorum post intronizationem & non ante , metropolitanus inchoat , canonicis prosequentibus . te deum laudamus . d quo finito , dicit super regem . vers . firmetur manus tua & exaltetur dextera tua . resp . justitia & judicium praeparatio sedis tuae . domine exaudi . et clamor . dominus vobiscum . et cum spiritu tuo . oremus . oratio . deus qui victrices moysi manus in oratione firmasti , qui quamvis aetate * latesceret insatigabili sanctitate pugnabat , ut dum amalech iniquus vincitur , dum prophanus nationum populus subjugatur , exterminatis alienigenis haereditati tuae posfessio copiosa serviret , opus manuum nostrarum pia mater orationis exauditione confirma . habemus & nos apud te , sancte pater , dominum salvatorem , qui pro nobis manus si as tetendit in cruce , per quem etiam precamur altissime , ut ejus potentia suffragante , universorum hostium frangatur impi●●as , popul●sque tuus cessante formidine te solum timere e consistat . per eundem , &c. f hiis expletis archiepiscopus cum paribus coronam sustentantibus regem taliter insignitum & deductum in solium sibi praeparatum sericis stratum , & ornatum , ubi collocavit eum in sede eminenti , unde ab omnibus possit videri . quem in sede sua talitèr residenter●… mox archiepiscopus mitrâ depositâ osculatur eum di●… . vivat rex in aeternum . et post eum episcopi & laici pares qui ejus coronam sustentant , hoc idem dicentes . a his expletis manebit rex sedens in suo solio , donec regina fuerit consecrata , quâ consecratâ & ad suam sedem reducta , missa à cantore primo & succentore chorum servantibus inchoetur , & suo ordine decantetur . oratio pro rege . quaesumus omnipotens deus , ut famulus tuus rex noster n. qui tua miseratione regni suscepit gubernacula , virtutum etiam omnium percipiat incrementa , quibus decentèr ornatus , & vitiorum monstra devitare , & hostes superare , & ad te qui via , veritas & vita es gratiosus valeat pervenire . per dominum . secreta . munera quaesumus domine oblata sanctifica , & ut nobis unigeniti tui corpus & sanguis fiant , & n. regi nostro ad obtinendam animae corporisque salutem , & ad peragendum injunctum officium te largiente usquequaque proficiant . per , &c. b postcommunio . haec domine oratio salutaris famulum tuum n. regem nostrum ab omnibus tueatur adversis ; quatenus & ecclesiasticae pa●is obtineat tranquillitatem , post illius temporis decursum ad aeternam perveniat haereditatem . per dominum , &c. quando legitur evangelium , rex , & regina debent deponere coronas suas . notandum , quod lecto evangelio , major inter archiepiscopos & episcopos accipit librum evangelii , & defert domino regi ad deosculandum , & postea reginae , & postea domino archiepiscopo missam celebranti . post offertorium pares deducunt regem ad altare , coronam ejus sustinentes . rex autem debet offerre panem unum . vinum in urceo argenteo . tresdecem bisantos aureos , & regina similiter . in eundo autem & redeundo gladius nudus defertur coram eo . finita missa iterùm pares adducunt regem coram altari , & communicat corpus & sanguinem domini , de manu domini archiepiscopi missam celebrantis . sed notandum est , quod ille qui dedit ei evangelium ad deosculandum debet post pax domini , accipere pacem ab archiepiscopo missam celebrante & deferre regi cum oris osculo , & reginae a in libro . et post eum omnes archiepiscopi , & episcopi , unus post alium , dant osculum pacis regi in suo solio residenti . missa finita deponit archiepiscopus coronam de capite regis , & expoliato rege de insignioribus vestimentis , & aliis indutis , ite●ùm imponit capiti suo archiepiscopus aliam coronam minorem , & sic vadit ad palatium nudo gladio praecedente . et sciendum , quod ejus camisia propter sanctam unctionem debet comburi . de ampullae reductione . sciendum , quod rex debet recipere de baronibus suis nobilioribus & fortioribus in die coronationis suae in aurora diei b mittere apud sanctum remigium pro sancta ampulla , & illi debent jurare abbati & ecclesiae , quod dictam sanctam ampullam bona fide ducent & reducent ad sanctam ecclesiam beati remigii . abbas autem hoc facto , debet sanctam ampullam afferre sicut superius est notatum . finita consecratione & missa , debent iterùm iidem barones reducere sanctam ampullam usque ad sanctum remigium honorificè & securè , & eam restituere loco suo . c ordo ad reginam benedicendam . quae debet consecrari statim post factam consecrationem regis , debet ei parari solium in modum solii regis . debet tamen aliquantulum minus esse . debet autem regina adduci à duobus episcopis in ecclesiam , & rex in suo solio sedere , in omnibus ornamentis suis regiis sicut in solio residebat post inunctionem , & coronationem suam superiùs annotatam . regina autem adducta in ecclesiam debet prosterni ante altare , & prostrata debet orare , quâ elevatâ ab oratione ab episcopis debet iterùm caput inclinare , & archiepiscopus hanc orationem dicere . oratio . adesto domine supplicationibus nostris , et quod huhumilitatis nostiae gerendum est mysterio tuae virtutis impleatur effectu . per dom. &c. deinde dicat archiepiscopus hanc orationem . omnipotens aeterne deus fons & origo totius bonitatis , qui foeminei sexus fragilitatem nequaquam reprobando , potiùs adversaris , sed dignantèr comprobando , potius eligis . et qui infirma mundi eligendo , fortia quaeque confundere decrevisti : quique etiam gloriae virtutisque tuae triumphum in manu judith foeminae , olim judaicae plebi de hoste saevissimo designare voluisti : respice quaesumus ad preces humilitatis nostrae . et super hanc famulam tuam n. quam supplici devotione in reginam eligimus , benedictionum tuarum dona multiplica . eamque dextera tuae potentiae semper & ubique circunda , sitque bono muniminis tui undique firmitèr protecta , quatenus visibilis , seu invisibilis hostis nequitias triumphalitèr expugnare valeat . et una cum sara atque rebecea , lya et rachel , beatis reverendisque foeminabus , fructu uteri sui faecundari seu gratulari mereatur , ad totius decorem regni , statùmque sanctae dei ecclesiae regendum , necnon protegendum . per christum dominum nostrum , qui ex intemerato beatae mariae virginis alvo nasci , visitare , ac renovare dignatus est mundum : qui tecum vivit , &c. alia oratio . deus qui solus habes immortalitatem , lucemque inhabitas inaccessibilem , cujus providentia in sui dispositione non fallitur , qui secisti quae futura sunt , et vocas ea quae non sunt , qui suberbos aequo mode●amine de principatu dejicis , atque humiles in sublime dignantèr provehis , ineffabilem misericordiam tuam supplices exoramus , ut sicut h●ster reginam , israelis causa salutis de captivitatis suae compedesolutam ad regis assueti thalamum , regnique sui consortium transire fecisti . ità hanc famulam tuam n. humilitatis nostrae benedictione christianae plebis gratia salutis ad dignam sublimemque copulam regis 〈◊〉 mise●●corditèr transire concedas . et ut in foed●re conjugii semper manens pudica proximam virginitatis palmam continere queat ; tibique deo vivo & vero in omnibus & super omnia jugitèr placere desideret . et te inspirante quae tibi placita sunt toto corde perficiat . per dominum nostrum , &c. alia oratio . omnipotens sempiterne deus hanc famulam tuam coelesti benedictione sanctisica , et quam in adjutorio regni reginam eligimus , tua ubique sapientia doceat atque confortet , et ecclesia tua fidelem famulam semper agnoscat . per christum dominum nostrum . notandum , quod tunica reginae , & camisia debent ●ss● apertè usque ad corrigiam , & dominus archiepiscopus debet inungere eam oleo sancto in capite , & in pectore , & dicere dum in●ngit in qualibet vnctione . in nomine patris , et filii , et spiritus sancti , prosit tibi haec unctio olei in honorem et consirmationem aeternam in saecula saeculorum . amen . facta vnctione , dicat archiepiscopus , oremus . spiritus sancti gratia humilitatis nostrae officio in te copiosa descendat , ut sicut manibus nostris indignis oleo materiali oblita pinguescis exterius ; ità ejus invisibili unguine delibuta impinguari mereare interius ejus spirituali unctione perfectissimè semper imbuta , et illicita declinare tota mente , et spernere discas seu valeas , et utilia animae tuae jugitèr cogitare , optare , atque operare queas . alia oratio . deus pater aeternae gloriae sit tibi adjutor . et omnipotens benedicat tibi , preces tuas exaudiat , vitam tuam longitudine dierum adimpleat , benedictionem tuam jugitèr confirmet , te cum omni populo in aeternum conservet , inimicos tuos confusione induat , et super te christi sanctificatio ac hujus olei infusio floreat . ut qui tibi in terris tribuit benedictionem , ipse in coelis conferat meritum angelorum . benedicat te , et custodiat in vitam aeternam dominus noster jesus christus , qui vivit , &c. tunc debet ab archiepiscopo annulus immitti digito , et dicere . accipe annulum fidei signaculum sanctae trinitatis , quo possis omnes haereticas pravi●ates devitare , barbaras gentes , virtute tibi praestita ad agnitionem veritatis advocare . sequitur oratio , dominus vobiscum . oremus . deus cujus est omnis potestas & dignitas da famulae tuae signo trae fidei prosperum suae dignitatis eff●ctum in qua tibi semper firma maneat , tibique jugitèr placere contendat . per dominum , &c. post istam orationem datur ab archiepiscopo sceptrum modicum alterius modi quam sceptrum regium , et virga consimilis virgae regiae . et in tradendo dicat archiepiscopus . accipe virgam virtutis & aequitatis , & esto pauperibus misericors , & assabilis , viduis , pupillis , & orphanis diligentissimam curam exhibeas , ut omnipotens deus augeat tibi gratiam suam . qui vivit , & regnat . sequitur post dationem sceptriet virgae haec oratio . omnipotens sempiterne deus affluentem spiritum tuae benedictionis super famulam tuam nobis orantibus propitiatus insunde , utque per manus nostrae impositionem hodiè regina instituitur , sanctificatione tua digna , & electa permaneat , ut nunquam postmodum de tua gratia separetur indigna . per dominum . tunc debet ei imponi à solo archiepiscopo corona in capite ipsius , quam impositam sustentare debent undique barones . archiepiscopus autem debet dicere in impositionem orationem . accipe coronam gloriae et regalis excellentiae , honorem jocunditatis , ut splendida fulgeas , et aeternâ exultatione coroneris . ut scias te esse consortem regni , populoque dei semper prosperè consulas , et quanto plus exaltaris , canto amplius humilitatem diligas atque custodias . unde sicut exterius auro et gemmis redimita enites , ità et interius au●o sapientiae virtutumque gemmis decorari contendas , quatenus post occasum hujus saeculi cum prudentibus virginibus sponso perhenni domino nostro jesu christo dignè et laudabilitèr occurens , regiam coelestis aulae merearis ingredi januam , auxiliante domino nostro jesu christo , qui cum patre , et spiritu sancto vivit , et reguat per infinita saecula saeculorum . amen . post impositam coronam dicat archiepiscopus . omnium domine fons bonorum , & cunctorum dator provectuum , tribue famulae tuae n. adeptam benè regere dignitatem , & à te sibi praestitam in ea bonis operibus corrobora gloriam . per dom. domine sancte pater omnipotens , aeterne deus , honorum cunctorum auctor & distributor , benedictionumque omnium largus infusor , tribue super hanc famulam tuam reginam benedictionis gratiae tuae copiam , & quam humana sibi electio prae●sse gaudet , tuae supernae electionis ac benedictionis infusio accumulet . concede ei domine auctoritatem regiminis , consilii magnitudinem , sapientiae , prudentiae , & intellectus habundantiam , religionis ac pietatis custodiam quatenus mere●tur benedici , & augmentari in nomine ut sara , visitari , & saecundari ut rebecca , contra omnium muniri monstra vitio●●um ut judith , in regni regimine eligi ut hester . vt quam humana nititur fragilitas benedicere , coelestis potius intimi roris & sacri olei repleat infusio . et quae à nobis coronatur & benedicitur in reginam à te mereatur obtinere in praemio aeternitatis perpetuae . ●t sicut ab hominibus sublimatur in nomine ità à te sublimetur fide & operatione . illo etiam sapientiae tuae * cum rore perfunde quem beatus david in repromissione , & filius ejus solomon percepit in locupletatione . sis ei domine contra cunctorum ictus inimicorum lorica , in adversis galea , in prosperis sapientia , in proteetione clypeus sempiternus . sequatur pacem , diligat caritatem , abstinent se ab omni impietate , loquatur justitiam , custodiat veritatem . sit cuitrix justitiae , & pietatis , amatrix religionis , vigentque praesenti benedictione in hoc aevo annis plurimis , & in sempiterno sine fine aeternis . praestante domino nostro j●su christo , q●i cum patre & spiritu sancto vivit , & regnat deus . per omnia saecula saeculorum . amen . post istam orationem barones qui coronam ejus sustentant deducunt eam ad solium , ubi in sede parata collocatur circumstantibus eam baronibus et matronis nobilioribus in oblatione . in pace serenda , in communione penitùs est ordo regis superius annotatus observandus . notandum , quod antequam archiepiscopus dicat , pax domini , &c. debet dice●e hanc benedictionem super regem , et super populum . sic. benedicat tibi dominus , custodiatque te , & sieut voluit te super populum suum constituere regem , ita in praesenti saeculo faelic●m , & aeternae faelicitati tribuat esse consortem . amen . alia benedictio . clerum ac populum quem sua voluit opitulatione * tua sanctione congregari , tua dispensatione & tua administratione , per diuturna tempora facias faeliciter gubernari . amen . alia benedictio . quatenus divinis monitis parentes adversitatibus omnibus carentes , bonis omnibus ex●berantes , tuo ministerio fideli amore obs●quentes , & in praesenti saeculo pacis tranquillitate fruantur , & tecum aeternorum civium consortio potiri mereantur . amen . quod ipse parare dignetur cujus regnum & imperium sine fine permanet in saeculit saeculorum . amen . et benedictio dei omnipotentis patris et filii et spiritus sancti vos * descendat et maneat semper . amen . explicit ordo et officium in consecratione regis et regina . having given you this account of the ceremonies and prayers used at the coronations of forein christian emperors and kings ; i shall next present you with the order , prayers , ceremonies and solemnities used at the coronations of our antient saxon and english kings ; especially with those in later ages , since our kings and queenes became protestants , never formerly published in print . for the manner and ceremonies of the unction , benediction and coronation of the kings of england , the oaths then taken by them , with the oaths and homages made by the prelates & nobles to them , mentioned in our histories , ( being not so pertinent to my theam ) i shall referr the readers to peruse them at their leisu●e , in mat. w●stm . flores hist . part . anno , , , , , . galfridus monumetensis , histor . regum brit. l. . c. , . &c. during the british kings reigns . willielmus malmesburiensis , de gestis regum angl : l. . c. . . . . mat. westminster , flores hist . pars . anno , , , , , , , , , , , , . leges edwardi confessoris , lex . in mr. lam●ards archaion , fox acts and monuments , london . vol : . p. . for our saxon and danish kings . malmesburiensis , hoveden , brompton , mat : paris , mat : westminster , tho. walsingham , speed , holinshed , grafton , stow , in the lives of king william , . henry . king stephen , henry . rich. . king john , h. . edw. , , . r. . h. , , . edward . richard . h. , & . edward , queen mary , queen elizabeth , and king james , whose respective coronations , oathes , and solemnities they recite . to which i shall adde rot. parl. anno r. . n. . & h. . n. . to . and robertus h●lcot in lib : sapientiae , lectio . fol. . a. b. where he mentions both the oath , vncti●n , c●r●monies , and some prayers used at our kings coronations . i shall present you : with the antient form of our saxon kings coronations , and the prayers used at them ; recorded by mr : selden out of the old saxon ceremonial . ly : with the ceremonies and prayers used at the coronation of king richard the . ly : with the u●ual form of the coronation of the kings of england , and their queens , and of the prayers used thereat ( never hitherto published , and omitted by m : 〈◊〉 , in his titles of honor ) extracted out of liber regulis , being the ●orm used at the co●opations of henry the , & . and their queens , king james , and queen ann● , and our late king charles . ly : with the form of the co●onation of the kings of scotland , ●sed at the coronation o● our late king charles , ann● . for the : * a●r : selder ( our most learned antiquary ) informs us ; that there remain● in an old imperfect pontisical of the saxon times , a piece of a ceremonial for the coronation of the kings and queens of england , or of the english-saxons , wherein after divers prayers and benedictions , this sollows for the anointing . omnipotens sempiterne deus , creator ac gubernator coeli & terrae , conditor & dispositor ang●lorum & h●minum , rex regum , & dominus dominantium , qui habraham fidelem famulum tuum de hostibus triumphare fecisti ; moysi & josue populo tuo praelatis , mi ltiplicem victoriam tribuisti ; humilem quoque david puerum tuum regni fastigio sublimasti , eumque de ore leonis & de manu bestiae atque goliae , sed & de gladio maligno saul , & omnium inimicorum ejus liberasti , & salomonem supientiae pacisque ineffubili munere ditasti ; respice , quaesumus ●omine , ad preces nostrae humilitatis , & super hunc famulum tuum , illum quem supplici devotione in regem anglorum vel saxonum pariter eligimus , benedictionum tuarum dona multiplica . hunc dexterâ tuae potentiae semper ubique circunda , quatenus praedicti abrahae sidelitate firmatus , moysi mansuetudine fretus , josuae fortitudine munitus , david humilitate exaltatus , salomonis sapientia decoratus , tibi in omnibus complacent , & per tramitem justitiae inossenso gr●ssu semper incedat . hic totius regni anglo-saxonum ecclesium deinceps cum plebibus sibi annexis ita enutriat ac doceat , muniat , & instruat , contraque omnes visibiles & invisibiles hostes idem potenter regaliterque tuae virtutis regimen amministret , ut regale solium , videlicet anglorum vel saxonum * sceptro , non deserat , sed ad pristinae fidei pacisque concordiam eorum animos , te opitulante , reformet , ut populorum debitâ subjectione fultus , condigno amore glorificatus per longum vitae spatium , paternae apicem gloriae , tuae miseratione unita , stabilire & gubernare mereatur . tuae quoque protectionis galea munitus & scuto insuperabili jugitèr protectus , armisque coelestibus circundatus , optabilis victoriae triumphum de hostibus foeliciter capiat , terroremque suae potentiae infidelibus inferat , & pacem tibi militantibus laetantèr reportet . virtutibus , christe , hunc quibus praefatos fideles tuos decorasti , multiplici honoris benedictione condecora , & in regimine regni sublimitèr colloca , et oleo gratiae spiritus sancti perunge , per dominum , in unitate ejusdem . the rubrique to this prayer , is thus ; consecratio regis ab episcopo qui arcem tenuerit super eum dicenda , which i understand for the archbishop : and after the prayer follows this rubrique . hic unguatur oleo & haec cantetur antiphona , the anthem being thus , vnxerunt salomonem sadoch sacerdos & nathan propheta regem in gion , et accedentes dixerunt , vivat rex in aeternum . quam sequatur oratio . christe perunge hunc regem in regimen unde un●xisti sacerdotes reges & prophetas ac martyres qui per fidem vicerunt regna , & operatisunt justitiam , atque adepti sunt repromissiones . tua sacratissima unctio super caput ejus defluat , atque ad interiora descendat & cordis illius intima penetret , & promissionibus , quas adepti sunt victoriosissimi reges , gratia tua dignus efficiatur , quatenus et in praesenti seculo felicitèr regnet , & ad eorum consortium in coelesti regno perveniat per dominum . alia . deus electorum fortitudo et humilium celsitudo , qui in primordio per effusionem diluvii , crimina mundi castigare vol●isti , et per columbam ramum olivae portantem pacem terris redditam demonstrasti , iterumque aaron famulum 〈◊〉 per vnctionem olei sacerdotem sancxisti , et poste● per 〈◊〉 unguenti infusionem ad regendum populum israeliticum sacerdotes ac reges et prophetas praefecisti vultumque ecclesiae — there the copy is defective ; nor hath it more that concerns anointing the king. but after the ceremonies that belong to the whole coronation of the king , follows the form of the crowning the queens also of that age , who were likewise anointed . sequitur consecratio reginae quae propter honorificentiam ( so are the words of the rubrique ) ab epis opo●sacri unguinis oleo super verticem perfundenda est , et in ecclesia coram optimatibus cum condigno honore & regia celsitudine , & in regalis thori consortium benedicenda & consecranda est , quae etiam aunulo pro integritate fidei & corona pro aeternitatis gloria decoranda est . the words used at their anointing were , in nomine patris , & filii , & spiritus sancti , prosit tibi haec vnctio olei in honorem et confirmationem aeternam in saecula saeculorum : amen : — — & cunctos sanctae dei ecclesiae adversarios regnumque tibi commissum tutari atque protegere castra dei , per auxilium invictissimi triumphatoris domini nostri jhesu christi , qui cum patre in vnitate spiritus sancti vivit & regnat . then it goes on thus , in the kings coronation . oratio post datum gladium . deus qui providentiâ tuâ coelestia simul & terrena moderaris , propitiare christianissimo reginostro , vt omnis hostium suorum fortitudo virtute gladii spiritualis frangatur , ac te pro illo pugnante , penitùs conteratur per , &c. hic coronetur rex , eique dicatur . coronet te deus coronâ gloriae atque justitiae , honore & opere fortitudinis , ut per officium benedictionis cum fide recta & multiplici bonorum operum fructu , ad coronam pervenias regni perpetui , ipso largiente cujus regnum permanet in secula seculenum . amen . oratio super regem postquam corona fuerit ▪ imposita super caput ejus . deus perpetuitat is , dux virtutum , cunctorum hostium victor , benedic hunc famulum tuum n. tibi caput suum humilit●r inclinantem , & prolixâ sanitate & prosperâ felicitate cum conserva , ut ubicunque vel pro quibuscunque auxilium tuum invocaverit ci●ò adsis & protegas ac defendas . tri●ue ei , quaesumus , domine divitias gratiae tuae ; comple in bonis d●siderium ejus ; corona eum in misericor dia tu● , ut tibi domine pia devotione famuletur per , &c. which are the same almost in a syllable that in the latter ceremonials of the english coronation , are appointed for the particular time of the putting on the crown . by the same old ceremonial also , the queen after her vnction and receiving the ring , is to be crowned with these words , which are also in the latter forms . accipe coronam gloriae , et honorem jocunditatis , ut splendida fulgeas et aeterna exultatione coroneris per , &c. alia . omnium domine sons bonorum et cunctorum dator profectu●m , tribue samulae tuae n. adeptam bene regere dignitatem , et à te sibi p●estitam in ea bonis operil us corroborare gloriam , per dominum nostrum , &c. hic detur regi sceptrum eique dicatur . accipe sceptrum ●●giae potestatis insigne , virgam scilicet regni rectam , virg am virtutis , qua teipsum bene rega● , et sanctam eccl●siam populumque videlicet christianum tibi à deo commissum regia virtute ab improbis defendas . pravos corrigas , rectos pacifices , et ut viam rectam tenere possint , tuo juvamine dirigas , quatenus de temporali regno ad aeternum regnum pervenias . ipso adjuvante cujus regnum et imperium sine sine permanet in secula seculorum . amen . oratio super regem postquam datum fuerit ei sceptrum . omnium domine fons bonorum , cunetorumque dominus i●stitutor profectuum , tribue quaeso famulo tuo illi . adeptam bene regere dignitatem , et à te sibi concessum bonorem dignare corroborare honorifica cum prae cunctis regibus britanniae , uberi ●um benedictione locupleta , et in solio regni firma stabilitate consolida , visita eum in sobole , et praesta ei prolixitatem uitae . in diebus ejus fuperoriatur ju●●●tia , ut cum jocunditate et laeticia aeterno glorietur in regno per , &c. hic regi virga * detur eique dicatur . accipe * virgam virtutis atque aequitatis , qua intelligas mulcere pios & terrere reprobos . errantes viam doce , lapsisque manum porrige , disperdasque superbos , & releves humiles , ut aperiat tibi ostium ih●sus cbristus dominus noster , qui de s●ipsoait . ego sum ostium , per me si quis introierit salvabitur , et ipse qui est clavis david & sceptrum domus israhel qui aperit & nemo claudit , claudit et nemo aperit . sit tibi adjutor qui educit vinctum de domo carceris , sedentem in tenebris et umbra mortis , ut in omnibus sequi merearis eum de quo propheta david cecinit . dominus in saeculum saeculi , virga recta est virga regni tui . imitare ipsum qui dicit , diligas justitiam & hodio habeas iniquitatem , propterea unxit te dominus deus tuus oleo laetitiae ad exemplum illius quem ante saecula unxerat prae participlbus suis , jhesum christum dominum nostrum . benedictio ad regem . extendat omnipotens dominus dexteram suae benedictionis , et ●ffundat super te donum suae protectionis , sanctae mariae , ac beati petri apostolorum principis , sanctique gregorii anglorum apostolici , atque omnium sanctorum intercedentibus meritis . amen . indulgeat tibi dominus omnia mala quae gessisti , et tribuat tibi gratiam et misericordiam quam humiliter ab eo deposcis , ut liberet te ab ad●ersitatibus ●unctis , et ab omnibus visibilium et invisibilium inimi●orum insidiis . amen . angelos suos bonos semper et ubique qui te praecedant , comitentur , et subsequantur , ad custodiam tui ponat , et à peccato seu gladio , et ab omnium periculorum discrimine sua te potentia liberet . amen . inimicos tuos ad pacis caritatisque benignitatem convertat , et bonis omnibus te gratiosum , et amabilem faciat , pertinaoes quoque in tui insectatione et odio , confusione salutari induat , super te autem sanctificatio sempiterna floreat . victoriosum te atque triumphatorem de invisibilibus atque visibilibus hostibus semper efficiat , et sancti nominis sui tim●rem pariter et amorem continuum cordi tuo infundat , et in fide rect● ac bo●is operibus p●●soverabilem reddat , et pace in diebus tuis concessâ , cum palma victoriae te ad perpetuum regnum perducat . amen . ft q●i te voluit super populum suum constituere regem , et in praesenti saeculo foelicem , et aeternae foelicitatis tribuat esse conf●rt●m . quod ipse praestare , &c. alia . benedic . domine hunc praeelectum principem qui regna omnium regum à ●aeculo moderaris . amen . et tali eum benedictione glorifica , ut ●aviti●a teneat sublimitate sceptrum salutis , & sanctificae propitiationis munere reperiatur locupletatus . amen . da ei à tuo spiramine regere populum sicut salomonem fecisti regnum optinere pacificum . amen . quod ipse praestare , &c. designatio status regis . sta & retine amodo statum , quem hucusque paterna suggestione tenuisti hae●editario jure tibi delegatum per autoritatem dei omnipotentis & per p●aesentem t●aditionem nostram , omnium scilicet episcoporum , caeterorumque dei servorum ; & quantò clerum sacris altaribus propinqui●rem prospicis , tantò ei potiorem in locis congruis honorem impendere memineris , quatenus mediaator dei et hominum , te mediatorem cleri & plebis in hoc regni solio confirmet , & in regno aeterno secum regnare faciat jesus christus dominus noster , rex regum , et dominus dominantium , qui cum deo patre & spiritu sancto , &c. sequitur oratio . omnipotens deus det tibi de rore coeli et de pinguedine terrae habundantiam frumenti et vini et olei , serviant tibi populi , et adorent te tribus . esto dominus fratrum tuorum , et incurventur ante te filii matris tuae , et qui benedixerit tibi benedictionibus repleatur , & deus erit adjutor tuus . omnipotens benedicat tibi benedictionibus coeli desuper et in montibus , et in collibus , benedictionibus abyssi jacentis deorsum , benedictionibus uberum et vulvae , benedictionibus uvarum pomorumque ; benedictiones patrum antiquorum , abraham , isaac , et jacob confortatae sint super te , per , &c. alia oratio . benedic domine fortitudinem hujus principis , et opera manuum illius suscipe , et benedictione tua terra ejus de pomis repleatur , de fructu coeli , et rore atque abyssi subjacentis , de fructu solis , et●unae , de vertice antiquorum montium , de pomis aeternorum collium , et de frugibus terrae et plenitudine ejus . benedictio illius qui apparuit in rubo veniat super eaput illius , et plena sit benedictio domini in filiis ejus , et tingat in oleo pedem suum . cornua rinocerotis cornua illius ; in ipsis ventilabit gentes usque ad terminos terrae , et ascensor coeli auxiliator suus in sempiternum fiat , per dominum , &c. thus much for the saxon kings & queens coronations . i find this note of the principal officers used at the coronation of our king richard the first . officiarii principales in die coronationis regis . imprimis , officium magni elemosinarii pertinet domino nicholao de bello campo bedford qui pannum sub pedibus regis stratum in processione praedicta , de aula ad ecclesiam extendi faciet , et tum per extra ostium ecclesiae westmonasteriensis inter pauperes distribui faciet . item episcopus dunelm . & bathon . episcop . regem supportabunt in coronatione sua preciostoribus induti . item cancellarius angliae , ( si episcopus fuerit ) pontificalibus indutus coram rege in processione ecclesiae sancti edwardi regale po●tabit . item thesaura●ius angliae ( si episcopus fuerit ) dalmatica indutus et pontificialibus , patenam dicti calicis ante regem portabit , & ante cancellarium ibit . item duo d●ces sive comites excellentiores regni qui attinent regi , propinquiores in sanguine , sceptrum regni cum cruce , et virgam auream cum columba ante regem in processione portabunt . item comes cestriae portabit in processione coram rege , gladium vocatum curtana , ex cujus parte dextra comes h●ntingdon alium gladium portabit , & tertium ex sinistra parte portabit comes warwick . item unus de nobilioribus dominis & magnatibus regni , portabit magna calcaria deaurata in processione . item comes in regno superior ensem circa regem in●inctum in coronatione oblatum super altare , redimet , & redemptum ante regem in palatium revertentem portabit . item comes lycestriae serviet regi die coronationis suae de officio senescalliae . item dux eboracensis , & heredes sui portabunt coronas regis & reginae in eorum coronatione . item comes norfolciae serviet de officio marescallis . item comes arundel serviet de pincerna . item comes hereford serviet de constabulario . item comes oxoniae serviet officio camerarii . item dominus nicolaus hastings serviet regi de mappis . item dominus nicolaus de bello campo de duneley serviet de salsario & cultellis . item dominus nicolaus furnival sustentabit brachia regis et reginae in ipsorum coronatione . item duo episcopi , ad hoc per regem assignati , sustentabunt reginam in coronatione sua . item una de nobilioribus dominatus angliae semper assistet reginae in sua coronatione . , & ei sedulè ministrabit . stephanus de p●nchest . constabularius dover et custos quinque portuum , anno ri. fil . regis h. sic certificavit . for the d . it is thus related by thomas of walsingham , hist . angliae , p. , to . die jovis , id est die julii , videlicet calend. augusti , vigilia sancti kenelmi regis , convenientibus archiepiscopo et episcopis regnique proceribus ad westmonast . summo mane , ordinata processione monachorum in capis , episcopi cum monachis ad ostium regii thalami pervenerunt , et paratum regem reperientes ●●idem , per manus qui ejus lateribus astiterunt , perduxerunt in ecclesiam sancti petri , cantantes antiphonam in honorem apostoli , cum oratione competenti adjuncta et hac oratione : deus humilium visitator , qui nos tua misericordia consolaris , praetende super famulum tuum regem nostrum misericordiam tuam , ut per eum tuum in nobis adesse sentiamus adventum . rex verò mox ut altare pervenit , prostravit se folo tenùs ante altare , pavimentum autem stratum fuit palliis et tapetis . prosecuta ut diximus oratione , archiepiscopus cum episcopis qui aderant , prostravit se super pavimentum circa regem . interim duo episcopi letaniam devote cantarunt . qua expleta , erectus rex , ductus est ad sedem ▪ suam ▪ choro hanc ▪ antiphonam decantante , firmetur manus tua . tunc episcopus sermonem fecit de materia regis et regni ad populum , qualiter rex se haberet in populo , & in quibus populus sibi debuit obedire . quo completo , juravit rex coram archiepiscopo et proceribus qui ibi aderant , quoniam ipsi soli ejus juramentum audire potuerunt , quòd ecclesiam suis permitteret gaudere libertatibus , et eam ac ministros ejus honoraret , et fidem rectam teneret , rapacitatem et omnes iniquitates in omnibus gradibus interdiceret . secundò , ut leges terrae bonas ubique servari faceret , et praecipuè leges s. edwardi regis et confessoris qui in eadem requiescit ecclesia , et malas leges faceret abrogari . tertiò , ut non esset personarum acceptor , sed judicium rectum inter virum et virum faceret , et praecipuè misericordiam observaret ▪ sicut sibi suam indulgeat misericordiā clemens , et misericors deus . quibus expletis , archiepiscopus praecedente eum mareschallo angliae domino henrico percy , convertit se ad omnes plagas ecclesiae , indicans populo regium juramentum , et quaerens , si se tali principi ac rectori subjicere et ejus jussionibus obtemperare vellent ? et responsum est à plebe tisone clamore , quòd libenter sibi parere vellent . archiepiscopus regem his orationibus benedixit , videlicet , omnipotens et sempiterne deus , benedic domine hunc regem nostrum , qui regna omnium moderaris à saeculo , tali eum benedictione glorifica , ut davidicae teneat sublimitatis seept●um , et glorificatus in ejus propitius reperiatur merito ; da ei tuo inspiramine , cum mansuetudine ita regere populum , sicut solomon fecisti reg●um obtinere pacificum . tibi cum timore semper sit subditus , tibique militet cum quiete ; sit tuo clypeo protectus cum proce●ibus , et ubique tua gratia victor existat . honorifica eum prae cunctis regibus gentium . felix populis dominetur , et faeliciter eum nationes adorent , vivat in gentium catervis magnanimus , sit in judiciis aequitatis singularis , locupletet eum tua praedives gratia , fru●tiferam habeat patriam , et ejus liberis tribuas profutura . praesta ei prolixitatem vitae per tempora , ut in diebus ejus oriatur justicia , à te robustum teneat regiminis solium , et cum jucunditate et justicia aeterno gloriatur in regno . ista praemissa benedictio post primam orationem ad modum praefationis ab archiepiscopo cantabitur , qua cantata , dicta est & alia oratio super eum , scilicet ; deus ineffabilis , cum antiphona , comfortare & esto vir fortis , &c. tunc archiepiscopus accessit ad eum , & vestimenta sua discindens manibus suis à summo usque ad imum , ex●it eum praeter camisiam vestimentis suis . custodes verò quinque portuum ex officio tam in processione quam in unctione & missa , et post missam dum iret ad palatium ab ecclesia , semper tenuerunt umbraculum sericum magnum coloris aërii , . hastis per quatuor angulos colligatum . sed non obstante umbraculo supradicto , mox antequam archiepiscopus eum suis vestibus exuisset , allatus est pannus aureus à comitibus , . sub quo latuit dum unctionis perciperet sac●amenta . archiepiscopus ( ut diximus ) eo nudato , unxit manus ejus de oleo sanctificato , undè uncti fuerunt reges & prophetae , & sicut unxit samuel davidem in regem , ut sis benedictus & constitutus rex in regno isto super populum istum , quem dominus deus tuus dedit tibi ad regendum & gube●nandum . item dixit orationem , propice omnipotens deus . post haec unxit archiepiscopus caput ejus , & pectus , & scapulas , ambasque compages brachiorum , dicens : unguantur caput istud , pectus , & scapulae , & compages brachiorum de oleo sanctificato , &c. ut supra . et interim chorus cantavit antiphonam , unxerunt regem salomonem in gyan , sadock sacerdos , & nathan propheta , & ascendentes laeti dixerunt , vivat . alleluia . postquam subjunxit metropolitanus , deus dei filius jesus christus dominus noster , qui à patre oleo exultationis unctus est prae participibu● suis , ipse per praesentem sacri unguinis infusionem spiritum paracleti super caput tuum infundat , benedictionemque eandem usque inte●iora cordis tui penetrare faciat , quatenus hoc visibili & tractabili dono invisibilia percipere & temporali regno justis moderaminibus executo aeternaliter cum ●o regnare merearis . mox finita oratione , archiepiscopus cum episcopis , hymnum , veni creator spiritus , rege interim prostrato in longa venia , & circa cum metropolitano cum suffraganeis suis . expleto hymno , erectus est rex ab archiepiscopo , & indutus est primò tunica s. ed. & post ejusdem dalmatica , projecta circa collum ejus stola , archiepiscopo orationes competentes interim prosequente . post haec archiepiscopus cum episcopis tradidit ei gladium , ita dicens : accipe gladium per manus episcoporum , licèt indignas , vice tamen & autoritate sanctorum apostolorum consecratas tibi regaliter impositum , nostraeque benedictionis officio defensionem sanctae ecclesiae divinitus ordinatum , & esto memor de psalmista qui prophetavit , dicens : accingere gladio tuo super femur tuum potentissime , ut per eundem vim aequitatis exerceas , molem iniquitatis potenter destruas , & sanctam dei ecclesiam , ejusque fideles propugnando protegas , nec minus sub fide salsos quam christiani nominis hostes execreris ac destruas ; viduas & pupillos clementer adjuves ac defendas , desolata restaures , restaurata conserves , uleiscaris injusta , confirmes bene disposita , quatenus haec in agendo virtutum triumpho gloriosus justiciae cultor egregius , cum mundi salvatore , cujus typum geris in nomine , sine fine merea is regnare . tunc duo comites eum gladio accinxerunt : quo facto , a●chiepiscopus armil●as dedit ei , dicens : accipe armilla sinceritatis & saprentiae , divinaeque circundationis indicium , quibus intelligas omnes operationes tuas contra hostes visibiles & invisibiles posse esse munitas . posteà induit eum archiepiscopus regali pallio , ita dicens : accipe pallium quatuor nunciis formatum , per quod intelligas quatuor mundi partes divinae potestati esse subjectas , nec quenquam posse faeliciter regnare in terris , nisi cui potestas regnandi fuerit collata de coelis . interim dum archiepiscopus benedixit coronam regiam duo comites calcaria verunt , ad quorum officium pertinebat . benedicta corona archiepiscopus imposuit super caput , dicens : coronat te deus corona gloriae atque justiciae , honore & opere fortitudinis , ut per officium nostrae benedictionis , cum fide recta , & multiplici bonorum operum fructu ad coronam pervenias regni perpetui . tunc dedit ei archiepiscopus anulum , cum his verbis : a●cipe anulum regiae dignitatis , & per hunc , vitae catholicae fidei signaculunr , quia ut hodie ordinaris caput & princeps regni ac populi , ita perseverabis author & stabilitor christianitatis & christianae fidei , ut faelix in opere , locuples in fide , cum rege regum glorieris . statim post haec accessit dominus de furneval , ex officio offerens ei rubeam chirothecam , quam archiepiscopus benedixit & imposuit manui regiae , dans ei sceptrum his verbis , dicens : accipe sceptrum regiae potestatis insigne , virgam scilicet regni rectam , virgam virtutis qua te ipsum bene regas , sanctam ecclesiam , populum videlicet christianū tibi à deo commissum , regia virtute ab improbis defendas , pravos corrigas , rectos pontifices , & ut viam rectam tenere possint tuo juvamine dirigas , quatenus de temporali regno ad aeternum regnum pervenias . tunc dedit ei archiepisc . virgam in alia manu , habentē in summitate columbā , nam sceptrum quod susceperat consurrexit de rotundo globo aureo quē tenebat in manu chirothecata , & habebat in summitate signum crucis , & accepit virgam praedict . cum verbis hi● : accipe virgā virtutis & aequitatis qua intelligas te mulcere pios , et terrere rep●obos , errantes viam doce , lapsisque manum porrige , dispe●das●●e superbos , & releves humiles , ut apereat 〈…〉 jesus christus dominus noster . post haec benedictus est rex ab archiepiscopo ita dicente : benedicat te deus custodiatque te , sieut te voluit super populum suum esse regem , ita in prae enti saeculo felicem aeternae felicitatis t●ibuat esse consoîtem . his itaque peractis , osculatus est rex episcopos omnes & abbates , à quibus statim ductus est postea ad regale solium , episcopis inchoantibus hymnum te deum laudamus . finis to hymno , archiepiscopus ita eum allocutus est : sta & retine amodo locum quem hucusque paterna successione tenuisti haereditarie , indico tibi delegatum per authoritatem dei omnipotentis , & praesentem ●raditionem nostram , scilicet omnium episcoporum caeterorumque dei servorum , & quantò clerum sacris altaribus propinquiorem , tantò ei potiorem in locis congruis honorem impendere memineris , quatenùs mediator dei & hominum , te mediatorem plebis in hoc regni solio confirmet , & in regnum aeternum regnare faciat jesus christus dominus noster . his itaque peractis , inchoata est missa congruens coronationi regiae , cujus officium fuit , protector noster aspice deus , &c. epist . subjecti estote omni humanae creaturae propter deum , &c. gradale . dirigatur domine oratio mea . alleluiah . domine in virtute . evangelium . abeuntes pharisaei : quod legit episcopus eliensis , epistolam episcopus wigorniens . offertorium . intende orationi meae rex meus . lecto evangelio , rex de regali solio ductus est ad offerendum . primo igitur obtulit archiepiscopo gladium suum quem susceperat , & postea quantum placuit , sed non minus marca propter consuetudinem : nam plus potest offerre deo & sancto petro si placuerit . post oblationem pecuniae , obtulit archiepiseopo panem & vinum ad modum monachorum , undè posteà , tam metropolitanus , quàm ipse rex , communicati fuerunt . quo facto , comes ad cujus officium pertinebat portare gladium coram rege , gladium quem obtulerat dato precio redemit , & assumens eum , portabat coram illo . percelebrata missa usque ac communionem reductus est rex ad altare , & genuflexo coram archiepiscopo , dixit , confiteor . quo absoluto , communicatus est , & iterum reductus est ad sedem suam . interea praeparavit se quidam miles dominus johannes cognomento dimmock , qui clamabat se habere jus ad defendendum jura regis illo die , & etiam si opus esset duello cōfligendum , si aliquis praesumeret affirmare regem non habere jus in regno angliae , quanquā per ante dominus baldwinus frevill idem officium calumniasset , sed minimè obtinuisset . iste ergo dominus johannes memoratus circa sinem missae incessit ad valvas ecclesiae armatus decentissimè , insidens dextrarium pulcherimè phaleratum , caput etiam & pectus armatum , quem idem dominus johannes assumpsit de stabulo regio , utens videlicet avita consuetudine tam in aequo quàm armis eligendis de thesauro regis . nam & optimum equum praeter unum , & praeter unam praecipuam armaturam facturus dictum officium elegit ad vota sua . veniens igitur ad ostium monasterii , praeequitantibus duobus , qui ejus lanceā & cly peum porta verunt , expecta vit ibidem sinem missae . mareschallus antem dom. henr : percye facturus viam coram rege cum seneschallo angliae , scilicet duce & constabulario dom. tho. woodstock atque fratre ejusdem marescalli domino thoma percy , qui omnes magnos inequitavêre dextrarios , venit ad dictum militem , dicens , non debere eum ea hora venire , sed quod usque ad prandium regis differret adventum suum . qua propter monuit ut rediret , et deposito tanto onere armorum , quiesceret ad illud tempus . miles verò juxta consilium marelchalli facturus abscessit . illicò post decessum militis praeequitantibus regem dominis supradictis super dextrarios suos , necnon praecedente magno numero diversi generis histrionum , portatus est in humeris militum usque ad regale palatium , ductus quoque in cameram , paulisper quievit : debilis enim fuerat prae labore parum commedens . postea veniens in aulam , creavit quatuor novos comites antequam accessit ad mensam . dominum namque thomam woodstock avunculum suum comitem buckingam , datis sibi milles marcis annuatim de thesauro regio donec sibi de terris tanti valoris providisset . dominum etiam gifardum de angolismo quondam magistrum suum fecit comitem huntington , datis insuper sibi mille ma●●is annuis usquequo providisset sibi de redditibus tanti valoris : domino de moubray dedit comitatum notyngamiae , et domino henrico percy northumbriae comitatum : milites quoque fecit novem eodem die . q●ibus expleti● , ascendit ad mensam , ubi epulabantur cum eo splendidè episcopi , comites & barones , et innumera multitudo plebis confluxerat in illam aulam praegrandem , quòd nisi dux lancastriae , videlicet senescallus angliae , et comes buckinghamiae regni constabularius , et dominus henricus percy mareschallus , cum multis aliis , viam super equos grandes servientibus in aula fecissent , ferentes fercula ad convivas minimè pernetrassent . si numerare contenderem convivii apparatum , divitias utensilium , va●ietatem ferculorum , forsitan lector percussus tam tantarum rerum precio quàm magnitudine credere formidaret . unum solum quod ad magnificentiam regiam ostendendam fuerat ordinatum , aliis omissis aestimo proferendum . in medio regalis palati , elevata fuerat quaedam columna marmorea , concava super certos gradus , cujus summitatem occupabat grandis aurata aquila , sub cujus pedibus in capitello columnae per quatuor partes vina diversi generis dec●rrebant per totum diem eoronationis regiae , nec erat qui aliquem vel panperem virum haurire vetaret : facta est coronatio haec anno . aetatis ipsius regis . in crastino facta est generalis processio pro rege et pace regni , cui revestiti interfuerunt omnes praelati , videlicet archiepiscopus cum episcopis et abbatibus qui coronationi interfuerant , necnon ipse dux cum magnatibus et plebis multitudine copiosa . in progressu autem processionis concionatus est ad populum episcopus roffensis , hortans ut dissentiones et discordiae ortae , et diu continuatae , inter plebem et dominos sopirentur , probans per multa argumenta hujuscemodi diflentiones deo plurimum displicere : hortatus insuper dominos , ne tantis de caetero sine causa taxationibus populum onerarent . monuit etiam ut si causa subesset rationabilis qua oporteret eos omninò juvare regem & regnum , ut patienter & sine murmure atque seditionis scrupulo facerent quod oporteret insuper exhortatur eos generaliter qui regi puero & innocenti adhaererent , ut relictis vitiis quibus inserviebant , videlicet stupris in fornicationibus , & adulteriis , ejus puritati & innocentiae se conformare studerent , asserens hoc omninò patri patriae oportunum , perfacileque regi a recto deviare , regnum & populum periclitari , si tales essent qui ei sedulò & ejus consilio ministrarent . sermone finito , domini & universi praelati ad sua secedunt . forma coronationis regum & reginarum angliae , ( written , as i conceive , in the reign of king richard the ii. ) inprimis , princeps noviter coronandus ante diem coronationis suae nobili & decentissimo cultu apparetur equitando a turri london : usque ad palatium regii westmonasterii capite denudato , equitantibus cum eo dominis temporalibus , & universitate civitatis london , cum aliis proceribus & populis . item provideatur quod in die coronationis praedictae in magna aula regis westmonasterii sit sedes regalis , eminens , pannis cericis , & inauratis cum quissimis & tapetis decenter ornata . item provideatur quod in ecclesia westmonaster : sit unum pulpitum cum gradibus utraque parte ejusdem , et bene ornetur cum pannis ex omni parte , & in area ejus . item provideatur quod in dicto pulpito sit thronus regalis et sedes , in quo rex sedere debet decentissimè ornatus cum palliis sericis , & quissimis inauratis . item notandum , quod abbas westmon . qui pro tempore fuerit , per biduum vel triduum ante coronationem regis aut reginae informabit eos de observantiis eorum faciendis in eorum coronatione , & ad mundandas eorum conscientias ante perceptionem sac●ae unctionis . et si abbas fue●it mortuus , infirmus , aut in partibus remotis , aut legitime impeditus , tunc debet eligi unus monachus de gremio ecclesiae per conventum westmon . qui vices abbati supplebit in hoc casu . item dicto die coronationis princeps coronandus in praesata sede regali elevabitur in dicta aula , ipso tamen prius balneato . et post balneum praeparentur sibi tunica , & camisia serica aperta usque ad pectus , & inter scapulas , & in compagibus brachiorum , ape●tu●is tunicae & camisiae praedictarum sibi invicem connexis ansulis argent . & super dictam tunicam induatur aliis vestimentis nobilibus , & tantummodo caligis sine sotularibus calcietur . item ordinetur processio per abbatem & conventum westmon . solemnis in capit . de ecclesia westmon . ad sedem regalem praedictam in aula praedicta in qua princeps expectatur . in qua processione erunt archiepiscopi episcopi , & alii praelati . et tunc descendit p●inceps et sequitur processionem in ecclesiam westmon . & ibit super pannum st●agulatum positum in dicta sede super terram usque ad pulpitum in praedicta ecclesia westmon . ambulabunt & cantabunt in dicta processione quae in receptione regum & reginarum debent ex solito decantari item crux sceptrum & virga & virga regia quae sint de regalibus deserentur in processione per abbatem , p●iorem , & seniores monachos westmon . in palatium , & ibi tradentur diversis magnatibus ad ea deferenda coram principe ad ecclesiam in processione assignatis . item barones quinque portuum portabunt hastas argent . per picturam cum c●mpanellis argent . & deaurat . et hastis erit affixus pannus sericus protegens regem & reginam in processione supradicta ad dictam ecclesiam westmon . item abbas westmon . aut monachus supplens vices ejus , semper debet regis & reginae lateri adhaerere pro eorum informatione continua . item postquam princeps paulul●m quieve●it in cathedra seu throno in dicto pulpito ordinat . tunc archiepiscopus cantuarienfi● quatuor partes dicti pulpiti alta voce inquiret à plebe voluntatem de dicti principis coronatione , ipso principe interim stante in dicto throno seu cathedra , atque ad quatuor partes dicti pulpiti , dum archiepiscopus populum alloquitur , se vertente . et post dictam interrogationem cantetur antiphona : firmetur manus tua . item finita antiphona praedicta , descendat rex de pulpito praedicto usque ad magnum altare ducentibus eum super quod tenetur offere pallium unum , & unam libram auri , ejus complendo praeceptum qui dixit : non apparebis vacuus in conspectu domini dei tui . item post oblationem factam prosternat se rex super pavimentum ante altare prius per regis ministros pannis & quissimis decentibus sericis stratum , donec archiepiscopus superdixerit orationem , domine sanctum , &c. et tunc fiat sermo ad populum . item finito sermone accedat rex ad altare ad fa●iendum juramentum suum , quod debet confirmare cum sacramento dominici corporis . item tunc incipiatur hymnus , veni creator spiritus , & solenniter decantetur , quo inchoato , prosternat se rex , ut prius coram magno altari super letania & lectio ex toto decantetur , quibus decantatis surget rex , & resideat in cathedra sua paululum quiescens item postea surgat rex de cathedra , & vadat ad altare & deponat vestes suas praeter tunicam & camisiam praedictas , ut recipiat unctionem , choro canente antiphona : unxerunt salomonem , cum oratione subsequenti . et tunc ungatur in quinque locis , viz. in manibus internis , in pectore , inter scapulas , in compagibus brachiorum , & in capite , in modum crucis cum oleo sancto . et postea in capite faciendo crucem cum chrismate , ansutis praedictarum tunicae & camisiae prius apertis . item post unctionem praedictam & lineis panniculis detersis , qui postea debent comburi , connectantur ansutae aperturarum praedictae propter unctionem , ab abbate westmon ▪ vel ejus vices supplente . item post unctionem capitis regis , idem caput cooperiatur pileo lineo propter unctionem sanctam : et sic permanebit usque ad octavum diem unctionis . ad quem diem abbas westmon . aut ejus vicemgerens veniet at regem , & deponet dictum pileum , & caput regium lavabit & mundabit . item post dictam unctionem abbas westmon . aut ejus vicem gerens induet regem regalibus indumentis , viz. sindonis , colobio ad modum dalmaticae formato , caligis & sandaliis . et tunc sequantur benedictiones ornamentorum regalium ab archiepiscopo , ut patet in libro . item hiis expletis praefatus rex ab abbate westmon . aut ejus vices gerente tunica longa intexta magnis imaginibus aureis aute & retro induetur super praedictum collobium , cum caligis , sandaliis & calcaribus tibiis ejus coaptatis . item posthac benedicatur ensis regius , & dictum ensem idem rex ab episcopis accipiet , & se ipsum praecinget cum dicto ense , et armillas recipiet : & deinde pallio regali induatur . quod quidem pallium quadrum est , & aquilis aureis contextum . item postquam hiis omnibus induatur dictus rex , tum benedicatur corona , et imponatur capiti regis per archiepiscopum . et postea benedicatur annulus , & regi detur in manibus ab episcopo . item post haec offerat rex ensem praedictum super altari deo , quam comes dignior tunc praesens redimat per centum solidos , & deferat nudum ante regem , cujus ensis praedictus dicto altari pertinet . item post haec accipiat rex chirothecas , & postea sceptrum cum cruce in dextera manu , et virgam in sinistra . deinde benedictione data super eum , osculabitur episcopos● a quibus etiam et aliis proceribus ducetur honorifice ad regale solium , choro cantante : te deum laudamus . item statim postea faciant praelati et magnates fidelitatem suam & homagium ligeum domino regi : et tunc incipiatur missa . item dum cantatur gloria in excelsis , rex incensabitur à diacono , & ad credo osculabitur librum textus . item dum cantatur offertorium , procedat rex ad altare , & faciat oblationem panis et vini ; et postea offerat marcam auri , quo facto rex caput suum inclinet paululum , dum archiepiscopus sibi benedicat cum duabus orationibus , et benedictione finita , rex reducatur ad thronum sive solium suum . item oscnlo pacis , post agnus dei ab eo receptum , descendat rex de solio , & accedat humiliter ad altare , percipiatque corpus domini & sanguinem . quo recepto , abbas westmon : ministrabit ei vinum de calice la pideo de regalibus , & tunc immediatè redibit rex ad solium suum . item expleta missa , descendat rex de solio suo , & procedat ad magnum altare : et ibi archiepiscopo , episcopis & magnatibus ipsum praecedentibus , usque ad fer●trum sancti edwardi est incessurus : ubi deponet archiepiscopus coronam sancti edwardi de capite regis , ponetque omnia super altare sancti edwardi . item tunc magnus camerarius , s●il . comes oxoni . exuet regem regalibus antedictis in loco clauso prope feretrum : quae regalia sigillatim , sicut à rege auferentur , tradentur abbati westmon . super dictum altare reponenda . item hiis expletis , rex aliis vestibus indutus honorificè procedet ad altare feretri sancti edwardi praedicti , ubi archiepiscopus imponat aliam coronam capiti regis , reverenter , ●ege potins ( ●et revertentur . ) item postquam rex sic coronatus , & sceptrum de regalibus in manibus portans , à dicto feretro ad magnum altare , et sic usque ad pulpitum , deinde per medium chorum descendet eadem via , qua venerat in ecclesiam , praenominatis comitibus praedictos gladios coram rege deferentibus , cum magna gloria sunt reversuri usque ad palatium regium ad prandium . item finito prandio , & rege thalamum ingresso , dictum sceptrum liberabitur abbati westm . vel ejus vicegerenti per manus dicti domini regis in ecclesia reponendum . et nota , quod in coronatione reginae fiet processio : & si ipsa coronata sit cum rege , tunc debet ungi in vertice capitis , & in pectore . si ipsa sola coronata fuerit , tunc debet ungi in vertice capitis tantum in medio crucis cum chrismate . juramentum domini regis in die coronationis suae . archiepiscopus cantuar. regem interrogat , dicens ei : si leges & consuetudines ab antiquis , justis , & deo devotis regibus plebi anglorum concessas , cum sacramenti sirmatione eidem plebi concedere , & servare voluit , & praesertim leges , consuetudines , & libertates à glorioso regi edwardo , clero , populoque concessas ? dicto principe se promittente omnia praemissa facturum & servaturum , tunc exponet sibi archiepiscopus articulos , de quibus jurabit , sic dicens . . servabis ecclesiae dei , cleroque & populo pacem ex integro & concordiam in deo secundum vires tuas ? respondebit , servabo . . facies fieri in omnibus judiciis tuis aequam & rectam justiciam , & discretionem cum misericordia & ye●itate ? respondebit , faciam . . concedis justas leges & consuetudines esse tenendas , et permittes eas per te esse protegendas , et ad honorem dei roborandas , quas vulgus eligerit , secundum vires tuas ? respondebit , concedo et promitto . concordat . garter principal king of armes . sequitur monitio episcoporum ad regem , & legatur ab uno . domine rex , à vobis perdonari petimus , ut unicuique de nobis , et ecclesiis nobis commissis canonicum privilegium ac debitam legem , atque justitiam conservetis , & defensionem exhibeatis : sicut rex in suo regno debet unicuique episcopo et abbatibus , et ecclesiis sibi commissis . respondebit sic rex . animo libenti et devoto , promitto vobis , et perdono unicuique de vobis et ecclesiis vobis commissis canonicum privilegium , et debitam legem , atque justitiam servabo et defensionem , quantum potero , adjuvante deo , exhibebo : sicut rex in suo regno unicuique episcopo , abbatibus et ecclesiis sibi commissis per rectum exhibere debet . juramentum domini regis in gallicis . . syre , voulez vous granter & garder , & per vosire s●rment confirmer a peuple d' angleterre lez leys & customs a eux grantez per les anciens roys d' angleterre droyturels , & devotez a dieu ? & nomement les loys & custums & franchises grantes a clergye & a peuple per le glorious roy st. edovard ? respondebit rex , je lez garderey . . syre , garderez vous a dieu & a saynct eglise & a clergye , & a peuple paix & accord ●n dieu , entierement selon vostre pouvier ? respondebit rex , je lez garderey . . syre , faires vous faire en toutz voz jugements & promettes vous a defendre les loyz & costum●s droictturels , lez quels la communautè de vostre royaume avera eslu , & les enforceres al honour de dieu selon● vostre pouvier ? respondebit rex , je les grant & promise . . syre , fairez vous faire en touts voz iugements ou le & droyct justice & discretion , & misericorde & veritè ? respondebit rex , je les feray . syre , grantez vous a tenir et accomptir , et promittez vous a defendre lez loyz et custumes droiturels , lez quels la communautè de vostre royaume avera eslu , et les enforcerez al honour de dieu selon vostre pouvoir ? respondebit rex , je les grant et les promes . juramentum homagii facti regi . i become your man lege of lyfe and lymme , and trowthe , and eartlyche honor to you shall bear again all men that now lyffe and dye : so help me god and holy dome ▪ et memorandum , quod archiepiscopus cantuar. primo faciat fidelitatem , deinde episcopi , & alii proceres regni . officiarii principales domini regis in die coronationis . inprimis , officium magni eleemosinarii pertinet domino nicholao de bello campo bedford . qui pannum sub pedibus regis stratum in processione praedicta , de aula ad ecclesiam westmon . extendi faciet , et totam partem extra ostium dictae ecclesiae westmonasteriensis inter pauperes distribui faciet . item episcopus dunelmenfis , & episcopus bathoniensis regem in sua coronatione sustentabunt pontisicalibus induti . item cancellarius angliae , ( si episcopus fuerit ) pontisicalibus indutus coram rege in processione calicem sancti edwardi regalem portabit . item thesaurarius angliae ( si episcopus fuerit ) dalmatica indutus patenam dei calicis ante regem portabit , & ante cancellarium praedictum ibit . item duo duces sive comites excellentiores regni qui attinent regi , propinquiores in sanguine , sceptrum regni cum cruce , et virgam auream cum columba ante regem in processione portabunt . item comes cestriae portabit in processione coram rege , gladium vocatum curtana , ex cujus parte dextra comes huntingdon alium gladium portabit , & tertium ex sinistra parte portabit comes warwick . item unus de nobilioribus dominis & magnatibus regni portabit magna calcaria deaurata in processione . item comes in regno superior ensem circa regem accinctum in coronatione oblatum super altare redimet , & redemptum ante regem in palatium revertentem portabit . item dominus nicholas hastings serviet regi de mappis , & post prandium mappas habebit . item comes leycestriae serviet regi die coronationis suae de officio senescalli . item dominus nicholaus de bello campo de dunely serviet regi de salsario & cultellis , cujus est ipsum officium . item dux ebor. & haeredes sui portabunt coronam regis & reginae in coronatione ipsorum . item comes de arundel . serviat de pinternapio . item comes herford . serviet de constabulario , cujus est ipsum officium . item comes oxon. serviet de camera , cujus est ipsum officium . item comes norfol. serviet de marescalia , cujus est ipsum officium . item dominus nicholaus furnel . sustentabit brachia regis vel reginae , in coronatione ipsorum . item duo episcopi ad hoc per regem assignati sustentabunt reginam in sua coronatione . item una de nobilibus dominabus angliae semper assistet reginae in sua coronatione & ei sedulo ministrabit . item memorandum , quod archiepiscopus cantuar. unget regem & reginam , & capitibus eorum coronas ponet & deponet : ad quem pertinet jure ecclesiae suae coronatio & unctio regum & reginarum angliae : vel episcopus suffraganeus ecclesiae cantuar. cui dictus archiepiscopus , ipso absente , hujusmodi coronationis officium committet per literas suas patentes , vel ipse episcopus , cui capitulum , sede vacante , officium commiserit exequendum et item archiepiscopus in die coronationis , in pulpito stans interrogabit publice a populo , si istum venerabilem principem justum haeredem regni acclamare , eligere , & ei subjicere , & ejus jussionibus obtemperare voluerit ? tunc à circumstantibus clero & populo elevatis brachiis , & manibus extensis , respondebit , volumus & concedimus fiat , fiat , amen . the coronation of king edward the sixt . this day the lord protector and others his coexecutors , whose names be hereunto subscribed , upon mature and deep deliberation had amongst them , did finally resolve , that forasmuch as diverse of the old observances and ceremonies to foretimes used at the coronation of the kings of this realm ▪ were by them thought meet for sundry respects to be corrected , and namely for the tedious length of the same , which should weary and be hurtsome peradventure to the kings majestie , being yet of tender age , fully to endure and bide out . and also for that many points of the same , were such as by the laws of this realm , at this present , were not allowable . the kings majesties coronation should be done and celebrated upon shrovesunday next ensuing in the cathedral church at westminster , after the form and order ensuing . first the archbishop of canterbury shall shew the king to the people at . parts of a great pulpit or stage , to be made for the king , and shall say on this wise . sirs , here i present king edward , rightfull and undoubted inheritor , by the laws of god and man , to the royal dignity and crown imperial of this realm , whose consecration , enunction and coronation is appointed by all the nobles and peers of this land , to be this day . will you serve at this time , and give your good wills and assents to the same consecration , fnunction and coronation , as by your duty of allegiance ye be bound to do ? the people do answer , yea , yea , yea , and cry , king edward , king edward , king edward . this done , the archbishop of canterbury , being revested as he should go to masse , with the bishops of london and winchester on both sides , with other bishops , and the dean of westminster , in the bishops absence , to go in order before the king. the king shall be brought from his seat by them that assisted him to the church , to the high altar : where after his prayer made to god for his grace , he shall offer a pall , and a pound of gold , . l. in coin , which shal be to him delivered by the lord great chamberlain . then shall the king fall groveling before the altar , and over him the archbishop shall say this collect , deus humilium , &c. then the king shall rise , and go to his chair to be prepared before the altar , his face to the altar , and standing one shall hold him a book , and the archbishop standing before the king , shall ask him with a loud and distinct voice , in manner and form following . will ye grant to keep to the people of england , and other your realms and dominions , the laws and liberties of this realm , and other your realms and dominions ? i grant and promise . you shall keep to your strength and power , to the church of god , and to all the people , holy peace and concord . i shall keep . you shall make to be 〈◊〉 after your strength and power , equal and rightfull 〈◊〉 in all your dooms and judgements , with mercy and troth . i shall do . do ye grant to make no new laws , but such as shall be to the honor and glory of god , and to the good of the common-wealth , and that the same shall be made by the consent of your people , as hath been accustomed ? i grant and promise . then shall the king rise out of his chair , and by them that before assisted him , be led to the high altàr , where he shall make a solemn oath upon the sacrament layed upon the said altar , in the sight of all the people , to observe the premisses , and laying his hand again on the book shall say . the things which i have before promised , i shall observe and keep , so god help me and these holy evangelist● , by me bodily touched upon this holy altar . that done , the king shall fall again groveling before the high altar , and the said archbishop kneeling before him , shall with a loud voice begin , veni creator , &c. which done , the said archbishop standing shall say over the king , te invocamus , &c. and at the end shall kneel again : and then shall the king rise , and be set in the chair again . and after a little pawse , he shall rise , and assisted with those that did before that office , goe again to the high altar , where he shall be unclothed by his great chamberlain unto his coat of crimson satten , which , and also his shirt , shall be opened before and behind on his shoulders , and the bought of his arms by the said great chamberlain , to the intent that on those places he be anointed , and whilest he is in the anointing , sir anthony denny , and sir william herbert must hold a pall over him . and first the said arch-bishop shall annoint the king kneeling in the palmes of his hands , saying these words ▪ vnguautur manus , &c. with this collect , respice omnipotens deus . after he shall annoint him in the breast , in the middest of his back , on his two boughts of his arms , and on his head making a crosse . and after making another crosse on his head with holy cream , saying as he annointeth the places aforesaid , vngatur caput , ungantur scapulae , &c. during which time of unction , the quier shall continually sing , ungorunt r●gem , and the psalm , domine in virtute tua laetabitur rex . and it is to be remembred , that the bishop or dean of westminster , after the kings enunction , shall dry all the places of his body where he was anointed , with cotten , or some linnen cloth , which is to be burnt . and forthwith the places opened for the same are to be clozed by the lord great chamberlain . and on the kings hands shall be put by the said archbishop of canterbury , a pair of linnen gloves , which the lord great chamberlain shall before see prepared . this done , the king shall rise , and the archbishop of canterbury shall put upon the king a tabert of tarteron white , shaped in manner of a dalmatick . and he shall put upon the kings head a coiff , the same to be brought by the great chamberlain . then the king shall take the sword he was girt withall , and offer it himself to god , laying it on the altar , in token that his strength and power should first come from god. and the same sword he shall take again from the altar , and deliver to some great earl to be redeemed of the bishop or dean of westminster for one hundred shillings . which sword shall be borne naked afterwards before the king. then the king being set in his chair before the altar , shall be crowned with king edwards crown , and there shall be brought by the bishop or dean of westminster , the regal sandals and spurs to be presently put on by the lord great chamberlain , and the spurs again immediately taken off , that they do not incumber him . then the archbishop with all the peers and nobles , shall convey the king sustained as before , again into the pulpit , setting him in his siege royal , and then shall the archbishop begin , te deum laudamus , &c. which done , the archbishop shall say unto the king , sta et retine amodo locum . and being the king thus set , all the peers of the realm and bishops holding up their hands , shall make unto him homage as followeth , first the lord protector alone , then the archbishop of canterbury and the lord chancellour , so two and two as they be placed . i. n. become your liege man of lieff and limme , and of earthly worship , and faith and troth i shall bear unto you , against all manner of folks , as i am bound by any allegiance , and by the laws and statutes of this realm , so help us god and all-hallows . and then every one shall kisse the kings left cheek : which done , all there holding up their hands together , in token of their fidelicie , shall with one voice on their knees say , we offer to sustain and defend you and your crown , with our lives , lands and goods , against all the world . and with one voice to cry , god save king edward , which the people shall cry accordingly then shall the king be led to his traverse to hear the high masse , and so depart home crowned , in order as he set forth accordinglie . t. cantuar. t. wriothesly cancellar . w. saint-john . john russel . j. lisle . cuthb . duresme . anth. brown. will. paget . anthony denny . william herbert . the order of bringing the king and queen into the church , with other ceremonies touching their coronation . . bishops to support the king . bishops to support the queen . bishops to sing the lerany . bishop to carry the paten . bishop to bear the regal the dean of westminster to be in the whole action . bishops to attend the archbishop . bishop to preach . to demand the fourth question of the king . nobleman to carry the spurs before the king. . special noblemen to carry the . swords to carry the . scepters . to carry the rod with the dove . nobleman to carry the crown before the queen . . nobleman to carry the s●epter . to carry the ivory-rod the marshal of england is to go before the archbishop , to the . sides of the stage , when he demandeth the question of the people touching their willingnesse , &c. the archbishop undoeth the loops of the kings apparel , and shirt , and openeth the places to be anointed . the anointing ended , the dean of westminster closeth the loops again which were opened . then a shallow quoiff is put on his head , because of the anointing oyl . then the collobium or dalmatica is put on him by the dean of westminster . and after a prayer ended . the said dean arrayeth the king. first with the supertunica or close pall. then with the tynsin hose . then with the sandals . then are the sp●rs put on by a nobleman appointed by his majestie . after the archbishop hath delivered the sword unto the king , the same sword is girded about him by a peer thereto appointed by his majestie . then the armil is put about his neck , and tied to the boughts of his arms by the dean of westminster . so is likewise the mantel or open pall put on him by the said dean . then the king putteth on the linnen gloves . then the king offereth up his sword , wherewith he was girt before . then a peer redeemeth the sword , taketh it again from the altar , draweth it out , and carrieth it before the king so drawen from that time during the whole solemnitie . the coronation , inthoronization , and other ceremonies ended , and homage done by the archbishop , bishops , and noblemen , the king delivereth the scepter and the rod with the dove , hiis qui stirpi regali sunt proximiores , who ease the king of them , and carry them before him . touching the solemnity for the queen . the solemnitie of the kings inthoronization and coronation being performed , the archbishop leaveth the king in his throne , and goeth again down to the altar . then the queen who hath all this while reposed her self in her chair beneath , ariseth and commeth to the steps of the altar , and kneeleth down , &c. and when the queen ariseth from her prayer , the chiefest lady present , taketh off her coronet , and after that done , openeth her breast for the anointing , &c. then the queen kneeleth down again , and the archbishop anointeth her , &c. then the chiefest lady attendant , clozeth the queens robe at her breast , and after putteth on her head a linnen quoiff , &c. then the archbishop putteth on her ring , and then crowneth her . and after that , putteth the scepter into her right hand , and the ivory rod into her left hand . the communion ended , and other ceremonies performed , the king and queen with all solemnitie return to their thrones above , from whence after a while they return down again in all solemn manner into st. edwards chapel , &c. where the king in the traverse is disrobed of st. edwards robes , by the lord great chamberlain , which robes are then delivered to the dean of westminster . then the king is newly arrayed by the lord great chamberlain , with his robes royal , prepared for his majesties wearing that day . then the archbishop setteth the crowns imperial provided for the king and queen to wear that day upon their heads . the king and queen so crowned , taking into their hands each of them their scepter and rod , after the train is set in order before them , go from st. edwards altar , out to the great altar , and so up to the stage , and so thorough the midst of the quire and church , and return the same way they came . the scepters and rods of st. edward , which the king and queen carried in their hands , are after dinner to be re-delivered to the church of westminster , to be kept with the residue of the regalia . it hath pleased his majestie to give order to me the archbishop , for the appointing of these bishops , . bishops to support the king. . bishops to support the queen . . bishop to carry the regal . . bishop to carry the paten . your lordships are to understand the king his pleasure , which of the noblemen it will like his majestie to appoint . to carry the spurs before the king. . to bear the , , and . sword . to bear the . scepters . to bear the rod with the dove . to carry the crown imperial , which the king is to wear that day . . to bear the crown before the queen . . to bear the scepter . to bear the ivory rod . to put on the kings spurs . . to gi●t on the kings sword. . to ●edeem the sword after it is offered , and to bear it drawn before him . . to ease the king of the carriage of his scepter and rod. the manner of the proceeding at the coronation gentlemen and esquires , . and . knights having no liveries . sewers of the chamber . aldermen o● london . esquires of the body . clerks of the signet . clerks of the privy seal . cle●ks of the counsel . clerks of the markets of england . chaplin having dignity . secreta●ie● of the 〈◊〉 ●nd french. solicitor , atto●ny , and the kings sergeants . masters of the request . lord c●ie● ba●on of the exchequer . lord chief j●stice of the common pleas. master of the rolls . lord chief justice popham . nunc privati consilii . knight● of the bath . se●geant porter . sergeant of the vestry . the kings chapel in copes . the prebends of w●stminster . master of the jewel-house . master of the ga●drobe . counsellors being knights . bishops in thei● robes . ba●on● in their robes . secretary . controuler . thresorer . earls in their robes . their coronets on their caps in their hands . c●arencieux . lion. v●ster . lord keeper . lord archbishop alone . an earl with the spurs . an earl with saint edwards scepter . an earl with the pointed swo●d . an earl with the sword called ●urtana . an earl with the third sword. the mayor of london with his mace. ga●ter principal king at arms. gent●eman usher of the privy chamber . the lord g●eat chamberlain of england . the constable with his mace. the sword in the scabbard . the ma●shal with his rod. an earl bea●ing the scepter of the dane . an earl bea●ing the crown . an earl bea●ing the o●b . barons of the cinquepo●ts for the canop● . his majestie led by the bishops of dur●sm a●d wells . the chamberlain assisting the train . master of the horse . gentlemen of the privy chamber to the king. grooms of the privy chamber . gentlemen-ushers to the queen . an earl bearing the queens scepter . an earl bearing the queens crown . an earl bearing the queens ivory rod. a bishop . the queen in a purple robe , her hair dependent , under a canopie borne by the barons of the cinqueports . a bishop . train-bearer . the queens chamberlain supporting the train . marquesses . countesses . baronesses . ladies of the privy chamber . gentlemen of the queens privy chamber . captain of the guard , with all the guard following . for the third , i shall present you with the ceremonies and prayers used at king james , queen annes , and our late king charles their coronations at westminster , ( of which i have two authentick copies ) never formerly printed . processio ad templum de palatio . ascentio ad thronum . oblatio . interrogatio populi . concio . descentio ad altare . juramentum regis . himnus , veni creator . colobii , &c. tunica . litaniae . gladii . unctio regis . investitura regis . armillae . pallii . benedictio regis . coronae . ascentio ad thronum . annuli . inthronizatio . oblatio gladii . homagium . sceptri . virgae . caeremoniae supportationis coronae . descentio ad tumulum edwardi confessoris . communio sacra . depositio coronae sacrae & vestium . descentio ad oblationem .   communicatio regis . indutio coronae novae & vestium . ascentio ad thronum .   finis communionis . discessio de templo ad palatium . a brief out of the book of the rites of the coronation , called , liber regalis . . the person that is to annoint and crown the king , is the lord arch-bishop of canterbury . . the place is the church of vvestminster , to which it is by divers charters granted , to be locus constitutionis & coronationis regiae & repositorium regalium . . the time ( if it may well be ) some sonday or holy-day . the preparation . . there is a stage set up , square , close to the four high pillars , between the quire and the altar , railed about , which stage is to be spread with tapestry , and the railes of it to be richly covered . . it is also to have stairs , out of the quire up to it : and down from it to the altar , other staires eastward . . there is a throne of estate for the king to be erected on the said stage , adorned in all points as is meet . . there is also another chair of estate for the king , to be set below by the altar , on the right side of it , and a fald-stool , with cushions for the king to pray at . . there is a traverse also to be made in sr. edwards chappell , for the king to disrobe himself in , after the ceremonies of his coronation ended . the evening before the coronation . . the evening before the coronation , the king is to be put in minde to give himself a certain space to contemplation and prayers . in what sort it is set down , in libro regali . it appertaineth by office to the * abbot of westminster , to remember his m●jesty of this and other observances . . there is then also to be delivered by his majesties appointment to such persons , as he shall like to assigne to carry them ; . the regall . . the paten . . the two scepters . . the rod with the dove . . the spurs . . there is then also to be delivered to his majesty , the tuniea , or shirt of red silke , with the places for the annoynting opened , and looped close , which he is to wear next over his shirt . the morning of the coronation . . it is to be provided , that all the regalia ( that is , king edward the confessors ) crown and other ornaments , together with the ampull wherein is the oyle , with which antiently the kings and queens have been anoynted , be laied ready upon the altar . . it is to be provided , that the crown and other robes royal , which the king is to put on and wear after the rites of the coronation ended , be brought and laid ready in the traverse within saint edwards chappel . . there is cloth to be spread on the ground , from the pallace hall door unto the stage in the church , for his majesty to tread on all the way , by the heir of the lord beauchamp of bedford almoner for the coronation day . the receiving of the king into the church . . the archbishop and bishops of the realm then present , together with the church and quire of westminster onely , are to meet the king at the pallace gate , in procession wise . . two bishops assigned by the king , are to bear the one the regal , the other the paten . . after them , three peers ( by the king likewise to be appointed ) are to bear , the one the scepter with the crosse , the other the long scepter , the third the rod with the dove . . after them the three swords to be born , per comitem . cestriae . . huntingdon & . warwick . . after them a peer by the king , appointed to bear the spurs . . then the king under a canopy born by the barons of the cinque ports . the king supported by the two bishops of durham and bathe . . abbas westomonaster semper lateri regis adhaerendo praesens debet esse pro dicti regis informatione in hiis quae dictae coronationis concernunt solennitatem . ad ipsum vero hoc officium solummodo spectat . the king is to be received into the church with an anthem . protector noster . protector noster aspice deus , & respice in faciem uncti tui , quia melior est dies una in atriis tuis super millia . quam dilecta , &c. gloria patri , &c. behold o lord , our protector , and look upon the face of thine anointed , because one day in thy court , is better then a thousand . psal . quam dilecta , &c. . . gloria patri , &c. the king passing up the body of the church , and so through the quire goeth up the staires unto his throne of estate , and there reposeth himself . the king set in his throne , the archbishop going to every of the four sides of the stage , viz. north , south , east and west , ( the marshall of england , going before him to all the said places ) asketh the people if they be willing to accept of the king as their soveraigne , that he may be anointed and crowned ? his verbis . the people demanded if they be willing . sirs , here i present unto you king james , the rightful inheritor of the crown of this realm , wherefore all you that be come this day to do your homage , service , and bounden duty , be ye willing to do the same ? or thus , sirs , here present is james rightfull and undoubted inheritor by the laws of god and man , to the crown and royal dignity of england , with all things thereunto annexed and appertaining , elect , chosen and required by all three estates of this same land , to take upon him this said crown and royal dignity , whereupon you shall understand that this day is fixed and appointed by all the peers of the land , for the consecration , enunction and coronation of the said most excellent prince james . will you serve him at this time , and give your wills and assents to the same consecration , enunction , and coronation ? or thus , will you take this worthy prince james , right heir of the realm , and have him to your king , and become subjects to him , and submit your selves to his commandements ? this while , the king standing up , turneth himself to every of the four sides , as the archbishop is at every of them speaking to the people . the people signifying their willingnesse , by answering all in one voice , yea , yea , god save king james . the quire singeth the anthem . firmetur manus . firmetur manus tua , & exaltetur dextra tua justitia & judicium preparatio sedis tuae , misericordia & veritas precedent faciem tuam , alleluiah . firmetur manus tua . let thy hand be strengthned , and thy right hand be exalted . let justice and judgement be the preparation of thy seat , and mercy and truth go before thy face . alleluia ps . misericordias dei. glory be to the father , &c. while the quire singeth the anthem , the archbishop goeth down to the altar , and revesteth himself there . the archbishop being there ready , the king , supported by the two bishops , ( as before ) and attended by the abbot of westminster , goeth down from his throne to the altar . the kings offering , and the sermon . there he maketh his first oblation , which is , pallium unum , & una libra auri . after the king hath offered , he kneeleth down at his fald-stool . the archbishop saith the prayer . deus humilium . deus humilium visitator , qui nos sancti spiritus illustratione consolaris , pretende super hunc famulum tuum jacobum gratiam tuam , nt per eum , tuum in nobis addesse sentiamus adventum per dominum christum nostrum , &c. deus visitator humilium . o god which dost visit those that are humble , and dost comfort us , by the light of thy holy spirit , send down thy grace upon this thy servant james , that by him we may feel thy presence amongst us , through jesus christ . then doth the sermon begin , which the king heareth in his chair of estate by the altar on the south fide of it . the sermon being done , the archbishop goeth to the king , and a●keth his majesty concerning his willingness to take the oath , usually taken by his predecestors . the king ( shewing himself willing therewithall ) ariseth and cometh to the altar . the archbishop ministreth the three first questions , and the king answereth them severally . scilic●t . quaestio . si leges & consuetudines ab antiquis justis & deo devotis regibus , plebi anglorum concessas , cum sacramen●i confirmatione eidem plebi concedere & servare voluerit , & praesertim leges consuetudines & libertates à glorioso rege edward● clero & populo concessas ▪ &c. dicto autem principe se promittente omnia praemissa concessurum & servaturum . tunc exponat ei metropolitanus de quibus jurabit . ita dicendo , &c. prima quaestio . servabis ecclesiae dei , cleroque & populo pacem ex integro & concordiam in deo , secundum vires tuas ? respondebit , servabo . secunda quaestio . facie fieri in omnibus judiciis tuis equam & rectam justitiam & discretionem in miseri●ordia & veritate secundum vires tuas ? resp . faciam . tertia quaestio . concedis instas leges & consuetudines esse tenendas , & promittis per te eas esse protegendas , & ad honorem dei corroborandas , quas vulgus elegerit s●cundum vires tuas ? respondebit , concedo , & promitto . sequitur admonitio episcoporum ad regem , & legatur ab uno episcopo coram omnibus clara voce . sic dicendo . domine rex à vobis perdonari petimus , ut unicuique de nobis , & ecclesiis nobis commissis , canonicum privilegium ac debitam legem atque justitiam conservetis , & defensionem exhibeatis , si●ut rex in suo regno debet , unicuique episcopo & ecclesiiis sibi commissis . respondebit , animo libenti & devoto , promitto vobis & perdono , quia unicuique de vobis & ecclesiis vobis commissis canonicum privilegium & debitam legem atque justitiam servabo , & defensionem quantum potuero , adjuvante domino , exhibebo , sicut rex in suo regno unicuique episcopo & ecclesiis sibi commissis quod rectum exhibere debet . adjiciantur praedictis iuterrogationibus quae justa fuerint . pronunciatis omnibus supra dictis , dictus princeps confirmet se omnia praedicta esse servaturum . sacramento super altare coram cunctis protinus praestito . juramentum gallice . sire , voulez vous granter & garder , & per vostre serment confirmer au peuple de angleterre les leys & les custumes a eulx grantee par les roies de angleterre & voz predecesseurs droictereulx & devoutez a dieu , & nommement les leys , les custumes , & les franchisez granter au clergie , & au peuple par le gloriens roy saint eduard vostre predecesseur ? responsio regis . ie les grant & promet . episcopus . sire , garderez vous a dieu & au seinte eglise , au clergie & au peuples , paix & accord en dien entirement selonque vostre poer ? refp . regis . ie garderay . episcopus . sire ferez vouz faire en toutz voz jugements droit , justice , & discretion in misericorde & verite a vostre poer ? resp . regis . ie feray . episcopus . sire , granterez vouz a tenir & a garder les leys , & les custumes droicturelles les quelux la communaute de vostre reaume auera es leus , & lez defenderez & afforcerez al honor de dieu , a vostre poer ? resp . regis . ie les grant & promet . the kings oath in english . sir , will you grant and keep , and by your oath confirm to the people of england , the lawes and customes to them granted by the kings of england , your lawful and religious predecessors ; and namely the laws , customes , and franchises granted to the clergy and to the people , by the glorious king st. edward your predecessor ? rex resp . i grant and promise to keep them . episcopus . sir , will you keep peace and agreement entirely ( according to your power ) both to god , the holy church , the clergy and the people ? rex . i will keep it . episcopus . sir , will you to your power , cause law , iustice , and discretion in mercy and truth , to he executed in all your judgements ? rex . i will. episcopus . sir , will you grant to hold and keep the lawes and rightfull customes , which the commonalty of your kingdom have , and to defend and uphold them to the honour of god , so much as in you lye ? responsio regis . i grant and promise so to do . this done the king sweareth to the observation of what he hath promised then upon the altar . after the oath thus taken , the king returneth to his chair of estate again . the archbishop beginneth the hymn , veni creator spiritus , and the quire sing it . the hymn ended , the king kneels down at his fald-stool , and the archbishop saith the prayer , te invocamus , &c. te invocamus domine . te invocamus domine sanct● , pater omnipotens eterne deus , ut hunc famulum tuum jacobum , quem tuae divinae dispensa●ionis providentia in primordio plasmatum usque hunc praesentem diem juvenili slore letantem crescer● concessisti ; eum tuae pietatis dono ditatum , plenumque gratia veritatis de die in diem coram deo & hominibus ad meliora semper prosicere facias , ut summi regiminis solium , gratiae supernae largitate gaudens suscipiat : et misericordiae tuae muro ab hostium adversitate undique munitum . plebem sibi commissam cum pace propitiationis & virtute victoriae feliciter regere mereatur , per jesum christum . we beseech thee , o lord holy father , almighty and everlasting god , for this thy servant james , hat as at the first thou broughtest him into the world by thy divine providence , and in the flower of his youth , hast preserved him untill this present day , so thou wilt evermore enrich him with the gift of piety , fulfill him with the grace of truth , and increase him daily in all goodnesse in the sight of god and men , that he may joyfully receive the seat of supreme government , by the gift of thy supernal grace ; and being defended from all his enemies , by the wall of thy mercy , he may happily govern the people committed to his charge . after the prayer done , beginneth the letany to be sung by two bishops . vel duo cantores . infra letaniam haec ad●ungantu● . ut praesentem famulum tuum in tua pietate , justicia & sanctitate confirmare & conservare digneris , te rogamus audi nos . postea sequantur hae orationes . omnipotens sempiterne deus creator omnium imperatorum , angelorum rex regnantium , dominusque dominantium , qui abraham fidelem famulum tuum de hostibus triumph●re ●ecisti ; moysi & josuae populo praelatis multiplicem vi●●oriam tribuisti ; humilemque david puerum tuum regni fastigio sublimasti . salomonem sapientiae , pacisque ineffabili munere ditasti . respice nos ad preces humilitatis nostrae , & super hunc famutum tuum qu●m supplici devotione in regem consecramus benedictionum tuarum dona multiplica , eumque dextrae tuae potentia semper & ubique circunda , quatenu● praedicti abrahae fide firmatus , moysis mansuetudine fretus , josuae fortitudine munitus . davidi humilitate exaltatus . salomonis sapientia decoratus , tibi in omnibus placeat . et per tramitem justitiae inoffenso gressu semper incedat . ecclaesiamque tuam d●inceps cum plebibus sibi annexis ut enutriat ac doceat , muniat & instruat . contraque omnes visibiles & invisibiles hostes ●id●m potenter regaliter que virtutis regim●n administret , et ad verae fidei pacisque concordiam eorum a●imos ( te opitulante ) reformet , ut horum populorum debita subjectione fultus , cum digno amore glorificatus , ad paternum decenter solium tua miseratione concendere mereatur . tuae quoque protectionis galea munitus , & scuto insuperabili jugiter protectus , armisque eoelestibus circundatus , optabilis victoriae triumphum feliciter ●apiat , terrorem que suae potentiae infidelibus inferat , et pacem in militantibus letanter reportet per dominum nostrum qui virtute crucis tartara destruxit , regnoque diaboli superacto , ad coelos victor ascendit , in quo potestas omnis regum consistit & victoria , qui est gloria humilium & vita salusque popnlorum , qui tecum vivit . amen . o almighty and everlasting god , creator of all things , ruler of angels , king of kings , and lord of lords , who didst cause thy faithful servant abraham to triumph over his enemies ; didst give many victories to moyses , and joshua , the governors of thy people , didst exalt thy lowly servant david , unto the height of a kingdome ; didst enrich solomon with the unspeakable gift of wisdome and peace . give ear we beseech thee unto our humble prayers , and multiply thy blessing upon this thy servant , whom in lowly devotion we do consecrate our king ; that he being strengthned with the faith of abraham , indued with the mildnesse of moyses , armed with the fortitude of joshua , exalted with the humility of david , beautified with the wisdome of solomon , he may please thee in all things , he may alwaies walk uprightly in the way of righteousnesse , he may nourish and teach , defend and instruct thy church and people , and like a mighty king , minister unto them the government of thy vertue against all enemies visible and invisible , and by thy help reform their mindes to the concord of true faith and peace , that being underpropped by the due obedience , and honoured by the condign love of these his people , he may , by thy mercy royally ascend up to the throne of his forefather , and being defended with the helmet of thy protection , covered with thy invincible shield , and all clad with heavenly armour , he may gloriously triumph , and by his power both terrifie infidels , and bring joyfull peace to those that fight for thee , through our lord , who by the power of his crosse hath destroyed hell , and having overthrown the kingdome of the devil , is with victory ascended into heaven , in whom doth consist all power , kingdome and victory , who is the glory of the humble , the life and salvation of his people , who live●h with thee and the holy ghost . bonedio domine , &c. hunc regem nostrum jacobum , qui regna moderaris a seculo , & tali eum benedictione glorifica , ut davidis teneat sublimitas sceptrum & glorisicatus in ejus te propitio reperiatur merito . da ei tuo inspiramine cum mansuetudine ita regere populum sicut salomonem fecisti regnum obtinere pacificum . tibi cum timore semper sit subditus , tibique militet cum quiete . sit tuo clipeo protectus cum proceribus , & ubique tua gratia major existat . honorifica eum prae cunctis regibus gentium . felix populis dominetur , & feliciter eum nationes adorent . vivat inter gentium catervas magnanimus . sit in judiciis aequitatis singularis . locuplet eum tua praedives dextera frugiferam obtineat patriam . et ejus libris tribuis profutura praesta ei prolixitatem vitae per tempora , ut in diebus ejus oriatur justitia . a te robustum teneat regiminis solium , & eum jocunditate & justitia eterno glorietur in regno . amen . o lord , thou that governest all kingdomes from everlasting , blesse we beseech thee this our king , that he may rule like david , and by thy mercy obtain his reward . grant that by thy inspiration he may govern with the mildenesse of solomon , and enjoy a peaceable kingdome . grant that he may serve thee with fear , and fight for thee with constancy . protect him and his nobles with thy shield , and alwaies give him victory by thy grace . honour him before all the kings of the earth ; let him rule over countryes , and let nations adore him . let him be singular in judgement and equity , and make him rich with thy rich right hand . give him a fruitful country , and give to his children all good things . give him a long life in this world , and in his dayes let justice slourish . strengthen thou the throne of his government , and with gladnesse and righteousnesse , let him glory in thy eternal kingdome , through jesus christ . deus inesfabilis author mundi , conditor generis humani , gubernator imperii confirmator , regni , qui utero fidelis amici tui patriarchae nostrae abrahae praeelegisti regem seculis profuturum . tuum presentem regem hunc cum exercitu suo per int●rcessionem omnium sanctorum uberi benedictione locupleta , & in solium regni firma stabilitate connecte visita eum sicut moysem in rubro , josuam in praelio , gedeon in agro samuelem in templo . et illa eum benedictione syderia , ac sapientiae tuae rorae perfunde , quantum beatus david in psalterio , salomon filius ejus , te remunerante precepit è coelo . sis ei contra acies inimicorum lorica , in adversis galea , in prosperis patientia , in protectione clipeus sempeternus , & presta ut gentes illi teneant fidem . proceres sui habeant pacem , diligant caritatem , abstineant se à cupiditate , loquantur justitiam , custodiant veritatem . et ita populus iste pullulet coalitus benedictione aeternitatis ut semper permanea●● tripudiantes in pace victores , per christum dominum nostrum , &c. god the unspeakable author of the world , the creator of mankinde , the governor of empires , the establisher of kingdomes , who out of the loynes of thy faithfull friend out father abraham , didst choose a king that should save all nations . blesse we beseech thee this our present king , and his army with a rich blessing . establish him in the throne of this kingdome . visit him , as thou didst visit moses in the bush , josua in the battel , gedeon in the field , and samuel in the temple ; besprinkle him with the dew of thy wisdome , and give unto him the blessing of david and solomon . be thou unto him a coat armour against his enemies , and an helmet in adversity . give him patience in prosperity , and protect him alwaies with thy shield . grant that other countries may keep faith unto him , and that his nobles may live in peace , embrace charity , abstain from covetousnesse , speak justice and maintain truth ; and so this people may grow up together with the blessing of eternity , that having overcome , they may rejoyce in everlasting peace , through christ our lord. deus qui populus tuis virtute consulis , & amore dominaris , da huic famulo tuo jacobo spiritum sapientiae , cum regimine disciplinae , ut tibi toto corde devotus in regni regimine maneat semper idoneus , tuoque munere ipsius temporibus securitas ecclesiae dirigatur , & in tranquillitate devotio christiana permaneat , ut bonis operibus perseverans ad aeternum regnum te duce valeat pervenire , per dominum jesum christum , &c. god which providest for thy people by thy power , and rulest over them in love , grant unto this thy servant james , the spirit of wisdome and government , that being devoted unto thee with all his heart , he may so wisely govern this kingdome , that in his time the church may be in safety , and christian devotion may continue in peace , that so persevering to the end in good works , he may by thy mercy come unto thine everlasting kingdome , through thy son our lord jesus christ , who liveth and reigneth with thee world without end . amen . the letany being ended , the archbishop begineth to say aloud , sursum corda . resp . habemus ad dominum . lift up your hearts , &c. answ . we lift them up unto the lord. verè dignum & justum est aequum & salutare , os tibi semper & ubique gratias agere , domine sancte , pater omnipotens , eterne deus , electorum fortitudo & humilium celsitudo , qui in primordio per effusionem diluvii crimina mundi castigare voluisti , & per columbam ramum olivae portantem pacem terris redditam demonstrasti . iterumque aaron famulum tuum per unctionem olei sacerdotem sanxisti , & posteà per hujus unguenti infusionem ad regendum populum israeliticum sacerdotes ac reges & prophetas praefecisti , vultumque ecclesiae in oleo exhilerandum per prophaeticam famuli tui vocem davidi esse praedixisti . ita quaesumus omnipotens pater ut per hujus creaturae pinguedinem hunc servum tuum jacobum sanctisicare tua benedictione digneris , eumque in similitudine columbae pacem simplicitatis populo sibi subdito praestare , & exemplo aaronis in dei servicio diligenter imitari , regnique fastigia in consiliis scientiae & aequitate judicii semper assequi , vultumque hilaritatis per hunc olei unctionem tuamque benedictionem ( te adjuvante ) toti plebi paratum habere facias per christum dominum nostrum , &c. it is very meet , right , and our bounden duty , that we should at all times , and in all places , give thanks unto thee , o lord , holy father , almighty and everlasting god , the strength of thy chosen , and the exalter of the humble , which in the beginning , by the pouring out of the flood , didst chasten the sins of the world , and by a dove conveying an olive branch , didst give a token of reconcilement unto the earth , and again didst consecrate thy servant aaron a priest , by the anoyn●ing of oyl , and afterward by the effusion of this oyl , didst make priests , and kings , and prophets , to govern thy people israel , and by the voice of the prophet david , didst foretell that the countenance of thy church should be made cheerfull with oyl . we beseech thee almighty father , that thou wilt vouchsafe to blesse and sanctifie this thy servant james , that he may minister peace unto his people , and imitate aaron in the service of god. that he may attain the perfection of government in counsel and judgement , and a countenance alwaies cheerful , and amiable to the whole people , through christ our lord. this done , the king ariseth from his devotion , and reposeth him a while in his chair of estate . after a while , he goeth to the altar , and there disrobeth himself of his upper garments ( his under apparel being made open with loops only closed ) at the places which are to be anoynted . the archbishop undoeth the loops , and openeth the places which he is to anoynt . the archbishop first anoynteth his hands : saying , unguantur manus , &c. istae de oleo sanctificato unde uncti fuerunt reges & prophetae . et sicut samuel david in regem , ut sis benedictus & constitutus rex in regno isto super populum istum quem dominus deus tuus dedit tibi ad regendum & gubernandum ; quod ipse prestare dignetur , qui cum patre & spiritu sancto , &c. let these hands be anoynted , as kings and prophets have been anoynted , and as samuel did anoynt david to be king , that thou maist be blessed , and established a king in this kingdome over this people , whom the lord thy god hath given thee to rule and govern , which he vouchsafe to grant , who with the father and the holy ghost , &c. the mean while the quire singeth the anthem , sadoc . sacerdo● . sadock the priest , and nathan the prophet , anoynted solomon king , and all the people rejoyced , and said , god save the king for ever . the archbishop saith this prayer . prospice omnipotens deus serenibus obtutibus hunc gloriosum regem , & sicut benedixisti abraham , isaack & jacob , sic illum largis benedictionibus spiritualis gratiae cum omni plenitudine tua potentia irrigare atque perfundere dignare . tribue ei de rore coeli & de pinguedine terrae habundantiam frumenti vini , & olei , & omnium frugum opulentiam ex largitate divini muneris long a per tempora , ut illo regnantè sit sanitas corporum in patria , & pax inviolata sit in regno , & dignitas gloriosa regalis pallatii maximo splendore regiae potestatis oculis omnium fulgeat , luce clarissima choruscare atque splendescere qui splendidissima fulgura maximo profusa lumine videatur . tribue ei omnipotens deus , ut sit sortissimus protector patriae , & consolator ecclesiarum ac coenobiorum sanctorum , maxima cum pietate regalis munificentiae , atque ut sit fortissimus regum triumphator , hostium ad opprimendas rebelles , & paganas nationes . sitque suis inimiciis satis terribilis pro maxima fortitudine regelis potentiae . optimatibus quoque atque praecelsis proceribus ac sidelibus suiregni munificus & amabilis , & pius ; ut ab omnibus timeatur atque deligatur . reges quoque de lumbis ejus per succ●ssiones temporum futurorum egredi●n●ur , regnum hoc regere totum , & p●st gloriosa tempora atque faelicia praesentis vitae gaudia sempiterna in perpetua beatitudine habere mereatur . per christum , &c. look down almighty god with thy favourable countenance upon this glorious king , and as thou did'st blesse abraham , isaac and jacob , so vouchsafe we beseech thee by thy power , to water him plentifully with the blessings of thy grace . give unto him of the dew of heaven , and of the fatnesse of the earth , abundance of corn , and wine , and oyl , and plenty of all fruits of thy goodnesse long to continue , that in his time here may be health in our countrey , and peace in our kingdome , and that the glorious dignity of his royal court , may brightly shine as a most clear lightning , far and wide in the eyes of all men . grant almighty god , that he may be a most mighty protector of his countrey , a bountifull comforter of churches and holy societies , the most valiant of kings , that he may triumph over his enemies , and subdue rebels and infidels ; that he may be loving and amiable to the lords and nobles , and all the faithfull subjects of his kingdome , that he may be feared , and loved of all men , that his children may be kings to rule this kingdome by succession of all ages , and that after the glorious and happy dayes of this present life , he may obtain everlasting joy and happinesse through christ our lord. the prayer ended , the archbishop p●●ceedeth with his anoynting . . of the breast . . between the shoulders . . of both the shoulders . . of the boughes of both his armes . . of his head in the crown . the anoynting being done , the abbot of westminster closeth the loops again which were opened . the archbishop saith these prayers . deus dei filius . deus dei filius jesu christe dominus noster qui à patre oleo exultationis unctus est , participibus suis , ipse per praesentem sacri u●guinis infusionem spiritus paracliti super c●put tuum insundat benedictionem , eandemque usque ad interiora 〈…〉 penetrare faciat , quatinus hoc visibili & tractabili dono invisibilia percipere , & temporali regn● justis moderaminibus ex●cuto aeternaliter cum eo regnare merearis , qui solus sine peccato rex regum cuivit , & gloriatur cum de● patre & spiritis sancto . god the son of god , christ jesus our lord , which was anoynted by his father with the oyl of gladnesse above his fellowes , he by his holy anoynting , pour down upon thy head the blessing of the holy ghost , and make it enter into the inward part of thy heart , so that thou maist receive invisible grace , and having justly governed thy temporall kingdome , thou maist reign with him eternally , who onely being without sin , doth live in glory with god , and the father , and the holy ghost . deut qui es justorum gloria , & misericordia peccatorum , qui misisti filium tuum pretioso sanguine su● genus humanum redi●sere qui conteris bella , & propugnatores in te sperantium , 〈◊〉 arbitrio omnium regnorum continetur potestas . te humiliter deprecamur , ut praesentem famulum tuum jacobum in tua misericordia confidentem , in praesenti sede regali benedieas , ●ique propitius adesse digneris ; ut qui tua expetit protectione defendi , omnibus fit hostibus fortior . fac eum domine beatum esse , & victorem de invictissimis . corona eum cor●nae justitiae & pietatis , ut ex toto corde & tota mente in te credens tibi deserviat . sanctum tuam ecclesiam defendat & sublim●t , populumque sibi commissum , juste regat , nullis insidiantibus malis eum in justitiam convertat . accende domine cor ejus ad amorem tuae gratiae , per hoc unctionis oleum , unde unxisti sacerdotes , reges & prophetas , quatinus diligens justitiam per tramitem similiter justitiae populum ducens , post peracta à te disposita in regali excellentia ann●rum curricula , pervenire ad aeterna gaudia mereatur . per christum jesum , &c. god which art the glory of the righteous , and the mercy of sinners , who hath sent thy son to redeem mankinde with his precious blood , who bringest wars to an end , and defendest those that trust in thee , upon whose good will and pleasure doth depend the strength of all kingdomes ; we humbly pray in this royal seat , to blesse this thy servant , who putteth his considence in thy mercy , vouchsafe in thy favour to be present with him , that he which desireth to be defended by thy protection , may be stronger then his enemies : crown him with the crown of justice and piery , that with all his heart , and all his minde , he may trust in thee , serve thee , defend and advance thy holy church , and govern the people committed to his charge in justice and equity . kindle o lord his heart with the love of thy grace by the inward annoynting wherewith thou hast annoynted priests , kings and prophets , that he loving justice , and leading his people by the wayes of righteousnesse , after the glorious course of this life which thou hast appointed , he may come to eternall joy , through christ . the prayers being ended . first a shallow quoife is put on the kings head ( because of the annoynting ) if his majesties haire be not smooth after it ; there is king edwards ivory combe for that end . then the colobium or dalmatica is put on him . after the putting on whereof , the archbishop saith the prayer . deus rex regum , &c. the king putteth on the linnen gloves ( part of the regalia . ) then he taketh off his sword , wherewith he was girt before . he goeth to the altar , and there offereth it . the chief peer then present offereth , and redeemeth the sword. which having done , he draweth the sword out , and carryeth it naked before the king , from that time all the solemnity . the archbishop taketh the scepter with the crosse , and delivereth it into the kings right hand , with these words ; accipe sceptrum regiae potestatis insigne , virgam scilicet regni rectam , virgam virtutis , qua teipsum benè regas , sanctans ecclesiam populumque videlicet christianum tibi à d●mino commissum regia virtute ab improbis defendas , pr●●os corrigas , rectos pascisices , & ut viam rectam tenere possint tuo juvamine dirigas , quatenus de temporali regno ad aeternum regnum perven●as , ipso adjuvante cujus regnum permanet in secula seculorum . amen . receive the scepter , the signe of kingly power , the rod of the kingdome , the rod of vertue , that thou maist govern thy felf aright , and defend the holy church and christian people committed by god unto thy charge . punish the wicked , and protect the just , and lead them in the way of righteousnesse , that from this temporal kingdome , thou maist be advanced to an eternal kingdome , by his goodnesse whose kingdome is everlasting . after the archbishop saith this prayer . omnium domine fons bonorum , cunctorumque deus institutorum perfectuum , tribue quaesumus famulo tuo jacobo adeptam benè regere dignitatem , & à te sibi ▪ praestitum honorem dignare corroborare . honorifica eum prae cunctis regibus , uberi eum benedictione locupleta , & in solio regni sirma stabilitate consolida ; visita eum sobole , praesta eum prolixitatem vitae . in diebus ejus semper oriatur justitia , ut cum jocunditate & laetitia eterno glorietur in regno . o lord the fountain of all good things , and the author of all good proceedings , grant we beseech thee to this thy servant james , that he may order aright the dignity he hath obtained . vouchsafe to confirm the honour which thou hast given him , honour him before all kings , and enrich him with a rich benediction ; establish him in the throne of this realm ; visit him with increase of children , let justice spring up in his dayes , and with joy of gladnesse , let him reign in thine everlasting kingdome . then the archbishop delivereth the rod with the dove into the kings left hand , saying . accipe virgam virtutis atque aequitatis , qua intelligas te mulcere pios , & terrere superbos , errantes viam doce , lapsisque manum porrige , disperdasque superbos , & releves humiles , ut aperiat tibi ostium jesus christus dominus noster , qui de se ipso ait ; ego sum ostium per me si quis introierit salvabitur . et ipse qui est clavis david & sceptrum domus israel , qui aperit , & nemo claudit , claudit & nemo aperit , sit tibi adjutor , qui educit vinctum de domo carceris , sedentem in tenebris & umbra mortis , ut in omnibus sequi merearis eum de quo prophetae david cecinit , sedes tua deus in seculum seculi , virga recta est virga regni tui , & imitare ipsum qui dicit . diligas justitiam & odio habeas iniquitatem , propterea unxit te deus deus tuuc oleo laetitiae ad exemplum illius , quem ante secula unxerat prae particibus suis , iesum christum dominum nostrum , &c. receive the rod of vertue and equity , learn to make much of the godly , and to terrifie the wicked , shew the way to those that go astray . offer thy hand to those that fall . repress the proud . lift up the lowly , that our lord jesus christ may open to thee the dore , who saith of himself , i am the dore , by me if any man enter in he shall be safe ; and let him be thy helper , who is the key of david and the scepter of the house of israel , who openeth and no man shutteth , who shutteth and no m●n openeth , who bringeth forth the captive ou● of prison , where he sate in darkness and in the sh●dow of death , that in all things thou mayest follow him of whom the prophet david saith , thy seat o god endureth for ever ▪ the scepter of thy kingdome is ● right scepter ; thou hast loved righteousness , and hated iniquity : wherefore god even thy god hath anointed thee with the oyl of gladness above thy fellows , even jesus christ our lord. after this he blesseth the king , saying . benedicat tibi , &c. dominus , custodiatque te , & sicut te voluit super populum suum esse regem , ita in presenti seculo faelicem , & aeternae faelicitatis tribuat esse consortem . amen . the lord blesse and keep thee , and as he hath made thee king over his people , so he still prosper thee in this world , and make thee partaker of his eternal felicity in the world to come . amen . grant o lord that the clergy and people gathered together by thy ordinance , for this service of the king , may by the gracious assistance of thy goodnesse , and the vigilant care of thy servant and king , be continually governed , and preserved in all happinesse . amen . grant that they obeying thy holy will , may be freed from all adversities , and enjoying the riches of thy grace , may with fervent love walk in the waies of thy commandements , that in this life being made partakers of thy peace , they may be citizens of thy kingdome in the life that is to come , through jesus christ our lord. amen . the king kisseth the archbishop , and the bishops then assistant . after this , the king goeth up from the altar to the stage ( all the peers solemnly attending his majesty in their places . ) in the mean time the quire sing ; te deum laudamus , &c. which being ended , the archbishop inthronizeth the king into his throne there : saying , sta & retine à modo locum , quem huc usque paterna successione tenuisti hareditario judicio tibi delegatum per autoritatem dei omnipotentis & praesentem traditionem nostram & omnium episcoporum caeterorumque dei servorum , & quanto clerum sanctis altaribus propinquiorem prospices , tanto ei potiorem in locis congruis honorem impendere memineris , quatenus mediator dei & hominum te mediatorem cleri & plebis in hoc regni solio confirmet , & in regnum aeternum regnare faciat jesus christus dominus noster , rex regum & dominus dominantium , qui cum patre & spiritu sancto vivit , & regnat in secula seculorum . amen . stand and hold fast from henceforth , that place whereof hitherto thou hast been heir by the succession of thy fore-fathers , being now delivered unto thee , by the authority of almighty god , and by the hands of us , and all the bishops and servants of god ; and as thou seest the clergy to come nearer unto the altar , so remember that in places convenient thou give them greater honour , that the mediator of god and man may establish thee in this kingly throne , to be the mediator betwixt the clergy and the laity , and that thou maist raigne for ever with jesus christ , the king of kings , and the lord of lords , who with the father and the holy ghost , liveth and reigneth for ever . amen . which done , all the peers do their homage to the king. his verbis . i become your leige-man of life and 〈◊〉 , and of earthly worship , and faith and troth shall bear unto you , to live and dye with you against all manner of folk . so god m● help . and after , put their hands and touch the crown ( b● way of ceremony , as promising to support it with all their power . ) then the king to ease himself of the scepter and rod in his hands , giveth them to carry to such as it please●●● his majesty . the archbishop kneeled down , and made his 〈◊〉 as followeth , out of the coronation of edward the . j. a. shall be faithfull and true , and faith and troth bear unto you our soveraign lord , and to your heires kings of england , and i shall do and truly knowledge the service due of the lands i claim to hold of you , as in the right of your church , as god shall help me . and so kissed the kings left cheek , &c. or these words taken out of another book . i become your man leige of life and limb , and troth and hearty honour to you shall bear , against all men that now live and dye . so help me god , &c. the a●chbishop goeth down to the altar , and begins the communion . the prayer . quaesumus omnipotens , &c. quaesumus omnipotens deus , ut famulus tuus jacobus rex noster , qui tua miseration● suscepit regni gubernacula , virtutum etiam omnium percipiat incrementa . quibus decenter ornatus ▪ & vitiorum voraginem devitare , & hostes superare , & ad te qui veritas & vita es gratiosus valeat pervenire , per dominum iesum nostrum . amen . o almighty god , we beseech thee that this thy servant james our king , who by thy mercy hath received the government of this realm , may also receive an increase of all vertues , whereby he may be acceptable to thee , and avoid the gulfe of vice , and overcome all his enemies , and finally come to thee in glory , who art the way the truth , and the life , thorough christ our lord. the epistle , pet. . by two bishops . the gospel , matth. . the nicene creed . the offertory . the king cometh down from the throne to offer . he offereth twice . . bread and wine . . a mark of gold. then the prayer , omnipotens deus , &c. omnipotens deus det tibi de rore coeli & de pinguedine terrae habundantiam frumenti , vini & ol●i , & serviant tibi populi , & adorent te tribus . esto domixus fratrum tuorum , & incurventur ante te filii matris tuae , & qui ben●dixerit tibi benedictionibus repleatur , & deus erit adjutor tuus . opus benedicat tibi benedictionibus coeli desuper in montibus , & in collibus benedictionibus abyssi jacentibus deorsum , benedictionibus uberum , & uvarum pomarumque , benedictiones patrum antiquorum abraham & isaac & jacob confortatae sint super te . almighty god , give thee of the dew of heaven , and of the fat of the earth , abundance of corn and wine . let the nations serve thee , and the tribes ado●e thee , and let him be blessed that blesseth thee , and god shall be thy helper . almighty god , blesse you with the blessing of heaven above , in the mountains and hills , and with the blessings of the earth beneath , with the blessings of corn and wine , and fruit , and let the blessings of the old fathers , abraham , isaac , and jacob , be established upon thee , through christ our lord. blesse o lord , the vertuous courage of this king , and accept the work of his hands , replenish his realm with the increase of thy blessings , with the fruit of the heavens , and the dew of the water , and the depths . let the influence of the sun and the moon , drop down fatnesse upon the high mountains , and the clouds rain plenty upon the low vallies , that the earth may abound with store of all things . let the blessings of him that appeared in the bush , descend upon his head , and the fulnesse of his blessings fall upon his children and posterity . let his feet be dipped in oyl , and his horn be exalted , as the horn of an unicorn , by which he may scatter his enemies from on the face of the earth ; the lord that sitteth in heaven be his defender for ever and ever , through jesus christ our lord. amen . blesse we beseech thee , o lord , these thy gifts , and sanctifie them unto this holy use , that by them we may be made partakers of the body and blo●d of thy only begotten son jesus christ . and thy servant our king james may be fed unto ●ve●lasting life of soul and body , and inabled to the discharge of his great place and office , whereunto thou hast called him of thy great goodnesse : grant this o lord for jesus christs sake our only mediator and advocate . amen . deus rex regum , & dominus dominantium , per quem reges regnant , & legum eonditores jura decernunt , dignare propitius benedicere hoc regale ornamentum , & presta ut famulus tuus rex nost●r qui illud portaturus ornamento bonorum morum , & sanctarum actionum in conspectu tuo fulgeat , & post tempora alieni vitam aeternam & gloriam quod tempus non habet sine sine possideat , per dominum nostrum , &c. o god the king of kings , and lord of lords , by whom kings do reign , and law-givers do make good lawes , vouchsase in thy favour to blesse this kingly ornament , and grant that thy servant our king , who shall wear it , may shine in the spirit , with the ornament of good life , and holy actions , and after this life ended , he may forever enjoy that life , and glory which hath no end , through christ our lord. the prayer done , the abbot of westminster arrayeth the king. . with the supertunica , or close pall. . then with the tynsin hose . . then with his sandalls . the spurs are put on by a nobleman , thereto by the king appointed . then the archbishop taketh the sword , and layeth it before him on the altar , and saith the prayer , exaudi domine , &c. quaesumus , domine preces nostras , & hunc ensem quo hic famulus tuus jacobus se circumcingi desiderat , majestatis tuae dextera benedicere & sanctificare dignare , quatenus defensio atque protectio ecclesiarum esse , viduarum orphanorum omniumque deo servientium contra savitiam paganorum , aliisque insidiantibus sit pavor , terror & formido , per dominum nostrum &c. hear our prayers , we beseech thee , and vouchsafe by thy right hand of majesty , to blesse and sanctifie this sword , wherewith this thy servant james desireth to be girt , that it may be a defence , and protection of churches , widows , orphans , and all the servants of god , against the savage cruelty of pagans and infidels ; and that it may be a fear and terror to all those that lye in wait to do mischief , through christ our lord. then the archbishop delivereth the sword into the kings hands , saying , accipe gladium . which sword is girt about him by a peer thereto appointed . accipe gladium per manus episcop●rum licet indignas , vice cum & auth●ritate sanctorum apostolorum consecratas , tibi regaliter impositum , nostraeque benedictionis ●fficio in defensionem , sanctae fidei ecclesiae divinitus ordinatum . et ●sto memor de quo psalmista prophetavit dicens . accingore gladio tuo super femur tuum potentissime , ut per eundem vim aequitatis exerceas molem iniquitatis poten●er destru●s , & sanctam dei ecclesiam ejusque fideles propugnando protegas . non minus sub fide falsos quam christiam nominis hostes execreris ac destruas , viduas & pupillos clementer adjuves ac defendas , desolata restaures , restaurata conserves , ulciscaris injusta , confirmes bene disposita , quatenus haec in agendo virtutum triumpho gloriosus ▪ justitiaeque cultor egregius cum mundi salvatora , cujus typum geris in nomine sine sine merearis regnare . qui cum patre & spiritu sancto , &c. receive this kingly sword ( which is hallowed ) for the defence of the faith of christs holy church , and delivered unto thee by the hands of bishops , though unworthy , yet consecrated , in the place of the holy apostles ; and remember of whom the psalmist did prophesie , saying , gird thy self with thy sword upon thy thigh , o thou most mighty ; and with this sword , exercise thou the force of equity , and mightily destroy the growth of iniquity ; protect the holy church of god , and his faithful people , and pursue hereticks , no lesse then infidels , defend and help widdows , and orphans . restore the things that are gone to decay , and maintain those things that are restored , be revenged of injustice , and confirm things that are in good order , that doing these things thou maist be glorious in the triumph of vertue , and excellent in the ornament of justice , and reign for ever with the saviour of the world , whose image you bear , who with the father and the holy ghost . then the armill is put about his neck ( in the manner of a stole ) and tyed to the boughts of his two arms. the archbishop saying ; accipe armillas sinceritatis , & sapientiae divinaeque circumdationibus judicium , quibus intelligas omnes operationes tuas contra hostes visibiles , & invisibiles posse esse munitas , per dominum nostrum , &c. recive the armill , as a token of gods embracing , whereby all thy works may be defended against thy enemies , both bodily and ghostly , through christ our lord. then the mantle or open pall is put on by the abbot of westminster . the archbishop saying , accipe pallium , quatuor initiis forma●um , per quod intelligas quatuor mundi partes divinae potestati esse sub ectas . nec quenquam posse feliciter regnare in terris , nisi cui potestas regnandi fuerit collocata de coelis . receive this pall which is formed with four corners , to let thee understand , that the four quarters of the world , are subject to the power of god , and that no man can happily reign upon earth , who hath not received his authority from heaven ; then the archbishop taketh the crown into his hands , and saith this prayer . deus perpetuatis , dux virtutum cunctarum , hostium victor , benedic hunc famulum tuum jacobum , tibi caput suum inclinantem , & prolixa sanitate , & prospera felicitate eum conserva , & ubicunque auxilium tuum invocaverit , cito adsis , & protegas ac defenda . tribue ei quaesumus domine divitias gratiae tuae comple in bonis desiderium ejus , corona ●um in misericordia tua , tibique domino opia devotione jugi●er famuletur , per dominum nostrum iesum christum filium &c. o god of ete●nity , the commander of all powers , the vanquisher of all enemies , blesse this thy servant , who boweth his head unto thy majesty , preserve him in long health , and prosperous felicity , be present with him , protect and defend him , whensoever he calleth upon thee . give him , we beseech thee , the riches of thy grace , fill his soul with goodnesse , and crown him with thy mercy , and let him alwaies in godly devotion wait upon thee , through thy son our lord iesus christ . the archbishop crowneth the king , saying : coronet te deus corona galeaque justitiae , honore & opere fortitudinis , ut per officium nostrae benedictionis cum side recta , & multiplici bonorum operum fructu ad coronam pervenias regni perpetui . ipse lergiente , cujusregnum permane● in secula seculorum . god crown thee with a crown of glory , and righteousnesse , with the honor , and work of fortitude , that thou by our ministery , having a right faith , and manifold fruit of good works , maist obtain the crown of an everlasting kingdome , by the gift of him whose kingdome induteth for ever . in the mean time the quire singeth the anthem . confortare . be strong and of a good courage , and observe the commandements of the lord , to walk in his wayes and keep his ceremonies , precepts , testimonies and iudgements , and almighty god prosper and strengthen thee whithersoever thou goest . the lord is my ruler , therefore i shall want nothing . deus in virtute . the king shall rejoyce in thy strength , o lord , exceeding glad shall he be of thy salvation , for thou hast granted him his hearts desire , and hast not denyed him the request of his lips : for thou hast prevented him with blessings of goodness , and hast set a crown of pure gold upon his head . then he putteth the ring on his wedding finger : saying , accipe regiae dignitatis annulum , & per hunc in te catholicaefidei signaculum , quatenus ut hodie ornaris caput , & princeps regni ac populi , ita perseveres auctor & stabilitor christianitatis , & christianae sidei , ut felix in opere , locuples in side cum rege regum glorieris cui est honor & gloria per aterna secula seculorum . amen . receive the ring of kingly dignity , and by it the seal of christian faith , that as this day thou art adorned the head and prince of this kingdome and people , so thou maist persevere as the author and establisher of christianity , and the christian faith , that being rich in faith and happy in works , thou maist reign with him who is king of kings , to whom be glory and honour for ever and ever . after this the archbishop saith this prayer : deus cujus est , &c. omnis potestas , & dignitas , da f●mul●tuo , propriae suae dignitatis eff●ctum in quâ te remuner ante permaneat , semperque te timeat tibique jugiter placere contendat , per dominum nostrum &c. o god , to whom belongeth all power and dignity , give unto thy servant the fruit of his dignity , wherein grant he may long continue and fear thee alwaies , and alwaies labour to please thee , through christ our lord. the king cometh to the step of the altar , to receive the sacrament . the archbishop ministreth the bread. the abbot of westminster the cup. the king returneth to his throne , and there staieth the end of service . the communion being done , the king cometh down in estate to the altar . thence into king edwards chappell . the king taketh off his crown , and delivereth it to the archbishop , who laieth it on the altar there . the king withdraweth himself into the traverse . there the great chamberlain of england , disrobeth him of the robes of king edward the confessor . these robes he immediately delivereth to the abbot of westminster . the king is arrayed with his own royal robes provided for his majesty to wear that day . the king being newly arrayed , cometh forth of the traverse , and goeth to king edwards altar . there the archbishop putteth on him the crown which is provided for his majesty to wear that day . the king taketh again his scepter with the cross into his hand , and the rod with the dove . the king with his whole train , in most solemn manner , goeth back to his pallace , by the same way he came . dinner being done , and the king withdrawing himself , the scepter which the king carried in his hand , with the rod ( being the regalia ) are to be re-delivered to the abbot of westminster againe , to be kept as they have been . consecratio reginae . the queen must be supported by two bishops , from the west door of the church of westminster , &c. the queen must be anoynted , &c. after the homage done by the lords , and the kings coronation finished . the queen following the king down to the altar , going before the lords , bearing her crown , scepter and rod , two bishops sustianing her , and for her there shall be made on the left side of the altar a folding stool . she shall sit while the king be required for the keeping of the customes , &c. and that done , while veni creator is singing , and all the while the king is anoynting . dicetur ab episcopo ad ingressum ecclesiae , at the west door of westminster church . this prayer . omnipotens sempiterne , &c. o almighty and everlasting god , the fountain and well-spring of all goodnesse , which dost not reject the frailty of the woman , but rather dost vouchsafe to allow and choose it , and by choosing the weak things of the world , dost confound those things that are strong , which didst sometime cause thy people to triumph over a most cruel enemy , by the hand of judith a woman , give ear we beseech thee to our most humble prayers , and multiply thy blessinge upon this thy servant , whom in all humble devotion , we do consecrate our queen . defend her alwaies with thy mighty right hand , and with the buckler of thy favour , protect her on every side , that she may be able to overcome , and triumph over all her enemies , both bodily and ghostly , and that with sarah and rebecca , leah and rachel , and other blessed and honourable women , she may multiply and rejoyce in the fruit of her womb , to the honour of the whole kingdome , and the good government of the holy church of god , through christ our lord , who vouchsafed to be born of a most pure virgin , that he might visit and redeem the world , who liveth and reigneth with thee , in unity of the holy ghost , through all ages world without end . another blessing of the queen before the nobles , to be said at the altar before she be anoynted . deus qui solus , &c. god which onely hast immortality , and dwellest in light which cannot be approached , whose providence is never deceived , which hast made all things that are to come , and callest those things that are not , as the things that are , which castest down the proud from their seat , and dost exalt the humble and meek , we humbly beseech thy unspeakable mercy , that as for the good of the people of the jewes , thou didst deliver queen hester from captivity , and didst bring her to the bed of king assuerus , and the society of his kindome ; so for the good of thy christian flock , thou wilt of thy mercy by our ministery , advance this thy servant , to the most high and royall company of our king , that she continuing alwaies in the chastity of princely wedlock , she may obtain the crown that is next unto virginity , and may in all things , and above all things , study alwaies to please thee the living god , and by thy holy inspiration to perform those things that are acceptable unto thee , through christ our lord , amen . here the holy oyle shall be poured upon the crown of her head in the manner of a crosse . the queen is to be anoynted two times , first in the forepart of her head , the bishop saying these words ; in the name of the father , the son and the holy ghost , let the anoynting of this oyl increase thy honour , and establish thee for ever and ever . secondly on her breast , saying the same words ; in the name of the father , the son , and the holy ghost , let the anoynting of this oyl increase thy honour , and establish thee for ever and ever . after the anoynting , this prayer is to be said : omnipotens sempiterne deus . o almighty and everlasting god , we beseech thee of thy goodnesse , poure out the spirit of thine abundant blessing , upon this thy servant , that as by the imposition of our hands , she is this day crowned queen , so she may by thy sanctification , continue alwaies thy chosen and worthy servant , that she may never hereafter fall from thy grace , through christ our lord. here the ring must be given her , and put on the fore-finger of her right hand , the bishop saying , accipe annulum . receive this ring the seal of a sincere faith , that you may avoid all infection of heresie , and by the power of god compell barbarous nations , and bring them to the knowledge of the truth . this prayer must follow . deus cujus est . god , to whom belongeth all power and dignity , grant we beseech thee to this thy servant , by the signe of christian faith , prosperous successe in this her honour , and that she may continue firm in the same , and endevour alwaies to please thee , through christ our lord. then the blessing of the crown . deus tuorum . o god , the crown of the faithfull , which dost crown their heads with pretious stones . blesse and sanctifie this crown , that as the same is adorned with many precious stones , so thy servant that weareth the same , may of thy grace be replenished with the manifold gi●ts of all pretious virtues , through christ our lord. amen . then the crown is set upon her head , the bishop saying ; accipe coronam . receive the crown of glory , and the honour of joy , that you may shine in righteousnesse , and be crowned with everlasting gladnesse . this also . officio nostre . seeing you are by our ministery solemnly consecrated for our queen , receive the crown of royal excellency , which is placed upon your head by the episcopal hands of us , though unworthy , and as you are crowned without , with gold and pearl , so labour to be beautified within with the gold of wisdome , and the pearl of vertue , that after this life ended , you may with the just virgins , decently meet the everlasting bridegroom , our lord jesus christ , and enter the kingly gate of the heavenly court , by his help , who with the father , and the holy ghost , liveth and reigneth for ever and ever . amen . then the archbishop purteth the scepter in her right hand , and a rod of gold in her left hand , saying , omnium domine . o lord the fountain of all good things , and the giver of all perfection , grant unto thy servant , that she may order aright the high dignity she hath obtained , and with good works establish the glory that thou hast given her , through christ our lord. amen . then is the queen carryed back into the throne , by the two bishops . as she p●sseth by the king she boweth to him . she is placed in her throne , and thus continueth , untill she come down with the king , to offer and receive the communion . the queen going with the king into saint edwards chappell , putteth off her crown there at the altar , before which altar she stayeth untill the king hath made himselfe ready in the traverse . after they both put on their crowns imperial , and so go to the pallace . for the fourth , i shall communicate to the world this form of king charles the i. his coronation in scotland , anno . written with mr. dells own hand , secretary to the late arch-bishop of canterbury dr. laud. the form of coronation , and rites to be used therein ; collected from other the like solemnities known to have been used either in this kingdom , or by other great princes abroad . leaving the choice of the place and church to his majesties own appointment , wheresoever the coronation shall be done . a stage must be set up made square and fastned to four pillars of the church , railed about , and the rayles and stage overspread and covered with carpets and tapestry . the stage being made of some convenient height and breadth , must have some steps for ascent on the west part , about the mid'st thereof , and as many for descent to the altar or table , which is to be placed on the east . upon the stage another little scaffold must be erected of two foot high ; which two steps to ascend , on which the throne of state must be placed , and adorned as is meet . a chayre of state must also be set on the stage , on the right hand of the little scaffold , with a fald-stoole and cushions , for his majesty to do his devotion . a little traverse is to be made on the south side of the altar or table , for the king to repose and disrobe himself . round about on the right and left hand of the stage , there must be scaffolds for noblemen , barons , knights , gentlemen of the chamber , and others to rest and behold . within the compass of the altar or table a pulpit must be set for sermon . over against it a chayr of state for his majesty , with a foldstool to kneel at . on the west side of the pulpit a foarm covered with tapestry , for the arch-bishop , and bishops serving at the coronation . the evening before , the king would be at service in chappel , besides his private devotion , whereof the bishop of dunblane , now dean of the chappel , must have care to remember his majesty . the regal , crown , scepter , and sword , with the great seal of the kingdome , and spurs are to be delivered to such persons as his majesty will appoint for carrying the same . there is likewise to be provided a red silken coat , having the places for the anointing opened and looped , which his majesty is to weare next to his shirt . the sacred oyl is to be provided also , and put in some silver vessel . cloath of some colour , red or blew , must be prepared and spread on the ground from the palace hall dore , to the stage in the church , for his majesty to walk upon all the way , which way must be rayled on every side . this must be done in the morning of the coronation by some nobleman that his majesty will make almoner for that day . and this concerning the preparation . the morning of the coronation . the bishops , noblemen , and commissioners of burroughes to the number of six , are at that morning to come unto the presence . the constable and marshal ( who are to carry their buttones in their hands all that day ) having brought the king from his bed chamber to the presence , and after he is placed in his chaire , they all making the reverence that becomes ; some one of the church , or noblemen speaks to this purpose . sir , the estates of this your native and ancient kingdom , calling to mind the great happiness they enjoyed under the goverment of your majesties father of blessed memory , and acknowledging your highness to be the rightful heir of this crown , by a long and lawful descent , do beseech your majesty to receive them into your highness protection , to govern them by the laws of the kingdome , and defend them their rightes and liberties by your royal power : offering their service in most humble manner to your majesty , with their vows to bestow land , life , and what else is in their power , for the safety of your majesties sacred person , and maintenance of your crown , which they intreat your majesty to accept , and pray almighty god that you may happily , and for many years enjoy the same . the king answers . i do esteem your affections more then the crowns of many kingdomes , and will by gods assistance bestow my life for your defence , wishing to live no longer then i may see this kingdom slourish in all happiness . then kissing his majesties hands , they prepare all to go in their ranks as they are appointed , towards the church . the lyon ● . of arms having an open crown upon his head , carries in his hand the vessel containing the sacred oyl . two of his brethren walk on either of his hands one . the srumpets sound , and so they march . the receiving of the king into the church . the arch-bishop and bishops , with the musitians of the chappel are to meet the king at the entry in procession wise . the king is received under a canopy , supported by four barons . two bishops walk , one on his majesties one hand , and another upon the other . the dean of the chappel is alwayes by to inform the king of the rites of the solemnity , as need shall be . the king is received with an anthem into the church , protector noster , &c. behold oh lord our protector , and look upon the face of thine anointed ; because one day in thy court , is better then a thousand &c. quam dilecta &c. the king passing up the church , goeth to the stage , and reposeth himself a little . the regal crown , scepter , sword , great seal , and spurs are laid down on a taffel besides the altar or table . the sacred oyl is delivered by lion k. of armes to the dean of the chappel , who brings it ●o the arch-bishop , and he sets the same on the table . then the king comes down from the stage , and the sermon begins . which ended , the king ascends again to the stage , and sits down in the chair of state. then the arch-bishop ( the marshal of scotland going before him ) goeth to all the quarters of the stage , and speaks to the people in these words ; sirs , i do present unto you king charles , the rightful and undoubted inheritor of the crown and dignity of this realm . this day is by the peers of the kingdome , appointed for his coronation . and are you not willing to have him for your king , and become subject unto him and his commandements ? the king stands up in this time , and as the arch-bishop goes from one part of the stage to another , turneth himself that he may be seen of the people . the people declare their willingness by their acclamations , and shouts , crying , god save king charles ; or let the king live . then is sung this anthem , firmetur manus tua , &c. let thine hands be strengthened , and thy right hand be exalted , let judgment be the preparation of thy seat , mercy and truth go before thy face . hallelujah . psal . . misericordias dei , &c. glory be to the father , &c. whilest the anthem is singing the arch-bishop goeth down to the altar or table , and resteth there . then is the king supported by two bishops , brought to the altar , and makes his oblation ; after which he kneels at his fald-stool , and the arch-bishop sayes this prayer ; deus visitator humilium : o god who dost visit those that are humble , and dost comfort them by thine holy spirit , send down thy grace upon this thy servant king charles , that by him we may feel thy presence amongst us , through jesus christ our lord. amen . the prayer ended the king sits down in his chair , and the archbishop goeth unto him , and asketh , if he be willing to take the oath appointed to be given at the coronation of kings ? his majesty declaring his willingness , the archbishop ministreth the questions following . archbishop . sir , will you promise to serve almighty god , and as every good king in his kingdom ought to do , maintain the gospel of iesus christ in this your kingdom , against all atheism , profaneness , heresy , schism , or superstition whatsoever ? rex . i promise faithfully so to do . archbishop . sir , will you promise to rule this people subject to you , and committed to your charge , according to the laws , constitutions and customes of this your kingdom , causing ( asmuch as in you lyeth ) iustice and equity to be ministred without partiality ? and to endevour the peace of the church of christ and all christian people ? rex . i grant , and promise so to do . archbishop . sir , will you likewise promise to preserve the rights and priviledges of the crown of scotland ? rex . i promise so to do . archbishop . sir , we do also beseech you to grant and preserve unto us of the clergy , and to the churches committed to our charge all canonical priviledges , and that you will defend and protect us , as every good king ought in his kingdom to defend his bishops , and the churches that be under their government ? the king answers . with a willing heart i grant the same , and promise to maintain you and every one of you with all the churches committed to your charge , in your whole rights and priviledges , according to law and justice . then the king rising from his chair is led to the altar , where in sight of all the people , laying his hands upon the bible , he takes his oath and sayes . all the things which before i have promised , i shall observe and keep . so god me help ; and by the contents of this book . after the oath , the king returns to his chair of state , and then is sung the hymn , veni creator , &c. the hymn finished , the king kneeleth at his fold-stool , and the archbishop sayes this prayer . we beseech thee o lord , holy father , almighty and everlasting god , for this thy servant king charles , that as at the first , thou broughtest him into the world by thy divine providence , and in the flower of his youth hast preserved him untill this present time ; so thou wilt evermore enrich him with the gift of piety , fill him with the grace of truth , and daily increase in him all goodnesse , that he may happily enjoy the seat of supreme government , by the gift of thy supernal grace . and being defended from all his enemies , by the wall of thy mercy , may prosperously govern the people committed to his charge . after the prayer , the letany is sung , and at the close thereof this is to be added . that it may please thee to keep and strengthen in the true worshiping of thee , in righteousnesse and holiness of life , this thy servant charles , our king and governor , and so to the end . then is said this prayer by one of the bishops that sings the letany . o almighty and everlasting god , creator of all things , ruler of angels , king of kings , and lord of lords , who madest thy servant abraham triumph over his enemies ; didst give many victories to moses , and joshuah , the governors of the people ; didst raise and exalt david thy servant to be a king over them ; didst enrich solomon his son with the gift of wisdome and understanding ▪ and blessedst him with peace and great prosperity . give ear we beseech thee unto our humble prayets , and multiply thy blessings upon this thy servant , who is now to be consecrated our king , that he being strengthned with the faith of abraham , endued with the mildness of moses , armed with the fortitude of joshuah , exaited with the humility of david , and beautified with the wisdom of solomon , may please thee in all things , and ever walk uptightly in thy wayes . defend him by thy mighty arm , compass him with thy protection , and give him to overcome all his and thine enemies . honour him before all the kings of the earth . let him rule over countries , and let nations adore him . establish his throne with judgement and equity , let justice flourish in his dayes , and grant that he underpropped by the due obedience and hearty love of his people , may sit on the throne of his forefathers for many years , and after this life may reign with thee in thine everlasting kingdome , through jesus christ our lord and saviour . amen . the letany thus ended , the archbishop beginneth to say aloud , lift up your hearts and give thanks unto the lord. answer : by the bishops that sings the letany . we lift them up unto the lord and to give thanks unto him it is meet and right . then the archbishop says , it is very meet and right and our bounden duty so to do , and at all times , and in all places to give thanks to thee o lord , holy father , almighty and everlasting god , the strength of thy chosen , and the exalter of the humble , who in the beginning by sending the sloud of waters didest punish the sins of the world ; and by a dove bringing an olive branch in her mouth , didst give a token of reconcilement to the earth ; who afterwards didst consecrate thy servant aaron a priest , by the anointing of oyl , as also by the pouring out of the same didst make kings , priests , and prophets to govern thy people israel : and by the voice of the prophet david didst foretel , that the countenance of thy church should be made joyful with oyl : we beseech thee to bless and sanctifie this thy servant king charles , that he may minister peace unto this people , that he may attain to the perfection of government in counsel and judgment , and that his countenance may be alvvayes cheerfull and amiable to all his people , through jesus christ our lord. amen . this prayer said the king rises from his devotion , and reposeth himself awhile in the chair of state , in which he is to be crown'd . afterwards he goeth to the altar , and standeth with his back close unto it , disrobes himself of his upper garment , his under coat having the loops opened in the places vvhere he is to be anointed . then he comes to the pulpit side , and sitting in a chair , a canopy is held over his head all the time of his anointing . the archbishop first anoints his hands in the palms saying ; in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost ( which wordes he repeats in all the several anointings ) let these hands be anointed with oyl , as kings and prophets have been anointed : and as samuel did anoint david to be king , that thou mayest be blessed and established a king in this kingdome over the people , whom the lord thy god hath given thee to rule and govern : which he vouchsafe to grant , who with the father and the holy ghost is one , and reigns in glo●y everlasting . amen . in this time the singers do sing the anthem , s●d●●ke the priest and nath●n the prophet anointed solomon king , and all the people rejoyced and said , god save the king for ever . then the archbishop says this prayer . look down almighty god upon this thy servant , our dread soveraign king charles , with thy favourable countenance , and as thou didst bless abraham , isaac , and jacob , so vouchsafe we beseech thee to water him plentifully with the blessing of thy grace ; give unto him of the dew of heaven , and of the fatness of the earth , abundance of corn , wine , and oyl , with all plenty of fruites , and other good things . grant him long to continue , and that in his time there may be health and peace in this kingdome . grant o almighty god that he may be a mighty protector of this country , a bountiful comforter of churches , and holy societies , the most valiant of kings , terrible to rebels and infidels , amiable to his nobles , and to all his faithful subjects . make his royal court to shine in princely dignity as a most cleer lightning , far and wide in the eyes of all men . finally let him be blessed with happy children , that may reign as kings , after him and rule this kingdom by succession of all ages , and after the glorious and happy dayes of present life , give him of thy mercy an everlasting kingdome with thee in the heavens , through jesus christ our lord. amen . the prayer ended , the archbishop proceeds in the anointing . . his breast . . betwixt the shoulders . . both the points of the shoulders . . boughs of his arms. . the crown of his majesties head . the anointing done : the dean of the chappel closeth the loops again , which were opened . then the archbishop reads this benediction . god the son of god , christ jesus our lord , who was anointed of his father with oyl of gladness above his fellows ; pour down upon thy head the blessing of the holy ghost , and make it enter into the inward parts of thy heart , so that thou mayest reign with him in the heavens eternally . amen . this pronounced , a shallow quoife is put upon the kings head , because of the anointing . then the king goeth to the altar , and the robe is put upon him , at which the archbishop says this prayer . o god the king of kings and lord of lords , by whom kings do reign , and law-givers make good laws , vouchsafe in thy favour to bless this thy servant charles , in all his government , that living godly , and leading his people by the way of righteousness , after a glorious course in this life he may attain that joy which hath no end , through our lord. amen . then the sword is brought to the archbishop , who laying it on the altar , prayes in this manner . hear our prayers , we beseech thee o lords and vouchsafe by thy right hand of majesty to bless and sanctifie this sword , wherewith thy servant charles desires to be girt , by the same he may defend churches , widdows , orphans , and all the people of god , against the savage cruelty of pagans and infidels ; and that it may be a terrour , and fear to all those that lie in wait to do mischief ; through jesus christ our lord. amen . then the archbishop takes up the sword , and puts it in the kings hand saying . receive this kingly sword for the defence of the faith of christ , and protection of his holy church ; and remember him of whom the psalmist did prophecy saying . gird thy self with thy sword upon thy thigh , o thou most mighty ; and with thy sword execute thou equity and justice . persue all hereticks and infidels , defend widdows and orphans , restore the things that are gone to decay , maintain and confirm the things that are restored and in good order , destroy the growth of iniquity , and take punishment of all injustice , that you may be glorious in the triumph of vertue , and reign with him whose image you bear , for ever and ever . amen . the sword is girt to the kings side by one of the peers thereto oppointed . then the king returns to the chair , wherein he was anointed , and hath the spurs put on by the lord marshal . after which the archbishop taking the crown in his hand sayes this prayer . o god the crown of all the faithful , who dost crown their heads with pretious stone that trust in thee , bless and sanctifie this crown , that as the same is adorned with many precious stones , so this thy servant that weares the same may be replenished of thy grace with the manifold gifts of all precious virtues , through christ our lord. amen . then the archbishop crowneth the king saying . god crown ●hee with a crown of glory and righteousness , with the honour and vertue of fortitude , that by a right faith , and manifold fruits of good works you may obtein the crown of an everlasting kingdome , by the gift of him whose kingdome endureth for ever . amen . then the king goes to the stage and sits in the chair of state , which is placed by the throne . then the lyon by direction of the marshal calls the nobles , who set their hands to the crown , and say every man these words . so god not help me , as i shall support thee . and when they have done , they all hold up their hands , and swear to be loyal and true subjects . the marshal having in his hand the obligatory oath of the people , goeth to the four corners of the stage , and reads the same to the lyon , who cries it down to the people , and they all hold up their hands and say . amen . the oath of the people is this . we swear , and by the holding up of our hands do promise all subjection and loyalty to king charles , our dread soveraign , and as we wish god to be merciful unto us , shall be to his majesty true and faithful , and be ever ready to bestow our lives , lands , and what else god hath given us , for the defence of his sacred person and crown . when the king is crowned the earles and viscounts put on their crownes , and the lyon his . the other barons and lords continue bare and uncovered . then is this anthem sung . be strong and of good courage , and observe the commandements of the lord to walk in his wayes , and keep his ceremonies , precepts , testimonies and judgements . and almighty god strengthen and prosper thee , wheresoever thou goest . the lord is my ruler , therefore i shall want nothing . the king shall rejoyce in thy strength oh lord exceeding glad shall he be o● thy salvation . for thou hast granted him his hearts desire , and hast not denyed him the request of his lips , for thou hast prevented him with blessings of goodness , and hast set a crown of pure gold upon his head. after this the king goes down again , looses his sword wherewith he was gi●t , and offers it , laying the same upon the altar , which one of the chief nobles redeems with an offering , and then draws it forth , and carries the same naked before the king. then the archbishop takes the scepter , and delivers it in the kings right hand with these words . receive the scepter the sign of royal power , the rod of the kingdome , the rod of vertue , th●t thou mayest govern thy self aright , defend the holy church , and all the christian people committed by god to thy charge , punishing the wicked , and protecting the just . and then he saith this prayer . o lord the fountain of all good things , and the author of all good proceedings , grant we beseech thee , to this thy servant that he may rightly use the dignity which he hath by inheritance ; vouchsafe to confirm the honour which thou hast given him before all kings , and enrich him with all benedictions . establish his throne , visit him with increase o● children , ●et justice spring up in his dayes and his soul be silled with joy 〈◊〉 gladness , till he be translated to rhine everlasting 〈◊〉 . amen . after this the archbishop blesseth the king saying . the lord bless thee and keep thee , and as he hath made thee king over his people , so he still may prosper thee in this world , and in the world to come make thee partake● of his eternal felicity . amen . the king then kisseth the archbishop and bishops assistant . after that the king ascendeth the stage attended by the nobles , and the singers sing te deum laudamus , &c. which ended , the archbishop enthrones the king saying . stand and hold fast from henceforth the place whereof you are the righteous and lawful heir by a long and lineal succession of your forefathers , which is now delivered unto you , by the authority of almighty god , and by the hands of us the bishops , and servants of god ; and as you see the clergy come more near to the altar then others , so where it is convenient you will remember to give them that honour and respect which is due to their places , that the mediator of god and man , may establish you in this kingly throne , and that with him you may reign and live for ever . then goeth the chancellour to the four coruers of the stage , and proclaims his majesties pardon , with offer of the same under the great seal of scotland , to all who shall require it . upon which the people make their acclamations crying , god save the king. this done the archbishop and bishops kneel down , and make their homage , their hands being betwixt the kings hands , and these words are read unto them . j. a. b. shall be faithful and true , and faith and truth bear , unto you our soveraign lord , and your heirs kings of scotland , and i shall do , and truely acknowledge the service of the lanos , which i shall claim to hold of you in the right of the church , as god help me . and they shall kiss the kings left cheek . after them the temporal lords in like manner kneeling and holding their hands betwixt the kings hands , have these words read unto them . j. a. b. become your liege man and truth and faith i shall bear unto you , live and die against all manner of folks whomsover in your service . so god me help . they kiss likewise the kings left cheek . the king giveth the scepter to such as it shall please his majesty for carrying the same , and goeth down to the chair of estate ouer against the pulpit . and the archbishop going to the altar or table , beginneth the communion . the communion ended and blessing given , the king with the crown on his head , and scepter in his hand returns with the whole traine in most solemn manner to his pallace . the trumpets sound , the canons shout , and other small shot are discharged . silver and gold pieces coyned for that purpose are cast among the people . and then the king goeth to his feast , which is ordered as his majesty shall give direction . god save the king . having given you this large account of the ceremonie , and prayers used at the coronations of our own and other christian kings and emperors : i shall thereunto subjoyn this memorial passage of * diodorus siculus , touching the form of prayer and solemnities used at the inauguration of the ancient pagan kings of egypt . when the egyptian king was to be inthroned , he had such a copy of the laws delivered to him , by which he was to conform himself in all things , and an exact estate of the realm presented to him by letters written from all parts : tum lotus , & regni insignibus splendidâque trabea ornatus , diis sacrificatum ibat . adductis tum ad aram victimis , mos erat principi sacerdotum regi astantum magna v●ce in conferta aegyptiorum corona preces enuntiare , ur di● sanitatem , cum bonis caeteris omnibus regi , jus et aequum erg a inferiores tuenti largiantur , singulae etiam regis virtutes d●praedicandae tum erant , quod videlicet piam ergà deo● , & mitissimam erga homines affectionem gerat , ut qui sit continens , justus , magnanimus , âlienus à mendacio , benignus honorum communicator , & tandem omnis concupiscentiae victor , qui minores delictorum meritis paenas irroget , & ampliorem beneficio gratiam repend●t benemeritis . haec & multa alia his affinia ubi peroravit antistes , ignorantiae ad extremum peccata execratur , regem quidem culpa eximens , sed & noxam & paenas in ministros & doctores malorum retorquens : quod ideo peragebat , simul ut ad metum numinis , & vitam diis gratam regem exhortaretur , simul ut non admonitionis acerbitate , sed laudum ille cebris virtuti maxime congruis , ad vitae modestiam illum adsuef●ceret , post haec cum extis victimae in spectis , rex perlitasset , à sacris libellis sacerdos consulta quaedam & facta clarissimorum virorum ad vitam conducentia ▪ è commentariis sacris praelegebat , ut princeps reipublicae honestissimorum rationes consiliorum animo consideratas ad praescriptam singulorum administrationem simili modo accommodaret . non enim agendi ad populum & indicia obeundi tantummodo , sed etiam de ambulandi & laudandi , & cum uxore dormiendi , omniumque adeo per vitam agendorum tempus definitum erat , simplici praeterea nutrimento uti , & vitulorum anserumque carnibus vesci , & certan● bibere vini mensuram , quae nec ad repletionem immodicam , nec ad ebrietatem faceret , in morem habebant . breviter , tam moderata victus r●tio praescripta fuit ut non legislator , sed medicorum optimus , ad sanam valetudinem omnia referens , ●am instituisse videatur . whereupon their kings strictly conforming themselves to their laws in all things without the least 〈◊〉 , he subjoyns hâc ergà subditos justitiâ cum rege● uterentur , ma●ore in se cives benevolentià quàm amore cognatos , propensos habebant : non enim sacerdotum du●●axat collegia , sed universa aegyptiorum natio adeòque ●●●guli , non tàm de uxoribus liberisque & bonis suis privatis , quàm de regis incolumitate solliciti erant . quoc●●ca longissimo etiam tempore sub regibus memoratis integrum reipubl●c aestatum conservarunt , in summa vi●am felicitate exigentes , quamdiu haec legum constitutio v●gebat . ad haec plurimae ab ●is gentes subactae , maxima vis opum collecta , provinciae inimitabili operum magnificentiâ illustratae , u●besque variis & sumptuosissimis donariis exornatae . which god grant may be englands condition for the future as well as theirs and its too in times past , by a speedy happy cordial legal restitution & conjunction of k. and subjects in the st●ictest bonds of mutual love and loyalty , without any adulation or self-seeking on either part . then shall we sing with the elegant poet : a non quaerit pretium , vitam qui debet amori . o quantum populo secreti numinis addit imperii praesens species ? quantamque rependit majestas alterna vicem , cum regia circi , connixum gradibus veneratur purpura vallis , plebis ad●ratae reboat fragor , unaque ●otis intonat augustus septenis arcibus echo ? b fallitur egregio quisquis sub principe credit servitium : nunquam libertas gratior extat quam sub rege pio ; quos praesicit ipse regendis rebus ad arbitrium plebis patrumque reducit , concorditqus libens , meritis seu praemia poscant seu punire velint , posito jam purpura fastu de se judicium non indignatur haberi . sic docuit reguare pater , sic casta juventae froena dedit , teneros his moribus imbuit annos verior augusti genitor , fiducia belli , pacis consilium ; per quem squalore remoto pristina romuleis infloruit artibus aetas : per quem fracta diu , translataque penè potestas in proprium reducta lareni , victricia reddit fata solo , fruiturque iterum , quibus haeserat olim auspiciis , capitique errantia membra reponit . i shall conclude this whole treatise with the usual thanks and prayer of the prelates , lords , and commons assembled in parliament in the name all of other subjects of england ( whom they represent ) entred upon every general pardon of the king passed in parliament , wherein they pray god to give him a peaceable , good and long life , in these words . les prelates , seigneurs , & commones en ceft parleament assembles , au nom de touts vous autres subjects , remercient tres humblement vostre majesty , & prient deiu vous doner en sante , bone vie , & longe . and with these prayers and collects for the king of england in the book of common prayer . priest . o lord save the king . answer : ( by all the people . ) and mercifully hear us when we call upon thee . almighty god , whose kingdome is everlasting and power infinite , have mercy upon the whole congregation , and so rule the heart of thy chosen servant , charles our king and governour , that he ( knowing whose minister he is ) may above all things seek thy honour and glory , and that we his subjects ( duly considering whose authority he hath ) may faithfully serve , honour and humbly obey him , in thee , and for thee , according to thy blessed word and ordinance , through jesus christ our lord , who with thee and the holy ghost , liveth and reigneth one god , world without end . amen . almighty and everlasting god , we be taught by thy holy word , that the hearts of kings are in thy rule and governance , and that thou dost dispose and turn them as it seemeth best to thy godly wisdome ; we beseech thee , so to dispose and govern the heart of charles , thy servant our king and governor , that in all his thoughts words and works , he may ever seek thy honour and glory , and study to preserve thy people committed to his charge , in wealth , peage , and godlinesse : grant this , o merciful father for thy sons sake jesus christ our lord. amen . sam. . , , , , . the lord killeth and maketh alive , he bringeth down to the grave , and bringeth up again ; the lord maketh poor and maketh rich , he bringeth low and lifteth up : he raiseth up the poor out of the dust , and lifteth up the beggu● srom the dung hil , to set them among princes and to make them inherit the throne of glory , &c ▪ the ▪ adversaries of the lord shall be broken in pieces , out of heaven shall he thunder upon them , the lord shall judge the ends of the earth , and he shall give strength unto his king , and exalt the horn of his anointed . god save king charles the second . amen . finis . errata . courtcous reader , correct these mistakes at the press . pag. . line . read finierunt . p. . l. . r. catholicae . l. . r. seculi . p. . l. . r. stabilitate . p. . l. . r. liberatus . p. . l. . r. subventionis . p. . l. . r. processionale . p. . l. . sermons . l. . charles . r. james . p. . l. . countenance . r. continuance . p. l. . multip●cetur . p. . l. . firmet p. ●● . l. . r. ci●●unda●us . p. . l. . perfunde . p. . ●risone . p. . l . ●ille . p. . l. . penetrassent . p. . l . r. liberis tribue . p. . l. . r. populis . p. . l. . r. nos . p. . l. . vivis . l. . corona . p. . l. . profectuum . p. . l. . r. salvatore . p . l. . pice . margin . p. . l. . . ● . . p. . l. . fection . p. . l. . ibidem . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e a tim. . . rev . . b dan , . c. . . job . , , . ●am . psa . ● . . . c psal ●● . . exod . . ●eat . . . d dan. . . . e psal . . , , . f t●m . . , , . g ps . . . h num. . . c. . . i sam. . . to . a psal . . , , . b isa . , , . c bellarmin . de notis ec●les . c. . b●shop jewels def. of the apology of the ch. of engl. ch . divis . d. john white his way to the true church , sect. dig●ess . . * psal . . . ‖ see ●urius , ●i●●omanes , ri●ade●● a , in thei● lives of the saints . * deut. . . a exod. . , , , . b psal . . , , . &c. * psal . . * chron . , , . * regis ad exemplum totus componitur orbis claudian . notes for div a -e a usserius de b●itan . ecclefiarum primordiis p. . and the authors there quoted . b lambardi archaion , antiquit . eccl. brit. p. , . spelman . concil p. , to bishop jewels reply against harding , art. . divis . . p. , . fox acts and monuments , vol. . ha●risons description of england , ● . c. . bishop usher de eccl. brit. primordiis , p. , , . c eutropius , hist . l. . orosius . l. . c. , . socrat. eccl. hist . l. . c. . ●umenius panegyr . . cambdens brit. essex , p. . vsserius de brit. eccl. primordiis , c. . c eusebius de vita constantini , l. . c. , , , . d euseb . de vita constantini , l. . c , . e euseb . de vita constant . l. . c. , . f ni●ephorus eccles hist . l. . c. . spelman . concil . p. , ▪ . g ma●ore chronico , l. . c. . wintoni●nsis ecclesiae , hist , c. , . usserius de brit. eccles . primordiis , c. . p. ● . * mat. westm . anno . p ▪ , . i mat. westm . an. . p. , . k ma● . westm . anno . p. . usleri●s de brit. eccl. primo●diis , p. , . * epist . l. . ep●st . . spelmanni concilia , p. . * epist . l. . epist . . beda eccles . hist . l. . c. . spelmanni concilia , p. * hen●i●i huntindon , hist . l. p. . * will. malmes●urienfis , de gestis pontif. angl. l. . p , . m beda ecclesiast hist . l. . c. . . mat. west . 〈◊〉 . . n idem , l. . c. . n beda eccl. hist . l. c. . spelman . concil . p. , . hen huntindon . hist . l . p. . n beda eccl. hist . l. . c . o mat. westm . p. . p beda eccl. hist . l. c. . q beda eccl. hist . l. . c. . a gulielmus malm. degest . pontif. angl. l. . p. . b spelmanni . concil . p. . c monasticon angl. p●rs . p ▪ . londini . d ●pelmanni concil p. . e monast . ang. pars . p. . * beda eccl. hist l. . c. . spelmanni concil . p. , . * ingulphi hist . p. , , . * operum coloniae agrip. . tom . col. , . * spelmanni concil p. , , . bibliotheca ●atrum , tom. . p. , . malm. de gestis regum angl. l. . c. . p. . * bibl. patrum , tom. . p. . * bibl. patrum tom. . p. , . anno . anno . * spelmanni concil . p. , . a dan . . c. . . c. . . b pet. . , . c rom. . , , . d eccles . . . a rom. . . b esther . , , . c. . . c kings . , . d sam. . &c. . . e see balaeus scriptorum brit. cent. . c. . * epist . , , , , , , to . & . * ephes . . * mat. paris in vita offae , secundi , p. . m●t. westm . an. . a wil. malmesburiens . de gestis regum , l. . c. . b ex registro de ab●ndon cap. . monasticon angl. p. . c ingulphi hist . p. . d monasticon angl. p. . f mat. westm . ann. . p. , . mal●sb : de gestis regum , l. . c. ingulphus , p. . spelmanni concilia , p. , . mr. seldens history of tithes , c. . p. . &c. * will malmsbury de gest . pontif. angl. l. . p. . h mr. seldens history of tithes , c. . p. . anno ▪ ch●on . glo●estr . caenobii , monast . angl. p. . * monast . angl. pars . anno . anno . malmesbur . l. . c. . p. , . a chron. ioh. brompt . col . . spelman . concil . p. . b monasticon angl. . c monast . angl. p. , . d matthae● pa●isiensis auctuarium additamentorum , p. . a monasticon angl. p. . ● . b chro. johannis br●mpton col. . spelm. consilia p. . c ailredus abbas , de vita & miraculis edwardi confessoris , col. ● . malmesb . de gestis regum , l. c. . de gestis pontis . angl. l. . p. . mat. westm . anno . p. . hen. huntindon hist . l. . simeon dunelmensis hist . col. . chron. john brompton , col . . hen. knyghton de eventibus angl. l. . c. . antiq. eccles . brit. p. , . ribadenira & capgrave in the life of edward the confessor , speeds hist . p. . * antiqu. ecclesiae brit. p. , , . monast . angl. p. . * spelmanni ▪ concilia , p. , , . ailredns de vira & miraculis edw. confess col . , . b spelm. concil . p. . ail●edus abbas : de vita et miraculis edw. confess . p. , &c. the d. part of my seasonable and legal historical vindication , p. , , &c. , to . ibid. p. . * col. . r monast . angl . p. . s monasticon angl. p. , , . anno , &c. t ibid. p. , , , , , , , , , , , . hist . eliensis eccl. lib. . f. , . monast . angl. p. . * eadmerus hist . novorum , l. . p. , , , , , , , . h bibliotheca patrum , tom. ● . pars . p. . eadmerus hist . nov. l. ▪ p. , , . a monasticon angl. p. , , , , . p●t . . r. . pars . n. . ch. e. . n. . pat. . h. . m. . b monasticon angl. p. , , , , . c. . e. . n. . c monasticon ▪ angl. p. , , , , , , , , , , , , , . ch . . ● . . n. . ch. . h. . m. . ch. . r. . n. . ch. e. . n ▪ . a huntingdon hist . l. . p. , . t roger hoveden , annal. posterior pars , p. , , , , . * hoveden , p. , , , , , , . b bibli●theca pat●um , tom. . pars . p. . c. c ibidem p. , , , , , , , . anno , &c. monast . angl. p. , , , , , , , ▪ ch . e. . n. . pat. r. . p●t . . m. . ch . h. n . anno , &c. a monast angl. p. , , , , , , , , ch . joh. m. n. ch . . ioh. m . n. . pat. e. . m. . ch . ioh. m. n. . ch e. n. . ch . h. . m. . ch . . ioh. n. . ch . . ioh. n. . ‖ monasticon angl. p. , , , . , , ● , , , , , , , , , , , . ch. h. . m. . pat. . e. ● . m. . part . . m. . ch. . h. . m. ch. . h. . m. . pat. . h. . m. . ch. . h. . m. . ch. . h. . m. , . rot. fin. . h. . m. . a mat. paris vitae . sancti . albani abbat . p. , . b in the leger book of the priory of bath . ‖ mat. pa●is hist . angl. p. . edit . londini . * mat. westm . anno . p. . ‖ mat. westm . p. , . georgii cassandri opera , parysiis , . p. , . pro imp. rege , vel principe . a cl. e. . dors . . . cl. e. dors . . cl. e. . dors . . cl. . e. . d. . cl. h. ▪ dors . . cl. . e . dors . . cl. e. . dors . . pro rege de precibus . de orando pio rege . de orando pro rege & regina ac eorum liberis . de orando pro rege & regina ac eorum libe●is . de ora●d● pro rege & regina & liberis suis . nota. de orando pro rege . 〈◊〉 . de orando pro rege & regina ●c eorum liberis . nota. de orando pro rege . de orando pro rege & regina ac eorum liberis . nota. ch. e. . n. . ch . f. . n. . monast angl. p. , . de orando prostatu regis & regni . ‖ nota. de exequiis pro anima r. e. fac . & orando pro anima ejus . de orando pro rege & regina . de orando p●o rege & statu regni . de exortationibus pro rege & statu regni faciend . de supplicatione pro rege & statu regni facienda . * monast . ang. p. , , , , , . pat. e. . part . m. . pat. e. . pa●t . m. . pat. e. . pa●t . m. . pat. e. . pa●t . . m. . de devotis laudibus clemenc . summi salvaroris attollend . pro victoria scotorum prope berewicum nuper corcessa . de orando pro pace . * ex de orando pro rege . de orando pro pace . de oraudo pro rege . * exponere . pat. . r. ● . part . m. . monost . angl. p. , . , . cl . r. . m. . dorso . pat. . & ▪ h. . m. . pat. h. . part . m. . monast . angl p. . . ‖ monastico● angl. p. . pat. h. ● . m. . monast . angl. p. . * here p. . * laertius cherubinus de nursia . bullarium , tom. . p . pet●i mat●h . ●i . sum. constit . pontif. in leone , . p. . speeds history . an. ● . seldens titles of honour , p. , . * in his works in folio , london . vol. . p. . a in his works vol . f. , . b ibid. fol. . c tim. . apoc. . . deut. . josh . . rom. tim. . tit. . pet. . cap. , & . d ibid. f. , . e ibid. f. . f s●p . . rom. . tim. tit. . pet. . acts . rom , . g mat. . luc. . mat. . h fox acts and monuments , vol. . p. . i see arch-bishop cranme●s life , in antiq. eccles . brit. godwin , and before his answer to stephen ga●dener , fox acts and monuments vol. . p. , . k fox acts & monuments . vol. p. , , . * page . nota. nota. a cooks . rep. calvins case f. , . instit . p. . brook treason . graftons cronicle p. , &c. fox acts and monuments , vol. . holinshed , and speed , . mariae . my plea for the lords , p. , ●o . see devotious of the antient church , &c. printed . * see dr. john whites defence of the way . bishop bilson , bishop andrews , arch-bishop abbot , bishop buckridge , bishop abbor , bishop davenant , bishop usher , dr. f●atly , &c. * those who prayed thus cordially could not shorten his life by a violent death . * tertullian apolog●t . feb. . . a see the vindication of the secured and secluded members , and the histo●y of independency part . b see the d . part of the history of independency where it is likewise printed . d see the proclam●tio●s printed during the re●gn of king henry . . edw. . queen mary and elizabeth , king james & king charles , the antien●er proclamations are entred in the dorse of the clause rolls in the tower. a eutychii annales , p. . * see part . p. , . b eutychii annal. p. , , . eus●bius eccl. hist l. . c. , . niceph. eccles . hist . l. . c. , , . c nicephorus eccl hist . l. . ● . , . d eusebius eccl. hist l. . c. , l. . c. , , , , . e see archbishop vsher , de brit. eccl. primordiis , c. . euseb . eccl. hist . l. . c. . niceph eccl. hist . l. . c. , . f eusebius eccl. hist . l. . c. . niceph. l. . c. . i eusebius de vita constan● . l. c. , , . k here p. . * ●useb . de vita constant . l. . c. . l bishop vsher de eccles . brit. primordiis , p. . m de vita constant . l. . c. . n ●us●b de vita constant . l c. ● . * euseb . ibid . l. . c. . n eusdbius de vita constant . l. . c. . o euseb . de vita constant . l. . c. , , , , , . * see bishop ushers answer to the jesuites challenge : secton praying for the dead . q operum graecolatin . pa●isiis , . tom. p , , ● , . * hilarius ad constantium , l. . see bilsons true difference , p. . * socrates scholasticus eccles ●ist . l. c . cassidorus , tripa●t . hist . l. . c . sozomen , eccl. hist . l. . c. ● . nicephorus , eccl hist l. . c. . bi●sons ●●ue diffe●ence , p . * socrates scholasticus ib. theodoret eccles . hist . l. . c . quo possumus &c pro tuo regno consuetas p●eces cum populo funde●e , sicut ante semper fecimus & adhuc facere non desistemus . * cateches . . dr. hamonds annotations on tim. . * see bishop vshers answer to the jesuites challenge , p. , . * annales , oxoniae , . p. , , , . u sozomen , eccles . hist . l. . c. surius concil . tom. . p. . centur. magd. . col . . see centu● . m●gd . . col . surius co●ci● . tom. . p ● . th●od●●is l. . c . * rom. . , , , , , . * mat. . * tom. . operum parisiis , , col . . * tom. . col . a. b. . c. ▪ c. anno . tim. . . jer. . . rom. . cor. . esth . . * h●storia sanctorum pat●um , p. . * su●ius concil tom. . p. , . * surius concil . tom. . p. , , , , . surius concil . tom. . p. , , , ● , . * surius concil . tom. . p. , . * bibliotheca patrum , tom. ● . pa●s . p. . jer. . . aunno . * here p. , . * s●●ius concil . tom. . p. ● . * bibliotheca pat●um tom. p. , ▪ * surius concil . tom. . p. , . * surius concil . tom. . p. , . * surius concil . tom . p. , . * surius concil . p. , , . q ibid p. , . r ibid. p. . a su●iu● tom . p. . b surius ibid. p. . c surius , tom . p. . d surius , tom. . p. , . e surius ibid. p. . f surius concil . tom. . p. . * surius concil . tom. . p. , , . * surius ibid. tom. . p. . * surius ibid tom. p. * here p. , to * surius concil . tom. . p. , &c. bochellus decret . eccles . gal. l. . tit. . c. . p. . * surius concil . tom. . p. . * surius concil tom p. . bochellus dec●et . eccl. gal. p. ● . anno . * surius concil . tom. . p. . bochellus decret . eccl. gal. p. . * bochellus decret . eccl. gal. l. . tit. . c. . p , . * idem . a bibl. patrum tom. . pars . . p. . h. . b ibid. p. . e ibid. . &c. * bibliotheca patrum , tom. . pars . p. . * deus . a ibid. p. . g. ibid. p. . ● f. c ibid. p. . c. d ibid. p. . b. * bibl. patrum tom. . p. , . * remissum . ‖ ibid. p. , , , &c. * ibid. p. , . a in epist. ad tim. epist . . tim. . b lib. . c. , . * bibliotheca patrum , tom . p. a. . h . c. ibid. p. . b bibliotheca patrum , tom. . p. . f. p. . a. p. . . p. , , , , . * see epistola . h bibliotheca patrum , tom. . pars . p. . , , , , , , . bibliotheca patrum . tom. . part . p. , . b bibliotheca patrum , tom. . p. a. georgii cassandri preces ecclesiasticae p. . * see sac●ae litaniae variae antuerpiae . p. . psal . ● . * laur enrius boche●lus decre● . eccl. gal. l. . tit. . de rege c. . p. . a corippus , l●b . . la ce●da annotat ▪ in tertull. apologet . mr. seldens titles of honor , p. . gedren . histor . col . . zonaras , annal . tom. . p. . * see mr. seldens titles of honor , part . ch . p. , , . b bibliotheca patrum , tom. . p. , . * paul od rburn in vit● theod. r●s● . mcscoviric● lugd. bat. . o p . dr. giles fletch●r his ●reat●se of the state of russia . c. ● . mr. samuel purchas his pilgr●m . l. c r ▪ p , . se●dens titles of honor , part . ch . p. , . * supplementum an●al . turcorum , anno . seldens titles of honor , p. . * bibl. ●atrum tom. . p. , ● , , . rom. . gen. . exod . . reg. . reg. . exod. . & . judic . . reg. . reg. . . gen. . exod . . reg. . reg. . psal . . joan. . psal . . nota. judith . * seldens titles of honor , p. . to . the ceremonial for coronation of the french king this was most ordinarily at rhemes , but at the kings pleasure , also in any other church . * ibidem is not in bochellus . * spiritual peers , the bishop of beauvais , laon , langres , chaalons sur marne , noyon . a istius arch. bochell . b that is , per dominum n. iesum christ● filium tuum qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate s. s. deus per omnia saecula saeculorum . for those words are ordinarily denoted by per dominum only . c responsorium . d versus . * et audi vocem meam & inimicus ero inimicis , &c. e quanto quibus bochellus f reve●enter dicat , bochell . g metropolitanus super regem orat ante altare . bochellus . h in the ma●gin of this place of that ritual subsc●ibed by king charles , is added this prayer , deus humilium visi●ator qui nos s. s illustratione consolaris praetende super hunc samulum tuum n. gratiam tuam ut per ●um , tuum nobis adesse sentiamus adventum . i sancta bochellus . k in b●chellus th●se words a●e inserted there in a di●f●rent charact●● ( abb●s s. dionysii st●t ad 〈…〉 se●vans ampullam . ) l so in the ms. pe●haps it should be concomitantibus or eum comitantibus . but in bochell●s that place is deserre abbati & aliquibus de monachis paritèr committendo . m in bechellus af●er that quidsuscepta ampuila agendum sit , sollows in susceptione ampullae sacrae ad portam ecclesiae majoris cantatu● antiphona . o pretiosum munus , o pretiosa gemma quae pro uncti●ne francorum regum ministerio angelico coelitus est emissa . versus . inveni david servum meum . resp . oleo sancto meo unxi eum o●emus . omnipotens sempiterne deus qui pietatis tuae dono genus regum francorum oleo perungi decrevisti , praesta quaesumus , ut samulus tu . , rex noster perunctus hac sacra & praesenti unctione sancto pontifice ( so it is printed ) remigio emissa divinitus & in tuo servitio semper dirigatur , et ab omni insirmitate misericorditer liberetur , per dominum nostrum dum cantatur terria , facta aqua benedicta , archiepisc . ad mislam se praeparat cum diacono & subdiacono in sacristia . this being as a title , next follows , archiepiscopus dum cancatur tertia facta aqua benedicta ad missam , &c. as in this copy . n et rationali ind . bochellus . o e duobus suis suffraganeis associatus process . bochellus . p quod. bochellu . q servabo . bochellus . the oath of the french king. see bodin . de repub. l. . c. . r the words between these ( ) are not in bochellus . ſ promissionibus . bochellus . t see before . u here this title is inserted in bochellus . praeparatio in signium & ornamento um regalium . x sacinthinis . bochellus . y saeco bochellus . z apturis bochellus . b connecte bochellus . c praestare dignetur , qui tecum & cum spiritu sanct● sine fine permanet in saecula saculorum . amen . bochell . d benedicere . bochellus . f per christum bochellus . the sword given to the fren●h ki●g . g so in bochellus h an●iph●n● bochellus . i as a title to this in bochellus , we read trad●tio gladii quem rex tenet erectum & nudum usque ad sinem orationis seque●tis antiphon●m . k benedictione bochellus . l so in bochell . but it should be molem . that and some other passa ges are in that of the r●man pontifi●ale . m patre & s s. vivit & regnat deus per omnia saecula saeculorum . amen . bochellus . n iudicia & quocunque . bochellus . o ac te pro illo . idem . p statim dar● . idem . a to this , the tale is in bochellus super regem genuflexum with oremus . b iacob , sic bo●●ellus . c coruscante atque . bochellus . d paganorum , idem . e digneris qui cum unigeni●o filio tuo , &c. bochellus . f praesta●e , &c. ut supra . g in that place in bochellus , his copy hath this note ; hic debe● fieri mistio de crismate & oleo caelitùs misso . h privilegio , ut crismate juxta cum oleo caelitùs misso , modo alio , quàm cae●eri reges , singulariter inungantur , alii enim reges inunguntur solùm in humero ; iste verò in capite & in aliis membris sicut inseriùs distinguetur . pa●a●a , &c so it is in bochellus . but whoever drew in this glosse , was ●ainly de●●i●ed . for the ●se in england as well as france , was antient , and so also ( by the ord● romanus ) in other kingdoms , wh●●e ancinting was allow'd , to anoint the head , notwithstanding wh●t we find otherwise in the p●pes can●ns , which princes ●beyed at their pleasure . but for th●s matter , see before p . a plainly this prayer was first made for the english saxon kings . for what had ever any of the french kings to do with these people ? but the wonder is m●st strange , that ●his place of the prayer ( which might have been sit●ed for any king ) is thus left here . in bochellus , nordam , cimbrorum , is for nordanchimbrorum , which should have been doubtlesse nordhanhumbrorum , for those beyond humber , and it is plain , that the very syllables of the saxon ceremonial are a●terwards ●sed in this of the french. the annointing the french king. * manu , victoria omnis , gloria . bochellus . * connectunturansulae aperturarum vestiment●rum regis per diaconum . bochellus . * this and the prayer following is not in bochellus . * hyacinthina . * copertura bochellus . the anointing of the french kings hands . the be●ediction of his gloves . the putting ●n his gloves . * haedorum . the wiping the french kings hands being anointed if he will have no gloves . the benedicti●n of the ring . * this , with the two prayers or benedictions following is wanting in bochellus , and is written in the margin of the copy of king charles , and directed to come in here . * l. immune . the giving him the ring . the giving him the scepter . the giving him the rod o● verge , which they now call , i think , la maine de justice . the benediction of the crown . * this is in the margine of th● copy of king cha●l●s , and directed in here , but not in bochell . a ex n●mine à 〈◊〉 s● , &c. bochell . b et vocantur primò l●ici posteà clerici ; & clerici vocantur eo ordine quo dictam est superius , de sedendo quibus , &c. bochellus . c coronae bochell . d tenet ▪ bochell● and after this presently follows these words , teneat metropolitanus coronam altè primò duabus manibus , posteà sin●stra tantum quando benedicit . * quam semper tenet manu sinistrâ . bochellus . b ita tu contra . bochellus . bonedictionis . bochellus . e dyonisii atque be●●i remigii atque . bechellus . a sta●im fiat ista secunda benedictio ▪ boc●ellus . d laudamus , non dicitur nisi post coronationem sequentem . quo , &c. bochellus . * lacesseret . bochellus . e condiseat , bochellus . f there follows in bochellus . in ordinar 〈…〉 &c. dyn 〈…〉 th ●nizationem ●egis po●●tu● professio ejus ante osculum parium . a in bochellus there follows , hic incipiet achiepiscopus , te deum , quo incoepto recedat . b here the copy of bochellus h●tb this note , notandum antequam pax domini sit semper vobis cum dicatur , archiepiscopus debet dicere hanc benedictionem super regem & super populum . and then follow b●th that benediction , and benedictio vexilli , or of the o●ifla●b , which are both at the end of this , anon added . a cum libre . bochellus . b di●i & mittere ▪ &c. boch . c thus far also that in bochellus . and here it is concluded with explicit consecratio & coronatio regis franciae . but he hath not the ceremonial for the queens coronation which here solloweth . the coronation of the french queen . the anointing of the french queen . the ring given to the french queen . the scepter given to the french queen , and the red or ve●ge . the crown put on the 〈◊〉 queen . ● . eam . * et tua , bochellus . * defendat . * 〈◊〉 of h●n●r , part . ch . . p , , , , ● ● , , , . * sceptrum . * this was given into the left hand , as the scepter into the right . see mat. pa●is ●ag . . edit . l●ndin . * this is in the old ritual called ordo romanus this is almost the same in the old ritual call●d ordo romanus . elemosin . magnus . episc . dunelm . & bathonien . portatio ●alicis sancti edwardi . port●tio patenae dicti calilis . portatio sceptri & virgae aureae . portatio gladiorum . portatio calcarium . por●●●io ensis redempti . senescalleus . portatio coronarum . marescallus . pincerna . constabularius . camerarius . panetria . salsariz . furnival . assistentes ●eginae . dom. assistens reginae . ordo coronationis richardi secun ▪ di . iuramentum regis ante coronationem suam . preces dicendae in coronatione . solemnizatio missae in die cor●nationis . iohannes dymock athleta regis . coronatio regis . generalis proc●ssio . conc. roff. ep. rex equitabit . sedes regalis . pulpitum . thronus regalis . abbas westmonast . tunica & camisia . processio . crux & caetera . barones . portuum . a●●as westm , archiepiscopus inquiret voluntatem populi . oblatio regis ▪ rex prosternitur . rex praestat juramenta . vnctio regis . abbas westmonast . deponet pileum regi . rex induitur tunica longa per abbatem . benedictio ensis . impositio coronae capiti regis . oblatio ensis . acceptio sceptri . praelati & alii facient homagium . oblatio panis & vini . corona s. edwardi . r●novatio regalium . alia corona . regis reversio in palatium . liberatio sceptri . coronatio reginae . juramentum domini regis . eleemozi●arius magnus . episc . dunel . episc . bathon . cancellarius angliae . thesaurarius angliae . comes cestriae , & alii . comes leycestriae est senescallus . dux ebor. comes de arundel . comes herford . comes oxon ! comes norfol. furnel . the arch-lishop kneeleth . the arch-bishop anointeth kneeling . five pound to redeem the sword. the king is crowned with st. edwards crown . homage . nota. . * since to the dean thereof . nota. nota. from the new dore . anthem . sermon . anthem . he offered twenty pieces . the oath . veni creator . letany . nota. by the lord chamb. by the earl of bohun . by the earl of bohun . te deum . nota. * bibliothecae histor . lib. . sect . . p. . . a claudian . de . consulatu hono●ii . p. . b claudian . de laudibus su●conis . l. . p. , . to the maiestie of king james a gratulatorie poem by michaell drayton. drayton, michael, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc . estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : , : ) to the maiestie of king james a gratulatorie poem by michaell drayton. drayton, michael, - . [ ] p., plate printed by iames roberts, for t.m. and h.l., at london : . published by t. man and h. lownes. cf. stc. signatures: a-b⁴ (-a ). the last leaf is blank. in this second state "to the reader" on b r begins "for the more apt .." and refers to "this speedy, and second impression"; the first roundel of the corrected genealogical table (plate) has 'souerayḡe' [i.e. souerayg[n]e]. item at reel : identified as stc a. reproductions of originals in the folger shakespeare library and bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts 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web site . eng james -- i, -- king of england, - -- poetry -- early works to . kings and rulers -- poetry -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread - tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the reader . for the truth of these branches of the descent , in the table or page heere-vnto anexed , the perfect and sundry genealogies extant , doe sufficiently warrant in this behalfe : if by reason it is but á part , and that also patrern'd out of the large genealogie as a lim of the same , and runnes onely and directly with the emperiall lyne , being but so much ( as wee may fitly say ) is aly'd to the poem : it seeme not to beare such vniformity and proportion , as workmanship would prayse , that let iudgement beare with , and the artificer reforme , being placed heere rather for explanation , then any meere or extreame necessitie . to the maiestie of king james . a gratulatorie poem by michaell drayton . at london printed by iames roberts , for t. m. and h. l. . to the maiestie of king iames. the hopefull raigne of a most happy king , loe thus excites our early muse to sing , of her own strength which boldly thus presumes , that 's yet vnimpt with any borowed plumes , a counsailes wisdome , and their graue fore-sight , lends me this luster , and resplendent light : whose well-prepared pollicie , and care , for theyr indoubted soueraigne so prepare , other vaine titles strongly to withstand , plac'd in the bosome of a peacefull land : that blacke destruction which now many a day , had fix'd her sterne eye for a violent pray , frustrate by their great prouidence and power , her very nerues is ready to deuoure , and euen for griefe downe sincking in a swound beats her snak'd head against the verdant ground . but whilst the ayre thus thunders with the noise , perhaps vnheard , why should i straine my voyce ? whē stirs , & tumults haue been hot'st & proudest , the noble muse hath song the stern'st & lowdest ; and know great prince , that muse thy glory sings , ( what ere detraction snarle ) was made for kings . the neighing courser in this time of mirth , that with his arm'd hoofe beats th'reecchoing earth , the trumpets clangor , & the peoples cry , not like the muse can strike the burnish'd skie , which should heauē quench th' eternal quicking springs the stars put out , could light thē with her wings . what though perhaps my selfe i not intrude amongst th'vnstedy wondring multitude , the tedious tumults , and the boystrous throng , that presse to view thee as thou com'st along , the praise i giue thee shall thy welcome keepe , whē all these rude crowds in the dust shal sleepe , and when applause and shouts are hush'd & still thē shal my smooth verse chant thee cleer & shril . with thy beginning , doth the spring begin , and as thy vsher gently brings thee in , which in consent doth happily accord with the yeere kept to the incarnate word , and in that month ( cohering by a fate ) by the old world to wisdome dedicate , thy prophet thus doth seriously apply , as by a strong vnfailing augury , that as the fruitfull , and ful-bosom'd spring , so shall thy raigne be rich and florishing : the month thy conquests , & atchieuements great by those shall sit on thy imperiall seate , and by the yeere i seriously diuine the crowne for euer setled in thy line . from cornwall now past calidons proude strength , thy empire beares eight hūdred miles in length : halfe which in bredth her bosome forth doth lay from the faire german to'th vergiuian sea : thy realme of ireland , a most fertile land , brought in subiection to thy glorious hand , and all the iles theyr chalkie tops aduance to the sunne setting from the coast of fraunce . saturne to thee his soueraignty resignes , op'ning the lock'd way to the wealthy mines : and till thy raigne fame all this while did houer , the north-west passage that thou might'st discouer vnto the indies , where that treasure lies whose plenty might ten other worlds suffice . neptune and ioue together doe conspire , this giues his trydent , that his three-forkt fire , and to thy hand doe giue the kayes to keepe , of the profound immeasurable deepe . but soft my muse , check thy abundant straine to the conceiuing of th' vnskilfull braine , that whilst thy true descent i doe rehearse , th'vnlearned'st soule may sweetly tast my verse : which now in order let me first dispose , and tell the vnion of the blessed rose , that to thy grandsire henry i may bring thee , ( from whom i after to thy birth may sing thee . ) that tudors blood did worthily prefer , from the great queene that beautious dowager , whose sonne braue richmond frō the brittons fet , graft in the stock of princely sommerset , the third faire sien , the sweet roseat plant , sprong from the roote of the lancastrian gant , which had seauenth henry , that of royall blood by his deere mother , is the red-rose bud , as theyr great merlin propheci'd before should the old brittons regalty restore , which henry raigning by th' vsurpers death , maried the princesse faire elizabeth fourth edwards daughter , whose predest'nate bed did thus conioyne the white-rose , and the red : these roseall branches as i thus entwyne , in curious trayles embelishing thy lyne , to thy blest cradell let me bring thee on , rightly deriu'd from thy great grandsires throne . who holding scotlands amity in worth , strongly to linck him with king iames the fourth , his eldest daughter did to him vnite , th'vnparaleld bright louely margarite , which to that husband prosperously did bring , the fifth of that name , scotlands lawfull king , father to mary ( long in england seene ) the daulphins dowager , the late scottish queene . but now to margarite backe againe to come , from whose so fruitfull , and most blessed wombe we bring our full ioy , iames her husband dead , tooke gallant anguish to a second bed , to whom ere long she bare a princely gerle , maried to lenox , that braue-issued earle , this beautious dowglasse , as the powers imply , brought that prince henry , duke of albany , who in the prime of strēgth , in youths sum'd pride maried the scotch queene on the other side , whose happy bed to that sweet lord did bring , this brittaine hope , iames our vndoubted king , in true succesion , as the first of other of henries line by father , and by mother . thus frō the old stock showing thee sprong to be , grafting the pure vvhite , with the red-rose tree , by mixture made vermillion as they meet , for in that colour is the rose most sweet : so in thy crowne the precious flower that growes be it the damaske , or vermillion rose , amongst those reliques , that victorious king , edward cald longshanks , did from scotland bring , and as a trophie royally prefer to the rich shrine in famous westminster , that stone reseru'd in england many a day , on which great iacob his graue head did lay , and saw descending angels whilst he slept : which since that time by sundry nations kept , ( from age to age i could recite you how , could i my pen that liberty alow . ) an ancient prophet long agoe fore-told , ( though fooles their sawes for vanities doe hold ) a king of scotland , ages comming on , where it was found , be crown'd vpon that stone . two famous kingdoms seperate thus long , within one iland , and that speake one tongue , since brute first raign'd , ( if men of brute alow ) neuer before vnited vntill now , what power , nor war could do , nor time expected , thy blessed birth hath happily effected . o now reuiue that noble brittaines name , from which at first our ancient honors came , which with both nations fitly doth agree that scotch and english without difference be , and in that place wher feuds were wont to spring let vs light iigs , and ioyfull paeans sing . whilst such as rightly propheci'd thy raigne , deride those ideots held their words for vaine . had not my soule beene proofe gainst enuies spite i had not breath'd thy memory to write : nor had my zealous , and religious layes told thy rare vertues , and thy glorious dayes . renowned prince , when all these tumults cease , euen in the calme , and musick of thy peace , if in thy grace thou deigne to fauour vs , and to the muses be propitious , caesar himselfe , roomes glorious wits among , was not so highly , nor diuinely sung . the very earthl'est & degenerat'st spirit , that is most voyd of vertue , and of merit , with the austeer'st , and impudentest face , will thrust himselfe the formost to thy grace ; those silken , laced , and perfumed hinds , that haue rich bodies , but poore wretched minds , but from thy court ( o worthy ) banish quite the foole , the pandar , and the parasite , and call thy selfe most happy ( then be bold ) when worthie places , worthi'st men doe hold , the seruile clowne for shame shall hide his head , his ignorance , and basenesse frustrated , set louely vertue euer in thy view , and loue them most , that most doe her pursue , so shalt thou ad renowne vnto thy state , a king most great , most wise , most fortunate . finis . to the reader . for the more apt contriuing of this part or branch of the genealogie , those to whom ( from me ) the coppie appertaineth , haue now against this speedy , and second impression of this small poem diligently performed , to which intent i haue set these few lines in the place of the other short epistle , to cancell the former excuse , made for the speedy dooing of the last : whose proportion beeing ( i trust ) sufficient , needes no further alowance then it selfe , in giuing apt bodies to those descents , in manner as they are truly wouen in the poem : farewell . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e the irish sea. katherine wife to he●● the fift . edmond tudor ea●●● of richmond , son of owen tudor by the queen the daug●●ter of iohn duke of sommerset , sonne ●● iohn earl● of somm●●●set , the so●●● of iohn o● gaunt . ●●laried ●hilst he ●as daul●hin . ●rchibald ●owglasse ●arle of an●uish . ●he coun●le of le●ox . ●enry lord ●●rly . recorded to be that stone whereon iacob slept . a prophecie belonging to that stone . the instruments of a king: or, a short discourse of the svvord. the scepter. the crowne. ... howell, james, ?- . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing h thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) the instruments of a king: or, a short discourse of the svvord. the scepter. the crowne. ... howell, james, ?- . howell, james, ?- . [ ], , [ ] p. [s.n.], london : printed in the yeare, . signed at end: jam. howell. the words "the svvord. .. the crowne." are bracketed together on the title page. annotation on thomason copy: "sept ye th". also issued as part of "some of mr. howell's minor works" (wing ) on umi microfilm set "early english books, - " reel : . reproduction of the original in the british library. eng monarchy -- england -- early works to . kings and rulers -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no the instruments of a king: or, a short discourse of the svvord. the scepter. the crowne. ...: howell, james c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - robyn anspach sampled and proofread - robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the instrvments of a king : or , a short discovrse of the svvord . the scepter . the crowne . satis habet rex ad poenam , quod deum expectet ultorem . 't is punishment enough for th' king , that god will him to judgment bring . london . printed in the yeare , . the author's apology . i am no lawyer otherwise then what nature hath made me , so every man , as he is born the child of reason , is a lawyer , and a logitian also who was the first kind of lawyer : this discoursive faculty of reason comes with us into the world accompanied with certaine generall notions and principles to distinguish right from wrong , and falshood from truth : but touching this following discourse , because it relates something to law , the authour would not have adventured to have exposed it to the world , if , besides those common innate notions of reason , and some private notes of his owne , he had not inform'd & ascertain'd his judgment by conference with some professed lawyers , and those the eminentest in the land , touching the truth of what it treats of ; therefore he dares humbly aver that it containes nothing but what is consonant to the fundamentall and fixed constitutions , to the knowne clear lawes of this kingdome . j. ● . the instruments of a king . in a successive hereditary kingdome , as england is known and acknowledged to be by all parties now in opposition , there are things which are inalienable from the person of the king : they are , . the crowne . . the scepter . . the sword . the one , he is to carry on his head , the other in his hand , and the third at his side ; and they may be tearmed all three the ensignes or peculiar instruments of a king : by the first , he reignes , by the second he makes lawes , by the third he maintaines them : and the two first are but bables without the last . . touching the crowne or royall diadem of england , there is none , whether presbyterian , independent , protestant , or others now in action , but confesse that it descends by a right hereditary line , ( though through divers races , and some of them conquerours ) upon the head of charles the first now regnant : 't is his owne by inherent birthright and nature , by gods law , and the law of the land , and these parliament-men at their first sitting did agnize subjection unto him accordingly , and recognize him for their soveraigne liege lord : nay , the roman catholick denies not this , for though there were bulls sent to dispense with the english subjects for their allegiance to queen elizabeth , yet the pope did this against her as he took her for a heretique , not an usurpresse , though he knew well enough that she had been declared illegitimate by the act of an english parliament . this imperiall crowne of england is adorned and deck'd with many faire flowers , which are called , royall prerogatives ; and they are of such a transcendent nature , that they are unforfeitable , individuall , and untransferable to any other : the king can only summon and dissolve parliaments : the king can onely pardon ( for when he is crowned , he is sworn to rule in mercy as well as in justice : ) the king can onely coyn money , and enhance or decry the value of it : the power of electing officers of state , of justices of peace , and assise is in the king ; he can only grant soveraign commissions : the king can only wage war , and make out-landish leagues : the king may make all the courts of justice ambulatory with his person , as they were used of old ; 't is true , the court of common pleas must be sedentary in some certain place for such a time ; but that expired , 't is removeable at his pleasure : the king can only employ ambassadours and treat with forain states , &c. these , with other royal prerogatives which i shall touch hereafter , are those rare and wholsome flowers wherewith the crowne of england is embellished , nor can they stick anywhere else but in the crowne , and all confesse the crowne is as much the king's , as any private man's cap is his own . the second regall instrument is the scepter , which may be called an inseparable companion , or a necessary appendix to the crowne ; this invests the king with the sole authority of making lawes , for before his confirmation all results and determinations of parliament are but bills or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , they are but abortive things , and meer embryos ; nay , they have no life at all in them till the king puts breath and vigour into them : and the antient custome was for the king to touch them with his scepter , then they are lawes , and have a virtue in them to impose an obligation of universall obedience upon all sorts of people , it being an undeniable maxime , that nothing can be generally binding without the king's royall assent , nor doth the law of england take notice of any thing without it : this being done , they are ever after stil'd the king's lawes , and the judges are said to deliver the king's judgments , which agrees with the holy text , the king by judgment shall stablish the land : nay , the law presumes the king to be alwaies the sole judge paramount , and lord chief justice of england , for he whom he pleaseth to depute for his chiefest justice , is but stil'd lord chief justice of the king's bench , not lord chief justice of england , which title is peculiar to the king himself , and observable it is , that whereas he grants commissions and parents to the lord chancellour ( who is no other then keeper of his conscience ) and to all other judges , he names the chief justice of his own bench by a short writ only containing two or three lines : now , though the king be liable to the law , and is contented to be within their verge , because they are chiefly his owne productions , yet he is still their protector , moderator , and soveraigne , which attributes are incommunicable to any other conjunctly or separately . thus the king with his scepter , and by the mature advice of his two houses of parl. which are his highest councel & court , hath the sole power of making laws ; other courts of judicature doe but expound them and distribute them by his appointment , they have but juris dati dictionem or declarationem , and herein , i meane for the exposition of the lawes the twelve judges are to be believed before the whole kingdom besides . they are as the areopagites in athens , the chief presidents in france and spaine in an extraordinary junta , as the cape-syndiques in the rota's of rome , and the republique of venice whose judgments in point of interpreting lawes are incontroulable , and preferred before the opinion of the whole senate whence they received their being ; and who hath still power to repeal them , though not to expound them . in france they have a law-maxime , arrest donné en robbe rouge est irrevocable , which is , a scarlet sentence is irrevocable , meaning when all the judges are met in their robes , and the client against whom the cause goes , may chafe and chomp upon the bit , and say what he will for the space of howers against his judges , but if ever after he traduces them , he is punishable : it is no otherwise here where every ignorant peevish client , every puny barister , specially if he become a member of the house will be ready to arraign and vie knowledge with all the reverend judges in the land , whose judgement in points of law shold be only tripodicall and sterling : so that he may be truly call'd a just king , and to rule according to law , who rules according to the opinion of his judges ; therfore , under favor , i do not see how his majestie for his part could be call'd injust when he leavied the ship-money , considering he had the judges for it . i now take the sword in hand , which is the third instrument of a king , ( and which this short discours chiefly points at ) it is aswell as the two first , incommunicable and inalienable from his person ; nothing concernes his honor more both at home and abroad ; the crown and the scepter are but unweildy and impotent naked indefensible things without it . there 's none so simple as to think there's meant hereby an ordinary single sword , such as ev'ry one carrieth by his side , or som imaginary thing or chymera of a sword ; no , 't is the polemical publique sword of the whole kingdom , 't is an aggregative compound sword , and 't is moulded of bell-metall ; for 't is made up of all the ammunition and armes small and great , of all the military strengths both by land and sea , of all the forts , castles and tenable places within and round about the whole i le : the kings of england have had this sword by vertue of their royall signory from all times , the laws have girded it to their sides , they have employed it for repelling all forren force , for revenging all forren wrongs or affronts , for quelling all intestine tumults , and for protecting the weal of the whole body politike at home : the peeple were never capable of this sword , the fundamentall constitutions of this kingdom deny it them ; 't is all one to put the sword in a mad mans hand , as in the peeples ; or for them to have a disposing power in whose hands it shall be . such was the case once of the french sword , in that notorious insurrection call'd to this day la jaqueris de beauvoisin , when the pesants and mechanics had a design to wrest it out of the kings hand , and to depresse all the peers & gentry of the kingdom ; & the busines had gone very far , had not the prelats stuck close to the nobility ; but afterwards poor hare-brain'd things they desire the king upon bended knees to take it againe ; such popular puffs have blowen often in poland , naples and other places , where while they sought and fought for liberty by retrenching the regall power , they fool'd themselfs into a slavery unawares , and found the rule right , that excess of freedom turns to thraldom , and ushers in all confusions . if one shold go back to the nonage of the world , when governers and rulers began first , one will find the peeple desir'd to live under kings for their own advantage , that they might be restrain'd from wild exorbitant liberty , and kept in unity ; now unity is as requisit for the welbeing of all naturall things , as entity is for their being , and 't is a receiv'd maxim in policy , that nothing preserves unity more exactly then royall government : besides 't is known to be the noblest sort of sway ; in so much that by the law of nations , if subjects of equall degrees , and under differing princes shold meet , the subjects of a king shold take predency of those under any republique , and those of a successif kingdom , of those that are under an electif . but to take up the sword again . i say that the sword of public power & authoritie is fit only to hang at the kings side , & so indeed shold the great seal hang only at his girdle , because 't is the key of the kingdom : which makes me think of what i read of charlemain , how he had the imperiall seal emboss'd alwaies upon the pommell of his sword , and his reason was , that he was ready to maintain whatsoever he signed , and sealed . the civilians , who are not in all points so great friends to monarchy as the common law of england is , say , there are six lura regalia , six regall rights , viz. . potestas iudicatoria , . potestas vitae & necis , . armamenta , . bona adespota , . census , . monetarum valor : to wit , power of judicature , power of life and death , all kind of arming , masterlesse goods , sessements , and the value of money . among these regalias , we find that arming , which in effect is nought else but the kings sword , is among the chiefest ; and 't is as proper and peculiar to his person , as either crown or scepter . by these two he drawes a loose voluntary love and opinion onely from his subjects , but by the sword he drawes reverence and awe , which are the chiefest ingredients of allegiance , it being a maxime , that the best mixture of government is made of feare and love . with this sword he conferrs honor , he dubbs knights , he creates magistrats , the lord deputy of ireland , the lord mayor of london with all other corporations have their swords from him , and when he entreth any place corporat , we know the first thing that is presented him is the sword : with this sword he shields and preserves all his peeple that ev'ry one may sit quietly under his own vine , sleep securely in his own house , and enjoy sweetly the fruits of his labours . nor doth the point of this sword reach only to ev'ry corner of his own dominions , but it extends beyond the seas to gard his subjects from oppression , and denial of justice , as well as to vindicate the publike wrongs , make good the interests of his crown , and to assist his confederates ; this is the sword that edward the third tied the flower deluces unto ( which stick still unto it , ) when having sent to france to demand that crown by maternall right , the counsell there sent him word that the crown of france was not tied to a d●staff , to which scoffing answer he replied that then he wold tie it to his sword , and he was as good as his word . nor is this publike sword concredited or intrusted by the peeple in a fiduciary conditionall way to the king , but it is properly and peculiarly belonging unto him , as an inseparable concomitant , perpetuall usher and attendant to his crowne . the king , we know , useth to maintain all garrisons upon his own charge , not the peeples ; he fortifies upon his own charge , not the peeples : and though i will not averr , that the king may impresse any of his subjects , unlesse it be upon an actuall invasion by sea , or a sudden irruption into his kingdom by land , as the scots have often don , yet at any time the king may raise volunteers , and those who have received his money , the law makes it felony , if they forsake his service . thus we see there 's nothing that conduceth more to the glory , and indeed the very essence of a king then the sword , which is the armes and military strength of his kingdome ; wherfore under favor , there cannot be a greater point of dishonor to a king then to be disarmed , then to have his sword taken from him , or dispos'd of and intrusted to any but those whom he shall appoint ; for as à minori ad majus the argument often holds , if a privat gentleman chance to be disarm'd upon a quarrell , 't is held the utmost of disgraces , much greater and more public is the dishonor that falls upon a king , if after some traverses of difference 'twixt him and his subjects , they shold offer to disarme him , or demand his sword of him : when the eagle parted with his talons , and the lion with his teeth and ongles , the apolog tells us how contemptible afterwards the one grew to be among birds , the other among beasts . for a king to part with the sword politic is to render himself such a ridiculous king , as that logg of wood was which jupiter let down among the froggs for their king at the importunity of their croaking ; 't is to make him a king of clouts , or as the spaniard hath it , rey de havas , a bean-king , such as we use to choose in sport at twelf-night . but my hopes are , that the two present houses of parlement ( for now they may be call'd so , because they begin to parley with their king , ) wil be more tender of the honor of their soverain liege lord , which , together with all his rights and dignities , by severall solemn oaths , and by their own binding instruments of protestation and covenant , ( not yet revok'd ) they are sworn to maintain , and that they will demand nothing of him which may savour of aspertè or force , but what may hold water hereafter : but now , touching the militia or sword of the kingdom , i think , under favor , the king cannot transfer it to any other ; for that were to desert the protection of his people , which is point-blank against his coronation oath and his office : what forren prince or state will send either ambassador , resident or agent to him , when they understand his sword is taken from him ? what reformed forren church wil acknowledg him defender of the faith , when they hear of this ? nay , they who wish england no good will , will go neer to paint him out , as not long since another king was , with a fair velvet scabbard , a specious golden hilt and chape , but the blade within was of wood . i hope that they who sway now , will make better use of their successes : many of them know 't is as difficult a thing to use a victory well , as to get one ; there is as much prudence requir'd in the one , as prowesse in the other ; they wil be wiser sure then turn it to the dishonor of their king : it being a certaine rule , that the glory of a nation all the world over depends upon the glory of their king , and if he be any way obscur'd , the whole kingdom is under an eclipse . i have observed , that among other characters of gallantry , which forren writers appropriat to the english nation , one is , that they use to be most zealous to preserve the honor of their king ; i trust that they who are now upp will return to the steps of their progenitors , both in this particular and divers other ; that their successes may serve to sweeten and moderat things , and suppresse the popular sword which still rages ; and it had been heartily wished that a suspension of arms had preceded this treaty , which useth to be the ordinary fore-runner , and a necessarie antecedent to all treaties ; for while acts of hostility continue , som ill favour'd newes may intervene which may imbitter and disturb all : nor can it be expected that the proceedings will goe on with that candor and confidence , while the old rancor is still in action ; 't is impossible a sore shold heale till the inflamation be taken away ; to cast water into a wound instead of oyle is not the way to cure it : or to cast oyle upon a fire instead of water is not the way to quench it ; poor england hath had a consuming fire within her bowells many yeeres , she is also mortally wounded in all her members , that she is still in a high fever , which hath made her rave and speak idle a long time ; and 't is like to turn to a hectic if not timely prevented . i p●ay god she may have no occasion to make use of the same complaint as alexander the great made when he was expiring his last , perii turba medicorum : too many physitians have undon me . to conclude in a word , there is but one only way , under favor , to put a period to all these fearfull confusions ; it is , to put the great master-wheele in order , and in its due place again , and then all the inferior wheels will move regularly ; let the king be restor'd , and ev'ry one will com to his own , all interests will be satisfied , all things quickly rectified ; till this be done , 't is as absurd to attempt the setling of peace , as if one shold go about to set a watch by the gnomon of an horizontall diall when the sun is in a cloud . dolor capitis est caput doloris . jam. howell . . septemb. . reflections upon the memorial from his most christian majesty presented by the count de briord, his ambassador extraordinary to the states-general of the united provinces at the hague, december . : containing his reasons for accepting the late king of spain's will, in favour of the duke of anjou : in a letter from a friend, to mr. j.c. merchant in london. n. t. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing t estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) reflections upon the memorial from his most christian majesty presented by the count de briord, his ambassador extraordinary to the states-general of the united provinces at the hague, december . : containing his reasons for accepting the late king of spain's will, in favour of the duke of anjou : in a letter from a friend, to mr. j.c. merchant in london. n. t. briord, gabriel de, d. . [ ], p. [s.n.], london : . reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. signed at end: n.t. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng philip -- v, -- king of spain, - . philip -- iv, -- king of spain, - . kings and rulers. alliances. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - celeste ng sampled and proofread - celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion reflections upon the memorial from his most christian majesty , presented by the count de briord , his ambassador extraordinary to the states-general of the vnited provinces at the hague , december . . containing his reasons for accepting the late king of spain's will , in favour of the duke of anjou . in a letter from a friend , to mr. j. c. merchant in london . london : printed in the year . price d. reflections upon the memorial deliver'd to the states general , by the count de briord , the french king's ambassador , &c. reflections upon the memorial deliver'd into the states general , by the count de briord , the french king 's ambassador , &c. sir , i have too often , in my own mind , censur'd others for complementing themselves ( for as such i took it ) in essay's of this kind , when they pretended their unfitness for the undertakeing , and that they purely did it at the request of their friends , to be guilty of the same preamble . but if i mistook their designs , and they only were , that they might be able to charge the defects of their performances somewhere beyond themselves , if they shou'd see occasion , when they had expos'd their capacities at the request of their friends . i have the most reason of any to preface so to you , especially considering that i am about to reflect upon the french king 's memorial to the states general , containing his reasons for accepting the late king of spain 's will in favour of the duke d' anjou . it is not to be doubted , but in a case of this importance , he has taken care it should not be jejunely done ; and therefore employ'd the best heads he had in this afffair ; and if i mistake not , some who i think judicious , nor they fail in their opinions , it is shrewdly worded ; but truth and justice are weapons not easily parry'd ; yet easily us'd by the hand of the unskilful , which is the only consideration that enboldens my attempt . the design of this memorial , i take to be , to sooth the commonalty wherever it comes , and is full of cunning insinuations of the french king's inclination● to the peace of the publick . i doubt not but all the princes and states of europe will very candidly thank him for it , ( as well as the states general ) when they can be persuaded he is endeavouring it , and really sollicitous about it , tho' he should not go so far as to prefer it to the advantage of his own crown . but i think the only way to know , whether that is to be believ'd , or expected , is to look back upon that monarch's practices in all preceeding junctures of affairs of this ( or such like ) nature ; and then we shall see , which he would sooner sacrifice his honour or his interest , and when they drew two ways , which has always been the most prevalent ; and upon this consideration , i cannot think the states general should so much as seem to be surpriz'd at the french king 's accepting the will of the late king of spain , since he thinks it most for his interest so to do . it is something odd , that his most christian majesty should in the first page of his memorial so ironically treat and burlesque the states-general as he does : he tells them , if they take time to examine with their usual prudence , the infinite troubles , which the treaty of partition would produce , that same prudence will oblige them to desist from the demand , &c. what is this , but to accuse them of a precipitancy in the treaty of partition ; and a want of prudence , in not well weighing before hand the conveniences and inconveniences of it ; and yet himself sheer clear enough of that charge : for by the treaty of partition , he added another method to his choice of disposing of the spanish monarchy ; and he knew the king of england , and the states-general , both in honour and conscience , thought themselves bound by , and would not recede from the obligations laid upon themselves by a ratifyed treaty , tho' he kept himself above all bonds but those of his own advantage . it is certainly a great contradiction to abandon the design of a treaty , for the sake of adhering to the terms of it ; and i would be very willing ( if i could ) at this conjuncture to distinguish betwixt them ; but i cannot see that the design , and the terms were any more united when the king of spain liv'd , then they are now : for the design of that treaty was not to take place in its effect till after the king of spain's death ; therefore that could make no difference betwixt them . on the otherhand , how far it is in the power of a king of spain by his will , to dispose of his kingdom , and the succession of it ; and cut off the right of the next heir , is not my province to determine ; but i think , if we look into the th page of the french king 's memorial , we shall find he lays no stress upon it for the duke d' anjou's right , for when he is pretending , there 's a necessity , in order to preserve the peace , to make use of methods different from those that were propos'd at signing the treaty of partition . he tells the states in the next paragraph ; the most natural , that which is most agreeable for maintaining the general peace ; and the only just method , consists in the resolution , taken by the king to accept the will of the late catholick king : so that it plainly appears , that the force of the will lyes only in his resolution to accept of it ; and therefore we have very good reason to suppose , the will of the king of spain should have been ( with him ) no will , if it had cross'd his inclinations , in settling the crown upon the arch-duke ; and there is no doubt , but then he would have deliver'd his protest against it , strenuously insisted upon the treaty of partition , and challeng'd , upon their guarranty , the assistance of the king of england , and the states-general , to have forc'd the performance of it . then on the other hand , if the french king insists upon the duke d' anjou's natural right , the king of spain's will , cannot ( any more than his death ) make any difference betwixt the design and the terms of the treaty , unless the french king means his own private design , which now , it plainly appears must be absolutely destroy'd , if the terms stand . he goes on then , and tells them , the former ( that is the design of the treaty ) maintains a general peace , the latter ( that is the terms of it ) causes an universal war ; and therefore the decision , what measures to take , should be made by the explanation of the first article of the treaty , viz. to maintain the general peace of europe . i am very much afraid he 'l prove a false prophet , and if he does , may the fate of a false prophet pursue him . i cannot think the guarrantees of the treaty of partition will sit still , and see the treaty broke , was it only upon punctilio of honour ; and i think 't will plainly appear to be too much their interest to assist the emperor , to expect they should be neutral : for should the french king , ( which joyn'd with spain , &c. ) i don't see is so difficult to be done , to be too hard for the emperor , and so command his arms , or indeed otherwise engage them ; they will make too formidable an enemy , to be thought not worth minding ; and the ballance not so much kept in aequilibrio as might be wish'd . and therefore the french king must greatly reflect upon the conduct , and foresight of those concerned in the treaty , in endeavouring to impose that belief upon the publick , that his accepting the king of spain 's will , maintains a general peace . then on the other hand had the french king kept to the performance of the treaty of partition , i can't for my part see who could , or dar'd , attempt the disturbance of the peace of europe upon that account ; and therefore i shall consider the difficulties he mentions as the grounds of his specious pretences . but first i think it may not be amiss , to obviate the objection made against the validity of the treaty , and the french king's being any ways bound by it : because , says he , the emperor had not accepted of the partition before the death of the king of spain ; 't is therefore void , and ceases to be obligatory , the three months being past which was allowed him for acceptance . this is the scope of the objection , which will be easily answered ; if we consider , that by the secret article of the treaty the emperor was to have two months more granted him to consider of it , which were not determin'd ; but suppose they were , the th . article of the treaty has made provision for the emperor's refusal . it runs thus , immediately after the exchange of this present treaty , it shall be communicated to the emperor , who shall be invited to enter thereinto ; but if , after three month's time , from the day of the said communication , and the said invitation , or the day that his catholick majesty shall dye , if it happen before the expiration of the said three months ; his imperial majesty , and the king of the romans , should refuse to enter thereinto , and to agree to the share assigned to the most serene arch-duke charles ; the two kings ( of france , and england ) or their successors , and the states general , shall agree upon a prince to whom that part shall be given : and in case , notwithstanding the present convention the most serene arch-duke shall take possession either of the part which might fall to him , before he has accepted the present treaty , or of that part which might be assign'd to mons . dauphin , or to him who shall have the dutchy of millan in exchange , as abovesaid ; the said two kings , and the states general , by virtue of this convention , shall hinder him with all their forces . now , i doubt not , but the french king would take very haniously , any reflection upon his care , or conduct , in this affair , in having agreed to he knew not what , ( which , if he did , was his own fault ) but then he ought to forbear that plea for his breach of the treaty ; least it necessary sayes a severer charge , and proves , that his agreeing to the treaty was purely a design to provoke the king of spain , ( or some , of the grandees for him ) to give the kingdom by will , ( as far as that gift will go ) to a prince of france , least it should be divided ; and so the treaty was broken ( in his intention ) before it was made . how well this agrees with what he says in the th . page of the memorial : the high dignities of kings does not excuse them frem considering whether the wars they undertake be just . then what reasons could his majesty ( who is known to be a just prince ) offer for resuming arms to divide a monarchy , which is settled intirely upon the lawful heir . and just before in the th . page : if any prince have a right to oppose the dispositions of that will , there needs no more but to read them , to be convinc'd that this right belongs only to the dauphin . by the way , how the reading the dispositions of the will should convince of a right to oppose them , is , at present , to me a paradox : but put the case the right is in the dauphin , was it not so when the treaty of partition was ratified , and was not the dauphin a party thereunto ? ( see the th article of the treaty , ) and could not the french king then , as well as now , have obtain'd more considerable advantages by his arms , if he had design'd to make use of them ( as now he does ) than the kingdoms of naples and sicily , the province of guipuscoa , and the dutchy of lorrain , &c. which he says , he had no design to acquire by a treaty : what then could he design by the treaty , but to give the world one instance more ( of which we have had singular , in the breach of the pyrenean , and other treaties ) of his infidelity ( unless the partition should prove for his advantage ) and laugh in his sleeve at those that gave any credit to his promises , and stumbled at his painted trap door . i come now to consider what he has offer'd , for the certainty of an universal war if he had stood by the treaty of partition . first , the milaneze , the kingdoms of naples and sicily , the provinces , the places comprehended in the partition , all of them put themselves in a condition , ( he should have said posture , tho' that is not true ) to maintain their union with the body of the spanish monarchy , and a little lower . thus the arch-duke becoming king of spain , &c. there must be a necessity in order to execute the treaty , to conquer the kingdoms reserv'd for the share of the dauphin , &c. these are very great reasons , should it prove true , that the places reserv'd for the share of the dauphin were really in a condition to maintain their union with the spanish monarchy , against the united power of the guarantees . how comes the french king all of a suddain to be so modest ( tho' i believe we shall find him otherwise by and by ) or doubtful of his own strength , ( that use to hector all europe , ) to suppose that france , england and holland in union , should speak twice for the performance of the treaty when there are none to withstand it , but what might have been blown away by the breath of their guns ; and they would have had more wit , than to have flung against six high , when they might part stakes ; and the king of spain ( i mean supposing the arch duke to have been so ) would never have been reduc'd to those great extremities the memorial speaks of , before he would part with the share of the dauphin , since he must know 't was impossible for him to withstand the arms of this tripple league , tho' back'd with the emperor's assistance ; and savoy durst not ( tho' if he did , to no great purpose ) turn his arms against france , &c. on that occasion ; neither would it be so much worth , for him to hazard his own ruin by being on the weaker side , considering the contingencies of his title , which must not commence , till after the extinction of the heirs of the princes of france , and the arch-duke . there are several things more might be consider'd , as the grand reflection upon the states general in the th page , where he tells them , that , in truth , he is persuaded , that they never had any design to obtain the effect of their last memorial , and so goes on to banter 'em , and makes them worse than trifles . then again , that they should , in that their memorial , have nam'd the princes that were ready to joyn in it ( the effecting the partition ) ▪ the troops for being the guarrantees of the articles of it : they should have mention'd those the republick of holland was to furnish by sea or land. truly i can't see what occasion there was for the states-general just in that memorial ( which was , as i take it , only to put him in mind of the treaty , when they found he was going to break it ) to name the princes ready to joyn , ( which he knew as well as they ) since the th th and th articles of the treaty were so plain ; and that all engag'd in that treaty , ( to him not unknown ) were oblig'd to be ready so to do ; neither could he expect , that they should by that memorial mention the number they were to furnish ; because by the th article , all the guarrantees were to agree what proportion each should contribute ; so that 't would have been very preposterous for them , then to have ascertain'd their number , without any such agreement . he has one very pretty turn i cannot pass : after he had suppos'd upon his rejecting the will , the arch-duke had enter'd upon the regency : he says in his th page , he must have been oblig'd to attack a living prince , prosessor of the crown of spain , and its certain that the measures he had taken with the allies , related only to the division of the succession of a prince , whose death appear'd to be very near . certainly the french king must think he writes to very weak heads , or he could never suppose thus to sham 'em , would not the arch-duke then have come in as successor to that king , whose succession the division related to ; and did not he stand oblig'd to the division of that succession according to the treaty ? ay , but the emperor was all alo●● , endeavouring to promote the arch-duke , and therefore re●●s●d , or at least delay'd signing the treaty . that the french king knew , at the making of it ; and that can be no plea for abandoning his sacred word , as that of a king ought to be . in the next paragraph he does the guarrantees the justice to declare , that their design was peace , that they stipulated no particular advantage to themselves , &c. but acted the part of disinterested mediators , betwixt the king and the emperor , &c. but this is brought as an argument , that they having receiv'd no prejudice , should not intermeddle . surely there 's the most honour , in standing to a treaty where there is the least interest to sway ; and in all likelihood will be the most justice too ; but where does all this end ? why , in the old story , with a a little addition : the emperor had not sign'd the treaty , and therefore , there was no treaty , except with the mediators ; this needs no farther answer , than to referr you again to the th article of the treaty , and what has been said before . at length , sir , we are got to consider of the renunciation , by reason of the following expressions in the th page of the memorial . the disputes raised , as to the validity of the renunciation of the late queen , serv'd for a motive to this accommodation . in effect , it had been of no use , if the nullity of that renunciation had been acknowledg'd as fully during the late catholick king 's life , as it is declared in his will. before i say any thing of it , i shall recite the title of the french king , as i found it in the introduction of a relation of the french king's expedition into the spanish netherlands , in the years , and . page the d. of the introduction . in the year a treaty of peace was concluded between the two crowns , ( of france and spain , ) and together with a marriage between lewis the xiv . now king of france , and the lady maria theresa , ( eldest daughter to philip the iv. king of spain , and elizabeth the daughter to henry the iv , and sister to lewis the xiii . king of france , for whose portion the king her father , obliged himself to pay crowns of gold , and pretended salick law debars females , from succession to the french crown ; as also to the end , that the two crowns , being too great and puissant to be united into one kingdom , all occasions of such a conjunction might be avoided : it was covenanted , ( among other things ) that neither the infanta , nor her children and descendents , in what degree soever , should ever succeed in the kingdoms , seigniories or dominions , which do or shall belong to his catholick majesty , as well within , as without the kingdom of spain , notwithstanding any law or custom , which by this agreement ( which is to continue in the full force and vigour of a law for ever ) their majesties did abolish . this renunciation the infanta confirm'd in these very terms by an oath , in the presence of the kings themselves , the princes of the blood , and the chief nobility of both kingdoms . so that you see both kings were engag'd in it , as well as the infanta ; ( whose oath i have not by me or else would insert it ) but i think it will not be amiss to transcribe the very words of the renunciation it self , by which it will be more evinc'd . placuit utrique regi pactione instar legis semper valiturâ sancire , ne unquam serenissima infans teresa , aut posteri ejus ulli , ad feros usque nepotes , quocunque gradu sint , admittantur ad successionem ullam , sive regnorum , sive principatuum , provinciarum , ditionum , dominiorum quorumcunque regis catholici , non obstante lege ulla , consuetudine , aut alio jure in contrarium , cui utriusque regis authoritate plenissimè derogatur , contemplatione dictae aequalitatis , & publicae utilitatis quae inde emanatura speratur . it was to consented by both their majesties , and by them confirm'd , that neither the most serene infanta teresa , nor any of her issue or posterity , in what degree soever , be admitted to succeed in any of the kingdoms , dukedoms , provinces , or dominions of his catholick majesty , any other custom , constitution , or law to the contrary notwithstanding : so that if any such custom or constitution were , it was by authority of both kings absolutely annull'd and destroyed . and this only to adjust the dominion of both crowns , so as each of them might receive an equal benefit by it . by this sir to me it plainly appears that the king of spain's will cannot make void a renunciation so strongly confirm'd . we find , as the heirs receive a right from the parent , it is in the power of the parent to restrain it ; but i won't pretend to be so much a civilian , to argue , much less to determine , this point . i will only observe , the french king but renounc'd the ever having a future right , not a right that he ever had ; tho' i doubt not but his civilians , knowing his mind , have given him their absolution ( which is not much to be wonder'd at , since , in a more curious frame of government than his judges have been found , that would make the will of their prince law ) and should a qualm happen to overshadow his conscience , the sorbon too , must direct their decision , by the regal nod ; and there i 'll leave him , till the first have got more courage , than to submit the law to his will ; and the latter more the fear of god , than to substitute the sacred oracles ( which they pretend to unfold ) to his unbounded ambition . and i 'll only say he that won't be ty'd by an oath , will no more be secur'd by any other bond , than leviathan , when you bob for him with a single hair. to conclude , sir , in the last page his majesty is mightily transported with the good opinion he has of himself , and with what he would presuade the world , the states general have , or ought to have , of him . when he had in the preceding paragraph suggested , that the delay of the two months for the emperor's consideration , propos'd by their memorial , might settle the arch-duke in the throne , he tells them , that he is willing to believe that this was not their design ; they know too well that it 's their interest to merit by their good conduct the honour of his affection and the continuation of his good will. and again he doubts not but they will change their complaints into thanks , and congratulate the king of spain , as soon as possible , upon his accession to the crown , and that they will endeavour to merit of the king the good-will and protection that they and their ancestors have receiv'd of his majesty and his predecessors . this should have been his language at the treaty at reswick , and then he 'd soon have had an answer ; and whoever considers how high he begun , and how low he ended ; and the haughty spirit of that prince , can never suppose he 'd have parted with so many important places , as he then did , had he been in such a protecting capacity as he writes himself ; or the merit of the honour of his affection ; and the continuation of his good will , been so highly worth aspiring to . neither are the dutch in so poor , and forlorn a condition now to want his aid , and protection ; and were they otherwise willing to condescend , to be of his party , this is enough to rouze their indignation , and incline them to shew him they stand not in need of his favour . indeed , when i think of the french king , he brings belshazzar to my mind ; he is glorying in his atchievements ; his heart ( for ought i know ) is merry , he is prideing himself in the sacrilegious spoils of the protestants , and tekel is his charge . he lives as if there was none above him , the spirit of persecution is reigning in him ; and the cryes of the oppressed loud against him . i have nothing more to do at present , but to crave leave to subscribe my self , sir , your real friend , and humble servant , n. t. finis . a sermon preached at the temple-church, may . printed at the desire of the bench-table of the honourable society of the inner-temple / by william sherlock ... sherlock, william, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing s estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a sermon preached at the temple-church, may . printed at the desire of the bench-table of the honourable society of the inner-temple / by william sherlock ... sherlock, william, ?- . [ ], - p. printed for will. rogers ..., london : . reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng sermons, english -- th century. kings and rulers. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion imprimatur , ra. barker , reverendissimo in christo patri ac dom. domino , iohanni archiep. cant. à sacris domesticis . ex aedibus lambith . june . . a sermon preached at the temple-church , may . . and printed at the desire of the bench-table of the honourable society of the inner-temple . by william sherlock , d.d. dean of st. paul's , master of the temple , and chaplain in ordinary to their majesties . london : printed for will. rogers , at the sun over-against st. dunstan's church in fleetstreet . mdcxcii . to the worshipful the masters of the bench of the honourable society of the inner-temple . my honoured friends , to justify my publication of this sermon , which the reader will easily perceive was not intended by me for the press , i must acquaint the world , that it is done in perfect obedience to your commands . your great loyalty and zeal for their majesties government , gave you too good an opinion of it when you heard it from the pulpit ; and if it should not answer your expectations from the press , yet i hope you will own it as a testimony of my due submission to your iudgments , and of those just respects , which your many and repeated favours daily challenge from , gentlemen , your much obliged and humble servant , will. sherlock . tim . ii. , . i exhort therefore , that first of all , supplications , prayers , intercessions , and giving of thanks be made for all men : for kings , and for all that are in authority , that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty . st . paul wrote this epistle to timothy , to instruct him in the discharge of his episcopal office and power , to which he had ordained him : and the first thing he gives him in charge ( whereby we may guess what weight he laid on it ) is this in my text , i exhort therefore , that first of all , or i first of all exhort , that supplications , prayers , intercessions , and giving of thanks , be made for all men . to affix a proper and distinct signification on these words , supplications , prayers , intercessions , and giving of thanks , which are recommended as the distinct parts of prayer , learned men tell us , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we render supplications , signifies prayer to avert evils , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , prayers for the obtaining some good ; and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are properly intercessions or prayers for other men ; but this is too general a notion of it , since in this place the apostle applies supplications and prayers , as well as intercessions , to praying for other men , even for all men : and therefore the proper notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is to intercede for a sinner , for the pardon of his sin , and to reconcile him again to god , whom he hath offended , as the word is most commonly used . giving of thanks is blessing god for good things already received ; which the same apostle makes essential to an acceptable and effectual prayer . . phil. . be careful for nothing , but in every thing by prayer and supplication , with thanksgiving , let your requests be made known unto god. thus we pray for our selves , that god would deliver us from evil , that he would do us good , that he would forgive our sins ; and we thank him for the blessings , and all the good things we already enjoy ; and thus we must do for others , even for all men ; tho the apostle has not so much regard here to our private prayers , as to the publick offices of religion , those publick prayers which are made in the publick assemblies by the bishop and ministers , and the whole congregation of christians : for this advice which st. paul gives timothy in these epistles , concerns the publick worship , and government and discipline of the church ; we must in our private devotions pray not only for our selves , but for all mankind ; but publick prayers , the united desires and petitions of the church , offered up by the ministers of christ , whose office it is to bless and to pray for the people , are most effectual and prevailing . before i proceed to what i principally intend , viz. our prayers for kings , and all that are in authority , it will be useful to show you , on what great reasons this duty is founded , of praying for all men , as well as for our selves ; and that both with respect to our selves , to other men , and to god. first , with respect to our selves . now . this is the noblest exercise of the most divine charity ; this is truly to love all men as our selves ; when we are touched with a sense of their wants , as well as of our own , and do heartily beg all those blessings for them of god , which we do for our selves ; when we are so far from envying their happiness , that we rejoice in it , and bless god for it , as we do for our own : our charity cannot be perfect without this ; for our power of doing good extends but to a few instances , and can reach but a very few persons ; and if our charity be no larger than our power , it is a very worthless thing : but a divine charity wishes well to the whole creation , and therefore recommends all mankind to the care and protection of that almighty goodness which governs the world . this is the highest perfection both of the man and the christian ; this is the true spirit of prayer , to offer up our prayers to the god of love , in the spirit of love and charity . dly . this obliges us to the exercise of many christian graces and vertues ; if we pray god to forgive our enemies , to be sure we must forgive them our selves ; we must exercise great patience , and meekness , and forbearance towards them ; if we pray god to relieve the poor , to restore the sick , to reform the vicious , to enlighten those who are in error and darkness , and to reduce wandring sheep into his fold , to deliver the oppressed , to support and comfort those who suffer for righteousness sake , each of these petitions involve a duty in them ; for what we pray god to do , we must do our selves , as far as it is in our power ; and therefore our prayers for other men oblige us to do good to them , both to their souls and bodies ; and he who does heartily pray for other men , will do them all the good he can : the same charity which inspires his prayers , will govern his actions ; for it is a prophane contempt and mockery of god to ask him to do that which we will not do our selves . dly . our prayers for our selves are most acceptable to god , when we pray for other men also ; as they must needs be , because they are offered up in the spirit of universal charity , which alone , through the merits of our saviour christ , makes our prayers , our alms , and all the good we do , acceptable to god : no prayer can be lost , which is put up in faith and charity : if our prayers do no good to those particular men for whom we pray , if they be not fit or worthy to receive the mercies we pray for , yet our prayers , our peace , our blessing , shall return into our own bosoms , . matt. . secondly , it is very apparent of what use these prayers are to the world . for many times the prayers of good men avert those judgments which hang over a wicked nation , and procure publick blessings for them : those who never pray for themselves , may reap the benefit of other mens prayers ; and the prayers of those , who do pray for themselves , will be more effectual , when they are backed and reinforced by the united prayers of the whole church for them . it is a mighty comfort to every good christian to think , that he shares in the prayers of the whole christian church ; especially when he is under a cloud himself , and either cannot pray himself , or prays with great disturbance of thoughts , with great diffidence and distrust , and despondency of spirit ; at such times especially all men are very desirous , that other good christians would pray with them , and for them ; and such men may comfort themselves , that how unfit soever they are to pray themselves , they have the prayers , not only of their friends and immediate pastors , who personally know them , but of all good christians all the world over , who offer up their prayers for themselves , and for all mankind , especially for all the members of christ's mystical body ; which is a priviledge to be valued next to the intercession of christ for us all , and should mightily reconcile us to a duty , which is so universally beneficial : for praying for other men intitles us to their prayers for us ; and though we are not particularly named in their prayers , god knows to whom they belong , and will apply them himself . thirdly , and there is great reason , why god should command , and encourage , and reward our prayers for each other : not only . because it is the exercise of the most divine charity , and the instrument of many christian virtues , as you have already heard , which you will grant a sufficient reason why god should encourage it . but dly , because it is the most becoming address we can make to god , and that which also makes the most glorious and lovely representation of him ; that he is the prince and the father of all mankind ; who made , and who governs , and who preserves , and provides for all his creatures ; which is as great and honourable a thought as we can have of god ; and indeed this teaches us how to pray to god , and what to expect from him . that we must not flatter our selves that he will be fond and partial to us ; for all men are his creatures , the soul of the father , and the soul of the son , are both his ; and therefore as we may expect from god the kindness of a gracious and merciful creator , and through our lord jesus christ , the kindness of a father ; so we must expect , that he will deal equally by all : that he will make no other difference , but what our personal qualities and virtues make : and therefore we must not presume to ask any thing of god , which is to the injury , or prejudice , or lessening of our brother , to gratify our pride , or revenge , or some other evil passions ; for we pray to a common father , who will adjust the interests of mankind , and have a due regard to the happiness of all . and dly , this gives credit and reputation to religion in the world ; that true piety and virtue makes the prayers of good men effectual , not only for themselves , but for others ; that the better men are , the more power they have with god , which makes them a kind of patron saints , and tutelar angels to the places where they live ; this is a mighty honour to be the friends and favourites of god , to be able to fetch down blessings from heaven by our prayers : this makes religion and virtue truly venerable in the sight of all men ; and it becomes the wisdom of god to dispence his blessings in such a manner , as may conciliate esteem and reverence to true religion in the world. it is time now to pass from this general command of praying for all men , to that particular direction to pray for kings , and for all that are in authority . but before i shew you , what great reason there is to pray for kings , it will be necessary to inquire , what kings we must pray for . for though st. paul makes no difference , there are some who do : some there are among our selves , who withdraw from our communion , because we pray in our publick offices for their present majesties king william , and queen mary , whom god long preserve . there is not a more express command for any thing in scripture , than there is for praying for kings , and for all that are in authority , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in a state of eminence and superiority above others . and if their present majesties be so , as it is visible to all the world that they are , then they are included in this apostolical precept , to pray for kings , and all in authority . upon what pretences some among us reject so plain a duty , is sufficiently known : they say , by kings , the apostle means only lawful and rightful kings ; that is , such kings as are advanced to the throne by an antecedent legal right , according to the laws and constitutions of the countries and kingdoms which they govern . and therefore in an hereditary kingdom no man is , or can be king , and no man must be prayed for as king , but he who has the hereditary right , as being the next lineal heir . this right , they say , is in the late king iames , not in their present majesties ; and therefore notwithstanding their being in possession of the throne , we must not own them , nor pray for them as king and queen . i do not intend , nor is it fitting , to dispute their majesties right , which is no matter of scruple to me : nor would it become me , before two such learned societies of law , to say what the laws of the land require in such cases . and therefore to keep to my own profession , i shall only desire these persons to tell me , where there is any such distinction as this in scripture ? viz. that we must not pray for all kings , but only for legal kings , who had an antecedent legal right ; for in any other sense , those are legal kings , who are invested with the regal authority , with all the legal rites of investiture . the command is in general , to pray for kings , and for all that are in authority ; and if we may excuse our selves from so plain a duty by distinctions of our own inventing , there are few duties in religion , but what we may deliver ourselves from by such arbitrary distinctions . as for instance , there is an express command in scripture , thou shalt worship the lord thy god , and him onely shalt thou serve . which one would think were a very express prohibition of the worship of saints or angels , or any other being besides god. but the papists easily avoid this by the help of a distinction , which the scripture is unacquainted with : they say , we must worship god only with the worship of latria , but we may worship saints and angels with the worship of dulia , tho' the scripture appropriates all religious worship to god. thus as our saviour tells the pharisees , god commanded saying , honour thy father and thy mother , and he that curseth father or mother , let him die the death : but ye say , whosoever shall say to his father or mother , it is a gift by whatsoever thou maist be profited by me , and honour not his father nor his mother , he shall be free ; thus have you made the commandment of god of none effect by your tradition , matth. , . thus it is in our present case ; the apostle commands us to pray for kings , and for all that are in authority : no , say these men , not unless they be legal kings , tho' they have all the ensigns of majesty , and are invested with the regal authority and power , with all the legal and customary rites and solemnites of investiture , and are acknowledged and recognized for king and queen by the estates of the realm . and thus this command is of no effect neither ; for it seems it is a matter of wit , or law , or philosophy , to know who is king ; whereas st. paul supposed that it was a plain matter of sense ; that he who administred the government with a regal authority , and was owned and submitted to by the nation , was the king for whom we must pray . there is reason to conclude , that st. paul speaks of such kings , if we will allow , that he spoke the language of the age wherein he lived ; for in that age , and in all the ages of the world ever since , those were called kings , and had the preheminency of power and authority , who by the consent and submission of the people administred the government with a regal and soveraign authority , whether they had any anticedent right or title to the government or not . i will not now dispute this matter , but would only desire these persons to consider , whether they are as certain that by all powers , rom. . the apostle onely means all such powers as had an antecedent legal right and title to power , as they are , that he expresly teaches , that all power is of god ? whether they are as certain , that it is unlawful to pray for kings , who are legally invested with the royal power , though as they imagine , without any antecedent legal right to the crown , as they are , that the apostle commands us to pray for kings , and for all that are in authority ? whether they are as certain , that it is their duty to adhere to a supposed right against the publick judgment of the nation , in opposition to their present majesties , ( who fill the throne by the consent and authority of the estates of the realm ) though to the great disturbance of government , and to the most apparent ruine ( could they prevail ) of the true religion , the lives and fortunes of their fellow-subjects , and the liberties of their native country , as they are , that it is our duty to pray for kings ? in a word , whether they are as certain , that the roman powers at that time were legal and rightful powers , by such an antecedent legal right as they now insist on , as they are , that st. paul commanded the christians to be subject to those powers , and to pray for them ? these are very proper questions about the degrees of evidence and certainty : for if the rule be plain and certain , and the exceptions from this rule uncertain ; if the rule have a divine authority , and the exceptions have nothing to support them but some uncertain reasonings , such reasonings as contradict the general sence and practise of mankind in all revolutions ; i think wise and good men ought to chuse the safer side , and to suspect their own reasonings , since the scripture has made no such exceptions ( no not in a time of the most violent usurpations , when if ever there was the greatest reason to have made them , ) and the generality of mankind , and even the most sober and considering men reject them , as having no solid foundation in reason and nature . having premis'd this , i proceed now to consider the manifold obligations , which lie upon us to pray for kings . first , because kings are the great instruments of the divine providence in the world , they are those great wheels which move and alter the whole scene of humane affairs ; every irregularity in their motions is soon felt , and causes very fatal convulsions in the state ; their mistakes are like the eclipses of the sun , but more portentous and ominous than they , their smiles or frowns are like the kind or malign influences of the heavens , which revive drooping nature , or threaten an universal ruine , quicquid delirant reges , the people suffer by the indiscretions and ill government of a prince , but a wise , and just , and religious king is the greatest blessing in the world , and therefore we have as much reason to pray for the king , as we have to pray that god would make his sun to shine , or the rain to descend on the earth . secondly , though kings act with a sovereign power , yet they are intirely under god's government , the king's heart is in the hand of the lord , as the rivers of water , he turneth it whithersoever he will , prov. . makes his will and affections run in this or that channel , as will best serve the ends of his providence and government . the most absolute prince is under secret and invisible restraints ; god can a thousand ways change his purposes and divert him from what he intended to something else , which he little thought of ; and indeed it is very fitting that those who are so much above humane restraints , should be managed by an unseen hand : for if god does not govern those who govern the world , there is in a great measure an end of his providence , for then the fate of kingdoms would be at the will of princes , and that has the greatest influence of any thing else upon the happiness or misery of private and particular men. now if god can , if god does govern princes , this makes it necessary to pray heartily to god for them , for there is the first spring of motion ; if we make god our friend , he will bless , and direct , and counsel our prince who acts under him , and in subordination to his counsels and decrees . thirdly , i need add no more to convince you how necessary it is to pray for kings , but to shew you how much they need our prayers , how much they need the assistance and direction of god to prevent those inconveniences and miscarriages , which all humane governments are subject to . for . the government of kingdoms and nations is a work of great difficulty , and that which requires somewhat more than humane art and skill ; it is no easie matter to deal with the various lusts , and interests , and passions of men , to maintain peace at home and abroad , to adjust the interests of subjects and neighbour-princes , to make war and peace , to advance the trade of the nation and to govern it when it is rich ; to be loved by subjects without being thought easie and remiss which exposes to contempt , and to be feared without being hated ; to know whom to trust , and whom to be aware of , to discern mens integrity and abilities for counsel , or for the administration of justice , for civil or military employs , to know how to choose favourites , and which is as hard a thing how to govern them ; when to resist the fury and torrent of the people , and when to comply without seeming to yield , and a thousand other emergent difficulties there are , which require very prudent and yet extempore remedies , where every false step proves very injurious either to prince or people . these are the true atlasses , who bear the weight of the world upon their shoulders , and if we find it so difficult to govern a family , a parish , a little corporation , to attend to one or to very few things , of any moment and consequence , shall we not assist those by our prayers who have so much a heavier burden to bear , and which unless they carry it steady , we our selves shall be crushed with the fall of it . . we must consider also , that without the divine assistance and counsel , princes are but like other men , and liable to the same mistakes , nay indeed they are more expos'd to misinformations , and misrepresentations , and such like abuses , which have a very ill influence upon government , then other men are : no prince can so particularly inspect all the affairs of his kingdom , as a man can his own family and particular estate , but they are forced to see and hear with other mens eyes and ears , which too often prove very corrupt mediums , and tincture the object with their own private passions : court-factions , and the cross interests of aspiring favourites , who carry on their private intrigues without any regard to the publick good , or the service of their prince , but will sacrifice all to undermine a rival , and to gratifie their ambition and revenge , may sugest very ruinous counsels to the dividing both the hearts and the interests of prince and people , and court parasites , who are only ecchoes to the prince's inclinations , and always advise what they think he would have advised ; betray him to those mischiefs which might be prevented by faithful counsellors : this is the unhappy state of kings , which nothing but the divine counsel and providence can prevent : and is not this a very forcible reason to pray for them ? especially , dly , when we consider , that kings are exposed to more and greater temptations then other men ; they have the same passions that other men have , but not the same restraints to curb them , they have nothing but the fear of god , and the considerations of religion and another world , which we find too weak to govern the generality of mankind , without some more sensible motives : what a temptation is sovereign power , when we see very few men , who can use any degree of power without abusing it ; a power which will justifie what it does , and make it right , which will not be opposed nor contradicted , which governs the opinions or the tongues of men ; which never wants flatterers to admire whatever it does , which can stamp new titles and characters of honour when it pleases , and at least change the names and the external value of things , though the nature of things is somewhat stubborn : a power which is apt to have very tender resentments , and to be very severe in its revenge , which gives free scope to all the irregular appetites and passions of humane nature . such a power , i say , as this , which is so easily abused , and which is almost an invincible temptation to abuse it self ; and which can do so much mischief when it is abused , is a sufficient reason to make us very earnest and importunate in our prayers to god for kings . but if ever there were reason to pray for kings , certainly we have great reason to pray for the long life and prosperous reign of their present majesties , whom god hath set over us . the apostle directs us to pray for kings , that under them we may live quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty . as for godliness , this we must take care of , whatever our prince be . no prince can take our religion from us , if we resolve to keep it ; but they may disturb our quiet and peaceable enjoyment of it : which was the state of the christian church under heathen and persecuting emperours , and the reason of this command to pray for the peaceable enjoyment and profession of their religion . this we enjoy with great advantages under their majesties government , and therefore have great reason to pray for them , under whom we may if we please , live quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty . thanks be to god , we are so far from any danger of being persecuted for our religion , that nothing can more effectually recommend us to the favour of our princes , than the sincere practise of religion and vertue . they set us an example of it themselves , they like , commend , reward it , where they see it : nay , we have a king who exposes his own sacred person to all the fatigues and hazards of war to secure to us our peace at home , and the quiet possession of our religion ; to break the power of that great oppressor , who invades the liberties of europe , and persecutes the professours of the true religion , wherever he has interest or power to do it . we have a king who has already rescued this church and kingdom , when their condition appeared hopeless and desperate ; and certainly had been so , long before this , had not god made him the glorious instrument of our deliverance . and shall we not pray for such a king , who is the very light of our eyes , and the breath of our nostrils ? to whom we owe our laws and liberties , and religion , and on whose preservation , and long and prosperous reign , depends our greatest visible hope and prospect of a quiet and secure enjoyment of them for the time to come . and as we must pray , so we must give god thanks for king's too , and for all the blessings we enjoy under their government : this is one part of the solemnity of this day ; to bless god for the restauration of the king and royal family , and our ancient government and constitution both in church and state , after the miseries and calamities of a civil war , and the oppression of our fellow-subjects ; and those who can remember those days , must confess , that this was a very great mercy . and though the glory of this day seemed to be eclips'd and overcast in the reign of the late unfortunate prince , yet it breaks forth again with a new lustre and brightness in the advancement of their present majesties , from whose government we may reasonably expect as great blessings to this church and kingdom , as ever they yet enjoyed . kings are god's ministers , and advanced to the throne by him , and a good king , is as great a temporal blessing , as god can bestow upon any nation , and the very advancement of their majesties to the throne , was it self a great and immediate deliverance , as great as our redemption from popery and arbitrary power . and yet this is not all we are to bless god for ; but we are bound also to bless him for the almost miraculous preservation of the king's person , as well from treachery and violence , as from the chances of war , and for the no less miraculous successes of his arms , especially the late wonderful success at sea , of which i hope future ages will feel the blessed effects : a success in all the circumstances of it so wonderful , that i know no story that equals it , except we may compare it to the miraculous overthrow of pharaoh and all his host in the red sea. and yet it is no less wonderful , that any english protestants should invite the french to conquer them , to place a zealous papist and an arbitrary prince upon the throne again ; and that after all the miracles of providence whereby these designs have been defeated , and as we have reason to hope , for ever disappointed , there should be any protestants , who think it their interest , as long as ever they can forbear , not to believe it , and when they can disbelieve it no longer , think it a great judgment and calamity upon them to be delivered . but let vs bless god , that he hath answered our prayers , and saved us out of the hands of our enemies ; let us humbly beseech him to continue these mercies to us , and the glorious instruments of them ; to bless their majesties persons , counsels and arms , and to perfect this deliverance at sea by as surprizing successes , which after such auspicious and promising beginnings , we hope in god , may attend his majesty's person and arms in flanders : which we beg almighty god to grant through our lord jesus christ ; to whom with the father and the holy ghost , be all honour , glory and power , now and for ever . amen . finis . policie vnveiled vvherein may be learned, the order of true policie in kingdomes, and common-wealths: the matters of justice, and government; the addresses, maxims, and reasons of state: the science of governing well a people: and where the subject may learne true obedience unto their kings, princes, and soveraignes. written in spanish, and translated into english by i.m. of magdalen hall in oxford. república y policía christiana. english juan de santa maría, fray, d. . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc a estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) policie vnveiled vvherein may be learned, the order of true policie in kingdomes, and common-wealths: the matters of justice, and government; the addresses, maxims, and reasons of state: the science of governing well a people: and where the subject may learne true obedience unto their kings, princes, and soveraignes. written in spanish, and translated into english by i.m. of magdalen hall in oxford. república y policía christiana. english juan de santa maría, fray, d. . mabbe, james, - ? blount, edward, fl. - , attrib. trans. [ ], , [ ] p. printed by thomas harper, for richard collins, and are to be sold at his shop in pauls church-yard, at the signe of the three kings, london : . a translation, by james mabbe, of: juan de santa maría. república y policía christiana. translation sometimes attributed to edward blount. another issue, with cancel title page, of: christian policie; or the christian common-wealth (stc . ). running title reads: christian policie. misidentified on slip at beginning of umi microfilm reel as stc a. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest 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guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng allegiance -- religious aspects -- early works to . kings and rulers -- duties -- early works to . political science -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion policie vnveiled : vvherein may be learned , the order of true policie in kingdomes , and common-wealths : the matters of iustice , and governement ; the addresses , maxims , and reasons of state : the science of governing well a people : and where the subject may learne true obedience unto their kings , princes , and soveraignes . written in spanish , and translated into english , by i. m. of magdalen hall in oxford . london : printed by thomas harper , for richard collins , and are to be sold at his shop in pauls church-yard , at the signe of the three kings . . to the right honovrable , iames hay , earle of carlile , viscount doncaster , lord hay of sauley , gentleman of the bed-chamber to our soueraigne lord king charles , knight of the most noble order of the garter , and one of the lords of his maiesties most honorable priuy councell . right honourable : knowing no man better verst in publique affayres , then your selfe , i could not more fitly addresse this discourse , then to you , without the rifling of any particular mans merit : for i may ascribe as much to the praise of your exercise , as any can assume to his priuate notions , or publique obseruations . to speake the story of your true and ingenious acts in forraigne , ( and in those forraigne , the most subtile and actiue parts ) would rather seeme a tract , then a dedication of a booke ; but here you are onely patron , though i know you might by your naturall gifts and obseruations , be author of a farre better piece . you haue been long the intrusted seruant of your prince , which should employ you the darling of his people , and truly you ought to bee so , whilst truth relates the story of deseruing men , or honesty reads their merit . what , and whose worke of politique gouernment this is , your eyes may at leysure looke ouer , while your quicker eyes , i meane your discerning minde , may perhaps correct , yet ( i hope ) not chide his labour , who was willing , though not able to serue you in a piece worthy your obseruation . if in the translation there be any thing that hath forsaken the originall , it was intention , and not negligence , of which there needs no accompt . my good lord , there is nothing left , but to implore your pardon for the preferring this worke ; which if it shall appeare vnworthy your graue perusall , yet at the least , forgiue his intention , who conceiued it a direct way of expressing himselfe to be your honours truely deuoted , edward blovnt . the avthors epistle dedicatorie to the king of spaine . sir , the cause why the ancients by fire signifie loue , is , for that this element is the hardest to be hid : for the more a man seekes to couer it , the more it discouers it selfe , and blabbs the place , where it is . of this quality is loue , and truly participateth of the nature of fire . i came ( saith our sauiour christ ) to put fire into the world . and the holy ghost , which is the true god of loue , came and shewed it selfe in the shape and figure of fire . so that loue is a kinde of extraordinary actiue fire . nor can it , where soeuer it be , be hid , or idle . operatur magna , si est , ( saith saint gregory ) si autem non operatur , amor non est . loue will be alwayes in action , alwayes in working ; it worketh by benefits ▪ it worketh by good workes , and by friendly offices , and charitable seruices : and when it cannot worke what it would , or when the subiect whereon it would worke , hath no need thereof , it supplyeth that defect with good desires , and words . god , who needeth not the seruice of any , contents himselfe with this in those that are his seruants , accepting ( when they can no more ) the will , for the deed . and the kings , which here vpon earth represent his person , doe not require tribute and seruice , saue onely in that , which euery one is able to giue . that which i am able to affoord , and doe here offer vnto your maiestie , forced thereunto by the loue of my seruice , ( howbeit my desire hath euermore had a larger extent ) is onely a parcell of words ; which if they proceed from the soule , and come truly and sincerely from the heart , are of some worth and estimation , and perhaps ( vpon occasion ) may proue likewise profitable and aduantagious . howsoeuer , it may serue at least to expresse that my seruice and deuotion , which euer hath beene , is , and shall be ready prest to serue your maiestie . and i am willing to shew it in this little , that i may not wholly seeme vnprofitable . and therefore with this affection of loue , sutable to my subiect , ouercomming those feares which are wont ( and not without reason ) to withhold those that treate with great kings , princes , and monarckes , and write of such and the like subiects , i presume to aduertise them , and in this paper to propone vnto them , that which i finde written of those that are past and gone , ( and seemeth very fit and conuenient for the conseruation and augmentation of the authori●y and greatnesse of those that are now liuing and present amongst vs ) and will with all possible breuity , procure a full resolution and distinction herein : and ( as seneca saith ) totum comprehendere sub exiguo ; to comprise much vnder a little . for , as that is the better sort of money , which in the matter is the lesser , but the greater in value ; so likewise that learning is the best , which is briefe in words , and large in sentences . it is maximus his counsell , that multa , & magna , breuiter sunt dicenda . matters that are many and great , are briefly to be deliuered . for this breuities sake therefore , as also for the greatnesse of your maiesties employments , and the great burthen of so many weighty businesses that lye vpon you , i will not here interpose any large discourses and long disputations , wherewith to entertaine and spend the time : but briefe , certaine , and generall doctrines , such as are of most profit , comprehend most subiects , and may be applyed to particular , both persons and things , all taken out of the politicks , the law of nature , and men that are statists , and no way contrary to the law of god , and christian religion : as likewise out of ancient philosophers , and wise men , both lawyers and law-makers . accompanied wholly for to giue credit to the cause , and that the subiect may not be disesteemed as an egge of mine owne hatching ) with the examples of kings and emperours , ( if the examples of kings may moue kings ) and with those which cannot but moue , bee esteemed , and beleeued , being drawne out of the holy scripture . which being well obserued and put in execution by kings , they shall obtaine that end for which they were intended ; to wit , to maintaine and preserue their kingdomes in peace and iustice . reade it therefore , i beseech your maiestie , and take it to heart ; for it is a piece of worke that is directed to the seruice of kings , of their fauourites and ministers . and let them not say , that they are metaphysicall , and impracticable things , or , in a manner , meere impossibilites , but rather , that they are very conformable to our possibilitie , and practised by our predecessors , princes of famous memory , for their wisedome and prudence , and in kingdomes and common-wealths , of great concernment , artifice , and policie , in matter of gouernement , and reason of state. and viewing those with these times , and that which then was , with that which now is , it will appeare vnto vs , that your present princes doe not come much behinde their good predecessours : and that which is good , stands alwayes in a way or degree of ablenesse to become better : and that which is not so , may be bettered in the end . time is a great proficient , it attaineth to all , and can doe all . and your maiestie ( whom god preserue ) may likewise in time doe the like , if you will really and resolutely affect the same ; and that you will be pleased to put in execution , what in these aduertisements shall seeme good in your eyes . and seeme they , or not seeme they good vnto you , sure i am , that my desire , in these , in the rest , and in all , shall indeuour to hit the marke whereat it aymeth . god direct it as i desire . for mine owne part , i rest well contented with my paines , and hold my selfe well paid for my labour , in hauing put them into your maiesties hands . and that you shall vouchsafe to dwell a little vpon them . for matters of state , iustice , and gouernment , and of things of this high nature , is a king-craft , and a knowledge or science that deserues your care and discourse . let others doe as they list ; particular men may follow their particular pleasures and delights . but this well becommeth kings . the argument of this booke , is the head of mans body ; beginning at the vnderstanding , till we come to the last of the senses . for therein , and thence they haue the principium or beginning of their operations . and as in mans body , so in the mysticall body of a common-wealth , kings are the head , to whom regiment & gouernment belongs ; and what choyce they are to make of those who are to assist them therein ; the qualities which they ought to haue , and how they should carry themselues towards them . how they shall come to discouer the humours , affections , mindes , and dispositions of their ministers . and in a word , how they ought to behaue themselues in all , and with all . i search not into the secret closet of any mans bosome , nor touch vpon any particular person , it being the least part of my intent and purpose . i treate onely in the generall , and manifest vnto all , that what i write , being certaine and true , and grounded vpon principles and certaine causes , may serue to reforme , amend , and correct , and ( if neede bee ) alter those fashions and customes they finde to bee amisse . this i am bold to vtter vnto your maiestie , and dedicate the same with that securitie and confidence , which mine owne knowledge doth promise and prompt vnto mee ; being not ignorant , that i talke and discourse with mine owne proper king and lord , whom i humbly beseech , that hee will bee pleased , out of his great prudence and naturall pietie , to runne all this ouer with his eye , and to cast his cloake ouer my faults . and though ( no doubt ) his maiestie may meete with some , yet my minde telleth me , that he may likewise light vpon something in this treatise , that may be of some profit for the seruice of his maiestie , and for the conseruation of that authoritie and greatnesse of place ( which he so iustly possesseth , and for the good of the common-wealth . for , there is not that booke saith seneca ) so vnprofitable , whence some good may not bee gathered . and though this in supposall , or it 's owne nature ) may be small , and of little or no price , yet is it of no lesse noble and royall a condition , to receiue a little louingly , and with a gratious acceptance , then to giue much liberally . all this your maiestie doth with all , and i assure my selfe you will likewise doe the like with me . for the naturall loue which i beare vnto your maiestie , meriteth no lesse , nor the minde wherewithall i doe it . and herewith i shall in some sort satisfie my desire ( which is to hit the marke i ayme at ) and that obligation , wherewith i was borne to serue you , whom i shall neuer willingly offend . and euermore , in all my prayers , and sacrifices , i shall humbly on my knees beseech the almighty god , to preserue your maiestie , to giue you many , and those most happie yeares , and that hee will conserue you in his diuine grace , and humane greatnesse , with much augmentation of estate , both temporall and eternall . amen . your maiesties seruant and chaplaine , fr. iuan , de sancta maria. a table containing the chapters and paragraphes of this booke . chap. . vvherein it is briefly treated , what is comprehended in this word republicke , together with it's definition . chapter . what the name of king signifieth . chapter . whether the name of king , be a name of office. chap. . of the office of kings . chap. . of the reason and vnderstanding of kings , and of their wisedome . chap. . how kings ought to carrie themselues in those businesses , which their vnderstanding comprehendeth not . chapter . a prosecution of the former discourse ; shewing how kings are to take councell : and what signes they are to marke and obserue for their better knowledge . chap. . of the diligences , which kings are to vse in the election of their ministers and councellours . chap. . of the qualities which kings one to consider in those , whom they are to make choice of for ministers and councellours . chap. . hee continues the discourse of the qualities of ministers and councellours . chap. . of other course● and meanes , which kings may take for the notice of such persons , in whom the said qualities concurre . chap. . how kings ought to carry themselues towards those ministers whom they finde sufficient for the gouernment both of peace and warre . chap. . the author prosecutes the same subiect , and shewes how kings ought to carry themselues with their councells and councellours . chap. . it is demanded by way of question , whether kings ought inuiolably to obserue the foresaid order . chap. . whether it be fit for kings , to vse much the remitting of businesses . chap. . of the sence of the ●ight●that is , of those businesses which kings ought to reserue for their owne view , and to dispetch with their owne ●ands . chap. . 〈◊〉 prosecuteth the same matter , and shewes , how kings ought to carry themsel●es towards those that finde themselues aggrieued . chap. . of the sense of hearing . and the audiences which kings ought to giue . chapter . he goes on with the same matter , treating of the audiences of ministers and councellours . chap. . of the vertue of iustice , the naturall sister and companion of kings . chap. . of the parts of iustice in common ; and in particular of iustice commutatiue . chap. . of iustice distributiue . chap. . how , and in what sort , limitation in giuing , may sute with the greatnesse of kings . chap. . of the repartment , and diuision , which is to bee vsed in the conferring of offices . and of the knowledge of such persons as ought to be nominated for the said offi●es . chap. . whether honours , offices , and dignities , are to be conferred on those , that sue for them . chap. . of the sense of smelling : that is , of the prudence of kings . paragraph . of the magnanimitie of minde , which kings ought to haue . paragraphe . of the blandure , gentlenesse , and loue , which kings ought to haue . parag. . that it much importeth kings , to haue the good loue and affection of their subiects . parag. . of sagacitie , sharpnesse of wit , and quicknesse of apprehension , which kings ought to haue . parag. . of the discretion , which kings ought to haue . chap. . of the sense of tasting ; and of the vertue of temperance ; and how well it befitteth kings : chap. . when , and at what time , sports and pastimes are worthiest reprehension in kings . parag. . of the language , and truth , which kings , and wherewith kings are to treate , and to be treated . parag. . that kings ought to keepe their faith and word ▪ parag. . of that secrecie which kings and their ministers ought to keepe . parag. . of flatterers , and their flatteries . chap. . of the sense of touching . parag. . of temperance . parag. . of another remedie against excesses , and superfluities , depending on the example of kings . chap. . whether it be fit for kings to haue fauourites : chap. . of another sort of fauourites . chap. whether it bee fit for kings , to haue any more then one fauourite . chap. of the conditions , and qualities , of fauourites . chap. how kings ought to carry themselues towards their fauourites . chap. whether the kinsfolke , and friends of fauourites , are to be excluded from offices . chap. the conclusion of the former discourse , with some aduertisements for kings , and fauourites . chap. ad●ertisements for fauourites , and councellours of state. sap : . v. . ad vos ( o reges ) sunt hi sermones mei , vt discatis sapientiam , & non excidatis : qui enim custodierint iusta iustè , iustificabuntur , & qui didicerint iusta , invenient quid respondeant . vvisdom . v. . vnto you therefore ( o kings ) doe i speake , that yee may learne vvisedome , and not goe amisse . for they that keepe holinesse holily , shall be holy , and they that are learned there , shall finde defence . chap. . wherein it is breifly treated , what is comprehended in this word , republicke , together with it's definition . many , and those of the grauest sorte , that haue beene well versed in all kinde of learning , haue written of a republicke , or common-wealth ; and hau● diuided , and sub-diuided it into many and sundry species , and defined it after diuerse and different maners ; a prolixe , and tedious businesse , and full of difficulties , and farre wide of my pretension ( which is in few both words and reasons ) to describe a mysticall body with it's head , and principall members , and the peculiar offices belonging to euery one of them , leauing ( to such as shall take pleasure therein ) the multitude of vnprofitable questions , the ornament of humane eloquence , and the magazine of prophane histories , being of little truth , & lesse efficacie . and taking thence my beginning whence all begin ; to wit ▪ from the definition , or description . i say with aristotle and plato , that a common-wealth is no other thing , saue an order of citizens , and cities ; in which and amongst whom , nothing is wanting , that is necessary and needefull for the life of man. it is a iust gouernment , and disposition of many families , and of a communitie amongst them , with a superiour authoritie ouer them . and it is a congregation of many people vnited together , fraternized , with certaine lawes and rules of gouernment . and , because i will not loose time in things not necessarie , i omit that gouernment , which the greekes call aristocratia , which is the gouernment of the nobility , as it is with the signorie of venice . and your democratia , which is popular , and consistes of the many , as that of genoa , and the cantons of the switz . which ( though approued by many ) haue their inconueniences , and those no small ones . for the nobilitie , and powerfull persons , if they not perseuere in the obseruance of the lawes of good gouernment , they presently grow to be couetous , and are much subiect to ambition . and because they are but a few , they feare the multitude ; and for to conserue themselues , exercise cruelty ; whereby in the ende it turnes to a tyrannie . for ( as mecoenas saith . ) the state of a few lords , is the state of a few tyrants . and he that is the most powerfull , the most ambitious , and best befriended , and respected of the people , vpon the least dissension , ioynes with the multitude , which being it is naturally enuious , mutable and a friend to innouation , will with a great deale of facilitie ouerthrow the common-wealth . and say ; the nobles do not side , but agree amongst themselues , yet cannot they but liue in feare of the infidelitie of the vulgar ; for ordinarily , those that haue a hand in the gouernment , are more enuied , then those that haue none at al. besides , it is a weake kind of gouernment , nor is it possible , that these few lords , can in large , conquer , & conserue a great empire , as can a king , or a monarke , because the forces are lesse vnited in them , then in him . and the people which is little interessed , & hath no share or part in those honourable places , carry a capital hatred to your great persons , and are hardly drawn to such liberall contributions , as may sustaine a war , and subdue kingdomes . your popular estate in falling from that equality , which it pretendeth , is easily conuerted into a licentious libertie , or rather loosenesse , pulling down some , & setting vp others , and is much subiect to alterations through it's inconstancie , & weake head-pieces of the popular . for ( as tully saith ) the sea hath not so many stormes , perills , & tempestes , as hath this kind of cōmonwealth . and of force ( euery one attending his owne proper good and priuate interest ) it must runne vpon one of these two rockes : either on the tyrannie of him , that is the strongest , and , vpheld by the fauour of the maior part , liftes vp himselfe aboue them all : or on the plebeian gouernment , then which none can be worse ; for all then falls into the hands of ignorant people who put ordinary people into the highest places of honour and command , without any distinction or reckoning of rich , noble , wise , or vertuous . what good counsaile , or sound aduise can all the communaltie giue ( put all their braines together ) in a doubtfull case , or businesse of importance , when ( as salomon saith ) there is scarce one to be found of a thousand , of abilitie and sufficiencie in this kinde ? but put case that such a one may happily be found amongst them , how shall he be heard with silence . what patience will their eares lend him ? what secrecie will be had in that which is treated , be it of peace , or war , that it be not divulged before it 's due execution ? your tumultes and seditions , shall be more ordinary , and greater then in other states ; because your meaner sorte of people , are gouerned more by their owne vnruly appetites , and womanish longings , then by reason and discretion . and your base and cruell vulgar , which vpon the least occasion suffers it selfe to be led away by hatred , and reuenge , presently falls to taking of stones in their hands , tearing vp the pibbles in the streetes , as cicero sets downe vnto vs , that in the popular assemblies of rome , it so fell out , that oftentimes they drew their naked swordes , & that the stones were seene to flye about their eares on all sides . and when this head strong multitude hath once broken the reines , there is no keeping of them in , nor can the wit of man deuise how to bridle them . in a monarchy , the monarke ; in an aristocratia , your noble men are supreme iudges , and arbitrators , and by this their supreme and absolute power , they many times compose the differences of the subiects . but in a democratia and popular estate , they are the supreme power , and they themselues bandy one against another , the fire of faction , setting them in a consuming flame , without acknowledging any superiour , to decide the quarrell , and compose their differences . and therefore aristotle sayd ; that there was not any tyrannie either greater or more pernicious , then that of an intire communaltie , which , of it selfe , is inclined to crueltie . the monarchy , or kingdome is freer from these burning feuers , and by all is ranked in the best place , and is stiffely maintained by the grauest authors . of this onely shall i treate at this present . it is called a monarchy , of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which , in greeke , signifieth one , and of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is the same with prince , which is as if we should say a principalitie , or a kingdome ; where one alone is hee that commands and gouernes , and the rest all obey . all these three kindes , of popular , aristocraticall , and monarchicall gouernments were vsed in greece , and more particularly in rome . but rome neuer came to be mistresse of the world , till shee was reduced to a monarchie in the time of caesar augustus . there are found therein . differences of states : husbandmen , trades-men , merchants , souldiers , iudges cleargie-men , the nobility , and the king , which ( to speake more properly , and , as in diuers places it is deliuered by the blessed apostle s. paul ) is a misticall body , which we call a kingdome with it's head. for a king , is the supreme lord , subiect onely vnto god. that in s. augustines , and diuus thomas his opinion , as also sundry other authors of diuers faculties , amongst which are aristotle , and plato ; the most excellent gouernment , is that , which acknowledgeth a superior , one king , and one head. for all naturall , and good gouernment proceedeth from one , and that which comes neerest vnto vnitie , hath most similitude , with that which is diuine , and is by much the most perfect . by god , kings reigne , according to that of the wise man. per me , reges regnant ; per me , principes imperant . by me kings reigne , and princes decree iustice . and god being one , and most simple in his being ; and nature the head of all the whole vniuerse ; by whom , and which all is gouerned with admirable and ineffable prouidence , and is the idea of all good and perfect gouernment , it is not a thing to be doubted , but that that shall be amongst vs the best , which is most agreeable , with his . and if the members of the body , being many , and bearing different offices therein , admit to be gouerned by a head , and that god and nature , hath so ordained it , why should not a monarchicall gouernment be the best ? most certaine therefore is it , that it is mainely to be preferred before the other two . some will haue this monarchicall gouernment to be the most ancient , and that it had it's beginning from cain , adams eldest sonne , who was the first , that did gather people together , built cities , and did shut them vp , and fortifie them with walls . after the stood , nimrod , the sonne of chus , and nephew vnto cham , a man of valour , and amongst those of those times , the most able , and strongest man , was the first , that reduced men to liue in a communitie , and to be obedient to one only king , possessing himselfe of the kingdome and signorie of the world. and before these , euen in the very beginning of the creation , god began to establish this gouernment , & forme of a commonwealth . for ( as s. paul saith ) god would , that all mankinde should descend from one man. and gods chosen people did euermore maintaine a monarchie , and did ordaine , that the supreme power should reside and remaine in one. the first gouernours of the world , were monarkes , & did gouerne with this title , & all the common-wealthes of the world , haue generally desired to be gouerned by one king . as appeareth by those of the gentiles , euery particular state hauing his peculiar king. and were it not a great monstrousnesse in nature , that one body , should haue two heads ? much more were it , that one kingdome should be gouerned by two persons : vnitie is the author of much good ; and pluralitie , the causer of much ill . the roman commonwealth did suffer much miserie and calamitie , not because all would not obey one , but because many would command all. and therforein their greater necessities , they did create a dictator , so called because all did obay whatsoeuer he dictated , and sayd vnto them . for they knew well enough , and did clearely and plainely perceiue , that in the empire of one , the authoritie was the greater ; greater the obedience , freer their determinations , firmer their councells , speedier their resolutions , and more prompt the execution of their designes . in a word , command , signorie , and supreme power , does better in one head then in many . and therefore all doe vnanimously and vndoubtedly conclude , that the monarchie , is the ancientst , and the durablest of all other ; and it 's gouernment the best : yet , would i haue it to helpe it selfe with the aristocratia in that which may be vsefull for it's aduantage . that in regard of it's strength , and execution , doth by it's greater . vnion , and force excell the rest : this other which is composed of a few noble , wise , and vertuous persons , because it consistes of more , hath the more intirenesse , prudence , and wisedome ; and by conioyning and intermixing the one with the other , resulteth a perfect & absolute gouernment . so that a monarchy , that it may not degenerate , must not goe loose , and absolute ( for command , is a madd-man ; and power lunaticke ) but must be tyed to the lawes , as far forth as it is comprehended vnder the law ; and in things particular and temporall , must haue reference to the body of the councell , seruing as the brace , or ioyning peece of timber , betweene a monarchie , & an aristocracie , which is the assistance and aduise of the chiefer , and wiser sort . for , from a monarchy not thus well and orderly tempred , arise great errours in gouernment , little satisfaction to the state , and many distastes amongst those that are gouerned . all men , that haue had the estimation of ●ound iudgements , and accounted wise in all kind of faculties haue held this to be the best and perfectest gouernment , and with out it , neuer citie nor kingdome hath beene taken to be well gouerned . your good kings and great gouernours haue euer fauoured this course ; whereas on the contrarie , your bad kings , and euill gouernours , transported with their pride , haue runne another way . and therefore , in conformitie heereunto , i dare confidently affirme , if a monarke , ( be hee what he will be ) shall resolue businesses alone on his own head ( how wise soeuer he thinke himself ) without hauing recourse to his councell , or against the opinion of his counsellours , ( although he do acertar and hit right in his resolutions ) yet therein he breakes the bounds of a monarchie , and enters into those of a tyranny of whose examples , and the euill successes insuing thereupon , the histories are full . but one shall serue instead of many . and that shall be of tarquinius superbus , taken out of the first booke of titus liuius , who out of his great pride , and haughtinesse of minde , that he might rule all himselfe , and haue none else to haue a hand in any businesse , made it his master peece , to weaken the authority of the roman senate in lessening the number of senatours . which he purposely did , that he wholy and solely by himselfe , might determine all whatsoeuer that occurred in the kingdome . in this monarchie , or kingdome , there are three parts , or parties to be considered , of whom principally we are to treate . the king , the ministers , and the vassalls . and if in a humane body , the anatomie & consideration of the head , be the nicest , subtillest , and most difficult , what difficultie will it not be , and what a daintie hand will it not require to touch , talke , and treate of a king , who is the head of the commonwealth ? and hence i inferre , that for to treate of kings , and to prescribe them precepts and documents touching a kingdome , he ought to be such a wise king , as was salomon . who , considering the difficulties and dangers , which may in this matter offer themselues , aduiseth all without any difference , that they should not seeme to be desirous to seeme wise before their temporall kings . for no man , howsoeuer fulfill'd with wisedome , is ( speaking in his kings presence ) secure and safe . penes regem , noli vel●e videri s●piens . boast not thy wisedome in the presence of the ki●g . the reason is for that he that is the supreme soueraign●●n temporall power , whom all acknowledge and obey as their superiour , risenteth it much , to see himselfe inferiour in a thing of so greate esteeme , as is wisedome and discretion . xenophon , laying his foundation on this opinion , introduceth cambises , instructing his sonne cyrus , king of persia , how he ought to carry himself in his kingdome . as also alexander , who receiued his militarie precepts from his father philip and not from any other that was inferiour vnto him . it is written of agasicles , king of the lacedemonians , that he refused to learne philosophie of a famous philosopher of those times ; it seeming vnto him , that being a king , it was not fitting , he should be his scholler , whose sonne he was not . as if he should haue sayd ; that he , onely by a naturall obligation , acknowledged him alone , and that he contented himselfe with that which he had learned from him , and would not acknowledge any other inferiour vnto him in birth , though neuer so much before him in learning and knowledge . but this difficulty i purpose to ouercome by proposing , in this my treatise , vnto kings , not mine owne reasons , nor those , which i might draw from great philosophers , and humane histories , but from the words of god , and of his saints , and from histories diuine and canonicall , whose instructions kings may not disdaine , nor take it as an affront to submit themselues thereunto , be they ( being christians ) neuer so powerfull , neuer so supreme ; because the author that dictates these lessons vnto them , is the holy-ghost . and if i shall at any time alleage the examples of heathen kings , and shall make some good benefit of antiquitie , and serue my selfe with the sentences of philosophers , that were strangers vnto gods people , it shall be very sparingly , and as it comes in my way , and as one that ceazeth vpon his owne goods ( if he fortune to light vpon them ) and taketh them from those that vniustly detaine and possesse them . chap. ii. what the name of king signifieth . this name of king , in diuine and humane letters is very ancient , and so old as is the first man. for in gods creating of him ( euen before that there were many men ) he made him king ouer all the beastes of the field . and it is a most noble appellatiue , and that which is better , and more neerely representeth vnto vs the maiestie of god , who very frequently in the holy scriptures , and with much propriety , is called king. and it is the common opinion of the wisest , that it signifieth one that rules , and gouernes , being deduced from the latine word regere , which is to rule , or gouerne . reges a regendo dicti sunt , ( saith s. isidore ) ideò quilibet rectè faciendo , regis nomen tenet , sed peccando , amittit . and considering with more attention , this it 's true etymologie , he is properly sayd to be a king , who ouer mastring his passions , doth first rule and gouerne himselfe , cumplying ( as he ought ) with the obligations of his estate , without offence either to god or his neighbour ; and next hath a care to rule others , and , to procure all he can , that all may doe the like ; and he , that shall do the contrary laying his foundation on humane wisedom , and reason of state regardeth more his own temporall commoditie and proper interest , then the good of the commonwealth . this suteth not with the name he holdeth ; nor may he be called a king , neither is he so for himselfe , nor for others , because he neither knowes to rule himselfe nor others . malus , si reg●et ( saith s. austen ) servus est . he hath the appellation and honourable name of a king , but in very truth , see how many vices reigne in him , so many times is hee a servant , nay a very slaue . it was the aduice of agapitus to iustinian the emperour , that he should haue an eye ouer himselfe , and looke well to his actions ; for albeit he were a king and a great prince , yet the title of king did then convene to him , when he should be master of himselfe , and curbing his unruly appe●ites , should of a king become a vassall to reason and iustice. hee that is good , and iust , is a god vpon earth , and from thence is the name of king deriued vnto him , and is his vicar in all causes , for to maintaine his subiects in justice and truth by his empire and command , and to sustaine all things in order , policie , and peace . and therefore a law of the partida sayes thus , q●●el ●ey ●s vicario , de dios , para hazer iusticia en todos los cosas . that a king is gods vicar , for to doe iustice in all causes . answering to that his owne saying ; by me kings reigne , &c. which is , as if he should haue said ; that their power is deriued from god , as from the first and primary cause . the signification likewise of this word king , or rex , is ( and me thinks ) farre better declared , if we shall but refer i'ts originall to another word of the primitiue language , where the hebrew word raga signifies ( amongst other it's significations ) to feede . and in this sense it is to be found in many places of holy scripture . and from this raga , is deriued rex , rego , or regno . and regere , and pascere , amongst the poets , and euen also amongst the prophets , are promiscuously vsed . homer , virgil , and dauid , put no difference betwixt reges and pastores , styling kings shepheards ; & shepheards kings . and therefore in the . psalme , where the vulgar latine reades , dominus regit me ; s. ieromes translation hath it , dominus pascit me . the lord is my shepheard , therefore can i lack nothing , he shall f●ede me in a greene pasture , and leade me forth besides the waters of comfort . and homer he styles a king pastorem populi , the shepheard of his people ; in regard of that sweetnesse of command wherewith he gouerneth them , and the gentle hand that hee carries ouer them , feeding , but not fleecing of them . xenophon saith , that the actions of a good shepheard , are like vnto those of a good king. so that the name of king , doth not onely signifie him that ruleth , but him that ruleth like a shepheard . and the better to instruct vs herein , the prophet isaiah , speaking of that , which the true christian king our sauiour should doe , when he should come into the world , saith ; sicut pastor , gregem suum pascet , in brachio suo congregabit agnos , & in sinn suo levabit , foetas ipsa portabit . hee shall feede his flocke like a shepheard , hee shall gather the lambes with his armes , and carry them in his bosome , and shall guide them with young . he shall perfectly performe all the offices of a shepheard by feeding of his sheepe , and by bearing them ( if neede be ) vpon his shoulders . and of the selfe same king , christ , god said in respect of his people ; ipse pisect eos , & ipse erit eis in pastorem . i will set vp a shepheard ouer them , and he shall seed them . and in the next words following he cals him ioyntly king and shepheard . servus meus david rex super eos , & pastor unus erii omnium eorum . my seruant dauid shall bee the prince amongst them , and they shall all haue but one shepheard . and they shall dwell safely in the wildernesse , and sleepe in the woods , and none shall make them affraid . and for the clearer signification hereof , the first kings that god made choise of , and commanded to be anoynted , hee tooke them from amidst their fl●cks ▪ the one they sought after , the other they found feeding of his flocke . the prophet samuel whom god commanded to annoynt for king one of the sons of ishai , hauing scene the elder and the other seuen ( all goodly handsome men & of a good disposition ) had no great liking to any one of them , but asked their father ; whether he had no more children but those ; and he said vnto him ; adhuc reliquus est parv●lus , & pascit oves . there remaineth yet a little one behind , that keepeth the sheepe . and the prophet willed him , that he should send for him ; for we will not sit downe , till he be come hither ; shewing , that to be a shepheard and to feed the flock , was the best symbole , and most proper embleme of a king. and therfore i would haue no man to imagine that which philon did feare , that when we come to make a king , we must take away the crooke , and put the scepter in his hand . the office of a king i tell you , and the arte of ruling , will require a great deale of study , and experience . for to gouerne the bigger sort of beastes , and those that are of greatest price , a man must first haue learned to ●aue gouerned the lesser . it is not meete , to popp into great places vnexperienced persons , and such as know not what belongs vnto businesse , nor the weight of the charge that they are to take vpon them . for indeede , great matters are not handsomely carryed , nor well managed , but by such as haue beene formerly imployed in businesses of an inferiour and lower nature . and this choyse , which god made of dauid , iumpes with this our intent . he doth not say , that he tooke him on the sodaine from the sheepefold , and presently clapp't a crowne vpon his head ; but first bred him vp to feede the house of iacob , and his family , and that he should exercise himselfe therein . for a well ordered house , and a family that is well gouerned , is the modell and image of a common-wealth ; and domesticall authoritie , resembleth regall power . and the good guidance of a particular house , is the exemplary and true patterne of a publicke state. it imbraceth and comprehendeth in it all the sorts of good gouernment . it doth treate and set in order those things , that appertaine to policie , conseruation , and the direction of men , as well in regard of commanding , as obeying . what other thing is a house with his family , but a little citie . and what a citie , but a great house ? many houses , make a citie ; and many cities , make a kingdome . and in point of gouernment , ihey onely d●ffer in greatnesse , for howbeit in the one , they are busied more , and in the other lesse , yet they tend all to one end , which is the common good . and therefore s. paul and other saints , and wise men are of opinion , that hee that knowes not how to gouerne his own house well , will hardly gouerne another mans . the emperour alexander severus , visiting the roman senate , did inquire , how the senators did rule and gouerne their owne priuate houses , and families , and sayd ; that that man , who knew not how to command his wife , and his children , to follow his owne businesses , to make prouision for his house , and to gouerne his familie , it were a madnesse to recommend vnto that man the gouernment of the common-wealth . amongst those the famous gouernours , cato the roman , was preferred before aristides , the grecian , because the former was a great pater familias , or father of a familie , and the latter was noted to be defectiue in that kinde . so that the life of a shepheard is the counterfeit or picture of gouernment , as is to be seene by his assistance in his office , in the care of the wellfare of his flocke , in the obligation of the account that he is to make , in the offence that he is to finde by wolues and theeues , and in the solicitude and watchfullnesse , which those ordinary dangers doe require , wherein his flocke stands , and more especially when the shepheard is wanting vnto them . and it is so proper vnto a king to feede his flocke , that when our sauiour christ fed that multitude of people , which followed him in the desert , they no sooner saw that he had satisfied them , but they were desirous to make him a king , and to clap the crowne on his head . and for this cause in the . chapter of esay , he that saw he was vnprouided of bread , would not accept the votes of the people , that were willing to nominate him for their king , saying thus vnto them : non sum medicus , & in domo mea non est panis , neque vestimentum ; nolite constituere me principem populi . there is no bread in my house , nor cloathing ▪ i cannot be an helper vnto yee , therefore make me no prince of the people . and therefore with very good reason , and with a great deale of proprietie , a king and a shepheard , is all one . in the greeke tongue a king is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi basis & fundamentum populi . as if hee were the basis and foundation of the people . and of your kings ( sayth rabbi abraham ) those words are to bee vnderstood of iob , qui portant orbem ; who sustaine the weight of a kingdome , and beare the loade thereof vpon their shoulders . and a hierogliffe heereof is the crowne which they weare vpon their head in manner of a citie , circled about with townes , and battlements ; signifying thereby , that the strong brayne , and the good and wise head , and sound sconce of a king , doth fortifie and vphold the whole weitht and burthen of all the cities of his kingdome . and this is s. gregories interpretation vpon of his place . some others conceiue that this name was giuen it , in consideration of that creature called the basiliske ; who is the king of the venomous creatures , and hath this euil qualitie with him , that he kills with his lookes onely . and doe not the kings sometimes kill their fauourites , and those that are neerest about them , with the knit of the brow , and a sower looke ? and some such kings there be ( or at least haue beene ) in the world , that take it offensiuely , if their frownes and disfauours , doe not kill like poyson . but this etymologie hath little ground for it . for the greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in that language signifies a king , is much different from that of bisiliscus , a basiliscke . for it is more proper to kings to cure and heale , then to kill , and slay . as the forecited place of esay teacheth vs , where he that would not take the crowne vpon him , excuses himselfe , not onely for that he had not bread to feede others , but also because he was not a physitian . non sum medicus , & in domo mea non est panis , presuposing , that a good king ought to be a physitian to his people , and ought to helpe and feede his subiects . and the sayd prophet , when in the person of christ , he relateth , how the eternall father had annoynted him , and crowned him for king , saith , spiritus domini super me , eò quod vnxerit me & vt mederer contritis corde . and christ himselfe being calumniated by the pharisees , because he did conuerse and eat with publicans , and sinners , hee made them this answer . non est opus valentibus medicus , sed malè habentibus . they that bee whole , neede not the physitian , but they that be sicke . patricius senensis , calls kings and princes , medicos vniuersales reip : vniuersall physitians of the common-wealth . and s. austen tell vs that to them appertaineth the remedy of all the sicke , and the cure of all the diseases , and other those crosse and repugnant humours which reigne in a kingdome , and to apply a medicine to euery particular person , agreeable to that humour , wherein hee is peccant . and the office of a shepheard , which is so proper vnto kings ( as already hath beene said ) hath with it this obligation , to cure his flocke . and therefore in the of ezechiel , god doth lay a heauie taxe vpon those shepheards , because they were faulty in this their office of curing . quod infirmū fuit , non consolidastis , & quod aegrotum , nonsanaest is , &c. the diseased haue yee not strengthened , neither haue yee healed that which was sicke , neither haue yee bound vp that which was broken , neither haue yee brought againe that which was driuen away , neither haue yee sought that which was lost ; but with force and with crueltie haue yee ruled them , yee eat the fat , and yee cloath ye with the wooll , yee kill them that are fed , but yee feede not the flocke . and heere that third signification sutes well with this name of king : which is the same as father . as appeareth in that of genesis , where the s●chemites called their king abimilech , which is as much to say ; as my father , or my lord ; and anciently their kings were called patres reip : fathers of their common-wealths . and hence is it , that king theodoricus defining the maiestie royall of kings , ( as cassiodorus reporteth it ) speakes thus : princeps , est pastor publicus & communis . a king is the publicke and common shepheard . nor is a king any other thing , but the publicke and common father of the common-wealth . and because the office of a king hath such similiancie with that of a father , plato stiles a king patrem familias , a father of a familie . and xenophon the philosopher affirmeth : bonus princeps nihil differt à bono patre . that a good prince , differs nothing from a good father . the onely difference is in this , that the one hath fewer , the other more vnder his empire & command . and certainly , it is most sutable vnto reason , that this title of father be giuen vnto kings , because they ought to be such towards their subiects , and kingdomes , carrying a fatherly affection and prouidence , towards their wellfare and preseruation . for reigning , or bearing rule ( saith homer ) is nothing else but a paternall gouernment , like that of a father ouer his owne children . ipsum namque regnum , imperium est suapte natura paternum . there is no better habit of gouerning , then to haue a king cloath himselfe with the loue of a father , and to haue that care of his subiects , as if they were so many children of his owne loynes . the affection of a father towards his children , his care that they shall lacke nothing , and to be one and the same towards them all , carrieth a great proportion with a kings pietie towards his subiects . hee is called a father , so that the very name , obligeth him to answer this signification , in workes , not in word ; but to shew himselfe a true father indeed . againe , for that this name father is very proper vnto kings , if wee shall well and truly weigh it , amongst all other attributes and epithites of maiestie , and signorie , it is the greatest , vnder which all other names are comprehended , as the species vnder their genus , being subordinate thereunto . father is aboue the title of king , lord , master , captaine , and the like . in a word , it is a name aboue all other names that denotate signorie , and prouidence . antiquitie when it was willing to throw it's greatest honour vpon an emperour , it called him the father of the common-wealth . which was more then caesar , or augustus , and whatsoeuer other name most glorious in the world : whether it were conferr'd vpon them either for to flatter them , or to oblige them to those great effects , which this name ( father ) tyes them vnto . in conclusion , by this word ( father , ) it is giuen kings to vnderstand , what they ought to doe . to wit ; that they are to rule gouerne and maintaine their common-wealths and kingdomes in iustice , and in peace : that they are to feede , ( like good shepheards ) these their rationall sheepe . that they are ( like skilfull physitians ) to heale and cure their maladies : and that they are to haue that care of their subiects , as fathers haue of their children , watching ouer them with prudence and with loue , respecting more them , then themselues . for kings , are more obliged to the kingdome , and the common-wealth , then vnto themselues . for , if we shall but looke into the originall , and institution of a king , and a kingdome , we shall finde , that a king was ordained for the good of the kingdome , and not the kingdome for the good of the king. chap. iii. whether the name of king , be a name of office ? let vs not detaine our selues in the ill apprehension of those , who conceiue , that the name of king is a title onely of honour and dignitie , and not of charge , and office , for if ( as wee said before in our . chapter ) a king in a common-wealth , holdes that place , as the head doth in a humane body , where all the corporall members haue their particular offices , and euen the most and most principall , then most certaine it is , that a king , in his kingdome , is to be the most eminent in the gouernment , so that we are not only to acknowledge that a king is an officiall , but euen the greatest of all officialls , and that of all offices , his is the chiefest and of greatest dignitie . etenim ( sayth s. chrysostome ) imperare , non solum dignitas est , imò ars est ●rtium omnium summa . to rule , is not onely a dignitie , but an art also , and of all artes , the greatest . diuine plato , & diuus thomas likewise affirme ; inter omnes artes viuendi , regendi ars amplior , & superior est . the art and office of gouerning a common-wealth , and a kingdome , is a regall knowledge , a princely science , and which particularly appertaineth vnto kings ; it is an arte of artes , the most difficile to learne , and the most dangerous to practise ; and nazianzene renders the reason . quia inter omnes animantes homo maximè & moribus varius , & voluntate diuersus . because amongst all liuing creatures , man is most various in his maners , and most diuerse in his will. he is most mutable in his opinions , most deceitfull in his words of more colours , foldings , and doublings then any other creature whatsoeuer ; worst to be knowen , and hardest to to be ruled ; and aboue all , most ingrate and vnthankfull vnto him that is set in authority ouer him . and plato more particularly tells vs , that he held it in a manner a thing impossible , for any one to haue such a wit , that alone of himselfe , he should be sufficient to gouerne well ; it being so hard a matter to do , though a man haue neuer so good partes , and abilities to performe that function ▪ ptolomy , king of aegypt , considering the great difficulties , which accompanie gouerning and reigning , began to weigh the qualitie of each difficultie , and comparing some with other some , he knew not which to ranke formost , or to preferre before his fellow . it seemed wonderfull hard vnto him , to know the talent , and parts of persons , for the conferring of offices and places vpon them ; a businesse , whereon good gouernment mainely dependeth . hee likewise found it as difficult , to make good lawes , and statutes . as also , to rule so many townes , and so many people , as are listed vnder a crowne , and name of king : as likewise to dresse so many dishes for so many different palates , so many things to the gust and content of so many sundry wills , and a thousand other difficulties which daily offer themselues in the ruling and gouerning of men . for ( as seneca saith ) nullum animal , maiori est arte tractandum , quam homo . there is not that creature , like vnto man , for whose gouernment , more arte more prudence , more wisedome , more discretion , and sagacitie is required . no man can denie , but that to beare on his shoulders the weight of a kingdome , with obligation to attend on such and so great a diuersitie of things , as of peace , and warre , and of so many graue and weightie businesse , and of so great importance , without fayling one point or tittle therein , is an intollerable trouble , a most heauy burthen , and most difficult office. and in this respect , so few haue there beene , that haue knowne perfectly to cumply therewith : and it is worthy our consideration , that there being so many histories , and bookes of the liues of kings , and emperours of the gentiles , there is not one amongst them all to be found , who hath not bin noted of many faults . alexander the great , who for his famous acts , & great courage , had the sirname giuen him of great , had many things in him worthy reprehension , and vnbeseeming royall dignitie . and howbeit xenophon in his cyropedia , would giue vs to vnderstand , that king cyrus , had all those vertues and greatnesses , which are there represented vnto vs , yet many wise men are of beliefe , that that was no true history which he wrote of that king , but an idea , or patterne , that kings might draw from thence , what they ought to bee . like vnto those bookes of cicero , which he wrote de oratore ; who painteth forth the properties , which hee that will be a good orator ought to haue , though that man was neuer yet found , that had them . besides , if we shall turne our eyes towards those ancient kings of gods people , the sacred scripture doth dis-deceiue vs. for , out of the whole packe of them , hee picks out but three onely that were good . praeter dauid , & ezechiam , & iosiam , ●omnes reges peccatum commiserunt . excepting dauid , ezechias , and iosias , all the rest of the kings committed sinne . not that these three had not their sinnes , for the holy scripture taxeth them of some , ( and those no small ones ) but because they had not sinned in the office of kings . and because in it's administration , it is an office so full of difficulties : the apostle s. paul admonisheth all the faithfull , that they alwayes make earnest prayers for them , which is still vsed to this day in all your catholike churches . moreouer that the name of a king , is the name of an office , it is confirmed by that common saying ; beneficium d●tur propter officium . and therefore kings being so greatly benefitted , not onely by those great tributes , which are giuen them by the common-wealth , but likewise by those which they receiue from the benefices , and rents of the church , it is an vndoubted truth , that they haue an office , and of offices the greatest ; and for this cause the whole kingdome doth so freely and liberally contribute vnto them . which is specified by s. paul in a letter of his which hee wrote vnto the romans . id●ò , & tributa praestatis , &c. for this cause pay you tribute also . for they are gods ministers , attending continually vpon this very thing , &c. kingdomes doe not pay their taxes idly and in vaine : so many sessements , so many subsedies , so many impositions , so many great rentes , so much authoritie , so high a title , and so great a dignitie , is not giuen without charge and trouble . in vaine should they haue the name of kings , if they had not whom to rule and gouerne . and therefore this obligation lyes vpon them . in multitudine populi , dignitas regis . the honour of a king , is in the multitude of his people . so great a dignitie , so great reuenewes , such a deale of greatnesse , maiestie and honour , with a perpetuall cense and rate vpon his subiects lands and goods , binde him to rule and gouerne his states , conseruing them by peace and iustice. let kings therefore know , that they are to serue their kingdomes , being they are so well payd for their paines , and that they beare an office , which tyes them necessarily to this trouble . qui praeest in solicitudine , ( saith s. paul ) he that ruleth with diligence . this is the title , and name of king , and of him that gouernes . not of him , that goes before others onely in his honour , and his pleasure , but of him that excells others in his solicitude , and his care . let them not thinke , that they are kings onely in name , and representation , and that they are not bound to any more but to bee adored and reuerenced , and to represent the person royall with a good grace , and to carry themselues with a soueraigne kind of state and maiestie like some of those kings of the medes and persians , which were no more then meere shadowes of kings , so wholy neglectfull were they of their office , as if they had beene no such manner of men. there is not any thing more dead , and of lesse substance , then the image of a shadow , which neither waggs arme , nor head , but at the motion of that which causeth it . god commanded his people , that they should not make any grauen image nor any feigned pictures , or counterfeit paintings which shew a hand , where there is none ; discouer a face , where there is none ; and represent a body , where there is none ; expressing therein actions to the life , as if the image or picture did see , and speake . for god is no friend of feigned figures , of painted men , nor of kings , that are onely so in shape and proportion , being in fashion like vnto those , of whom dauid sayd , os habent , & non loquuntur , oculos habent , & non videbunt , &c. they haue mouths , but speake not , eyes haue they , but they see not ; they haue eares , but heare not , and hands haue they , but handle not . and to what vse i pray serues all this ? they are no more then meere idolls of stone , which haue no more in them of kings , but onely an externall representation . to be all name and authoritie , and to be men in nothing else , doe not sute well together . woe to the idoll shepheard ( saith zacharie ) that leaueth the flocke . the sword shall be vpon his arme , and vpon his right eye ; his arme shall be cleane dryed vp , and his right eye shall be vtterly darkeneds it is written in the reuelation ; nomen habes quod viuas , & mortuus es . thou hast a name that thou liuest , and art dead : the names which god setteth vpon things , are like vnto the title of a booke , which in few words , containeth all that is therein . this name of king , is giuen by god vnto kings , and therein includeth all that , which this their office tyes them to doe . and if their workes and actions doe not answer with their name and title , it is as if one should say yea , with his mouth , and by making signes , say no , with his head . what aiest and mockerie is this ? how shall such a one bee truely vnderstood ? it were cosenage and deceit in that golde beater , who writes vpon his signe , heere is fine gold to be sold , when indeed it is but orpine , and base gold for painters . the name of king , is not an attribute of idlenesse ; a person regall , must haue reall performance . as his name soundeth , so let him serue in his place : it is the people that proclaime the king , but it is the king that must proclaime his loue to the people . hee that hath the name of ruling and gouerning , a gods name let him rule and gouerne . they are not to be reyes de anillo ( as it is in the prouerb ) that is to say ; nominall kings only , & praeter nomen nihil : hauing nothing else in them . in france , there was a time , when their kings , had nothing but the bare name of kings , their liuetenants generall gouerning , and commanding all , whilest they ( like so many beastes ) did busie themselues in nothing else , but following the delights and pleasures of gluttonie , and wantonnesse . and because it might be known , and appeare to the people , that they were aliue , ( for they neuer came abroad ) once a yeare they made shew of themselues , on the first day of may , in the market-place of paris , sitting in a chaire of state on a throne royall , like your kings amongst your stage-players ; and there in reuerence they bowed their bodies vnto them , and presented them with giftes ; and they againe conferred some fauours , on such as they though fit . and because you may see the miserie whereunto they were brought , eynardus , in the beginning of that historie which he writes of the life of charles the great , says : that those kings ( in those dayes ) had no valour in them in the world , made no shew of noblenesse , nor gaue so much as a tast of any inclination thereunto ; but had onely the empty and naked name of king. for in very deede they were not kings , nor had actually and effectually any hand in the gouernment of the state , or the wealth and riches of the kingdome ; for they were wholly possessed by the praefecti latij , whom they called seneshalls , or lord high stewards of the kings house . who were such absolute lords and of that vnlimited power , that they ruled the roste , and did what they list , leauing the poore seely king nothing saue onely the bare title , who sitting in a chaire with his perriwigge , and his long beard , represented the person of a king making the world beleeue that hee gaue audience to all ambassadours that came from forraigne parts , and gaue them their answers and dispatches , when they were to returne : but in very truth , he sayd no more vnto them , saue what hee had beene taught , or had by writing beene powred into him , making shew as if all this had beene done out of his owne head. so that these kinde of kings had nothing of the power-royall , but the vnprofitable name of king , and inutile throne of state , and a personated maiestie that lay open to nothing but scorne and derision . for the ture kings , and those that commanded all , were those their minions and fauorites , who oppressed the other by their potencie , and kept them in awe . of a king of samaria , god sayd ; that hee was no more but paululum spumae , a froathy bubble . which being beheld a far off , seemeth to be something , but when you draw neere and touch it , it is nothing . simia in tecto , rex fatuus , in solio suo . he is like vnto an ape on the house-toppe , who vsing the apparances , and gestures of a man is taken for such a one by them that know him not . iust so , is a foolish king vpon his throne , your ape likewise serueth to entertaine children and to make them sport : and a king causeth laughter in those , who behold him stript of the actions of a king , without authoritie , and without gouernment . a king , appareled in purple , and sitting with great maiestie in his throne answerable to his greatnesse , seemeth in shew , graue , seuere , and terrible , but in effect nothing . like vnto the picture of that grecians limming , which being placed on high , and beheld from a farre , seemed to be a very good peece , but when you came neerer vnto it , and viewed it well , it was full of blots and blurs , and very course stuffe . a king vnder his canopie or princely pall , expresseth a great deale of outward state and maiestie , but himselfe being narrowly lookt into , is no better then the blurred character of a king. simulachra gentium , dauid calleth those kings , that are kings onely in name . or , as the hebrew renders it : imago fictilis , & contrita . an image of crack't earth , which leaketh in a thousand places . a vaine idoll , which representeth much , yet is no other then a false and lying shadow . and that name doth very well sute with them , which eliphas falsly put vpon iob , who , being so good and so iust a man , did mocke at him , vpbrayding him , that his foundation was in the dust , that he was not a man of any solid and sound iudgement , but onely had some certaine exteriour apparences , calling him mimicoleon , which is a kinde of creature , which in latin , they call formicaleo . because it hath a monstrous kinde of composture , in the one halfe part of the body , representing a fierce lyon , which was alwayes the hierogliffe of a king ; and in the other halfe an ante or pismire , which signifieth a weake thing and without any substance . authoritie , name , throne , and maiestie doth well become lyons , and powerfull princes ; and hitherto , it is well . but when we looke on the other halfe , and see the being and substance of a pismire ; that goes hard . there haue beene kings , who with their very name onely , haue strooke the world into a feare and terrour . but they themselues had no substance in them , and were in their kingdome no better then ants , and pismires . great in name and office but poore in action . let euery king then acknowledge himselfe to be an officer , and not onely to bea a priuate , but a publicke officer , and a superintendent in all offices whatsoeuer . for in all , hee is bound both to speake , and doe . s austen , and d. thomas , expounding that place of saint paul , which treates of episcopall dignitie , say ; that the latin word - episcopus , is compounded in the greeke of two words , being in signification the same with superintendens , the name of bishop , of king , and of whatsoeuer other superior , is a name that comprehendeth superintendencie , and assistance in all offices . this , the royall scepter signifieth , exercised by kings in their publicke acts , a ceremonie vsed by the aegyptians , but borrowed from the hebrews , who for to expresse the obligation of a good king , did paint and open eye placed alofte vpon the top of a rod , in forme of a scepter ; signifying in the one the great power that a king hath , and the prouidence and vigilancie which hee is to haue . in the other that he doe not onely content himselfe in possessing this supreme power , and in holding this high and eminent place , and so lye downe and sleepe , and take his ease , as if there were no more to bee done : but hee must bee the first in gouernment , the first in councell and all in all offices , hauing a watchfull eye in viewing and reuiewing , how euery publicke minister performes his duty . in signification whereof , ieremie saw the like rod , when god asking him what hee saw , hee sayd ; virgam vigilantem ego video . well hast thou seene , and verily i say vnto thee ; that i who am the head , will watch ouer my body ; i , that am the shepheard , will watch ouer my sheepe ; and i that am a king and monarke , will watch without wearinesse ouer all my inferiours . the chalde translates it , regem festinantem , a king that goes in hast . for though hee haue eyes and see ; yet if he betake him to his ease , be lull'd asleepe with his delightes and pleasures , and doth not bestirre himselfe , visiting this , and that other place , and seeke to see and know all the good and euill which passeth in his kingdome , hee is , as if hee were not . let him bethinke himselfe that he is a head , and the head of a lyon , which sleepes with his eyes open ; that he is that rodde , which hath eyes , and watcheth : let him therefore open his eyes , and not sleepe , trusting to those that perhaps are blinde , or like moles , haue no eyes at all : or if they haue any , vse them no farther then for their own priuate profit : and therein they are quicke sighted . these , haue the eyes of the kyte , and other your birdes of rapine ; but it were better that they had no eyes at all , then haue them all for themselues . chap. iiii. of the office of kings . hauing proued , that the name of king , is not of dignitie onely , but likewise of occupation , and office , it is fit , that we should now treate of the qualities and partes thereof . for the better vnderstanding whereof , wee must follow the metaphor , or resemblance of mans body , whereof the apostle s. paul made vse , thereby to giue vs to vnderstand the place and office which euery member is to hold in the common-wealth . all the members of the body ( saith he ) haue their particular office , but the occupations and functions of euery one of them , are diuerse , and different . the most important and of greatest excellencie are those of the head ; which is the superiour part of the bodie . in which the soule doth exercise her principall operations , as those of the vnderstanding , and will , the instruments whereof haue their habitation in the head . there is seated the sensus communis , or common-sense , so called , because it 's knowledge is common to all those obiects of the exteriour or outward sences . there likewise , is the imaginatiue , the estimatiue , the phantasie , and the reminiscentia , corporall faculties , which serue to those that are spirituall , as are the vnderstanding , and the will. in the head , are likewise placed the exteriour sences . as seeing , hearing , smelling tasting , touching , and other faculties and vertues , wherewith the life of man is sustained and gouerned . and therfore s. ambrose calls it imperialem aulam , the imperiall court , because therein resides the imperiall power , or that empresse the will , which ruleth and commandeth all those powers and faculties , as being obedient and subiect vnto her . and wee may also stile it regalem aulam , the princes pallace ; for therein abideth ( assisted by it's operations ) the vnderstanding as a king in his court. for if the will bee tearmed an empresse , of it's empire and rule : the vnderstanding is called a king , because it directeth and gouerneth in man , and vnto man , all his operations , guiding them to their due and fit ends . lactantius ( contrary vnto galen ) sayth of the head , that it is the first member that is formed in man , and hath the primacie ouer all the rest . and is for this cause , called caput , which is the same with principium , ( as some doctors doe expound it . ) and in the spanish tongue , they call the first lines of a processe , cabeca de processo , the head of the processe , or the beginning of it . and it carryes the same signification in the latin. in capite libri scriptum est de me ; id est ; in principio libri . and for this , we haue not onely varro's , but also robertus stephanus his confirmation . caput dicitur , quod inde initium capiant sensus . it is called head , because from thence the sences haue their head , and beginning . as also , for that the head , is the well-head of mans life . from it , haue their originall , and in it , do all the sences liue . it sees , heares , smells , and tastes , not onely for it selfe , but for the whole body , that is , for the good and benefit of all the members and parts of the body , hence it followeth , that the institution of the state-royall , or of a king , which is represented in the head , was not ordained onely for the kings owne vse and profit , but for the generall well-fare of his kingdome . and therefore hee ought to see , heare , taste , and vnderstand , not only by him selfe , or for himselfe , but by all , and for all . he ought not onely to haue an eye to his important affayres , but likewise to the good of his subiects : being that for them , and not for himselfe onely , a king was borne to the world. aduerte ( saith seneca to the emperor nero ) rempublicam non esse tuam sed te reipublicae . consider , that the common-wealth is not thine , but thou the common-wealths . those first men who leauing solitude , assembled themselues to liue in a community knew full well , that naturally , euery one careth for himselfe and his owne people , but no man that taketh care for all in generall . and therefore they did agree amongst themselues to choose one of more especiall valour and worth , to whom all might haue recourse . and that he , who among them all should be most renowned for his vertue , prudence , and fortitude , should preside ouer all the rest , and should rule and gouerne them ; that he should be watchfull ouer all of them , that he should be solicitous of the common good and profit of them all , and to be as carefull of them , as a father would be of his children , or a shepheard of his sheepe . and weighing with themselues , that such a kinde of man , as this ought to be , imploying himselfe not in his owne , but other mens businesses , could not be able to maintaine himselfe , and his familie ( for then all did eate of the labour of their owne hands , and the sweate of their browes ) they did ioyntly resolue to finde his house , and to sustaine and maintaine him , that hee might not be withdrawen by other by businesses , but apply himselfe wholy to those of the common good , and to publicke gouernment . for this end were they established ; this was the beginning that kings had ; and it ought to be the care of a good king , to care more for the publike , then his owne particular good . all his greatnesse is at the cost of a great deale of care , trouble , vexation , and inquietude both of soule and body . he is wearinesse to himselfe ; to others , he is their ease , their sustenance , and their defence . like vnto your fayrest flowers , and fruits , which although they beautifie the tree , they are not so much for it , or for it's owne respect , as for others . let not any man thinke that all the good doth consist in the beauty and brauery , wherewith the flower doth flourish ; and in the goodly shew wherewith the great ones of the world doe gallant it ; your powerfull kings and princes , are flowers , but flowers which fade and wither , wast their life to preserue others , drawing care vpon themselues , and affording comfort vnto others , others more inioying the fruit , then they themselues . for ( as philon iudaeus saith ) a king to his kingdome , is that , which a wise man to the ignorant , a sheepheard to his sheepe , a father to his children , light vnto darkenesse , and that which god heere on earth is to all his creatures . for this title he gaue vnto moses , when he made him king , and ruler ouer his people . signifying vnto him , that he was to be as god , the common father of them all ; for to all this doth the office and dignitie of a king oblige him . omnium domos illius vigilantia defendit , omnium otium illius labor , omnium delitias illius industria , omnium vacationem illius occupatio . his subiects houses are guarded and secured by his vigilancie ; their ease procured , by his labour , their delights inioyed , by his industry , and their merry vacations , by his painefull imployments . and therfore the prophet samuell sayd vnto king saul , anon after he was annointed king ouer israel ; declaring vnto him the obligations of his office ; behold saul , now that god hath annointed thee king ouer all this kingdome , that thy office ties thee to it 's generall gouernment . thou wast not made king to sleepe and take thine ease , or to honour and authorize thy selfe by the dignitie royall , but that thou shouldest gouerne and maintaine the people in peace , and iustice , and that thou shouldest protect and defend them from their enemies rex eligitur , non vt sui ipsius curam habeat ( sayth socrates ) et sese molliter curet , sed vt per ipsum , ij qui eligerunt , bene beatéque viuant . kings are not chosen , that their whole care should be for themselues , to pamper the flesh , and to liue nicely and daintily ; but that by him , they who had elected him , might liue well and happily vnder him . they were not created , nor introduced into the world , for their owne commoditie , and their owne pleasure , and that all the good morsels should be for their owne trencher ( for if it should be so , no man would willingly be subiect vnto them ) but for the publicke profit and common good of all his subiects , for their happy gouernment , for their safe protection , their augmentation , conseruation , and in a word for their seruice ; ( and without any vnmannerlinesse , we may well tearme it so ) for albeit in outward appearance the scepter and the crowne , haue the face of empire and signiory ; yet in strictenesse and in rigour , it is but the office of a seruant . servus communis , siuè servus honoratus : the common-wealths seruant , or a more honourable kind of seruant . this is the attribute which some giue vnto a king . quia à tota republica stipendia accipit , vt serviat omnibus . because he receiues stipends from all , that he may serue all . and the pope of rome holds it no dishonour vnto him , to be stiled ; servus servorum dei the seruant of gods seruants . and howbeit anciently this name of seruant were infamous , yet after that our sauiour christ had in his own person taken it vpon him , it hath since beene accounted honorable . and as it is not repugnant and contradictory to the essenceand nature of the sonne of god , no more is it any preiudice or disparagement to the maiestie and greatnesse of kings . and this was well vnderstood by antigonu● king of macedonia , who reprehending his sonne , for carrying too hard a hand ouer his subiects , thus checkt his immoderate empire ; an ignoras ( fili mi ) regnum nostrum nobilem esse seruitutem ? wootst thou not ( my sonne ) that our kingdome , is a noble seruitude ? answering to that of agamemnon ; we liue ( saith hee ) in the opinion of the world in much greatnesse , and in high estate , but in effect are but seruants and slaues to our vassals . this is the office of good kings , to serue in this honourable manner . for , in being kings , their actions depend not on the sole will of their owne persons , but of the lawes and statutes which they haue giuen , and allowd of , and those conditions wherewith they accepted this their soueraigntie . and though they should bee wanting to these ( which are no more then a humane conuencion , couenant , or agreement betwixt prince , and people ) yet may they not be defectiue in those , which the naturall and diuine law hath layd vpon them ; the lady and mistris as well of kings as subiects . all which are in a manner contained in those words of ieremy , in which ( according to s. ieromes opinion ) god sets downe the office of kings . facite iudicium & iustitiam , liberate vi oppressum de manu calumniatoris , & aduenam , & pupillum , & viduam nolite contristare , neque opprimatis iniquè & sanguinem innocentem ne effundatis : execute yee iudgement and righteousnesse , and deliuer the spoyled out of the hand of the oppressour , and doe no wrong , doe no violence to the stranger , the fatherlesse , nor the widowe , neither shed innocent blood . &c. this is the summe wherein is cyphered vp the office of a king. these the lawes of his court , whereby he is bound to mantaine in peace and iustice , the fatherlesse , and the widowe ; the poore and the rich ; the mighty , and the weake . to his account are put the agrauios and wrongs which his ministers doe vnto the one ; and the iniustice , which the other suffer . the wretched estate of those that are necessited , the cry of the distressed , and the teares that are shed out of anguish of heart ; and a thousand other loades , euen wane-loades of cares and obligations , lye vpon the shoulders of him that is the head , and king of a kingdome . and albeit he be the head in commanding and in gouerning , yet in bearing ( if not often ouercharged therewith ) the heauie weight and loade of all , hee must be the feete or supporters to beare the burthen of the whole body of the common-wealth . of kings and monarkes , the iust men iob sayth ; that by reason of their office , they carry ( like poters ) the world on their shoulders , vnder which burthen the proudest helpers must stoope . in consideration whereof , it is sayd in the booke of wisedome ; in veste ponderis , quam habebat summus sacerdos , totus erat orbis terrarum : in the long garment , was the whole world . the latin translation in veste ponderis , carryes more weight with it ; so that , in taking vpon thee to be a king , thou must make account , to take so great a charge vpon thee and so heauie a load , as the strongest carte will hardly be able to beare it . and this moses knew well enough , whom god hauing made his vice-roy , his captaine generall , and sole liuetenant in the gouernment ; in stead of giuing him thankes for this so honourable a charge committed vnto him , made his moane and complaint for hauing layd so heauy a loade vpon his shoulders . cur afflixisti seruum tuum ? cur imposuisti pondus vniuersi populi huius super me ? wherfore hast thou afflicted thy seruant ? and wherefore haue i not found fauour in thy sight , that thou layest the burthen of all the people vpon me ? and proceedeth farther with his complaints , saying ; nunquid ego concepi omnem hanc multitudinem ? aut genut eam , vt dicas mihi ; porta eos ? haue i conceiued all this people ? haue i begotten them , that thou shouldest say vnto me ; carry them in thy bosome , as the nursing father beareth the sucking child &c. where it is worthy the noting ; that god said not any one such word vnto moses ; but only commanded him , that he should rule and gouerne his people , that he should be their captaine , and their leader . and yet he heere sticks not to say , that hee layd the burthen of all the people vpon him ; with this motto added thereunto ; porta eos : carry them &c. a man would thinke hee complaineth heere without a cause ; for god says no more vnto him ; but that hee be their captaine , and that hee take vpon him the rule , command , and gouernment of them . but to this it is answered . al buen entendedor , pocas palabras : to a wise man , halfe a word is enough . and he that is wise , and well vnderstands what it is to gouerne , and to be a head , knowes that gouernment , and charge , or loade , is all one . and that the words themselues regere , and portare , are synonomyes , and haue one and the selfe same signfication . for there is not any gouernment , or charge , which is without it's burthen , and trouble . in that repartment and diuision of offices , which iacob conferr'd vpon his children , he marked out reuben to be the first in inheritance , and the greatest in gouernment . prior in donis , maior in imperio : thou art my first in the excellencie of dignitie , & the excellencie of power : which s. ierome renders , maior ad portandum ; the greatest to beare . for empire , and bearing , are both one thing . and by how much the empire is the greater , by so much the greater is the toyle and trouble and the burthen the heauier . st gregory in his moralls saith ; that the power , dominion , and signorie , which kings haue ouer their subiects , ought not to be esteemed an honour , but a trouble . potestas accepta , non honor , sed onus aestimatur . and the blindest gentiles did attaine to this light of truth . and one of them vsed the selfe same phrase of speech , speaking of another that was much puffed vp and well contented with the charge and office , which apollo had allotted him . laetus erat , mixto ▪ oneri gaudebat honore . so that to rule , and command , is a mixture of a little honour and much trouble . and the latin word , which signifieth honour , doth not differ more then in one letter from that which signifieth a loade or burthen . onos , & onus . for ( h. ) is but an aspiration . nor was there euer that man yet wanting , nor euer will be , to take ( for honours sake ) this burthen vpon him . though all of them can be well content , to take as little of the loade as they can vpon them , but as much of the honor , as you will ; howbeit this is not the securest course . but i shall conclude this chapter with this aduiso . that the office of a king consists not so much in the outward operation , ( though in th●s hee is not to faile ) as in the inward apprehension . which in it's own nature may imbrace infinite things , not as infinite , but as such as may be reduced to a few points , nor no more then shall be pointed at in this treatise . which ought alwayes , of a wise & prudent king , to be well vnderstood , & to make vse of as many of them as hee can , and which do more particularly appertaine vnto his office , and to leaue the rest vnto his ministers . a king must be like the heart in the body , which solely of it selfe cannot performe all those offices , which all the members more particularly may . but by the helpe and meanes of diuers instruments , members , and organs , diffusing & sending forth their vertue vnto them , it findes it selfe in the operation of them all . the king , is the heart of the kingdome , and must worke therin like it , not doing all by himselfe ( for that is impossible , and instead of doing good , would do hurt ) by keeping himselfe in his proper station , without transiliating that circle which more particularly belongeth vnto him , and performing those offices , which another cannot execute for him , by his great power and vertue , he may in a diffusiue manner haue recourse to all the parts euen the most remote of his kingdome , take a care of all and haue a hand in all . and this care , is as proper to a king ; as it is to the heart ; it being impossible for the heart to liue without care . and from thence it takes it's name and appellatiue . cor ( saith isidore ) dicitur à cura , cor ( which is the heart ) is so called , à cura : from it's care . for it is that , which takes care of mans life . ego dormio , & cor meum vigilat . i sleepe , but my heart waketh . while man sleepes the heart still beates , and taketh care of the life and conseruation of the whole body , sending forth to all the parts thereof , it 's naturall vertue and heate , without the least dis-carefullnesse in the world , loosing it's owne quiet , to giue man ease . and therefore the spouse , called her beloued , her heart ; because hee performed this office with her . and the like must a king doe in his kingdome . he must watch , and forgoe his owne sleepe and quiet that his vassalls may take their ease and rest ; vpon paine of being vnfaithfull and defectiue in that fidelitie which is due vnto the office of a king. this made s. paul to say ; si quis suorum curam non habet , sidem negauit . if any prouide not for his owne , hee hath denied the faith , and is worse then an infidel . the heart likewise hath another property very proper vnto kings , which is , it 's continuall beating on the left side . the author of nature being desirous by this secret to teach kings , that they should apply themselues with more care to the weakest part , and that which hath most neede of their helpe . the right side is more assisted with naturall heate and blood , then the left , which is more stript of these fauours . and in this , the heart showes , that kings should shew their king-craft and the finenesse of their care , towards poore needy people , and such as are destitute of all humane fauour . for to the rich and mighty , blood aboundeth , and nothing is wanting vnto them . god doth illighten kings , which are the heads of the people , to the end , that they may doe in their kingdomes all that which a good head ought to doe with it's body , by whose offices wee will goe , discoursing those of the mysticall head of this body of a common-wealth , which is the king ; beginning first with the vnderstanding , and it's pertinencies , or whatsoeuer appertaineth thereunto , which is the first in perfection , and whereunto ( in regard of it's actiue beginning and end ) the rest of the sences are in ordination . according to that measure of light which he shall vouchsafe to communicate vnto vs , who is that true light , which illighteneth euery man that commeth into the world . chap. v. of the reason and vnderstanding of kings , and of their wisedome . in good and true philosophy , and the best receiued diuinity , it is auerred , that the vnderstanding and naturall reason is the most principall power that is in man , by which he is distinguished from beasts ; and is the principium & radix , the ground and root of wisedome . and by how much the more ingenious a man is , & of better vnderstanding , by so much the more is he capable thereof , and the more intensiuely doth he loue it . and for this cause did pythagoras call wise men philosophers , louers , or coueters of wisdome ; because the possession thereof doth set an edge on the desire , and makes a man to couet it the more , for it's treasure is infinite , and no man can exhaust it . and therefore the more a man hath of it , the more he desireth it . it is the retreit and receptacle of faith , and of all the arts and sciences , both practicke and speculatiue , hauing an vniuersall aptitude to receiue them all into it selfe , and vpon the apprehension of them to put them in execution . and although it be a potentia or faculty of a limited power , yet so great is it's capacity , and of that amplenesse and ablenesse to receiue and containe , that it seemeth infinite , for let a man know neuer so much , yet can he not fill vp his knowledge . for such and such notions dispose the vnderstanding for others . knowledge begetteth knowledge , and the more things a man knoweth , so much the more easily doth he apprehend those he knoweth not , till he come to the perfect inquiry and knowledge of the truth : and by conuersing with the wise , and exercise of good letters , hee goes still rising higher and higher . and by how much the more a man is aduanced in his vnderstanding , so much the more aduantage shall he haue of those which haue not the same measure . suting with that saying of the comicke poet , who wondering to see the great difference betweene man & man , cryes out , homo , homini quid praestat ! so much doth one man differ from another in wisdome and prudence , that they seeme to be different species . and hence is it that the aduantage which a wise man hath ouer those that are not so , is , to make him king ouer all the people . which lesson god taught vs in the first king he made choice of for his people , who standing in the midst of his subiects , was taller then any of them from the sholders vpwards , so that his head shew'd it selfe aboue them all . and the word melech which in the originall signifieth a king , in that large & eminent letter which stands in the midst of it , doth mistically giue vs to vnderstand the excellency that aboue others , kings ought to haue . and therefore plato stiled a prudent and wise gouernour , virum divinum , a diuine man ; presupposing that he should be somewhat more then a man ; and exceed in diuine wisedome all other gouernours whatsoeuer . vbi sapiens , ibi est deus in humano corpore . and therefore , as god by way of eminency containeth the perfections of all the creatures ; so , ( as farre forth as a creature can ) a wise king should ( and that with much aduantage ) possesse the perfections of all his people . and the holy scripture teacheth vs , that god created man after his own image and likenesse , giuing him vnderstanding , memory , and will. and hauing created him , made him king ouer all he had created . vt praesit piscibus maris , & volatilibus coeli , & bestijs vniversae terrae , &c. to haue dominion ouer the fish of the sea , and ouer the fowle of the aire , & ouer the cattle , &c. and this was granted him , and did accompany the common nature of men . but to rule , and command , to be lord , and gouernour ouer men themselues , ( as are kings ) is a farre greater matter , and such as requireth a greater measure of vnderstanding and wisedome : and he that hath most store thereof , shall reape the most profit by it , as he that wants it , shall contrarywise finde the lacke of it . solomon , the wisest of kings , as he was both wise , and a king , could better then any other informe vs , of what importance are vnderstanding and wisdome in kings . in whose name he speaketh , when he saith , per me reges regnant , per me principes imperant ; by me kings reigne , and princes decree iustice . to the wiseman the scepter and crowne of right belongeth . for wisdome her selfe , as being the most essentiall forme of kings , makes him king and monarch ouer others . and in all nations almost , they gaue the same name , and the same ensignes to empire and wisdome . and s. paul makes them synonomies , and will haue them to signifie one and the same thing . she alone ( by keeping gods commandements ) will be sufficient in a king to make him pleasing and acceptable vnto god , and to be cut out according to the measure of his own heart . and though some are of a larger heart and vnderstanding then other some ; yet ( with god ) to be wise , is that which conueneth most both to king and subiect . by esay the prophet god promiseth to all his people a golden age , happy dayes , and fortunate times , wherein all shall haue a share of happinesse , peace , equity , iustice , health , content , and abundance of fruits . but comming vnto kings , he saith no more , but that there shall not be any one that shall be a foole . non vocabitur vltrà is qui insipiens est , princeps . this is a great happinesse . but ( o lord ) let mee aske thee ; is a king of worse condition then his subiects , that thou shouldst promise so many good things vnto them , and but one alone vnto him ? the answere hereunto is , that our good god giueth vnto euery one ( according to his state and calling ) that which is fittest for him . the subiect who hath one to rule and gouerne him , hath need of one to minister iustice vnto him , to conserue him in peace , and to make such prouision , that he may haue wherewith to eate , and the like . but a king , who is to rule and gouerne , hath need of wisedome , which is the life and soule of kings , which sustaineth the weight of a kingdome , and without which ( be they neuer so rich , neuer so powerfull ) they shall be as fit for gouernment , as a body without a head , or a●● head without a soule . and as from the soule the sences are origined , and from that essence result your passions ; so in like sort from wisedome resulteth vnto king , and kingdome , all that good and happinesse that can be desired . rex sapiens , stabilimentum est ciuitatis . a wise king is the vpholding of the people . and a foolish king the ruine of his subiects . you shall not name that nation either barbarous , or ciuill , which ( where kings were made by election ) did not make choice of a wise and prudent king. in that generall dyet , whereall the nations of trees and plants met , seeing that without law , and without a king , they could not conserue themselues in peace , and iustice ; the first resolution they tooke , was to choose a wise king. and in the first place they nominated the oliue , a tree of many good parts and qualities ; and amongst other , this the chiefest , that it was the symbole or hierogliffe of wisedome , which is all whatsoeuer can be desired in a king. this alone did king dauid desire for himselfe : intellectum da mihi , & vivam ; giue me vnderstanding , and i shall liue . he did not desire life , nor health , nor riches , but onely vnderstanding and wisedom . and with this alone did he promise to himselfe eternall life , and a durable kingdome . and therefore , si delectamini sedibus & sceptris , ô reges populi , diligite sapientiam , vt in perpetuum regnetis ; if your delight be in thrones and scepters , o ye kings of the people , honour wisedome , that ye may raigne for euermore . happy is that common-wea●th ( saith plato ) which hath a wise king. and vnhappy that ( saith another philosopher ) which hath a king without wisedome . aristotle tearmed the thebans happy , all the while that they were gouerned by those that were wise . of such consequence is wisedome in a king , that vpon the very rumour that he is a wise prince , all presently obay , and sooner submit themselues , then at the noise of his power . as was to be seene in king salomon , whose wisedome was no sooner knowen to the people , but they began presently to respect and feare him . but let me aske this question : shall it suffice a king to haue vnderstanding and wisdome , vnlesse he make vse thereof , and shew a willingnesse to execute what he knowes ? no certainly . for the greatnesse of a power or faculty consisteth in it's operation . the vnderstanding without intelligence , ( like the will without loue ) serues to little or no purpose . and it is doubted ( as i toucht in the beginning ) vpon which of these two potentias , or faculties , is that arme and hand , whereby the soule operateth it's most excellent workes ? the vnderstanding alleageth for himselfe , that it is he that in the kingdome of our soule doth ordaine , dispose , and gouerne . the will , she saith , that without her nothing is done . for as the philosophers tearme it , applicat potentias ad operandum , she sets these faculties a worke , and findes them hands . the vnderstanding confesseth this is true ; but with all saith , it is he that nods and winckes vpon her , makes signes and tokens vnto her , is as it were the watch-word , & doth expose vnto her whether she will this or that , for the better ordering & disposing of it . the will , she on the other side replyes , that she likewise fomenteth and affectionates the vnderstanding , and doth excite and sollicite him , that he study , thinke , and dwell vpon that which she best liketh . but leauing the resolution of this controuersie to your thomists , and scotists , who dispute it at large ; the vnderstanding ( as i said before ) is a regall power which ruleth & gouerneth in man , and is that starre which guideth and giueth light to the whole house of the soule ; yet is the will so much mistresse , that nothing is done without her . nor can god himselfe ( by violence ) draw a yea , or a nay from it , without trespassing vpon that liberty wherewith he created it ; for in it 's owne nature it is free : and ( as philosophy informeth vs ) it cannot be forced . caeterae potentiae possunt capi , non tamen voluntas . but the common receiued opinion is , that both the one and the other must concurre for the effecting of any free worke . insomuch , that it is impossible to performe any action of importance , vnlesse that both doe intend that same . we must plucke the reynes of both , hold both of them in our hands , if we meane to rule and gouerne the soule as we ought ; the vnderstanding directing , and the will operating . and therefore a deuout king , after that hee hath begg'd vnderstanding of god , that hee may be able to study and meditate on the obseruance of his diuine law , for the conseruation of himselfe , and his kingdome ; finding that this is not sufficient if the will should draw another way , let him presently pray vnto him , that he incline his will , and so dispose thereof , that he may not onely will his will , but that hee may take pleasure to put it in practise . in strictnesse , and in rigour , that is not wisedome , nor deserueth the name thereof , which is bung'd vp in the head , and goes not from the vnderstanding to the hand , and from the will to the worke. non enim sapientia est ( saith s. bernard ) quae quod sapit , non exercet ; wisedome without practise is not wisedome . there are some of whom all men sticke not to say , that he is of great vnderstanding , a man of admirable abilities , singular wisedome , &c. and yet no man knowes wherein his knowledge lies , nor can discerne his wisdome in his actions . it is necessary that this opinion should be ratified and confirmed by exterior actions , and some publique demonstrations . of king dauid the holy ghost saith , that hee did gouerne his people with the vnderstanding of his hands . et in intellectibus manuum suarum deduxit illos . it is a cleare case that the hands haue no other particular vnderstanding in a distinct manner , or distinguished from that which the soule hath ; and this is in the head , and not in the hands . but the meaning of that place is , that in the workes of his hands , and in all his actions , the king manifested his great vnderstanding and wisedome : which if it remaine onely in the huske , or shell , it is good for nothing , sicut fides , ita & sapientia , sine operibus mortua est ; wisedome ( saith s. bernard ) is like faith , without good workes it is dead . that king therefore that shall haue wisedome inough in , and for himselfe , and shall execute and shew the same in the gouernment of his kingdome , and exercise the same amongst his subiects , he shall be great in all his kingdomes heere on earth , and great likewise in the kingdome of heauen . salomon , when god had giuen him wisedome , did not onely attend the speculatiue part , but the practicke ; which is the principall thing in him that ruleth . apposui cor meum , vt viderem sapientiam , & occupationem : ( for so the septuagint translate it . ) but rendered by the vulgar : i applyed mine heart to know wisdome , and to see the businesse that is done vpon earth ; for in wisedome , and the good exercise thereof , consisteth all the good gouernment of a common-wealth . this being presupposed , and what else in the subsequent chapters shall be spoken hereof , i say , that it is not required of kings , that they should be so wise and skilfull in all arts and faculties , as king salomon was , and others , which make profession thereof ; nor yet so illiterate , as the emperour licinius , which was such an idiot , and such a beast , that he knew not how to firme or set his hand to any de●d , or writing . or as that other michael balbo , which was such an enemy vnto learning , that hee would neither study good letters himselfe , nor suffer the children of his time to be b●ed vp therein . that which is to be required of euery good king , is ; that he haue so much wisedome , as to be able to aduise himselfe , and to make benefit of the councell of others . that he be wise enough to know what is good and iust , and what is bad and ill , that he may vse the one , and shun the other . is enim moderatus est sapiens ( saith socrates ) that hath courage to execute , and will to doe . on those bases , which the most wise king salomon placed in the temple , hee commanded lions , oxen , and cherubins to be ingrauen , in signification of so many the like qualities which kings ought to haue , who sustaine the whole weight of a kingdome . he must be in perpetuall labour , signified in the oxe ; he must be endued with courage , expressed in the lion ; and he must abound in knowledge , notified in the cherubin . wherefore cicero likewise maketh mention ; hae sunt ( saith that heathen orator ) virtutes imperatoriae , labor in negotijs , fortitudo in periculis , industria in agendo : to assist in businesses , to be stout and valiant in dangers , to be dextrous and wise in acting , and aboue all , to haue a liberall will without subiection , and readily disposed for execution , are vertues befitting an emperour . for to gouerne well , great strength , great courage , great wisedome , great power , and a great willingnesse will be required . for , though a king know much , and can doe much ; yet , if he will not exercise his knowledge , nor make vse of his power , it is all one as if he neither knew , nor could doe any thing . the leaper said to our sauiour christ , domine , si vis , potes me mundare ; if thou wilt , thou canst make me cleane . and christ made him answer , not in word onely , but in deed ; volo , mundare ; i will , be thou cleane . chap. vi. how kings ought to carry themselues in those businesses , which their vnderstanding comprehendeth not . in regard that the vnderstanding is amongst all other faculties the noblest , it is that ( without doubt ) which doth least render and yeeld it selfe , but is most sencible of the offence it receiueth in submitting it selfe . whereupon oftentimes it sticketh close to it's opinion , and what it hath once intertained , it obstinately maintaineth and defendeth . and therefore the philosopher , said ; amicus plato , sed maior veritas : plato is my friend , but the truth more . in confirmation whereof we daily see , that the dearest and neerest friends , and that are one and the same in their will and affection , in their vnderstanding and opinion are diuerse and different . each of them maintaineth his owne particular tenet , and yet without offence continew still good friends . in a word , in matter of knowledge and vnderstanding , because it is a thing that cannot be measured out by the yard , or meate out by inches , there is not that man , that can indure maioria , or that another should goe before him , or get the start of him in that kinde . euery one resteth satisfied with his owne vnderstanding , and conceiues that his reason is the best ; and few will bee brought to acknowledge , that they are in an errour . and in a manner all men flatter themselues with their owne opinion , and thinking they are in the right , they are so farre from yeelding , that they stiffely maintaine what they haue vndertaken & you shall not beate them out of it , as being perswaded that they haue the better end of the staffe in their hands . and hence arise those earnest contentions , and endlesse questions in your consultations , and debating of causes , those crosse incounters and differences in determining great businesses , persisting violently in their opinion , though it bee neuer so contrary vnto reason . and though this be a common infirmitie , and a generall fault in all of what state and condition soeuer , yet your great persons in this point runne the greatest perill . for ( as the sonne of sirach saith ) all doe approue and celebrate their sayings , not in that onely , wherein they speake home to the purpose , but when they speake foolishly , and vtter things not to bee spoken . locutus est diues , & omnes tacuerunt , & verbum illius vsque ad nubes perducent : when a rich man speaketh , euery man holdeth his tongue , and looke what he saith , they extoll it to the cloudes . for opinion being now , ( as long since ) mistris of the world ; shew ouerswaies substance , and authoritie checketh reason . it is not goodnesse , but greatnesse , that strikes the stroke . but if a prince would bee so holy , and so zealous of the good of his kingdome , haue hee neuer so able a braine , neuer so much knowledge and vnderstanding , ( acknowledging what a large extent of wisedome is required for the gouerning of a kingdome , as it ought to be gouerned ) that hee would be pleased to receiue some helpe and assistance , hee hath very secure and certaine remedies in this case , and all of them ordred and ordained by the holy ghost . the first is , to begge of god ( and that with a great deale of faith and confidence ) light , and wisedome ; conforming himselfe to that of s. iames ; si quis vestrum indiget sapientia postulet à deo , qui dat omnibus affluenter , & non improperat & dabitur ei : if any of you lacke wisedome , let him aske of god that giueth to all men liberally , and vpbraideth not ; and it shall be giuen him . and for asmuch as in kings , this acknowledgment is vsually more difficult , for that they are free , and without dependance on any in their owne kingdomes , so much the more acceptable in this kind are their prayers vnto god. as king salomon exemplifieth it vnto vs , who confessing the shortnesse of his vnderstanding , and his want of wisedome , for to gouerne so great a people that could not bee numbred , nor counted for multitude , acknowledging himselfe to be but as a little child , and that hee knew not how to goe out , or come in , and humbly beseeching god , that hee would be pleased to supply this defect , he found so much fauour in his sight that he appeared vnto him after a solemne sacrifice , and said ; postula quod vis , vt dem tibi . aske , what i shall giue thee . and this young king with a great deale of thankefulnesse and submission , sayd ; domine deus tu regnare fecisti servum tuum &c. o lord my god , thuo hast made thy seruant king in in stead of dauid my father , &c. and thy seruant is in the midst of the people which thou hast chosen , a great people &c. giue therefore thy seruant an vnderstanding heart , to iudge thy people , that i may discerne betweene good and bad , and be able to goe in and out before thy people . and howbeit this discreete young king saw the doore of gods mercie set thus wide open vnto him , and what a liberall offer he had made vnto him , to bestow fauours vpon him according to the measure of his owne desire , yet did hee neither set his eyes , nor his heart vpon gold , siluer , riches , or long life , but as one , that knew so well how to aske , desired that he would out of his grace and mercy , giue him the gift of wisedome , that hee might know how to gouerne his state and kingdomes , and to conserue them in peace and iustice. and god was so well pleased with this his petition , that he did not onely bestow that vpon him , but many other blessings with it , and ( as the apostle saith ) affluenter , in a great aboundance making him the wisest , the discreetest , and the greatest king , that euer was in the world . and besides , gaue him all that which hee omitted to desire , or might haue desired : to wit , long life , full of prosperitie , honour , and riches . he did not account of these , in comparison of wisedome , and yet all those other fauours were conferred vpon him ; quia hoc magis plaucit cordi tuo , & non postulasti diuitias , &c : because this was in thy heart , and thou hast not asked riches , wealth , or honour , nor yet hast asked long life , but hast asked wisedome and knowledge for thy selfe , that thou mayst iudge my people , ouer whom i haue made thee king ; wisedome and knowledge is granted vnto thee , and i will giue thee riches , and wealth , and honour , such as none of the kings haue had , that haue beene before thee , neither shall any after thee haue the like . this very goodnesse , this same wisedome , did his father dauid beg of god. bonitatem , & disciplinam & scientiam , doce me : teach me good iudgement and knowledge . which is all that can be wish't , or desired for to gouerne well . in a word , most certaine it is , that wisedome is the gift of god , and that it is purchased ( as was that of salomon ) with humble perseuering , and confident prayer . god can , and doth make of stones sons of abraham , which ( according to the language of the holy scripture ) are wise and prudent men . sambucus saith ; that apollo being consulted with touching the helpe of wisedome ; made answer , that hee knew no other remedie for it but silence . for he that is ignorant of a thing , by his talking , bewrays his ignorance : and by holding his peace is reputed wise . which the holy ghost confirmeth vnto vs in that place of the prouerbs , where it is said ; stultus si tacuerit , sapiens reputabitur ; & si compresserit labia sua , intelligens : a foole when he holdeth his peace is counted wise , & hee that shutteth his lips , is esteemed a man of vnderstanding . it is great wisedome in a man to know then how to hold his peace , when hee knowes not how to speake to the businesse . and great discretion in him , rather to couer his defect , then publish his ignorance : answearing vnto that which a law of the partida deliuers , speaking there of a king. esi●l no fuere home de gran seso por lassus palabras entendran los homes , lamenqua que ha del . and if he shall not be a man of great wisedome , by his words , the people will vnderstand the want he hath thereof . wisdomes defect is supplied by silence . and it is s. gregories censure vpon these words of iob : vtinam taceretis , vt putaremini esse sapientes . oh that you would altogether hold your peace , and it should be your wisedome . at least , it is the counsaile of the wise , that kings ought to striue and indeauour , that no man should know all their store , nor be able to fadome the depth of that their sea of knowledge , for the danger of the discouerie of a deceit ; for many times it importeth more in those that are led away with affection , and those likewise that are strangers , to be ignorant whither and how far , the worth and wisedome of a prince extends it selfe , then the experience and proofe thereof . and because sometimes vpon occasion kings are forced to discouer that , which otherwise were fit to be concealed , it is very meete and conuenient , that they should vse few , graue , and well-weighed words , making no shew of their owne proper satisfaction . wherein wise men haue found much greatnesse , besides an augmentation of their wisedome , and prudence . qui moderatur sermones suos ( saith salomon ) doctus , & prudens est : he that hath knowledge , spareth his words : homer saith , that in kings , and such as praeside and rule , short and full language , deliuered with maiestie , is much to be applauded & commended . and socrates giues this precept to his king ; in all that thou shalt say , thinke , or doe , beare this alwayes in thy memorie , that thou art a king , and therefore oughtst not either to doe , or say any thing , vnworthy so great a name . octauius caesar , when he was to speake to the senate or people of rome , did neuer performe that office but with a great deale of good order in his words , and deliberation in his matter , committing first to memorie that which he was to say vnto them . and if the businesse were of great weight & consequence indeed , he brought his papers along with him , and deliuered them his minde in writing , because hee would say neither more , nor lesse , then what with premeditation he had resolued to acquaint them with all . and aboue all , the particular , ( if not the onely ) remedie to solder all breaches , and defaults of knowledge and experience in businesses , is that receipt which we haue from the son of syrach , who aduiseth his sonne not to determine any thing without counsaile . fili , sine consilio nihilfacias , & post factum , non poenitebis . which the vulgar rendreth thus ; do nothing without aduice , and when thou hast once done , repent not . for if it hit right , the glorie shall be thine ; and if it miscarry , thou shalt find sufficient excuse . cicero was wont to say , that he did esteeme it a greater honor vnto him to erre , following platos opinion and counsell then to happen right , and to hit the nayle ( as we say ) on the head , by adhering to others of lesse credit and reputation . it is a rule of prudence ( saith s. hilary ) that a wise man should aske aduice in that he knowes not . for ▪ that man is very apt to erre , that is not willing to heare , & stands in his own light , that neither knowes how to aske , nor how to apply himselfe to other mens opinions . being ( as it is in the prouerb ) mas ven quatroqi ois , que dos : foure eyes , see more then two . and with so many eyes doth a man see , and with so many eares doth a man heare , by how many the more friends he hath to aduise him . doe not ( as many doe , and haue done ) perswade thy selfe , that thou knowst more then all the world besides ; ( an ordinary disease in ( princes ) who seeing themselues seated in such high thrones , to be so rich , and so powerfull , take themselues to be the wisest and prudentest men vpon earth . yet let them know that they brought not from their mothers wombe more prudence or wisedome , then other ordinary folkes . nemo enim ex regibus aliud habuit natiuitatis initium . king , and clowne , rich and poore , when they are borne , draw in the common ayre , and being fashioned to be flesh after ten monthes compaction in blood , fall vpon the earth which is of like nature . the first voice vttred by kings , is crying , as all others doe . there is no king , that hath any other beginning of birth ; for all men haue one entrance vnto life , and the like going out . we come all into the world with our bare skins on our backs , and as naked of knowledge , as cloathes ; being subiect in the rest to industrie , instruction , and others counsaile , and aduice , which is that which supplieth the defects of nature . rationall soules , are all of them equall and alike in their creation , and essentiall perfection , though they differently discouer themselues in some bodies , more then in other some , in regard of the better or not so good disposition of the organs , and by consequence , their vnderstandings come to be differenced , and the conceipts of the one , to bee of a higher straine then the other . a man shall see more clearely through a christall glasse , then that which is of a thicker and grosser mettall . our body is nothing else but a glasse ; nor haue all bodies this good disposition ; nor haue kings , ioyntly with their power , the selfe same measure in their vnderstanding , wisedome , and prudence . but say they had ; it will be no hurt to them , but a great deale of good and aduantage , to heare , and take aduice . for , audiens sapiens , sapientio rerit : a wise man by hearing , will be made the wiser . audi consilium , vt sis sapiens in nouissimis tuis . heare counsaile , and receiue instruction , that thou mayst be wise in the latter end . and neuer in hard and difficult businesses , should any man ( be he neuer so wise ) refuse to take aduise . and besides , it sauours of much wisedome ; not to doe any thing without it . qui agunt omnia in consilio , reguntur sapientia : with the well aduised ( saith the holy ghost ) is wisedome : and there is no man so wise that is wise in all things . the best and skilfullest physitian in the world knowes not how to cure himselfe , neither will he trust only to his own opinion , but calleth another vnto him , aduiseth with him , takes his counsaile , and puts himselfe vnder his cure . eurigius king of the gothes , said in the toletane councell ; that euen those workes , which in themselues were very good , and did much import the common-wealth , wereby no means to be done , or put in execution , without the counsaile of those that were good ministers , and well affected to the state , vpon paine not onely of losse of discretion , but to be condemned as the onely ouerthrowers of the action . things being so various , and so many , and weighty the businesses as are those which come vnder the hands of kings , and craue their care to bee treated of , the successe of them , must needs run a great deale of danger , when there precedeth not some diligent and mature counsaile . kings ( i assure you ) had neede haue good both counsailours and counsaile , hauing so many eyes as they haue vpon them , some of iealousie , and some of enuie , so many that goe about to deceiue , and doe deceiue them ; and many , that doe not loue them as they ought ; i say they had neede of good both counsailours and counsaile , and such a councell as is more close and priuate , as that of the councell of state , and sometimes , and in some cases with a little more restriction and reseruednesse , making choise of one , two , or more of their faithfullest and sufficientest counsellours , with whom they may freely communicate their greater , and lesser affaires , and be resolued by them in matters of greater moment , and such as importe their own proper preseruation , and the augmentation of their kingdome , such as the historians of augustus paint forth vnto vs , which kinde of course , the princes before and since his time haue taken , and now at this present , doe . from the poorest plowman , to the potent'st prince , from the meanest shepheard , to the mightiest monarke , there is a necessitie of this counsaile . and in effect , euery one as hee can , ( comformable to his estate , and calling ) must consult with his wife , his sonne , his friend , or himselfe , ( if his fortune afford him not a companion , whom he may trust , or make his confident ) . how much doth it concerne kings , who possessing such great estates , and being subiect to so many accidents , haue need of a more perfect and complete councel . and not any thing so much importeth them for the conseruation , and augmentation of their kingdomes , as to haue about them iust , prudent , & dis-interessed persons , to aduise them with a great deale of faithfullnesse , and loue , and with free libertie of language to represent the truth of that , which to them , and their common-wealth , is most fitting and conuenient . who , for this purpose , are as necessarie as great treasures , and mighty armies . that holy king dauid , was more a fraid of the aduise of one wise counsellour , which his son absolon had with him , then of all the men of warre that followed him and his fortunes . plutarke , and aristole floute at fortune in businesses that succeede well , when men doe gouerne themselues by good counsell . and for this cause , they stiled counsaile the eye , of those things that are to come , because of it's foresight . and for that wee haue treated heeretofore of the qualities of all sortes of counsailours , i now say ; that with much deliberation and aduise , kings are to make choise of those persons , which are to aduise and counsaile them . for from their hitting or missing the marke , resulteth the vniuersall good or ill , of the whole kingdome . it is the common receiued opinion , that the maturest and soundest counsaile , is to be found in those men , that are growne wise , by their age , and experience , which is the naturall daughter of time , and the mother of good counsaile . tempus enim multam , & variam doctrinam parit . it is euripides his saying ; suting with that of iob , in antiquis est sapientia , & in multo tempore , prudentia : in the ancient , is wisedome , and in much time , prudence . long time , is a great master , which doth graduate men in the knowledge of things , and makes them wary , prudent , and circumspect , which is much ( if not wholly ) wanting in young men . and therefore aristotle saith of them , that they are not good for counsaile , because wit , more then wisedome in them , hath it's force and vigour . et tenero tractari pectore nescit , saith claudian . and s. ierome is of the minde , that young witts , cannot weild weighty matters . and that their counsailes , are rash and dangerous , like vnto that they gaue king rehoboam ; by whose inconsiderate aduise hee lost his kingdome : the same course hauing cost others as deare ; as is proued vnto vs out of s. austen . and therefore the grecians , romans , lacedemonians , carthaginians , and other common-wealthes which were good obseruers of their lawes and customes , did ordaine ; that a young man how wise so euer hee might seeme to be , and of neuer so good and approued iudgement , should not be admitted to the counsell table , till he were past . yeares of age , who being adorned with vertue , and experience , might assure them that hee would keepe a decorum in all his actions , and performe his dutie in euery respect . lex erat ( sayth heraclides ) ne quis natus infrà quinquaginta , vel magistratum gerat , vel legationem obiret . in fine , for councell seneca and baldus , affirme ; that the very shadow of an old man , is better then the eloquence of a young man. but because good counsailes are not in our hands , but in gods hands , who , as dauid saith ; dissipat consilia gentium & reprobat consilia principum : the lord bringeth the counsaile of the heathen to nought , hee maketh the deuises of princes of none effect . and the wisest of kings tells vs. non est sapientia , non est prudentia , non est consilium contra dominum : there is no wisedome , no vnderstanding , no counsell against the lord. and in humane things , there are so many contingencies that mans wisedome is not alwaies sufficient to determine the best , nor to hit aright in his counsailes , vnlesse the holy ghost be interuenient , interpose it selfe , and assist in them . for let priuie-counsellours beate out their braines with plodding and plotting , let them be neuer so vigilant ; neuer so studious , they shall erre in their ayme , and shoote beside the butt , if hee direct not the arrow of their councell and wisedome ; if he do not in secret illighten their hearts ; illuminate their vnderstanding , and dictate vnto them , what they are to doe . which is done by the infusiue gift of the holy spirit co-operating in vs , which is a diuine impulsion which doth eleuate & raise vp our vnderstanding to hit the white and to choose that according to the rule the diuine law ) which is fit to be followed , as also to be avoided . and this is the gift of councell giuen by god vnto his friends , and such as serue him truly , to the end that by his helpe , they may light aright vpon that , which of themselues they could neuer come neere . and he that is not gods friend , nor studies by his actions to be so , let him shake hands with the holy ghost , let him bid this blessed spirit farewell , this diuine gift ; which is the best ( saith nissenus ) and the most perfect , that is in man : so that for to giue counsaile and aduice , yeares , experience , and gray hayres , suffice not ; vnlesse his soule be as white as his head , and his conscience be pure and cleane from corruption . cani enim sunt sensus hominis : the good abilities , and wise apprehensions of man , are those true siluer haires , those hoary locks , which countenance him , and adde authoritie , vnto him , and not those snowie flakes , nor hoare frost , that lies vpon his bearde . aetas senectutis , vita immaculata : wisedome is the gray hayre vnto men , and an vnspotted life , is old age . so the wiseman renders it of vertuous olde men : galen saith that they haue the facultie of aduising , and that of them wee must aske counsaile . god commanded moses , that he should make choise of the elders of israel to gouerne his people . de senibus israel , quos tu nosti , quod senes populi sint : gather vnto me . men of the elders of israel , whom thou knowest to be the elders of the people . hoary-headed men ( accompanied with much vertue , an approued life , soundnesse of religion , and much prudence ) are those that are worthy to giue counsaile , and those which kings are to make choyse of for their seruice . the emperour charles the fift sayd it was fit , that princes should be serued by men that were learned and vertuous , and that the counsaile , and companie of those which were not so , were very preiudiciall and hurtfull . counsailours likewise must be of that greatnesse of courage and magnanimitie , as may correspond with the dignitie royall . for kings that haue not had in themselues any great courage , haue still honoured noble minded counsailours , whereas the contrary haue bin disgraced , and degraded of their honours by kings that were naturally magnanimous . for it is the condition of cowardly hearts , and of base counsailours en cuerpo , yalma ( as they say ) in body , and soule ; to propose vnto their kings base and vnworthy meanes , for the remedying of some mischiefes , whereon others follow , that are farre greater . and let them not perswade them , that this age is barraine of vertuous dispositions , and noble mindes , which produceth , as well as former times , whatsoeuer is necessary and needefull for them . for , the diuine prudence ( to which particularly appertaineth the conseruation of kingdoms ) is neuer drawen dry , neuer waxes weary . and if such men are wanting , and appeare not to the eye of the world , it is , because they are not sought after , or not admitted to councell , for the chastisement and punishment of our great and heinous sinnes . besides , this one benefit kings haue aboue others , that all good men would be glad to serue them , and many do sue and seeke after them , and offer their seruice vnto them ; so that , they haue store of choise , and may easily make good election , if therein they will strip and cleanse themselues of their affections , and passions , which eclipse and darken the true iudgement of man. and these , that i now speake of , when they haue found them , and made choise of them to be of their councell ; let them loue them , honour them , and trust them . and as they shall receiue ease and honour by their good aduise ; so let them reward them , and conceiue of them , as king alexander did of his master , and counsellour aristotle , of whom he said , that he ought no lesse respect vnto him , then vnto his owne father . for from his father he had his life , his honour , and his kingdome ; but from aristotle , his instructions , counsailes , and directions , how he should order himselfe in all his affaires . and scipio , doth attribute all the honour of his victories to his faithfull friend and counsellour laelius . and cicero , to the philosopher publius , for those notable things of his gouernment , which he performed in his consullship : so that good and faithfull counsailours , are of great honour , profit , and ease vnto kings . but let kings take heede , least they strike a feare into their counselours , through their absolute and free condition , and make them to withdraw themselues from aduising them what is fitting , by seeing them so wedded to their owne opinion , and to excuse themselues from giuing counsaile , for that they are dis-heartned & discountenanced by them for deliuering their mindes freely for their profit , & honour . of the emperour adrian it is storyed , that hee had so noble a condition , vt libenter patiebatur admoneri & corrigivel ab humili persona : that he willingly submitted himselfe to be admonished and reproued of the meanest person . it is proper to gentile brests , & generous hearts , to listen with delight to the good reasons , & counsailes of others , though they be inferiour in qualitie vnto them : for sometimes a poore man hits right , when a rich man misses the marke . and a country clowne may aduise that , which a king knowes not of . and if he do perswade himselfe , that he knoweth all , and vnderstandeth all , and that his opinion alone is the certainest & surest , he but shuts the doore to the discouery of his errour . one of the two things ( saith hesiod ) which euery man of reason , wisdome , and vnderstanding , that shall be sufficient to gouerne that , which shall be committed to his charge , ought to haue ; is a great blandure , smoothnesse , and softnesse of heart , to follow the opinion , aduise and counsaile of those that are the wisest and know most . this blandure , and doctlitie , is likewise a part of prudence , and we shall finde it set downe in expresse words , in those two petitions , which salomon made vnto god. for in the second of the chron. it is written , that he sayd ; da mihi sapientiam : giue me wisedome . and in the first of the kings ; dabis ergo seruo tuo cor docile : giue therefore thy seruant an vnderstanding heart . vnderstanding , for to know , and an obedient heart , for to heare the aduise of others . but this second part , of being obedient to other mens opinions , is vnprofitable for gouernment , without the first , which is prudence , and wisedome , for to choose and know the best . for , by following bad counsaile , he shall erre as much , as if he followed his owne proper errour ; and sometimes more . and i should hold it the lesse euill , that a king were not ouerwise , if presuming that he is ; he should relie too much vpon himself , & scorne to take counsaile ; then if he were lesse wise , but knew how to benefit himselfe , and make good vse of the aduise of prudent and wise counsailours . a prince , of a docile and ingenious disposition , is well disposed to intertaine all good counsaile and doctrine . he easily learneth the languages of all those nations , which are vnder his empire , & doth all things with as much facilitie , as if he had beene bred vp in euery one of them . and therefore sayd heredotus ; omnia sapientibus facilia : to the wise , all things are easie . and therefore your wise men , giue the first place vnto that man , who of himselfe knowes that which is fitting . and the second , to him , that knowes how to follow good counsaile . but he that neither is wise , nor will be ruled by the wise , they know not in what forme to place him , nor what name to giue him . plato , calls them children , and further saith ; that such men as are not wise , though they be neuer so aged , are still children . and seneca proueth , that they begin euery day to liue because they vnderstand no more , then the child that is new borne . and strabo is of the same minde . omnes idiotae , & doctrinarum expertes , quodammodo pueri sunt appellandi , all idiots , and illiterate persons , are after a sort to be called children . and because in the chapters that are to follow by and by , we are to treate more at large of this matter , i conclude this with saying ; that kings for to hit the nayle on the head , and not to faile in the carriage of their businesses , must alwayes take counsaile of wisemen , such as are of knowne vertue and experience ; and not giue credit vnto any , that prate and talke with a great deale of libertie and licence of those things they vnderstand not , as if they were graduated in them from their mothers wombe ; and only for a more happy ( in shew ) then prudent wit : least that happen vnto them , which befell king ahab , who admitted to his counsell a false prophet , that made great osteniation of that spirit , which he had not . hee put the gouernment into his hands , and all was gouerned by his counsaile . and because he did not speake by the spirit of god , nor he himselfe well vnderstood what he sayd , businesses went a misse , the kingdome suffred , and it cost the king his life . * and therefore we are not more to desire any thing of god for the good gouernment , conseruation , and augmentation of kings , and kingdomes , then that he will be pleased to furnish them , with good , wise , and prudent counsailours such as are sound at the heart , cleane from corruption , and blamelesse in their conuersation . for such as these , will serue them in stead of eyes , and vnderstanding both , wherewith they may see , and vnderstand all that passeth in their kingdomes . o how without eyes , how blinde is that king , who hath imprudent , couetous , and ill inclined ministers ▪ and if he will conserue himselfe and his kingdome well , he ought not so much to flye from those physitians , who either out of ignorance , or particular hatred , approue , and consent to his eating of such meates as are hurtfull and contrary to his health , as from ignorant counsailours , who either out of adulation or for their particular interest , make all that lawfull , which his free and absolute will shall lead him vnto . for such eare-wiggs as these , will quickly spoyle , the prosperitie of the kingdome , ouerthrow the life of the king , and prouoke the patience of the subiect . chap. vii . a prosecution of the former discourse , shewing how kings are to take counsaile , and what signes they are to marke and obserue for their better knowledge . it is a prouerbe much celebrated amongst the grecians ; that consiliumest res sacra ; counsaile , is a sacred thing . and as diuus thomas declares it ; it is a light wherewith the holy ghost illightneth the vnderstanding , to chose the best . others say ; that it is a science , which doth weigh and consider , how , and when , things are to be done , that they may succeed well . aristotle saith ; that it is a well weighed , and considered reason , whether such a thing shall be done , or not done ? and the law de la partida , that it is good aduice , which a man takes vpon things that are doubtfull , that they may succeede well . and indeede counsaile is in all things exceeding necessary . for without it , can we neither treate of peace , nor war. consiliis , tractanda sunt bella : euery purpose is established by counsell , and with good aduise make war. it is the saying of the holy ghost ; ibi salus , vhi multa consilia : much counsell , bringeth much safety . nor can there be any thing more preiudiciall , nor any meanes more effectuall to destroy kings and kingdomes , then to alter and peruert counsailes . and this the prophet micah teacheth vs in a vision which he had , in this forme : god represented himself , sitting on his throne , and all the hoast of heauen standing by him , on his right hand , and on his left , consulting with them , what course he should take to destroy ahab . and euery one hauing deliuered his opinion , there came forth a malignant and lying spirit , like another cayphas , and gaue his verdit , saying ; i will goe forth , and i will be a lying spirit in the mouth of all his prophets i will instruct the counsailours of kings ahab , and with a lye cloathed with the appearance and likenesse of truth , i will deceiue and destroy him . this course was approued , and held to be the fittest & most effectuall for the kings vtter ruine and destruction . and albeit in this diuine vision , and reuelation , manifested for the dis●deceiuing of kings , and to put them out of their errour , there were many things worthy obseruation , and consideration , yet the principall note ( in my iudgement ) is ; that neither ahabs want of vnderstanding , nor his being head-strong nor wilfull in his opinion , nor his being ouer-rash , and vnaduised in what he vndertooke , but his own sins , and the sins of his people , had put him in that estate and condition , that dismeriting gods fauour , and the light of heauen , the diuel did deceiue him , guiding the tongues of his false prophets , telling them falsehoods , for truthes ; doubtfull things , for things certaine , and by perswading him , that that which was to be his destruction , should turne vnto his profit & honour . s. paul tells vs , that satan often times transformes himselfe into an angell of light , and represents lyes and falshoods vnto vs , in the shape & figure of truth . and the mischiefe of it , is ; that the same which the diuell wrought vpon ahabs counsailours , feigned friends , and professed enemies , haue , and doe the like on some occasions ; procuring by secret meanes , to introduce persons , who making profession to side and take part with the king , perswade him to do that , which is least fitting for them , and most vsefull for their own ends . this is one of the greatest darings , and insolencies , that may in matter of state be attempted . god free all good kings from such counsailes , and counsailours . when king dauid saw how his sonne absolon persecuted him ; and thought to go away with the kingdome , he feared not any thing so much , as the plots and counsaile of achitophel , who was both a subtile statist , and a valiant souldier , and by whose aduise absalon was wholly ruled and gouerned . for the repairing of which mischiefe , he got hushai the archite , who was no whit inferiour vnto him in valour , and prudence , in a dissembling and disguised manner , to offer his seruice vnto absalon , and to worke himselfe in to be of his councell of war , and state , that he might be the better able , to oppose the able and sound aduice of achitophel ; as he did euen then , when his master had most need of his seruice : by which discreete carriage , dauid was freed of his fear , and absalons businesses went backward , till himselfe , and his whole armie were vtterly ouerthrown . which story ye may read more at large in the second of samuel . two things therefore are to be considered for to know which is the best and safest counsaile : the one on the kings part , who craues it ; the other , on his part , that giues it . and on either part , that which most importeth , is purenesse of intention , & a desire to incounter with truth . not like vnto those , who hearken vnto good and disappassionated counsailes with passion , and onely desire to be aduised , that the councell may conclude , what is meerely their wil , & not otherwise . and in their sittings at the counsaile-table , which are ordained to this end , they doe not so much treate , whether that , they pretend , be iust , or no ? but with what colour of iustice , they may effect what they desire ? the vnderstanding ( saith salust ) which we will ( and with better reason , or more properly ) tearme the will , ought to be free and dis-incumbranced of affection , or particular passions , as well in asking , as giuing counsaile . and because if there be any of this reigning in the brest , it cannot alwaies , nay scarce any long time be dissembled , but will like fire breake forth from vnder the ashes that couer it ; fitting it is , that kings should seldome assist personally in counsaile ; for their voting in his presence , is done with awfulnesse , and great respect ; but in his absence , they vtter their mindes with a little more freenes , and libertie of language . and euermore your first opinions of your ministers , and counsailours of state , before they be toucht with the ayre of the kings will , are the best and the sincerest , as produced from that vnforst motion and naturall inclination , which is in their owne particular hearts , and bosomes . if the king desireth to haue this or that thing passe , and for to authorize and qualifie this his desire , he craueth their counsell , howbeit hee meete with many which conforme themselues thereunto , & follow his gust and liking , yet such counsaile or aduice in such a case , ought to be esteemed as little secure , as there is great reason for it to hold it suspected : especially , if the foresaid counsailours , by some meanes or other come to haue an inckling , that this way the king is inclined , and this is that , which will giue him content . and though we might as well out of diuine , as humane letters cite heere many examples , for that this is a thing so vsuall , and so well receiued both by princes , and by priuy-counsailours ; or to speake more truly and plainely , by those , that sooth , and flatter them ; i will onely alleadge that , which passed with that vnfortunate king ahab ; who out of his proud and haughty spirit , and the desire that he had to make warre , and to take a place of importance from the king of syria , propounded his intent , or to say better his content , to those of his counsell . the businesse was no sooner in treatie , and the proposition for the vndertaking of this action proposed vnto them , but forthwith . counsailours with a ioynt consent conformed themselues to his opinion . and to sooth vp this his humour the more , one amongst the rest bobb'd him in the mouth with an intollerable lye , affirming ; that god had reuealed vnto him , that he should haue the glorie of the day , & that the successe of the battaile should be prosperous vnto him this was apprehended with a great deale of content by the king , but was finished with his vnfortunate end , himselfe being slaine in that battaile , and his army routed and ouerthrowne . by which we may see , how much it concerneth kings , if they will receiue good counsaile , that they dissemble ( as much as they can ) their particular good will and liking in the businesse proposed . but that , which is heere of greater consideration , is the vertue , fidelitie , and truth of a counsailour , a minde without passion , disinteressed , and pure . for it oftentimes hapneth , that he that craueth counsaile , hath not his intention so sound as is requisite , nor his iudgement so strong , as to reduce him into the right way , and being set in it , to follow the best . but to grow to a conclusion , that cannot faile , which truth it selfe , our sauiour christ said in his gospell ; a good tree , cannot bring forth had fruit nor a bad tree good . and the badge or cognisance of good or bad counsaile , shall doubtlesse be the goodnesse , or badnesse , the wisedome , or ignorance of the counsailour . and therefore i importunately presse , that it mainly importeth a prince , to beware , of whom he taketh counsaile . for by how much the more profitable is a wise & vpright counsailour , by so much the more preiudiciall is he , that is vniust , and vnstreight and therefore the holy ghost saith ; consilum semper a sapiente perquire : aske counsaile alwaies of the wise . and in another place ; pacifici sint tibi multi , consiliarius sit tibi vnus de mille . amongst a . men scarce will there be found one , that is fit to giue counsaile . for some want wisedome , & prudence ; othersome , purenesse , and cleannesse of heart ; and a third sort , are so ouerswaied with passion , that they do not simply & sincerely perswade the truth . a cleare example wherof we haue in king rehoboam , the sonne and successour of king salomon , who though he succeded his father in so rich a kingdome , and so inured to peace , and obedience to their king , yet notwithstanding was in an instant vndone & vtterly lost by bad both counsaile , and counsailours . for good counsellours are the life and soule of a kingdome . and when it is not vnderpropped with such , like a body without a soule , it presently sinke , & falls from it's state wherin it stood . and therefore the holy king sayd . o culi mei ad fideles terrae , vt sedeant m●cum . ambulans in via immaculata , hic mihi ministrabit . non habitabit in medio domus meae , qui facit superbiam : qui loquitur iniqua , non direxit in conspectu oculorum meorum : mine eyes shall be vpon the faithfull of the land that they may dwell with me . hee that walketh in a perfect way , hee shall serue me . hee that worketh deceit , shall not dwell in my house : hee that telleth lyes , shall not tarry in my sight . and in this particular , kings ought to be very wary and circumspect . in the next chapter we will treate of the care which they are to take in choosing their counsellours of state ; for the errour in this one , is the fountaine of all errours , and the totall perdition of kings and kingdomes . chap. viii . of the diligences , which kings are to vse in the election of their ministers , and counsellours . it is a question , that hath beene much sifted and winowed amongst your morall philosophers , as also your diuines ; whether e●ection , be formally a worke of the vnderstanding , or the will : gregory nyssenus saith ; that it is composed of both partes ; to wit , of the act of the will , and of the vnderstanding . and hee said well . for therein is required both a fullnesse of knowledge , and a freenesse of will. and it is the doctrine of diuus thomas , who saith ; that it is not of the will alone , but also of the vnderstanding , because the electiue act of the will , conference , consultation , & iudgement , is to precede ; which is the proper act of the vnderstanding . but the mischiefe of it is ; that in elections , wee many times see the contrary , and what a strange diuorcement and seperation there is heerein , from this true philosophie . for that , which now a dayes most of all discouers it selfe in these elections , is our proper gust , will , and affection . and therefore to remedy so great a malady , it shall be requisite , that the prince , who desireth to tread sure , to hit the marke he aymes at , and to please god in those whom he electeth and calleth to his counsell : that hee follow the example of our sauiour christ , written for our instruction by the euangelists s. mathew , and s. luke , who recounting the election of s. peter and of s. andrew , and other the apostles , as his principall ministers , there preceded a long and prolixe oration , or prayer , full of feruour , of zeale , and of the spirit , and retyred himselfe into the desart , and there fasted . dayes , et erat pernoctans in oratione dei. and continued all night in prayer vnto god. which ( as s. ambrose , and other fathers haue well obserued ) christ did not doe , that hee had any neede of these dispositions , and preambles , for to iumpe right in that election ; but to teach kings , and all other princes , that if they will hit right in their elections , they are to vse the like diligences . they are by good and pious workes to procure this fauour at gods hands , and to direct all their actions to this end . nor would hee , that this election should be left wholly to the declaration of those saints , for our sauiour did declare himselfe more particularly in the . of s. luke ; where speaking with the disciples , which had nominated them , he sayd vnto them ; messis quidem multa , operarij autem pauci ; rogate ergo dominum messis , vt mittat operarios in messem suam : the haruest truly is great , but the labourers are few ; pray yee : therefore the lord of the haruest , that hee would send forth labourers into his haruest . and though in those former times , these words were very seasonable , yet now in this present age , it 's necessitie is better knowne , as likewise the truth thereof . for , the haruests being so many , and so great , i meane , so great and so many the varietie , and multitude of important businesses for the welfare of the common-wealth , the labourers are very few . but to expresse my self a little more fully , i say , that very few are they , that enter , or seeke to enter into offices , for to labour and paines , but for to liue at their pleasure , & to heape vp riches , that they may increase the more in ambition , and more freely take their ease . the remedie of this , consisteth in that , which our sauiour christ commandeth vs ; to wit : that we in defatigably pray vnto him , that he will be pleased to send forth faithfull ministers and good labourers into his common-wealth : ministers , of knowen trust , zeale , & vertue , to whom may sute the name of counsellours , and not of babblers ; of worthy men , & not of wordly men . and kings , to whom properly this office of election doth , belong must put the more force , & insist the more in this prayer begging that which the wisest of kings , salomon petitioned of god , da mihi sedium tuarum assistricem sapientiam , vt mecum sit , & mecum laboret , vt sciam quod sit acceptum coram te omni tempore : o god of my fathers , send me wisedome out of thy holy heauens , and from the throne of thy glory , that being present , shee may labour with me , that i may know what is pleasant vnto thee &c. this wise and discreete king , was not contented with that guide and light which humane wisedome might afford him , but had recourse by prayer to that diuine light and wisedome , which is that that guideth kings without stumbling , or feare of falling into errour . for as wisdome saith of her selfe ; per me reges regnant , &c : by me kings reigne , and princes decree iustice. as if shee should haue sayd : by the hand and light , which i reach forth vnto kings , they goe rightly on in their iudgements , and their elections , so that they reigne , and conserue themselues in quiet possession of their kingdomes . the drift of my discourse is this ; that when a king shall come to elect and make choise of his ministers , his first care must be , to pray heartily vnto god , that hee will direct this his choise and election . and so much the more diligence hee ought to vse therein , by how much of more importance and of greater qualitie the minister shall be , that is to be imployed . after prayer , which is diuine , other humane diligences , are to bee followed . whereof the chiefest is , that the prince informe himselfe of the good sufficiency , the honest life , and faire carriage of those , whom hee is to choose . and that heerein , he may not be deceiued , it is necessary , that with christ he goe vp vnto the mount ; that is , to eleuate his consideration vnto god and to auoide vulgar opinions ; to strip himselfe of passion , and not to strike hands with those , that are not gods friends ; to forget all kindred , and alliance ; not to take in the infectious ayre of fond affection ; not to apply himselfe to that , which the importunat intercessions and requests of a fauourite , or kinsman shall seeke to draw from him for their priuate benefit ; nor to hearken to the negotiation of cunning and subtile pretenders , but onely to the good of the common-wealth , and the quicke dispatch of businesses , and other the like offices , that are to be exercised by men of their place . and albeit , it was my purpose , not to serue my selfe , in this discourse , but with the testimonies and examples of holy scripture , and the doctors that are expositors thereupon ; yet can i not omit to exemplifie heere in one , of king don philip , the second of this name , whose soule doth rest in peace , being that for his great prudence , and zeale to iustice , and for his good gouernement , all the kings of the world may acknowledge him their master . the case is this ; a president of his time , hauing proposed a person for a place , relating vnto him the qualities , which concurred in him , for the meriting thereof , hee farther added ; that the lady infanta , did much desire this prouision should bee made him . heereunto his maiestie with a great deale of iudgement , and grauitie , made answer . y mi●hya que sabe desso ? what ? has my daughter a hand in this ? can she iudge of his worth . giuing his president by this his answer to vnderstand , that he should not haue alleaged vnto him that , for to make a good election , which should passe the bounds of the consideration of those parts and qualities , wherewith hee was to be furnished , were his pretension neuer so much fauoured by the mediation and intercession of great persons . and heereunto i farther adde , that a king should in no hand content himselfe with the bare knowledge of those onely , whom he knowes by sight , and walke dayly vp and downe in his court , but that hee should take leysure to informe himselfe of as many as hee can , and to follow the ancient custome , in giuing order to his generalls , vice-kings , prelates , and gouernours of euery prouince , to giue him information of the best and sufficientst subiects that are in their gouernment , and that after due consultation had with them , they should nominate three or foure vnto him , that from amongst many good , hee might choose the best . and the rest to bee listed , and taken notice of , that vpon occasion they might receiue imployment . from whence likewise this good will arise , that all , in all partes , great , and small , will study the science and arte of good gouernment , fly vice , and follow vertue , that they may in their due time be numbered amongst the chosen . let a king goe , con su spassos contados ( as they say ) with a slow foote , in those elections , which he is to make , giuing way vnto time , and to information . which hee ought willingly to heare , neither in all giuing credit to all ; nor being ( as many are ) too incredulous . let him remit things to tryall and examination , it being a thing needefull for him so to doe . for , if it be not wisedome , to lend a facile eare to all that we heare , for , the wise man saith : qui citò credit , leuis est corde ; so likewise doth it betoken little prudence , to liue alwaies suspicious and distrustfull . something must be left to experience . but to come to the qualifying of persons , if the one's qualities be of ten , the other of nine quilates , and all of them necessarie for the office of a counsellour , the first ought to be preferred , though the other out strip him in estate , in fauour , in riches , and greatnesse . for , in that ministry , there ought respect to be had onely to the aduantages of sufficiencie , and not of power . nor seruices , albeit two be equall in sufficiencie , must loose their place , and right . but that hee , who hath done the greater seruices for his king and countrie , ought to bee preferred before the other . now there is this difference ( amongst many others ) betwixt a good prince , and him that is not so ; that a good prince , conferrs his offices , according to the sufficiencie and vertue of the minister he maketh choise of ; the other vpon fauour , and humane respects , vsing therein his power , but not attending distributiue iustice , which rewardeth euery one according to his deserts , without respect either vnto persons , or particular intents . chap. ix . of the qualities , which kings are to consider in those , whom they are to make choise of for ministers and counsellours . we may very well answer that which is heere questioned with that which is recounted in the . chapter of exodus , where it is said ; that iethro , seeing his son in law , moses wearyed and tyred out in the gouernment of that great body of gods people , and that it was more then one mans worke , to giue sufficient dispatch to so many businesses , did aduise him , to choose but a certaine number of ministers and counsellours , that might helpe to ease him of that burthen , which was too heauy for his shoulders , vltra vires ; 〈◊〉 est negotium ; solus illud no● poteris sustinere . this thing is too heauy for thee ; thou art not able to performe it thy selfe alone . cadendo cades ( saith another letter ) by falling , thou shalt fall , and all this people , that is with thee . daras de ojos ( as they say ) à cada passo . thou must looke well about thee . and ioyntly with this ; hee propounded the qualities , which hee ought to consider in those , whom hee was to choose for that ministrie . proinde ex omni plebe , viros sapientes & timentes deum , in quibus sit veritas . or as another letter hath it ; viros veridicos , & qui oderint avaritiam : thou shalt prouide out of all the people able men , such as feare god ; men of truth , hating couetousnesse , &c. now , let vs goe pondering euery word in particuler , and in them , the qualities of ministers . the first is prouide ; which signifieth not onely to prouide , but to fore-see , and consider . for , the election of a minister is a businesse of great prouidence , and consideration , and the most important and necessarie for a king in matter of gouernment . on the good , or bad election of counsellours , dependeth the whole honour and profit both of king , and kingdome . and he that erres in this , must necessarily erre in all . for the spring of a fountaine being spoyled , all the water is spoiled . and a king failing in this principle , all goes to destruction . for without doubt , all good dispatch growes from the force and vertue of good counsai●e . then therefore is a king held to be wise and prudent , when he hath wife and prudent counsailours : hee succeedeth well with all his intentions , and inioyeth same , credit , and reputation both with his subiects , and with strangers . of the one he is beloued and obayed , and of the other dre●ded and feared ; and of all esteemed and commended : the whole kingdome resteth contented and satisfied . and though in something hee somet●me erre , none will beleeue it . but when priuie-counsailours are no such manner of men , all murmur , and proclaime to the world ; that there is not an able man in all the counsell , and if in some one thing or other hee hap to haue good successe , few or none will giue credit thereunto , but rather conceiue , it was done by chance . the sacred text says farther ; de omni plebe ; out of all the people . as if he should haue said out of all the . tribes , or families of this people ; thereby to giue vs to vnderstand ; that for to make a good election , it is requisit , that there should not remaine a nooke , or corner in all his kingdomes , where diligence should not be vsed ( as before hath beene sayd ) to search out the fittest ministers . and likewise it may in this word , be giuen vs to vnderstand , that in matter of election , wee are not to haue respect to linage , kindred , or parentage , but to vertue , sufficiencie , and courage , accompained with other good qualities , which adapt a man to be a counsellour . and therefore it is said anon after , viros sapientes , wisemen ; men of vnderstanding heads , and stout hearts , which dare boldly and plainely to speake the truth , and to maintaine and put it in execution , when they see fit time : for your pusillanimous and white-liuerd persons are not fit ministers for a state. noli quaerere sieri iudex , nisi vale-as virtute irrumpere iniquitates . he that hath not a face , to out-face a lye , and to defend the truth , let him neuer take vpon him the office of a minister of iustice. in the booke of daniel it is storyed , that king nabucodonozor was resolued to haue done some cruell chastisement vpon his princes , and counsellours , for that hauing asked them the interpretation of a troublesome dreame hee had , none of them could declare the meaning of it . and howbeit they told him , that they could not tell what to make of it , & plainly confessed the truth , yet notwithstanding the king conceiued , that hee had good reason to except against them . for ( thought hee ) if you know it , and for feare will not tell it me , yee are cowards ; and if you know it not , yee are ignorant ; and either of these is a great fault in counsailours , & afford sufficient cause , why ye should be punished ; in that yee would offer to take that office vpon yee ; which first of all hath neede of stoutnesse of courage ; and secondly , to be learned and expert in so many and various things , as a king hath occasion to vse yee in . and therefore that wise iethro , after the word viros , men , puts , sapientes , wise or as the . and others translate it , potentes sortes . because in ministers and counsellours of state , strength , courage , constancie , and wisedome , should walke hand in hand . the courts and pallaces of kings and princes , that which they are least stored with all , is truth . they scarce know her face , nay not so much as of what colour or complexion shee is , the onley minions there made of , being flatteries , and lyes . a wise and stout man , is daunted with nothing , is neuer troubled , nor altered , he stands vpon his own worth and sinceritie , & is lord and master of his reason , he speakes with libertie and freedome , hee represents the truth to his king , and maintaines it , pie quedo ( as they say ) stiffely and stoutly , without respect to any thing , no not so much as his owne proper life , hee ouerthrowes plots , discouers the impostures , deceits and lyes of flatterers ; for the which he had neede of courage and wisedome . now let vs see , what that wisedome is , which a king is to require in his ministers . not worldly wisedome , wherof s. bernard saith , that those which inioy it , boasting themselues thereof , very wisely goe to hell. the question , that i aske is ; whether , they should be philosophers , diuines , or lawyers , or in what kinde of faculties , they should be wise ? heereunto first i answer ; that questionlesse , it would be a great helpe to the making of a good counsellour to bee seene in these sciences , and to haue spent some time of study in them . but in case they haue no skill in these it shall suffice , that they are wise in that which belongeth vnto that ministry , for which they are nominated and called ; to wit : to be a counsailour , which is a person , that is fit , sufficient , and able , for that charge which he is to administer . that hee haue a nimble wit , and quicke apprehension , for without that , the rest serues to little purpose . whereas he that is furnished therewith , with a little helpe , attaineth to much ; he knowes things past , vnderstands the present , and giues his iudgement of things to come . that hee be well read in ancient and moderne histories , wherein are contained the sentences and opinions of wise men of elder times , by which they ordred their common-wealths , and maintained them in peace . for this kinde of reading , doth indoctrinate more in a day , then experience hath taught others in many yeares , which must by no meanes be wanting in a counsellour for that ordinarily in them , are found prudence , authoritie , and experience : that he haue happy memorie , which is the archiue of the sciences and treasure of truths ; for without it , to reade and studie , is ( as they say ) coger aqua en vn harnero , to gather water in a fiue ; and it importeth much , in regard of the diuersitie of businesses , and persons , with whom hee is to treate . that hee haue trauailed , and seene forraine countries . that hee be skill'd in the languages , and haue in all of them the arte and garbe of speaking and discoursing well . that he more esteeme the seruice of his king , and the publicke good , then his own priuate gaine . that hee be courteous , humble , affable , and yet of a good spirit . that hee lend an attentiue eare , and that hee keepe that gate open for great and small , rich , and poor . but aboue all these , he must be of approued vertue , for without it , all the rest are of no esteeme . hee that shall haue more , or lesse of these qualities , which are for all in common , shall bee the more , or lesse sufficient counsellour . as for vice-royes , gouernours , ambassadors and other great gouernments of the kingdome , such are to be chosen , who together with the foresaid qua●ities haue studied , and spent some yeares in the schoole of experience , and hauing beene conuersant at the kings elbow , a●d in his courte , and counsailes , not only for the greatnesse of those mindes , and stomacks which are bred there , ( a necessary qualitie for to occupie great places , and not to bee bred vp with a poore portion of treating , and vnderstanding , which begets mindes according to the same measure ) but likewise , because there by their treating with kings , princes , and other great persons assisting them in their counsells and graue consultations , communicating with great ministers , and counsellours of state , diuerse cases and businesses , the practick of all affaires , is thereby the more , and better apprehended ; as your practitioners in physicke by conferring with great physitians . he therefore , that shall haue both learning , and experience , shall amongst all men be the most remarkable . but , quis est hic , & laudabimus eum : shew mee this man , and we will commend him . for mans life is short , the arte long , and experience hard to be atchieued . but to summe vp this discourse , and giue an ende thereunto , i say : that he that is to bee made a counsellour of warre , should therein haue beene exercised many yeares . and that he , that is of the councell of state , should haue a full knowledge of all , and should be very dextrous in matters of gouernment , both publike , and particular , and well verst in military discipline , because hee is to consult both of warre , and peace . which because they are things so opposite , and contrary , a man cannot iudge well in the one vnlesse he know and vnderstand aright the other . as wee shall shew heereafter when we shall more in particular treate of this counsell . other qualities , are competible more in especiall to iudges iustices , and presidents , to whom that particularly appertaineth , which is deliuered in that word , sapientes ; that they well vnderstand the facultie of the lawes , and that corresponding with their name , they be iuris-prudentes , well seene in all matters , carrying an euen hand towards all , and administring iustice without partialitie . vt iudicent populum justo iudicio , nec in alteram partem declinent , nec accipiant personam , nec munera ▪ that they may iudge the people with iust iudgement that they wrest not iudgement , nor respect , neither take a gift . for this briberie and corruption , is that dust , which blindes the iudges , and that plague , which consumes a common-wealth . moreouer , they must bee wise men , cleane and sound at heart , and of much truth . all of them qualities , which all nations required in their ministers , expressing them in their herogliffes . of the aegyptians diodorus siculus reporteth , that they had their councell and audience in a great hall , where there sate thirty counsellors or iudges . et in medio iudicandi princeps , cuius a collo suspensa veritas penderet , & oculis esset sub clausis , librorum numero circumstante : and in the midst of them sate the president with his eyes shut , a number of bookes standing round about him , and truth hanging about his necke , curiously cut ( as aelian expresseth it ) in a pectorall saphire , like vnto that which god fashioned for the adorning of his minister and president aaron , wherein were ingrauen these words , hurim , & thummim . which some interprete to be iudicium , & veritas : iudgement , and truth . but s. ierome , would haue it to signifie doctrinam , & veritatem , learning , and truth . for these three things , iudgement , learning , and truth , are much about one , and in them consisteth the whole perfection of a minister ; in quibus sit veritas . for in the brest of a good iudge , there must neither raigne passion , nor affection , but the pure truth , which hee cannot possibly avoyd , vnlesse hee will wrong nature it selfe . for our soule is naturally inclined to truth . and it is so proper to a wise and prudent man , that hee that doth not say it , vnsaies himselfe . and certaine it is , that the gouernment of a kingdome , is so much the more good or ill , by how much the truth therein , hath more , or lesse place . for if businesses be not seasoned therewith , as meates are with salt , neither the poore shall be defended from the oppression of the rich , nor the rich possesse their goods in safety ; men and womens honors shall runne danger , and no one person can promise to himselfe securitie . and therefore it is so much the more needfull , that a iudge should treate truth , and desire that all should doe the like ; by how much the more are they that abhorre it , and seeke to conceale it ; an olde disease , which was almost borne with vs into the world . and if iudges shall not fauour truth , and plaine dealing ; treachery , and lying will reigne and beare rule . let kings take heede how they choose men that are fearefull and timerous to be their ministers , who out of cowardize and pusillanimitie , hide the truth , and dare not bring her forth to light. for , as shee is the foundation of iustice , and christian iudgement , if a iudge shall not loue it with his heart , tracke the steps of it , and draw it out of that darke dungeon wherein shee lyes , iustice will be in danger of being crush't , and falshood will preuaile . as in that peruerse iudgement in christes cause , where the iudge was so farre from being desirous to know the truth , that hee did not know what kinde of thing it was ; and therefore demanded in the face of the open court ; quid est veritas ? what is truth ? to whom , that diuine wisedome made no answer , perceiuing him to be such a foole , as to be ignorant of the first vndoubted principle of iustice ; and suffring himselfe to be carryed away with false accusitions , and feigned relations , which had no bulke nor body in them , no substance in the world , nor any shew , saue of a poore shadow , to be thus mis-led . librorum numero circumstante . the president before specified , had a great many of bookes about him ; to shew how much it importeth ▪ that iudges , and presidents bee learned , and well read in the bookes of their facultie . epiphanius saith ; that hee saw a s●atua of truth , which in it's forehead had two letters , the first , and the last , of the greeke alphabet ; in it's mouth other two ; and other two in it's brest ; and so through a●l the parts of it's body to it 's very feete . so that this was all enamelled with letters , as the other was rounded with bookes . thereby , giuing vs to vnderstand that that man , which is truly the man he ought to be , and is to aduise and gouerne others , his head , hands , and feete , must be stucke full of letters . he must be learned from the sole of the foote , to the crowne of the head , full of letters hee must bee ; for in the discourses of the vnderstanding , in the working of the hands , and in the moouing of the feete , wee may easily guesse , whether a man be wise , or no ; whether he hath studied , or doth studie ; for though a man be neuer so wise , neuer so learned , hee still forgetteth somewhat . so that , it is not enough for him to haue studyed , but it is requisit , that he still continue his study , that hee may repayre with that which he learneth , the losse of that which hee forgetteth . as in a naturall body , that , by dayly eating and drinking is restored , which is by our naturall heate consumed . et oculis esset subclausis . his eyes ( which are the windowes by which passion enters vnto the soule ) were shut . because hee should not be led away with the respect to those about him . for , hee must not haue an eye and respect to the estate and condition of persons , to doe more fauour ( when it comes to point of iustice ) to one , then another . and for this reason , the sayd aegyptians , did ordinarily paint iustice , without a head. the head , is the common seate of all the sences ; signifying thereby , that by no one sence , a iudge should open a doore to passion , but that he should place them all in heauen without respect to any thing vpon earth . and this , is not to respect persons , but iustice. plutarke in his moralls , reporteth of the thebans , that in their courts of iustice , they had the pictures drawne of certaine reuerend olde men , sitting in their due order , and in the midst the president ; all of them without hands , and their eyes fixed on heauen . to intimate that they should alwaies stand in the presence of the lord , from whence is to come that light , which is to cleare the eyes of their intentions , avoyding to cast them downe towards the ground , that the vapour of humane respects which is raysed from thence , may not cloude and darken the sight of their vnderstanding . they must be olde , and wise , because they are to iudge with mature counsaile , which accompanyeth that age . and as it is ordred by their lawes , they must haue neither eyes , to see , nor hands , to receiue bribes . and if they would cut off their wiues hands too , the cause would be the better iustified . for in them , your bribes finde an open gate , and are so easie to be knowne in this kind of trading , that there are few or none , but take notice of it . they haue the slight of hand , and ( like gypsies ) haue a fine facilitie in deceiuing , and not hard to be wrought vpon to gaine by this vngodly course . and looke what businesse they labour to effect , they are vsually the least iustifiable ; and if they are disposed to fauour this man , or that cause , and will but set their friends , and wits roundly to worke , and doe their best , they will shrewdly put a iudge to his shiftes , and driue him to that streight , that iustice shall hardly escape a fall . i would haue iudges therefore with their hands off , and their eyes out , least that befall them , which did a couple of their place , and qualitie , who came to see the processe of a famous , but false , and loose woman , who perceiuing that the reasons of the relator did worke little vpon them , appealed , para vista de ojos , that shee might appeare face to face , and in her information , when shee came ore tenus , shee cunningly discouered her beautie , by a carelesse letting fall of her mantle , and so bewitched them therewith , that allowing for good those powerfull witnesses of her eyes , and face , they released her , and gaue her for free . but to say the truth , it was her loosenesse that freed her , and their lightnesse , that condemned them ; making that fault light , which before weighed heauie . and how shal he freely administer iustice , who hath his heart captiuated , and in the power of him , and her , that can turne and winde him , which way they list and wrest him from goodnesse ? more iudges haue bin vndone by lightnesse , then by cruelty . the one begetteth feare the other contempt . and by the way , let them take this lesson a long with them , that not onely in reality of truth they conserue their credit without spot , but likewise in apparance procure to giue such good examples that the world may not iustly charge them , no not with so much as a discomposed looke , neither in the open streete , nor court of iustice ; for euery bend from their brow , or euery smile from their countenance , is the common peoples almanack , wher-by they make coniecture , whether it is like to be faire , or fowle weather ; reading in the face fauour to one , and rigour to another . wherefore , as their place is great , so is their perill ; the way is slippery wherein they tread , and therfore had need looke well to their feete . woe be vnto that iudge , which seeth , and seeth not ; sees the best , and followes the worst ; suffering his reason to be subdued by passion , and himselfe by one poore slender haire of a handsome woman , to be led by the nose whether shee will leade him . for a good face , is a tacite kinde of recommendation , a faire superscription , and a silent deceit , which troubles the clearenesse of the minde , making white appeare to be blacke , and what is iust , to be vniust : which was the cause , why god commanded the iudges of israel , that they should remoue their eies from the persons of those that were brought before them , and place them wholly on the matter which they were to iudge . and for the same reason , did the iudges of areopagus , heare all sortes of causes , were they ciuill , or criminall in the darke , by putting out the candles . and your athenians did sentence their sutes behind certaine curtaines , which might hinder their sight . the lacedemonians , they were a little stricter laced ; for they did not onely deny eyes to those that went to law , and sued in their courtes , but also debard them of eares ; and because they would prohibit them the power of informing the iustnesse of their cause , but that they should make their plea by writing . ne , si coram iudicibus loqueren●ur , facilius eos fletibus , aut actionibus , ●fficacique modo dicendi demulcerent : least , if themselues should be permitted to speake before the iudges , they might the more easily soften and mollifie their hearts , by their teares action , and words . and it seemeth that god doth approue for the better this manner of iudging , when he saith ; non secundum visionem oculorum iudicabit , nec secundum auditum aurium arguet : he shall not iudge after the sight of his eyes , neither reproue after the hearing of his eare . sed judicabit in justitia pauperes , & arguet in aequitate pro mansuetis terrae : but with righteousnesse shall hee iudge the poore , and reproue with equitie , for the meeke of the earth . with iustice and truth hee must reproue and confound those , who with fictions , with colours , and studied artifices , pretend to make that iust , or probable , which hath no shew of iustice , or truth . for there are some lawyers , so full of quirkes , and subtilties , that they wrest the true sence and meaning of the lawes , striuing to bring them to their bent , haling them ( as they say ) by the haire to that part whereunto themselues are willing to incline ; either to that , which a fauourite , or powerfull person pretendeth , or to him , that will bribe most ; whereby suites in law , are made euerlasting , much mony is consumed , mens states miserably wasted , or at least the true knowledge of the cause obscured , as well de facto , as de jure ; both in matter of fact , and of law. a iudge therefore ought to be very attentiue to all businesses , that are brought before him , and to haue lynx his eyes to watch whether the torrent will tend of a pleader transported with affection , and of a cauillous relator , armed with a . witty quillets , subtill and acute allegations , wherewith they shadow the light , and scatter cloudes of darkenesse ouer the cause that is pleaded . hee that is set ouer others , must haue wisedome and courage , to make resistance against them , and to disarme them , rebutting the blow by his arguments , and with the true and solide sence of the lawes themselues . and therefore ecclesiasticus , would not haue that man to take vpon him to be a iudge , that hath not spirit and mettall in him , to contest with the stoutest of them , and to doe iustice secundum allegata & probata , according to all right , and law . for many times there is more cunning and wisedome required for to vndoe those knots , and to facilitate those difficulties , which these wrangling lawyers put in their plea , then to resolue the doubt in the case it selfe . and if hee be to deale with persons of power , and great courtiers , he must either breake through this net which they pitch for him with force , or with some slight or other seeke to auoyd it , rather then that fauour , and power , on the one side , or subtill shiftes , and law quirkes , on the other should stifle iustice. for , in these cases it is written . dissolue colligationes impietatis : loose the bands of wickednesse , to vndoe the heauie burthens , and to let the oppressed goe free . for the sonne of god himselfe ( to be an example vnto iudges ) did proceede in this manner with the diuell . for this purpose ( saith s. iohn ) was the sonne of god manifested , that he might destroy the workes of the diuell . whereby he shewed no lesse courage , then gained reputation . and it is one of the most preiudiciall things that can befall common-wealths , to seeke to honour such persons in whom doe not concure those qualities , nor the knowledge of such ministers , and giuing them the title of counsellours , which haue neither that sufficiency of knowledge , nor wisedome , which is necessary for to giue a good and sound opinion in graue and weighty matters . and as it were a foolish and vnaduised thing in him , that hath neede of a payre of shoes to go to looke them at a barbers , and not at a shomakers shop ▪ so is the case alike , when wee leaue wise and experienced men in a common-wealth lurking in a corner , and put those into eminent places , which neither know how to begin , nor end businesses , nor what course in the world they are to take . that which is fittest for them , but much more for a king and kingdome , is to let them alone in their ignorance . quia tu scientiam repulisti , repellam & ego te , ( saith god. ) because thou hast reiected knowledge , i will also reiect thee . for one foolish minister alone is an intolerable burthen for a kingdome . arenam & salem , & massam ferri , facilius est ferre , quam hominem imprudentem , & fatuum : sand , and salt , and a masse of yron , is easier to be borne , then a man without vnderstanding . three things ( saith hee ) which are the heauiest to beare , are more easie to bee borne , and with more patience to be indured , then the imprudencies of an vnwise and foolish minister . chap. x. hee continues the discourse of the qualities of ministers , and counsellours . the last words of iethros aduice were , et qui oderint auaritiam : hating couetousnesse . a qualitie no lesse necessary , then those before specified . the . interpreters translate it . et qui odio habent superbiam : hating pride . there are some men , which rake vp a great deale of wealth , and are couetous only to keepe , and make the heape the bigger , liuing for this cause miserably vnto themselues , and deepely indebted to their backe and belly . others there are , that scrape and scratch , by hooke , or by crooke , all the money they can finger that they may afterwards prodigally spend it , and maintaine their vaine pride , and ostentation . but in what sort so euer men be couetous , sure i am ; that couetousnesse is one of the worst notes , and basest markes , wherewith kings ministers , and counsailours of state , can be branded . auaro , nihil est scelestius : ( saith ecclesiasticus ) there is not a more wicked thing then a couetous man. and from those that are toucht with this infection , kings are to flye as from a plague or pestilence , and be very circumspect and wary , that they be not admitted to the councell table ; and to remoue those from thence , that haue receiued any bribe . for it is an incurable disease , a contagious corruption , which like a leprosie goes from one to another , and clingeth close to the soule . besides to receiue , is a sweete thing , and leaues the hand so sauory , and so well seasoned , that it hath no sooner receiued one gift , but it is presently ready for another , a third , a fourth , and so in infinitum . and the end of that which is past , is but a disposition for that which is to come . like a hungry curre , who hath no sooner chopt vpone morsel , but he is ready for another . and he perhaps , who at first was contented with a little , & could say : esto basta , ●y sobra . this is inough , and too much , afterwards much , too much , and more then too much will not satisfie his hungry mawe ; infinita enim est et insatiabilis cupiditatis n-atura : infinite ( saith aristotle ) and insatiable is the gut of couetousnesse . and the holy ghost tells vs ; auarus non implebitur pecunia . he that loueth siluer , shall not be satisfied with siluer ; nor he that loueth aboundance , with increase . for it is a kind of salte and brackish water wherewith couetous mans thirst cannot be quenched , for when he hath taken this , and that other , and a world of things , he gapes still for more . he is better satisfied by denying him that which hee desireth , then by giuing him that , which he craueth . and therefore publicke ministers ( if wee will credit diuinitie ) should be so noble and so free , that they should not onely not be couetous , but quite opposite thereunto , and to hold a particular hatred , and perpetuall enmitie with couetousnesse . that they should not onely not receiue giftes and presents , but that they should hate , and abhorre them and cause those to be informed against , that either shall giue a bribe or pretend to giue . for most true is that saying of the sonne of sirack . munera & dona excaecant oculos iudicum . presents and gifts , blind the eyes of wise . how sone is a couetous man blinded , when he beholdes the baite of his passion ? nor is there any thing more often repeated in sacred and prophane writ , then the putting vs in minde of force , and efficacie which gifts haue to wrest iustice , and peruert iudgement . moses saith of them , that they blinde the eyes of the wise ; and that they turne and winde the words of good men , chopping and changing one for another , to serue their purpose . qui quaerit locupletari , peruertit oculum suum . the gift blindeth the wise , and peruerteth the words of the righteous . by which is vnderstood the intention , which is easily wrested , when interest puts to a helping hand , which is that loade-stone , which drawes the yron after it , and causeth them to erre that suffer themselues to be carryed away therewith . if a iudge be couetously giuen , he will soone varie his opinion , and make no scruple to condemne the poore , who hath nothing to giue him , and absolue the rich , who giues him all that hee hath . for mony is an able aduocate , and pleads hard . and iustice ( sayth isidore ) is strangled with gold . the times are ill , when that which cannot be obtained by iustice , must be procured by money . fiue hundred yeares and more was greece gouerned by lycurgus his lawes , to the great happinesse of the naturalls of that countrie and admiration of strangers , without the breach of any one law ; by meanes whereof , that common-wealth was sustained with admirable peace , and iustice , because priuate interest had no power with the iudges of the land. but when money came to beare sway , and that men tooke pleasure therein , and made it their happinesse , the common-wealth was made vnhappy , and the lawes , and iustice , were trodden vnder foote . he ( saith the wise man ) that is greedy of gaine , troubleth his own house . qui autem odit munera , viuet : but hee that hateth gifts , shall liue . and i doe not see , how hee can liue , who receiuing so much , so often , and of so many , sees himselfe so laden , and so inuironed and beset with obligations , which are so opposite and contrary one to another . i say ( contrary ) because the pretenders are so amongst themselues , who aspiring to one and the same thing , wherein it is impossible hee should content all of them , euery one offereth according to his talent , and the desire hee hath to obtaine his suite . and many times , though they giue neuer so much , they remaine frustrated of their pretension , and become enemies to that minister , murmuring and complayning of him , ( and that with a great deale of reason ) all the dayes of their life . woe vnto the couetous man , who ( as the scripture sayth ) sets his soule to sale . animam quoque venalem habet . it is a most wretched case , and a most lamentable miserie , that a mans auarice and couetousnesse should be so great , that hee should sell his soule for the greedinesse of money : besides , there is another great contradiction , from which it is not possible for to free themselues . for , if they will faithfully performe their office , they cannot fauour any , saue him that hath most right and iustice on his side . and this they must do gratis , and without any other kind of interest , then that , which the being of a good and faithfull minister carryes with it : againe , if they do not ayde and helpe him , who by giftes hath bound them vnto him , they fowly and shamefully deceiue both him , and themselues ; and must needes fall into one of these two inconueniences ; either to be ingratefull , if they doe not doe for him that gaue ; or vniust , if they doe contrarie vnto iustice. so that which way soeuer they receiue a gift , they goe away with it with an euill conscience , and in plaine english , are theeues by qualification . so that great lawyer , paris de puteo calls them , and sayth ; that there are more in your publicke audiences , and open courts , then in your townes , and villages . and that iust man iob affirmeth ; that the tribunalls of robbers prosper . one calls them vsurers , another , pyrates . and lucas de pena , saith , that they are farre worse , because they rob and steale vnder collour of law , and publicke authoritie . in a word , god , who knowes them better then all the world besides , calls them disloyal companions of theeues , which desire giftes , and loue retributions . and from heauen hee throwes downe his curse vpon them , whereunto on earth all the people say , amen . but let them bee called by what name or title you will , let them neuer somuch haue the name of iudges , their workes will speake what they are . if they doe iustice , and iudge according to their iust lawes , then are they iudges , and deserue so to be . but if they do the contrary , they beare the name of theeues , and are vnworthy that office. there being represented vnto dauid the rigourous chastisement of these kinde of men , hee beggeth thus of god. gather not my soule with sinners , nor my life with bloody men ; in whose hands is mischeife , and their right hand is full of bribes . let these theeuish hands ( saith the emperour constantine ) cease at last to steale ; let them cease i say ; and if they will not cease , and giue ouer stealing , let them be cut off , and set vpon the gallowes top . neither let kings cease to make diligent search after them , and to execute iustice against them in the most rigorous manner . and if they will not amend , let them ( a gods name ) be soundly punished . for it is a foule and abominable vice , pernicious , and pestilent , and which doth much marre and deface the luster of whatsoeuer minister , be he neuer so illustrious and great . and therefore in the ciuill law , it hath the name of sordes giuen it ; which signifies foulenesse , or beastlinesse . the emperour alexander severus , ( a great subduer of this vice ) when he saw any minister noted thereof , his choller rose , and his stomacke began to turne , and did prouoke him to vomit , as if hee had seene some loathsome stinking thing . and for such kinde of corrupt men he would vsually say , hee had euer a fingar in readines , to plucke out their eyes . and for the better informing himselfe of the truth of these businesses , hee made choice of some vertuous and intelligent persons , whom hee sent secretly as spyes into seuerall parts of the kingdome ( which all wise kings ought to doe ) giuing them good intertainment for the defraying of their charges , to the end , that they might truly informe him of all whatsoeuer passed , as how his ministers behaued themselues in their gouernment , how in their offices ? saying ; that if they did abuse them , it was not enough to remoue them onely , and put other in their places ; but for example sake , seuerely likewise to punish them . he gaue all his officers good honest maintenance , and sufficient allowance , and would by no meanes permit , that any magistracie , or publicke office , should bee bought and solde . for he , that buyes of me ( sayd hee ) must of necessitie sell to another , for to quit his cost , as also to make his best profit and benefit thereof . such as these , buy cheape in the grosse , and sell deare by retaile . and so it is , that hee that buyes a tree for money , can hardly afford the fruite for nothing . the emperour theodosius made heereupon a law worthy so noble a prince , and deseruing heere to bee set downe , as a patterne for kings . wee will ( sayth hee ) and ordaine , that those be appointed gouernours of our prouinces , who shall bee found worthy those places , charging and commanding , that they be not conferred either for ambition , or bribes , or promises , or for any price , that shall be giuen for them , but meerely for that they are men of an honorable and vertuous disposition , and of a good and approued life . and these , whom you ( my president ) shall choose , or we our selues vpon your report , wee will , that they who are admitted to these offices , shall solemnely sweare , and firmely promise , that for the said preferments , or places of charge and gouernment , they haue neuer giuen , nor promised any thing for them , neither shall giue heereafter either openly , or vnder hand , either directly , or indirectly . neither shall they take , or receiue any thing , but shall rest contented with their salaries , and pensions , nor shall pocket any bribe in publike , or priuate , not onely during their office , but neither before nor after , &c. these are the very words of the law it selfe . diuerse other ancient , and moderne lawes , and decrees haue beene made , generally prohibiting all kind of gifts and bribes , vpon paine of diuers very greiuous punishments , to be inflicted vpon those , that either take , or giue bribes . as paying double what was promised , or giuen ; depriuation of office ; the treble value of what was giuen ; then ( vpon the increasing of the abuse ) a quadruple value . and after that , confiscation of goods , banishment , and open infamie . iustinian , added heereunto the punishment of whipping . and the emperour valens , and valentinianus , farther increased the same , commanding , they should be burned . and the now emperours of iapan , did lately execute the sayd law vpon one of his fauourites secretaries for taking of a bribe ; and him that bribed him , ( who was gouerner of a kingdome ) he caused to be beheaded . plato , would make it arul'd case : that that iudge should dye the death , that should take a bribe , yet notwithstanding neither the feare of death , of iudgement , nor of hell it selfe , is sufficient to represse the loue of money . disputante paulo de judicio futuro , tremefactus est felix : paul reasoning of the iudgement to come , felix trembled , who was president or ruler of cesarea . and yet the feare of that terrible day of iudgement , was not able to bridle his couetousnesse . he trembled for feare , and yet his eyes , and heart , were placed vpon that money which hee hoped to receiue from that blessed apostle . feare is not of force , to detaine the couetous ; for couetousnesse , is a huge great riuer which if it once begin to make it's current , bee it which way it will , there is no withholding of it . if you stop it's course one way , it breakes out another way . so it did with that naughty prophet , who hasted with great furie to curse gods people , that he might finger his promised gold . and though an angell stood before him , and stopp't his way , hee tooke another way , and brake through thicke and thin ( as they say ) that hee might not loose his reward ; so farre ( saith iosephus ) did the promises and gifts of the moabites preuaile with him , that hee chose rather for his priuate interest , to please a king of the earth , then him of heauen . the kings of spaine haue likewise made some lawes with very sharpe and rigorous punishments , but all not worth a pinne , because they are not executed . so that this bad custome alone , is of more force , then all the lawes . these are written with inke , on paper ; those , with letters of gold on the heart . the lawes threaten with roughnesse and rigour ; money perswades with softnesse and gentlenesse , and carryes mens mindes after it without contradiction . the lawes , haue few to defend them , & to put them in execution . but this euill custome , is of more force then the law , & hath stronger abettors . in a word , terrible are the forces and skirmishes of this foule assaulting vice , become now as it were naturall vnto vs , and more vsed in these , then any other times whatsoeuer . demosthenes ask't the athenians ( & those which are , may aske of those that haue bin ) what were in those times which are not in these ? and himselfe makes the answer , that one thing was now wanting vnto them ; whereby those that liu'd then , alwayes went away with the victory , & mainned their libertie . which was ; the perpetuall hatred which they bore vnto those , who suffered themselues to be corrupted with mony . in stead whereof , it is now come to that passe , that to receiue a bribe , is onely a nine dayes wonder ; if the same be confest , it is made a matter of laughter ; if proued , he that receiues , receiues a pardon for it ; and he that informes , sent away with a flea in his eare , and in stead of a reward , receiues a round checke for his labour , & growes a hated man , and troublesome member in a common-wealth . but vnfortunate is that common-wealth , where corruption liues vncontrolled . and because this vice goes daily taking deepe roote , and grows still stronger and stronger , inuenting new impudencies , new slightes and subtilties , it is needefull that kings should hunt counter , and finde out some new tricke , to take these olde ones in the trap. and this one ( me thinks ) would be a pretty remedy for this disease ; that a law were made , that of all those , that should be nominated for ministers and officers publike and particular in any tribunall , or ministry what soeuer as well of iustice , and gouernment , as of the publike treasurie , there should an inuentorie be taken ( by some deputed for that purpose ) of all their rents , and goods moueable , and vnmoueable , and when they are to take their oath ( as the fashion is ) at their entrance into their office , the said inuentory should be presented in open court , and there they made to sweare , and take a solemne oath that this is a true inuentorie , and that their estate is thus and thus , neither more nor lesse , or much there abouts , to the end that when their states come to be increased , and their wealth makes a great noyse in the world , it may ( vpon better inquirie ) be knowen how , and which way , they came by it . for experience daily teacheth vs , that your iudges , your exchequer men , and other publike officers , enter into the office with little , and goe out with much . and i would , that the kings atturney generall , or one of like nature , should enter an action against all those augmentations of their estates whereof they should not be able to render a good account . i could likewise wish , that they might be sworne to that law of theodosius ; that they neither gaue , nor promised , by themselues , or by any other person , or persons , any thing at all , for the foresaid offices : neither that they shall receiue any thing of free gift , be it offred with neuer so good a will. which oath , the ancient romans swore vnto . and if at any time it shall be proued against them , that they haue either giuen , or taken , that they incurre the punishment of priuation of office , and confiscation of goods . and this course being taken , these cannot offend againe ; and if their dealing hath beene vpright and faire ( as good men will not refuse a iust tryall , but rather ( out of loue to goodnesse ) imbrace it , ) god forbid but they should bee well rewarded by the state , for their good and faithfull seruice . and this is no new doctrine , but shall finde it ( if we looke backe to former times ) practised long a goe . and the emperour antoninus pius , did likewise ordaine , that all liuetenants , and gouerners before they went to serue in their residencies and offices , they should bring in an inuentorie of all they had , that when the time of their gouernment was expired , by coating and comparing the one with the other , they might see how and in what manner they thriued thereupon . audist is ( saith he ) praefectum praetorij nostri antè triduum quàm fieret , mendicum , & pauperem : sed subitò diuitem factum . vndè ( quaeso ) nisi de visceribus reip. qui ob hanc causam prouincias sibi datas credunt , vt luxurientur & diuites fiant ? &c. you haue heard that our praetorian praefect , some few dayes since was a very beggar , but now sodainely become rich . whence ( i pray ) should this come but from out the bowells of the common-wealth ; who for this cause thinke prouinces are committed vnto them , that they may therein riot , and grow rich ? setting at nought the lawes , the respect vnto their kings , their feare towards god , and the shame of the world . truly ( saith plato ) that publike minister may be had in suspicion , who in his office is growne rich . for he that only gets by lawfull meanes can hardly liue at so high a rate , as some of his fellowes doe , build such sumptuous and costly houses , and leaue so faire and great an estate behind him to his heyre . and he , who heerein does more then he can , will likewise do more then he ought . for he , that will seeke to out-doe his meanes , will not sticke to out-doe his honestie . in a word , gifts haue euermore bred a iealousie of corruption ; and in iudges , esteemed the foulest fault , oh , of how little worth is a little gift ; and yet what a great hurt , to a ministers honour ? a gift ( saith nazianzene ) is a secret tyrant , which doth subdue , and tread all vnder foote . and , to giue , is of all other the greatest tyranny , and the greatest violence . it is senecas counsell ; that , he , that will inioy his owne freedome , must not receiue anothers benefit . fo● to giue , is to in-slaue ; and the receiuer , is the giuers slaue . gifts , are but gyues and chaines wrought of strong linkes : the ending of one , being the beginning of another . and where the first ends , the second begins . and this ( as they say ) dispone la trabaion para otr●s muchos ; serues but as a timber peece to couple and fasten many others . take heede therefore ( saith the emperour iustinian of receiuing giftes , which quit our libertie , blinde our vnderstanding , incline our wills , and defame our honour . but make thou much of cleane hands ; for he that shall keepe his hands cleane , and shall not suffer himselfe to be corrupted by priuate interest , shall haue much honour and fame in this life , and a great place prouided for him in that other . qui excutit manus suas ab omni munere , iste in excelsis habitabit & regem in decore suo videbunt oculi eius : hee that shaketh his hands from holding of bribes , hee shall dwell on high ; and his eyes shall see the king in his beauty . all this , and more shall they attaine to , that are truly of pure heart , and cleane hands . all this ( say they ) that you say , is true . we confesse as much . but withall we must tell you , that that which we receiue is subsidium gratuitum , a free gift , a ●eere gratuitie , with a great deale of loue , and good liking of the giuer . and we affirme , that all ( for the most part ) that is giuen , is respectiue , and is in that predicament , which the logicians tearme , ad aliquid . whereby he that receiueth a courtesie , is bound to returne a courtesie . and those which giue , hope to receiue from such ministers , that which they cannot iustly giue them . with these conditions , a gift is lawfull , and esteemed to be lawfully receiued , when it comes free , vnclogg'd , disinteressed , without pretension , and without respect of requitall , or reference to any recompence or retribution . that is a gift , which goes dis-roabed of all respects which is neither a friend nor kindsman , nor kindswoman of the party that giues it , and hath no obligation , no interest , no necessitie , but is all pure loue , and is freely giuen of grace , onely to do him good , that receiues it , the rest is vsurie , loane , br●bery , and hope of gaine . and if they will see that this is true , let them come downe from that high place wherein they are , let a visitation goe forth against them , and they sha●l quickly see , how euery man longs and desires , that that may bee returned to the owners , which they haue got by foule play . it is a great blindenesse in ministers , to imagine , that what is giuen them , proceedes from liberalitie , and out of the good will and loue they beare vnto them . god he knowes , it is no such matter , but what they do in this kinde , is only to corrupt them , and to oblige them to do that , which they neither may , nor ought . let them beleeue me , and not deceiue themselues . for to giue , and receiue , is a cunning peece of businesse , a thing of great artifice , wit , and subtiltie , and on whatsoeuer occasion it worketh , it workes miracles . but in case gifts should not corrupt , at least they appease , and moue affection . being ( as that wise king salomon saith ) like vnto the w●ues of the sea , which make the tallest ship to reele , be she neuer so we●l ballasted . and waues neuer come single . a●d , if they be strong waues indeede , they ouerturne her , and sinke her in the sea. reprom●s●io nequi●●●ma m●ltos perdidit , & commouit illos , quasi fluctus maris . let them looke well to themselues , that receiue gifts , for they run a great deale of hazard ; let them take heede , least some storme arise that may drowne their ship , euen then ( as often hath beene seene ) when she is deepest and richest laden . and let them not trust to their taking in secret , nor of such , and such a person ; for the diuine sunne of iustice , whom they offend , will discouer and bring all to light . and though no body should see or know it , it is enough that god , and his own conscience knowes it , which are two sure witnesses , besides many other , which time will produce . they likewise alleage , that they haue leaue and licence of their kings to receiue gifts . whereunto , first of all i answer ; that it is not to be beleeued , that christian kings , will grant such licences as these , which are so preiudiciall , pernicious , scandalous , and so contrary to the common good , and good gouernment of their kingdomes . secondly i say ; ( speaking with that reuerence and respect , which is due vnto the authoritie of kings ) that it cannot be grounded on good diuinitie , that they may giue any such leaue or licence vnto their ministers . againe , they vrge , that sometimes , in some particular case , gifts haue beene giuen to some great priuado , or fauourite of the king. it may be so ; but sure i am , that to no counsellour of iustice , can it euer iustly be , or may be done . but because this will fall within the compasse of our insuing discourse ; i will cite those words ; timentes deum . fearing god : which follow anon after the beginning . for well will it suite , that with these , we conclude this chapter because the feare of god is the beginning of wisedome . and from whence , as from their fountaine , are deriued all those other good qualities , that are in man. timor domini super omnia se superposuit : there is none aboue him that feareth the lord. et beatus homo , cui donatum est , habere illum : and happy is that man , to whom it is giuen . for he , that hath the feare of god hath all the good that can be desired . plenitudo sapientiae est , timere deum : to feare the lord is fullnesse of wisedome . he that would be a generall scholler in all kinde of knowledge , be well seene in all the artes and sciences , and haue all those good parts and qualities , combined and ioyned ▪ together , let him loue and feare god. for he that feares him , and hath him alwayes before his eyes , hath libertie and power to ouercome the feare and dread of the mightie , whereof the world doth stand ( and all for want of this feare ) too much in awe . among the lawes of moses , iosephus relateth one , wherein he willeth iudes that they should aboue all things preferre iustice ; and that without respect to any mans person , or dignitie , they should equally iudge all ; for they hauing ( as they haue ) heere vpon earth , the power of god , they ought not to feare any other but him . he that preuaricates iustice in relation to great persons , makes them greater and more powerfull then god ; who giues vs this short but stoute lesson ; feare not him , that can kill the body , and take away thy life , but feare thou him , that can kill the soule , and depriue thee of lifeeuerlasting . and in another place , he saith , thou shalt not forsake the poore , for feare of the rich , nor iudge vniustly , nor doe the thing that is vnequall , for feare of the powerfull , but keepe iustice in it's true weight and measure ; without any humane respect , or vaine ●eare . king iehosaphat aduiseth the iudges of israel , that in their iudgements , they feare none but god alone , and all the law-giuers , as lycurgus solon , numa , and a number of others , together with the chiefest of all , moses , who gouerned common-wealths , and made lawes , founded them with religion , and the feare of god. these are the first and last letters of the lawes of christian gouernment , wherewith that wise king did summe vp the booke of those , which hee made for the gouernment of men. deum time , & mandata eius obserua : hoc est omnis homo . feare god , and keepe his commandements : for this is the whole dutie of man. with this he receiueth the stabilitie and permanencie of man. the contrary whereof , is to be a beast and worse then a beast ; according to that of s. bernard ; ergo si hoc est omnis homo , absque , hoc nihil est homo : if this be the whole duty of man , without this man is nothing . but as a man , that hath no vse of reason , breakes all lawes , facile deuiat à justitia , qui in causis non deum , sed homines formidat : he easily swarues from iustice , which in causes , feareth not god , but man. i will heere conclude with that which esay saith ; a wonderfull counsellour is the mighty god. and he is to be our chiefe counsellour and more inward with vs then any king or counsellour . and kings and counsellours are to craue his councell . for councell being his gift , he doth not communicate the sam● to any , saue such as loue , and feare him , and take councell of his diuine law. as did that holy king. consilium meum iustificationes tuae . let euery one enter into his councell of knowledge , let him consult himselfe the best that he can ; yet when he hath done all that he can , let him aduise with the law of god ; for if he do not know well how to aduise himselfe , how shall he giue counsaile to others ? and he that knowes not how to rule & gouern himselfe , how shall he command a whole kingdome ? qui sibi nequam est , cui alij bonus crit ? he that is euill to himselfe , to whom will hee be good ? alexander said he hated that wise man , that was not wise for himselfe . chap. xi . of other courses and meanes , which kings may take for the notice of such persons , in whom the said qualities concurre . one of the greatest mischiefes incident vnto kingdomes is ; that kings haue not true notice giuen them of worthy persons , for to imploy them in his seruice . a great cause whereof is , that your vndeseruing , or ( at least ) lesse sufficient , are clapt in betwixt them , and home ; those are the men , that are most intermitted , take most vpon them , and procure by their negociating and plotting , to occupie the best places , and not contenting themselues therewith , seeke to shut the doore against men of merit , and to keepe them out , to the end that their owne defects , by this course , may receiue the lesse discouery . for this is the nature of things opposite each to other , that the neerer they are one to the other , the more excellent lays it's contraryes defect , the more open . now to occurre to this mischiefe , wise iethro aduised his sonne in law , that he should seeke out men of good parts , and choose them ( as we s●yd before ) from amongst all the people . and we shall better perceiue , what that counsaile comprehendeth , if we will but consider that other place of deuteronomy ; where moses discoursing with the people , what diligence he had vsed on his part , it is there mentioned , that he spake vnto them , and admonished them ( to the end that the election of the ministers might take the better ) that they themselues likewise would vse their diligences , and then giue him notice of those persons , which they held in greatest esteeme amongst them , and were ( in the generall opinion ) the ablest men . date ex vobis ●iros sapientes , & gnaros , & quorum conuersatio sit probata in tribubus vestris , vt ponam eos vobis principes : take yee wise men and vnderstanding , and knowen amongst your tribes , and i will make them rulers ouer you . and indeed , the best and surest course , that kings can take , to come to that notice or knowledge they desire , is to lay holde on those persons , whose approbation is so notorious , that all the people giue good testimonie of them . for , ( as a wise man hath well obserued ) the generall opinion , is that touchstone , which proueth or reproueth . for , it cannot be , that one should deceiue all. and happily from hence grew that common adage vox populi , vox dei : the peoples voyce , is gods voyce . we must giue credit to the fame and report that goes of men. for ( as tacitus saith ) she sometimes makes the choyse of ministers ; it being his meaning , that this satisfaction should be giuen to the people , that those , that are to gouerne them , should be chosen and elected by that common fame , and good report , that goes of them . and heere by the way let me tell you , that it is not much amisse , that some offices , and preferments be in a dissembled kinde of disguise ; purposely published before they be bestowed , to see how it will be intertained and receiued by the people ; to whom it is fit some satisfaction should be giuen , as being the body that is to be commanded . this is a trick of state , whereof ( vpon some occasions ) fernando , surnamed the wise , made good vse . for when he was to goe any great voiage , vndertake any warre , or attempt some new enterprise , or any other action of importance , he would not publish , nor iustifie the same to the world , till he had vsed some art and cunning , imploying some persons fit for that purpose ( before his designes were throughly vnderstood ) to giue it out ; that the king should do well to make such , or such a wa●re , to make this or that prouision , for this , or that reason . so that first of all , the vulgar were made acquainted therewith and rested satisfied with the reasons that were rendred for it . and then afterwards it comming to be published ; that the king had done , or would doe such a thing , it is incredible to beleeue , with how much ioy , loue , and applause of the people , and whole kingdome , this his resolution was receiued . but mistake me not i pray ; i do not say , that this is to be done alwayes , but on some occasions , or great preparations . and kings in this case , must haue a care , that they haue faithfull centinells , that may truly certifie them , how that newes takes , and what exception ( if any arise ) they make against it , and vpon what grounds , that if any thing had beene omitted , it might be amended a president ( not vnlike to this ) had the roman common-wealth in those it's first flourishing dayes . which did cause their lawes to be set vp in publike for . dayes together before they should be of force , to the end , that the people might peruse them , and thinke well vpon them . how much more ought this course to be taken in legibus viuentibus : in those liuing lawes which are your greater and principaller sort of ministers , and such as are to command and gouerne a common-wealth who ought to be well beloued , and well rec●iued of the people , that they may loue them , respect them , and beleeue them , in all they shall say , as they would their own fathers ? i well perceiue , that there may be much deceit in the world , and that there are some men so subtile and so cunning that only with a pen in their hand , they make themselues masters of other mens studies , and labours , and by this tricke gaine the credit and opinion of able and sufficient men , when as indeed they are nothing lesse . and this deceit takes more in matter of learning and wisedome , which ( as we said before ) cannot be measured out with the yard . and in no place is this so common , as in the courts of kings , where your purpurated persons ( saith seneca ) meaning those , that abound in riches , and other corporall ornaments , stand a loofe of from the vulgar and yet vse to be vulgar in their vnderstanding , to the preiudice of the good and true esteeme of things ; and amongst these kinde of men , those easily get the name and fame of wise , who talke boldly , and spinne out a large discourse of those things , which they well vnderstand not . and it is daily seene , that some of these superficiall fellowes haue beene preferr'd to better places by these their false ostentations , and feigned knowledge , then great learned clarkes , by shewing themselues humble-minded , temperate in their talke , and moderate in their conuersation , could euer attaine vnto . and if this did happen only in those sciences and faculties , which they call depone lucrando , which are studied for to get temporall riches , it were tolerable , because for this end , opinion is of more profit for them , then truth . but the griefe of it is , that this passeth forward euen vnto those , that are professours of that science , which , as it is in it selfe superiour , so ought it to make those , which professe the same superiour in minde and vnderstanding , and make them much more to esteeme the truth , and existency of wisedome and knowledge , then false opinion , falsly gained amongst the lesse wiser sort of men . now , for the auoyding of these inconueniences , it importeth much , that a king do not rely too much vpon the opinions of the vulgar , which in particular are various , and ill grounded , but when they shall heare it generally spoken , that such a one is an eminent man in this , or that other thing , and that he hath not his fellow in the kingdome for these and these abilities , let the counsell be called , the partie thus recommended , examined , and let the king take information from them , that are euery way as able as he , euen in that wherein he professes himselfe his crafts-master , whether they giue vp the same verdit of him , or no ; so that the fame , and opinion of a good souldiers , of a good captaine , and of a good gouernour , must be confirmed by the testimonie of those that are the best both souldiers , captaines , and gouernours . by this line , may you leuell , & by this course secure the approbation of all other offices . and in those whose sufficiencie may be seene , and measured out by the suruay of officialls , there cannot be so much deceit therein ; but in those , who are to serue a king and state , with great studies , and with the knowledge of diuers faculties , as are your greater dignities , and ecclesiasticall functions , where ( as we are taught by the apostle s. paul ) there is necessarily required great learning , great integritie of life , and great prudence and therefore had more neede of examination and triall . and i hold it for a great inconuenience , that the iudgement of things of so high a nature should be remitted to the relation of those , who are not onely farre from being able to iudge , but scarce know how to speake truly of them . by meanes whereof it is very vsuall with them , to suffer themselues to be ouercome by deceit , and ouerswaied with passion , holding those for the best and worthiest , and recommending them to the king for those high ministeries and offices , to whom , either they , or their friends , and kinse folke , beare most affection , or are most beholding . but opinion ought not to carry these things , vnlesse it be confirmed with very good , and sure testimonies . much of this mischiefe will be remedied , if for these and such like great dignities and offices , we should not rely only vpon fame , or that voice and report , which comes a far off , and somtimes painted ouer with apparencies , and in the maske and disguise of truth , being nothing else , saue meere passion , but that we should looke a little neerer into the inside of these persons , and grow by communication into a fuller knowledge of them . not that knowledge , which some ministers speake of , who are sayd to know only those whom they preferre , or are willing to preferre , and only for that they haue heard them talke in ordinary matters of complement , and base flatteries , which they vse more , which haue all their wisedome in their lips , then those that are truly graue and learned men . mens witts , are not like the water of a fountaine , which , at the first draught , our palate findes to be thicke , or thin , salt , or sweete . it is like a sea , without a bottome ; or like vnto a deepe riuer , to know whose depth , we must wade through it from side to side . sicut aqua pro●unda , sic consilium in corde viri , ( saith the holy ghost ) counsaile in the heart of a man ; is like a deepe water : sed homo sapiens exhauriet illud : but a man of vnderstanding will draw it out . and it is the learned , and wise , that must make iudgement of wise , and learned men . in the sacred history of genesis , we reade , that when the holy patriarke isaac determined to giue the benediction of the primogenitureship to his elder sonne esau , iacob came athwart him , and feigned himselfe to be esau , ( whom his aged father meant to blesse ) and in a distinct and cleare voyce sayd vnto him ; i am thy first begotten sonne esau ; to whom the patriarke made answer ; thy voyce seemeth not to be the voyce of esau , but of iacob . and therefore , accede huc , vt tangam te fili mi : come neere i pray thee that i may feele thee ( my sonne ) whether thou be● my very sonne esau , or not ? many there are , who boast themselues to be elder brothers in vertue , and learning , and with tricks and deuices , clad themselues ( to shew ) in sheepes cloathing , but inwardly are rauening wolues , and with gifts and presents , ( as iacob heere did ) incline , or peruert the mindes of ministers , that they giue them credit , and beleife , stealing by this meanes the blessing away , and getting prioritie of place , being indeed younger brothers in their deserts . and we are to consider that in this history , there did concurre two things , which were sufficient to deceiue the patriarke . the first , that he was blinde or at least very dimme sighted ; for ( as wee said before ) when this propounding or nominating of such persons , is left to the will of those , that are blinde , or ignorant in these matters , there is not any thing done therein , which is not full of deceit . the second , that the voyce was far different , from the person whom he felt . the like vsually happeneth in that matter which we haue now in hand . for there shall goe a voyce , and fame , and a true opinion of such a man , that he hath very worthy parts , but comming vpon the first sight to those ministers , which are to preferre him , he seemeth to be another manner of man , from that which hee truly is . and the reason of it is , for that ( like the blinde ) they only feele , touch , and examine these wise men , when as indeede they should conforme themselues to the settled voyce , and receiued opinion of the learned , who are better seene in these matters , and haue a deeper knowledge of them . anciently , the people did meere all together , and with a generall and common voyce did nominate him to be their bishop whom they thought to be the fittest man , and most worthy the episcopall sea. and this was then held the fairest and surest course . for ( to speake morally ) it is not likely ( as we said before ) that one single man , should deceiue so many , nor draw the votes and suffrages of all the whole multitude vnto him , vnlesse he had parts and abilities deseruing this their approbation . many most holy men , and great prelates , as ambroses , gregories , chrysostomes , and other learned , and graue diuines , haue receiued their preferments by such nominations as these . but this kinde of election ( now some yeares since ) was reduced ( esteeming it the fittest and the surest way ) to the voyces , and suffrages of your deanes and chapters of cathedrall churches . but , because in humane things there is such little stabilitie and firmenesse , your popular dissensions inforced them ( for the greater ease and quiet of the common-wealth ) that your kings ( by concession of the chiefe bishops ) should haue the nominating of them . and no doubt , but it was well ordained by them , in regard , that as those their royall persons , are of so superiour a degree , and so free from respects of humane businesses ( for these are wont to worke vpon the mindes of particular men ) so the nomination , that passeth through their hands , is by much the more certaine . for , as they are kings and rulers ouer the people , god doth inlighten them ( so as they do not dis-deserue this light , or be rebellious vnto him , for the making of a good and iudicious choise . ) diuinatio in labijs regis , in iudicio non errabit os ejus : a diuine sentence is in the lips of the king , and his mouth shall not erre in iudgement . for , if he be a good and vertuous king , god doth assuredly assist his actions , directing him by an especiall grace , and particular fauour , that he may not erre in a businesse of so great importance . and this doth oblige them to looke well what they do , and to take a great deale of care and good heed in the nomination of them . and let kings take this into their consideration , that being such , as they ought to be , they haue in some measure a kinde of propheticall gift , that they may not ( will they but strip themselues of passion , and craue gods holy assistance ) erre in their iudgement . oh , what a necessitie is there in them to liue well , since that from the innocencie of their life , ariseth ordinarily a hitting right in their actions , true intelligence , and a good dispatch in their negociations . chap. xii . how kings ought to carry themselues towards those ministers , whom they finde sufficient for the gouernment both of peace , and of warre . in the creation of the vaste vniuerse , god shewed his great omnipotencie , and his infinite wisedome in the disposition of those things , which hee placed therein , with such a concordance and harmonie , that diuus thomas confesseth that it could not be mended , without some dissonancie , and iarring . and he citeth the example of a well tuned viall , wherein it is not possible to straine a string , but the consonancie in all the rest is quite marred . this was that which the wiseman said ; that with weight , number , and measure , god had created , and ordered all his creatures . so that the parts of the vniuerse , haue amongst themselues that proportion , that in euery one , and all ioyntly , there are found these three circumstances , weight , number and measure . but that , which is spoken in the booke of wisedome , touching the gouernment of all this huge machina , is of greater consideration . for god touching ( as being infinitely powerfull ) the extremes and ends of all things in the disposing of them , he doth it with a great deale of sweetnesse . he did set an inuiolable law , a settled and determinate seate ( as being the author of nature ) to nature it selfe ; to the end , that euery thing conseruing it selfe with in it's owne proper bounds and limits , it should not be confounded with the rest . and from hence grew a most sweete and pleasing harmonie of all this great frame of the world , so well tuned , and so well ordred , that it alone voyceth and proclaymeth the wisedome , and omnipotencie of the creator . what a goodly thing is it , to see the continuall motion of the celestiall bodies ? the perpetuall influence , sixednesse , & resplendour of the planets and of other starres ? the fire , in it's sohere ? the ayre , the water , and the earth , in their most firme and stable mansions ? and only by vertue of that first law which god settled in his first creation ? out of this composture , and admirable accord , and agreement of things naturall , is to be drawne the politicall consent and attonement of a common-wealth , appointing to euery one his site , his place , and his certaine limits of iurisdiction for that office , that shall be put vpon him , without once thinking to haue it altered or changed . and it is the obseruation of the wise , and men of much experience , that if it might bee inuio●ably kept , and might bee established as an inuariable and vnchangeable decrce in the brest of the king and his counsellours , that those of one counsell should not be transferred and put ouer to another ; nor be remoued from that wherein they are already placed , vnlesse it be to your presidentships of your chanceries , and visits of the kingdome , and that they themselues of euery particular councell should haue the nominating of their presidents , it would in matter of gouernment be of great importance . first of all , by these meanes would cease those anxieties , vexations , and cares , wherewith all of them liue , of being translated from one councell to another ; as also that extraordinary negociating and labouring for this end and purpose . those that are of the councell of hazienda , pretend to be preferred to that of the indies , & de los ordines . and when they haue attained to these , they aspire to that of castile . so that out of this ambitious humour , none of them sticke fast , or keepe firme footing ; but from the very first day , wherein they enter into one of these councells , their mindes are wandring , pretending to better themselues by chopping and changing from councell to councell . and the mischiefe of it is ; that in these pretensions , they wast and spend that time , which they should bestow in studying those points , which belong to their own tribunall . for the curing of this sore , in the councell of the indies , in former times , those counsellours had a larger allowance and greater pension , then any of the other councells , obliging them thereby to settle themselues where they were placed , without pretending to budge , or to leape from one councell into another , making themselues thereby capable of all those difficult businesses of the indies , which good effect then ceased , when the salaries were made all a like . and if this order which i speake of , had beene well and truly kept , the disorder which is in these pretensions of change , had beene remedied , and men would haue beene more practicke , and better seene in those businesses , which are treated in euery one of them , being so different , and of so great consequence , and so hard to be vnderstood , that they will require the study and assistance of many yeares to vnderstand and know them aright . and ( as the holy ghost sayth ) it is contrarie to the rules of good gouernment , and of prudence , to put one vpon that he vnderstands not , and to commit weighty affayres vnto him , who vndertaking them ( as being tyed thereunto by his imployment ) knowes not whether he be in the right , or no , though perhaps he presume he is . likewise , there should be much more care had in the prouision of those places of other audiencies , and inferiour courtes of chancerie , to the end that in them might be bred vp such subiects , in qualitie , learning , and vertue , that out of them , election might be made of fit men for greater counsells . and that the presidents should be chosen out of the said councells in which they were bred vp , it is very conuenient , and grounded vpon good reason , for , hauing beene conuersant in them some yeeres , by the concourse of so many things , as dayly offer themselues , thereby will be better knowen , their talent , and capacitie , their truth , their treating , their integritie , and all the worth and parts of their person , whereby the election that shall be made , will be much the better , more certaine in the things vndertaken , and more safe and secure in matter of conscience . and who is he can doubt , but that those counsailours , which haue beene for a long time in your supremer councells will haue greater knowledge of the qualitie and substance of those businesses , which are treated in them , together with those necessary circumstances , which make for their better expedition . besides , they will more prefectly know the state , wherein the businesses of that tribunall stand , without being driuen to haue recourse vnto others to be better informed , spending and loosing much time therein . againe , they know , ( which is a matter of no small consideration ) the rest of the counsailours , as also their condition , their abilitie , their cleannesse of hands and heart , and their good , or bad parts , for there , better then else where , are they discouered . and this knowledge is very necessary in presidents , for to deliberate , and make choise vpon all occasions , of the fittest persons , that are to be trusted , with businesses of importance . and it is of no lesse consequence to take notice of the suitors and pretenders , for to know how to carry themselues towards them , & to take particular knowledge of the good customes , ceremonies , preheminencies and priuileges of those councells , that they may be kept and obserued , and that the authoritie of the tribunall may be maintained , and all discordes and competitions a voyded . all these things are learned with time , and that experience which euery one hath of his proper councell , wherein it is very requisite , that the president be a master and not a schollar , as he is , who enters newly into a councell though he haue serued many yeares in another : and of no little inconuenience are the nouelties , which they both attempt and do , who are admitted without this experience , being desirous to accommodate , and order things according to the measure of their own d●scourse . and howbeit the want of experience be in counsailours a matter of much consideration , and may be tolerated and borne withall in some ; yet in realtie of truth , the lacke thereof in a president , is intolerable , and very preiudiciall to the whole common-wealth ; and from thence arise many great mischiefes , and those remedilesse . for some out of ignorance , and some out of flatterie , do leane to their opinion , whereby many vniust decrees passe , whilest the experienced and wiser sort , ( which euermore are the fewer ) haue not power equall to their sufficiencie , to turne the course of the streame . and for this reason , so many difficulties offer themselues , so many differences are raised amongst them , and so many resolutions dela●d and put off , ( and peraduenture erre in the end too , ) which would haue required a quicke and speedy dispatch . but when a president hath that experience which is needfull , he will not g●ue way to these delayes ; but being priuie to his own sufficiencie , and confident that he is in the right , looke wha● he presseth and affirmeth , the authoritie of his pers●● and place , will make it good , and strike a great ▪ if not the only stroake , in the businesse . for these and d●uerse other reasons , in all well gouerned common-wea●ths and communities , i would haue them make choise ( for g●u●rnment ) of such subiects as haue beene bred vp , and ●u'd some yeares in them ; for they cannot but haue a great aduantage of those that are strangers thereunto , t●ough otherwise of equall parts . and this is the trace and tr●cke of the holy ghost , marked out vnto vs by ▪ s. paul ; omnis enim ponti●ex ex hominibus assumptus pro hominibus constu●itur : for euery high priest , taken from among men , is ordained for men . for it matetreth much , that the head be of the same substance as is the body , and that all the members be of one and the same kinde , not to haue a head of gold , a body of braffe , and feete of clay , like vnto nabuchodonazars image , but that all the whole body be one and the selfe same flesh and bone , all of the same matter and informed with the same forme . that bundle of sheafes which ioseph saw ; his ( like the king-sheafe ) lifting vp his head higher then the rest , and ( if we may beleeue the rabbins ) reaching as high as heauen , and those of his brethren prostrate on the ground , doing homage thereunto , is the embleme of the body of a councell & it's president like vnto that of king pharaoh . and the sacred text doth not say , that that tall and high sheafe , was different in matter from the rest , but that all were of the same eare , and stalke ; giuing vs thereby to vnderstand , that he , that is to be the head or president of the whole body of a councell , though he be to be higher then the rest , in the dignitie and hight of his office , yet for all this , god would not , that he should be made of any other kinde of matter then were the rest of the members ; that he should not besome great block-headed lord , or a man without wit , or learning , that in his carriage and manner of life , he should seeme to be cut out of another peece of cloath , but that hee should bee of the selfe same qualitie , fashion , and profession . and that the president of euery councell , should be chosen from amongst the counsailours themselues , that they be moulded out of the same masse and lumpe , as well the feete , as the head , that there goe ( as we say ) but a payre of sheares betweene them , and that they be clad all in one and the same liuerie . and god giuing order to his vice-roy ( and in it , to all kings ) how he was to choose a president , that should be the head and ruler ouer his people , saith thus vnto him ; eum constitues , quem dominus tuus elegerit , de numero fratrum tuorum : thou shalt in any wise set him king ouer thee , whom thy lord thy god shall choose ; one , from among thy brethren , shalt thou set king ouer thee . and howbeit god had heere exprest himselfe so plainely , and that he himselfe had the nominating of the person , and therefore there could be no errour in the election , yet it seemeth god was not satisfied heerewith , but comes presently with another prouiso , and a second mandatum , saying . thou mayst not set a stranger ouer thee ( hominem alterius gentis ) which is not thy brother . he must not be of another people , or of another familie ; as if he should haue said , not of another councell . doubtlesse ( saith s. chrysostome ) this is a businesse of great consequence ; and we are to insist much thereupon , considering that god himselfe , doth recommend and repeate it so often vnto vs , to the end that it may be imprinted in the hearts of kings . and in reason of state , and matter of gouernment , it is the greatest benefit they can do to their kingdomes . and therefore amongst other those great and many fauours which god prom●sed to conferre vpon his people , ( speaking vnto them in the similistude of the vine ) he indeareth this as the greatest , that he will set a guard about them , and gardiners or vineyard-keepers , that shall be within the precincts thereof . dabo ei vinitores ex eodem loco : i will giue her , her vineyards from thence , and the valley of achor , for a doore of hope . but ( my good lord ) within the precincts of a vineyard , what can be had there but hedges and vine-plants ? had it not beene better to giue vnto this vineyard a lusty strong laborour , to dresse and prune it , and to keepe and defend it from passengers ? the chalde , ●xpounds this place very well , for in stead of vinitores , he puts gubernatores , which , are rulers and presidents . and for to be , as they ought to be , we haue said already , that they should be vniforme with the members . for if they be the vine , he must likewise be a vine , that must be ●●eir head. christ himselfe , that he might be the presiden● 〈◊〉 head of that apostolicall councel where the apostles were as tender plants , and had the same proprieties , made himselfe a vine , to conforme himselfe vnto them . ego sum vitis vera & vos palmites : i am the true vine , and yee the branches : to the end that kings may vnderstand , and all the world may know , of how great importance it is , that the members and head , counsailours , and presidents , should in their qualities and conditions , be very conformable , sithence that heerein he would not dispence with himselfe , much lesse therefore with others , and for this cause presidents ought still to be chosen out of the same councells , ex eodem loco , eiusdem gentis , & de numero fratrum suorum : out of the same place , the same people , and from amongst their brethren . and if counsailours might haue the hope of such increase of honour in their persons , it would make them much better then they are , and they would study to win themselues credit , and to cumply in all things with their obligation , seruing with carefullnesse and satisfaction as well to give their kings good content , as that they againe , might take notice thereof , and in their greatest occasions imploy them in their seruice . this rule did that great gouerner of gods people moses obserue , who hauing ( as wee savd ) vsed diligence for to seeke out persons , which might helpe him , furnished with those qualites afore-mentioned , made a distribution and diuision amongst them , allotting them places and offices , answearable to their talent . and which is worthy the noting , that ( as he himselfe affirmeth in another place ) the noblest , and wisest amongst them he made rulers ouer the rest . for , when in noblemen , concurre the qualities of wisedome , and prudence , and other the vertues , there is a great deale of reason , nay a strong obligation lyes vpon it , that presidentships , and the greatest dignities , & p●aces of honour , should be bestowed vpon them ; especially , when not degenera●ing from the vertue of their ancestors , but surpassing them therein , they haue the aduantage of noblenesse of blood , vpon which vertue ( like a diamond set in gold ) shewes it sel●e the better and appeares the more beautifull . the words of that most wise law-giuer , wheron this discourse will be the better grounded , are these ; tuli de tribubus vestris , viros sapientes , & nobiles , & constitui eos principes , tribunos , & centuriones , & quinquegenarios , ac decanos , qui docerent vos singula : i tooke the cheife of your tribes , wise men and knowen , and made them heads ouer ye , captaines ouer thousands , and captaines ouer hundreds , and captaines ouer fifties , and officers amongst your tribes . out of euery tribe he chose the worthiest and most sufficient men , and made them heads and presidents in that gouernment . and he , that was so zealous of the lawes and good gouernment , valiant mattathias , in that prouision of offices , which he distributed , at his death , he said of simon : scio quod vir consilij est , ipsum audite semper . and because he was so wise a counsailour , he made him president of the councell . iudas machabaeus fortis viribus à juuentute su● : iudas machabaeus , was a valiant man from his youth , he had beene alwayes bred vp in the warres , sit vobis princeps militia ; and therefore he made him generall of the armie . for ( as plato saith ) quilibet ad ea idoneus est , inquibus sapit : euery man is fittest for those things , wherin he hath best skill . now , when kings shall haue found out such fit persons ( as haue bin by vs propounded ) they are to distribute & order their councells and counsailours , & to appoint their president , charging them to keepe euery one his proper place , and station , & that they enuy not one another nor sue to be preferred to a supremer councell , and to haue a care that each man in his owne councell be rewarded according to his good seruices . for it is impossible , but , that he that treateth in all businesses , must needs erre in some , nor can he , that is ouer charged with businesses giue good satisfaction vnto all . but there are some , that loue to double their files , & would , if they could , haue a . offices at once pretending , that there is want of fit men for those offices , seeking that they may be doubled , redoubled , and quadrupled on themselues . they are like vnto another gerion , of whom it is sayd , that he is in hell , because hee would be three , instead of one. what will become then of those , that would be twenty yea a hundred , nay inioy all the offices in a kingdome ? these had neede of another farre greater hell , if that be not hell enough , they haue already . with the foresayd distinction and diuision of councell and counsailours , farre better and more speedily will businesses be dispatched , and the king shall be at more ease in his person , and more at quiet in conscience . and the counsailours themselues , shall leade an easier life , haue lesse time of trouble , and more to study on state-businesses , whereby with moderate paines , they shall giue a quicker dispatch to those things which come vnder their debating . let this therfore serue as a conclusion to this discourse ; that in no kinde of hand , offices be doubled vpon one particular person , nor put out of their hinges , by the passion or pretension of those , that haue a hand therein , nor let counsellours bee chopt and changed , from one place , to another , nor your councells confounded . for this argues but small satisfaction in the ministers , and much distrustfullnesse in the prince . but let vs passe on . chap. xiii . the author prosecutes the same subiect , and shewes how kings ought to carry themselues with their counsells and counsailours . this order being thus settled for kings , they likewise are to haue a care , that they keepe it , by not altering businesses , nor remouing either them , or the men therein imployed , out of their proper places , for from the trucking and bartring of these things , from this chopping and changing , great inconueniences , and mightie troubles , are wont to rise in gouernment . what a strange thing would it be , nay , what would become of vs all , if that order which god placed ( as we told you ) in this machina of the world , should he altred ? if the earth should get vp aboue the ayre , and the ayre should passe beyond the spheare of fire , what were this , but to destroy the world ? so good gouernment in like manner is destroyed , by the ambition and couetousnesse of those , who not contented with their imployments and places , draw businesses out of their right current , for to make themselues lords and masters of all , and to pursue , by this meanes , their idle vanities , ambitious humours , and particular interest . the holy ghost , in that misticall booke of the canticles , compares the gouernment of the church to a well ordred army , or p●tch't field , where the pikes are ranked on the one side , the shot on the other , the horse in a third , and all the rest in their due places appointed for them . and in this well ordring and marshalling of the men , consisteth the strength of an army . a christian , and church like common-wealth , by the good order that is kept therein , is as terrible as an army with banners to it's enemies , and as beautifull as tirzah , and comely as ierusalem , in the sight both of god , and man. and when kings do hit right the distribution of their offices , and in giuing to euery one , that which is fitting for him , according to his condition and qualitie , most certaine it is , that euery man shall get aduantage thereby and proue morè excellent in his proper place and office , then those can be , who haue beene imployed in other offices and places . and that they , who haue beene deputed to such a councell and well exercised therein , shall far better know what belongs thereunto , then those that haue not had experience and knowledge thereof . euermore presupposing , that with the foresayd care and diligence , choise hath beene made of the most sufficient . for which reason , we are to giue credit to euery one in particular , and to all ioyntly in their ministries , as to selected persons , and such as are their crafts-masters , in these kinde of matters . for ( as the holy ghost saith ) vnusquisque in arte sua , sapiens est : euery one is wise in his owne art , knowing therein both how to speake , and do . according to this ground , kings cannot doe any thing better or surer for the good gouernment of their kingdomes , and satisfaction of their consciences , then to giue credit to each councell in that which appertaineth vnto them , and to leaue vnto their ordinary councellours and councels the dispatch of all your running businesses without any particular consultation , vnlesse it shall more neerely concerne the state , whereof as the king ought onely to be the iudge , and to giue his resolution , what he will haue therein to be done ; so likewise must he lend them his hand and authoritie , as far forth as is fitting , proportionable to the bulke and qualitie of their office , without which they cannot well exercise the same . where as not to giue them that , which they iustly deserue , is a great impediment to their cumplying with the occasion to which are the substantiall part of their obligation , and giues occasion to others , not to yeeld them obedience & respect , which are the raines of that bridle , wherwith the people are to be restrained and ruled . and together with this , they themselues must helpe to sustaine the weight and charge of gouernment , wherein they haue so great a portion . the emperour charles the fift of glorious memorie , was much commended for the great care he tooke in conseruing the authoritie of his ministers . and it is not to be doubted , but those ancient graue ministers , whom the people reuerenceth and respecteth for the place wherein they are , and for the opinion which they haue gained by their yeares , and experience , and for the authoritie they haue to do either well , or ill , and for that power they possesse , and which the lawes grant vnto them ouer mens liues , and goods , may doe much in authorizing , or disauthorizing not onely all that they doe , but euen the prince himselfe . hence will issue this other benefit , that a great part of your audiences ( too ordinary arrouble with kings ) will be much lessened , whereby they shall be the more disoccupied , and recouer greater force and strength for to treat of waightier affaires , not wasting and spending to times in matters of lesser moment . and this bad and old custome ought to haue it's leggs broken and heereafter be disinabled for attributing vnto kings those resolutions , that are disagreeable and displeasing to the people . for albeit those ineuitable , offences and distastes , which sometimes cannot be auoyded , ought to be indured , and passed ouer with dissimulation , for the publicke good , yet is it not safe to procure them for euery particular thing , nor that all men should know , that all their dammages and hinderances proceede from the supreme 〈◊〉 of the king. and it is as olde , as vsuall a fashion with your ministers , when the people murmure at them , ( i cannot tell whether it 〈◊〉 with that wisedome and loyaltie which they owe to their king ) to lay the fault on their superiour , and the people easily intertaineth it , and apprehends it , to be so . whereupon they throw all the stones , that they can at him , and although they cannot reach him , yet is it not fit , that they should grow to that insolency and contempt . let kings , by all possible meanes excuse those iuntas , or references , which haue lately beene introduced for the deciding of businesses ; a thing as ill receiued in common , as desired by the ministers ; and that for many reasons . first , that the people , and the parties , may not thinke , or say , that it is done to oppresse them , by putting businesses out of their course , and recommending them to a few selected persons , that they may so end them , as he desireth , who hath the nominating of them . secondly , that they may not draw vpon themselues the hatred and burthen of those resolutions they shall take , if they shall be either in offence and distast of the people , or of the partie whom it concerneth . thirdly , because there is no cause or reason , why they , that are trusted with all other publike businesses , should not likwise be trusted with particular greiuances . fourthly , be cause your ordinary councels haue more experience of those businesses , which they treate dayly , then your iuntas haue , which are formed of different councels , wherin vsually , there are many which scarce know the first principles of that , wherof they are to treate , & must be guided & directedby those , which are taken out of that councell , which is acquainted with these kind of businesses . or if they will not confesse this , by their ignorance , and by their competition , they deferre at least , if not vtterly ouerthrow the resolution that should be taken in the businesse for , being ( as they are ) composed of different tribunalls , they neither loue , nor trust one another neither know they how to yeeld each to other , but grow stiffe & obstinate , and attend onely to shew their wit & learning vpon those that are vnuerst in those affaires . whilest in the meane while it succeedeth with mens businesses , as it doth with those diseases and sicknesses , which are discust and debated by many physitians who whilst they are diuided in opinion , and one would haue this , and another that , the time of the cure is past . fiftly , for the credit and authoritie of the king , as also of the councels themselues ; for when that which belongs to these counsailours and their president , is taken out of their hands by artifice and cunning , and is recommended to others , in no hand can be excused the note and suspition , that either the king hath erred in the election which he made of these his counsellours , or that they do not do their duty , because that which did properly appertaine vnto them , is taken from them , and put ouer to others . and as it should be a fault in a prince , not to trust his ministers , if they deserue to be trusted ; so is it likewise , if they dismerit that trust , to continue them in that place . and therefore that minister from whom there can be had no good satisfaction , let him be put out of his office. for to keepe him in it , argues either weaknesse in a prince , or an euill conscience . sixtly , that that may not by your discoursists , and wits ( as they call them ) whereof kings courts are full , diuine afore hand , what is treated in those iuntas , which are no sooner had , but the end of them is knowne ; a thing which cannot but be of infinite inconuenience for all affaires , and more particularly in those , which as they are of more importance , so doe they require more reseruednesse . seuenthly , because ministers may haue time and place for to heare negotiants , which they cannot haue , nor be able to remedy matters , nor to vnderstand them , vnlesse they may haue the hearing of them . and though this complaint , be without fault on the counsailours part , i am sure it is not without punishment of those , that are to negociate with them . and lastly , because it is a great errour and intolerable burthen , to tye two or three , to the dispatch of many businesses of pea●e , and of warre , of the exchequer , & of the state , and of diuers other things , which dayly offer themselues ; for , ( as experience teacheth , reason requireth , and inconuenience proclaimes it ) it is impossible to giue a good issue and dispatch to all , nay scarce to the least part of businesses . for a man is not made of brasse , that hee should be able to indure the trouble of so many iuntas , at least his spirits will be so spent , that he will be able to doe little seruice in those that are last treated . counsai●ours know not , like angels , diuino intuitu , but as men , by way of discourse : and in this they are tyred out , and ouer-wrought ; and it is not possible , that at the latter end of the day , they should be so quicke and nimble , as at the first hower , after they haue taken paines all 〈◊〉 day long . for this vertue is granted to spirits , which know and comprehend things without measure , or wearisomnesse . mans vnderstanding is finite , and hee said not ill , that said ; the sence , which is occupied in many things is weakened by euery one of them . and in that repartment and diuision , which that euangelicall father of his familie , made of the talents amongst his seruants he gaue vnto euery one of them , secundum propriam virtutem . he measured their abilities , and conformable thereunto imposed a charge vpon them . how many doe groane vnder the burthen of those offices , which they beare , without being able to vndergoe them ; yet will not they leaue these , because their ambition does not leaue them . but rather applying themselues to the gust and palate of their king , and out of a disordinate desire they haue to grow still greater and greater , they are well content with loade vpon loade , and neuer cry ho , because they neuer thinke they haue enough . and so not complying ( as indeed they cannot ) with their obligation , businesses are retarded , and goe not on in that good way as they should , and both they themselues , and they that put them into these places , liue with little or no securitie of conscience . but if it be the kings will and pleasure , and that hee thinke it fit for his greater satisfaction that some one particular man that is eminent in the profession of that businesse , which is to be treated , shall treate thereof , and shall see and peruse it , a gods name ( if he will haue it so ) let his will be fulfilled : yet with all , let his maiestie take his opinion , as of a particular person , and hauing receiued it , let it be disputed , discussed , and debated by the body of the councell , such as haue beene beaten in these kinde of businesses , and are throughly acquainted with these matters ; for by this meanes , that which is pretended , shall the better be effected , and many the fore-mentioned inconueniences be excused . amongst those ancient romans , when that common-wealth was sole mistris of all the world , and when it was likewise vnder the empire and command of one onely monarke , we neuer read , that it euer admitted of more then the ordinary councells for the dispatch of businesses . augustus caesar , a prince of excellent prudence , and his great minion mecaenas , in matter of counsaile , can sufficiently confirme this doctrine , being that he himselfe was one of those , that treated businesses in the ordinary councells . and he had a respect and consideration thereunto in that extraordinary cause of piso touching the death of ger●onicus , wherein the iudgement of the people , and the senate was so much interessed . ti●erius the emperour who was one of the subtilest and craftiest princes , that euer the roman empire knew , would not for all his great strength of wit , & cunning dissimulation , wherein he was his arts-master , venter vpon any innouation farther then this , to passe ouer his opinion to this , or that other councell , but neuer appointed any particular iunta for the same , as one who knew very well , that onely in so doing he should haue but laded his own shoulders with the weightinesse of the case , and the successe of the cause . onely your iuntas , are to be vsed vpon some great and extraordinary occasion , and not vpon euery trifling businesse , as is now and hath these many yeares beene in vse , much more time being imployed in particular iuntas , then publicke councells touching the pe●sons of these councells . if the number be not sufficient for the dispatch of businesses , let it rather be increased , then that by this other course , he that is master and lord of all , should likewise make himselfe master of all wrongs and grieuances , and of that which the aggrieued will conceiue of him ; which hatching imagination of theirs , will bring forth ( that cocatrice of kings ) most venemous hatred . by that , which wee haue both read , seene and heard , it is easie to be collected , that this was meerely an introduction of the ambitious , who indeauoured by this meanes to haue all things passe through their hands , and depend vpon their will. and this , as if it had beene a thing of inheritance , hath gon along in descent from one age to another , euen to these our present times . that particular councell which kings formerly had , and in effect all of them still haue , that more reserued secret councell with whom they communicate their in wardest thoughts , let it ( a gods name ) be superiour to all the rest , which supplying , as in those three potentiae or faculties , the very place and soule as it were of the prince , it is very fit and conuenient , that it should iudge of the actions , and resolutions of all your ordinary councells , and that they should all wayte vpon this , and attend their pleasure , and that they should likewise treate of all those great businesses , which the ancient , and more especially , augustus caesar , called arcanaimpery , misteries of state , and secrets of the kingdome . but for the rest , let them be left to their ordinary councells for so shall they receiue quicker dispatch , and all sutes be more easily ended , and things carryed with lesse labour of the one , and fewer complaints of the other . and let it likewise suffice euen the greatest intermedlers of these ministers , that they haue a hand in publicke businesses , without offering for their priuate interest to draw things out of their ordinary course , and common tracke whereinto they were put , making themselues thereby hated and abhorred of all those that haue any thing to doe with them . for at last they will come to sent and winde out their driftes , to know all their doublings and shiftings , and to watch them at euery turne , and when they haue them at aduantage , neuer poore hare was so hardly followed by hounds , as these will be pursu'd to death by them , whom the others powerfullnesse with his prince , did seeke to crush and keepe vnder . it were well that these great ministers , would weigh and consider with themselues , that as they haue their hands already too full of worke , so haue they more complaints against them , then they would willingly heare of , and more enuie at the heeles of them , then they can well shake of , and therefore ( if they were wise ) they would anoyd ( as much as in them lyes ) to draw these mischiefes more and more vpon themselues . in great resolutions indeed , kings are not to giue way , that they should be taken out of the councells of state , and warre , nor yet that they should be conluded without them . for the g●ory of all good successefull actions shall be his , as hauing their reuolution and motion from him , as from their primum mo●ile . nor is it any wisedome in a king to lay the misfortunes and vnhappy accidents , that may befall a state , vpon his owne shoulders ; which will be qualified for such by his priuy counsellours , as finding themselues iustly offended , in that hee hath not imparted his minde vnto them , nor communicated with them in the common wealths affaires , especially if they be of consequence . the principall cause , why there was ordained a councell of state , was ; that it might serue to helpe the king ( whom principally this body representeth ) to beare the popular charge , which euermore iudgeth of things by the euents ; and though now and then they fall out ill , and the people thereupon ready to murmure and mutinie , yet are they the better bridled , and appeased by the power and authoritie of these counsellours . the office of a king hath trouble inough with it , burthen inough , and therefore they should not aduise him to lay more vpon himselfe without lawfull and necessary cause . and because , when i treated of the q●alit●es of counselours , i reserued those for this place , which more properly appertaine vnto them that are of this counsell , i will breifely deliuer what they are , and how necessarie for those that are elected thereunto ; and i will content my sel●e , with no lesse , then those of that great common-wealths man , and counsel our , pericles . and besides , to those which i shall now speake of , may be r● duced those , which are to be required in their 〈…〉 councell of state , is a councell of peace , and war ; and ( as plato saith ) is thesoule of republike , and the very anchor , wheron wholy dependeth a● the liabilitie , firmenesse & assurance , of the state , king , and king●ome , 〈…〉 , or preferuation . whose chiefe aime , and principall intent , is the good gouernment of the common-wealth , and that it , and euery member thereof should liue happily , and be conserued in peace , and iustice . and for this cause onely are we to make war. ob eam causam suscipienda sunt bella , vt sine i●iuria in pace vivatur . it is c●ero's saying . and the emperour charles the fifth was wont to say ; that the councell of state , is the whole wisedome , power , and vnderstanding of the king ; that it is his eyes , his hands , and his feete ; and that himselfe , should often sit in counsell and without it not to do , or conclude any thing that is of any weight , or moment . the qualities required to make a perfect counseller in this councell are many ; as that he be a man of much courage , truth , and integritie , and well seene in matters of state and gouernment , publick , and p●●uate , of peace , and of warre ; for he is to aduise in all ; a man of good yeares , great vertue , much authoritie , and of no meane credit and reputation ; that he be very skilful in those businesses , which he treateth ; that he vnderstand them well , and be his crafts-master in that facultie . that he be of a prompt and sharpe wit ; that his tongue be well hangd , and be able to expresse himselfe so happily , that he may be truly vnderstood . that he haue a minde free from all by respects , that neither loue , nor feare , may detaine him from vttering what he thinketh ; that he beare an especiall loue and affection to his king ; that he keepe his hands cleane , and not suffer himselfe to be ouercome by couetousnesse . for he , that in whatsoeuer is propounded , presently apprehends what is best , and vnderstands what is proffitable , and conuenient , yet neither knoweth , nor hath fi●ting words to declare himselfe , it is all one , as if he vnderstood it not . and he that can play both these parts passing well , yet loueth not his master , his conseruation and augmentation of honour , this man will hardly be true and trusty vnto him , and scarcely adiuse him to that which is fitting for him . but suppose he hath all these good qualities , yet if he giue way to be won by the loue of money , and greedinesse of gaine , all that shall be treated with him , shall be saleable , no whit weighing the benefit , and authoritie of his king , if the insatiable , hunger of riches be put in the scale . and i say moreouer , that he , that shall want these two qualities , and shall not loue his king , and yet loue couetousnesse , though he be indewed with all the rest , he shall thereby be so much the worse , and more dangerous , for hauing his will depraued , and his vnderstanding ill affected , hauing these two vices attending on him , how much the more shall his sharpnesse of wit be , and the greater his force of e●quence , the worse effects will it worke , and the more remedilesse . let counsellours therefore haue these two qualities , loue of the heart and cleannesse of the hand , together with good naturall partes , as a quicke wit , and nimble apprehension , for the speedier determining of present businesses , and not onely to giue sodaine , but sound aduise in them . and that in future cases , they may be able by naturall discourse to giue a guesse , how things are like to succeede ; as also , that they may by good discourse , and debating of businesses , attaine vnto those things , whereof as yet they haue not had particular experience . that they be prudent discerners of the better and the worse in cases doubtfull , that they may not be to seeke , but to goe through stitch therewith and be prouided for all commers . in a word , let them be excellent sodaine speakers vpon all occasions , assisted as well by a naturall kinde of gift they haue that way , as by the exercise of their wit. all which will not serue the turne , nor make the mill go so roundly as it would , vnlesse there be much amitie amongst them , and a conformitie of good agreement , and a willing helping and assiting one of another in businesses . for , from competitions and contestations amongst themselues , haue insued the losse of kingdomes , and states , and other great losses and calamities . they must bee of one accord , and one will with their king , and still aduise him to the best , hauing an eye both to him and themselues , that they doe not erre , or doe any thing contrary to that which is right and iust . and then is it to be vnderstood , that they beare true loue to their king , and countrie , and that they apply themselues to all that , which concernes the common good , and their owne particular seruice , when they take ioy and comfort , that they concurre , and runne all one way without diuision or distraction . and if this vnitie be not amongst them , it is to be imagined , that they loue not so much the king , and state , as their owne priuate interest . being thus qualified , they shall be fit ministers and counsellors for so great a counsell , for they shall therby be able to rid as many businesses as shall be brought before them , and giue them good and quicke dispatch , well vnderstanding what is needefull to be done , and knowing as well how to declare themselues in that which they vnderstand . and in this or any other councell , there ought ( according to fadrique furio ) a care to be had , to examine the merits and dismerits of euery one , informing themselues of his life , behauiour , and abilities , as also the actions , of those who without suing , deserue for their vertue , to haue fauour showen them ; and likewise to take notice of those who desire this preferment . and that for this purpose there be a register or book● kept of the merceds , and fauours to be conferred , and of the persons that are well deseruing , to the end that those honours and fauours may be thrown vpon them , according to the vertue , sufficiencie , and merits of the men . for he , that depriues vertue of that honour that is due thereunto , doth ( in cato's opinion ) depriue men , of vertue it selfe . and when fauours are afforded those which not deserue them , or are forborne to be bestowed on those that merit them , vertue receiues a great affront , and the common-wealth a notable losse . and it will proue the greater if honour be added to the bad , and taken from the good ; and that vice , shall be better rewarded , then vertue . for where she is not esteemed , and rewarded , the vertuous liue like men affronted , and that are banished the court. king nabucodonosor , assuerus , and others , haue kept such a booke as this , wherein were commanded to be recorded the seruice that were done them , and the persons deseruing , to the end they might gratifie them , and cast their gracious fauours vpon them . and this is very necessary in all well ordred common-wealth , to the end that all might indeauour to take paines , and study to deserue well . for reward inciteth men to labour ; and ( as salust saith ) were it not for hope of reward , few or none would be good . it makes much likewise for the honor and credit of kings . for in no one thing can they gaine themselues greater reputation , then by honouring those , that are good , and vertuous . the romans had likewise another councell which was called by the name of censura , or reforming of manners , which did not in the common-wealth permit publicke delinquents , which might cause either trouble , or scandall to the state , and to the end , that such ill disposed persons , might not escape punishment . for , where there is neither hope of reward , nor feare of punishment , there can we haue no good thing , no common-wealth , nor no congregation of men to last and continue ; when as the good and vertuous are not rewarded , nor the lewd and seditious punished . for if one part of the body be infirme , and be not holpen in time , the maladie extends it selfe , and goes creeping and spreading it selfe ouer all the whole body . and therefore it is sitting , that ministers should haue an eye , to see what vices , what disorders , what ill corrupted manners disturbe and molest a kingdome , and to haue a care to cleanse and cure the common-wealth of them , dealing with them for the publicke good , as wise physitians do for the bodyes-safety who , in the curing of infirmities , for the securing of the whole , cauterize this or that member , and if neede be cut it off . now your infirmities and diseases , which are quickly knowne , are as easily cured ( a great meanes of the remedy , resting in the discouerie . ) but those which with time waxe olde , grow in a manner incurable ; ( the aliment , and fomenting of them , consisting most in their concealement , ) for as in suffering and dissembling a fore , it but rankles the more , and of ill , becomes worse ; so to beare with insolent offenders , and to winke at their foule faultes , is ; as if a man should fauour a wound too much ; wherby , as it , so do they daily grow wors● and worse . for it is too too well knowne , that to malignant dispositions , the more lenitie , is but the more licence of offending , and open mercie proclaimed , crueltie . let the end of this discourse be , that the councells and counsellers being seated and setled in the forme aforesaid , the king likewise apply himselfe to treat truth with them , and to deale plainely with them , in whatsoeuer businesses shall offer themselues to be debated of . and let him not perswade himselfe , that there are too few of euery councell , for if they be chosen and selected men , few will suffice ; and many , serue to no other end but to trouble each other , and to delay businesses . for howbeit it be true , that it is euermore good to heare the opinions of all for to ventilate and sifte out a cause throughly , yet the determination ought to passe through the hands of a few , but withall good , and experienced persons , that they may not erre in their sentence . of the emperour alexander seuerus , ( who was a man of singular wisdome ) it is reported , that for the resolution of those businesses , which he vndertooke , he called onely vnto him such counsellours , to whom such businesse did more properly appertaine , and had most knowledge and experience in that , which was to be treated . vndè side iure tractaretur , solos doctos in consilum adhibebat ; si verò de re militari , milites veteres , & . senes , ac bene meritos , & locorum peritos , &c. so that if it were a law-businesse , he onely called the learned in the lawes to councell , if of warfare , olde beaten soldiers , aged and well-deseruing captaines , and of approued experience in their place . and so in the rest . for , as the philosopher saith ; impossibile est , vel certè admodum difficile , vt qui ipsa opera non tractat , peritè valeat iudicare : it is impossible , or at least certainly very hard , for to iudge iudiciously of those things , wherein a man was neuer yet imployd . but that which hath beene a mans office , and continuall exercise , in this he must needs be wise , and cannot choose but speake well to the point . quilibet adea idoneus est , in quibus sapit ( saith plato ) . some there are , that are wise , but ( like the troians ) too late ; they know what is to be done , but are too long in doing it ▪ and therefore it is necessary to adde hands to counsell and force to wisedome ; yet still allowing the councell somuch time , as things may come to their true ripenesse and maturitie ; for ( as it is in the prouerbe ) harto prestò se haze lo , que bien se haze : that is quickely done that is well done . and very necessary is that pause and breathing , wherewith kings goe ripening great businesses ; and exceeding fit it is , that they should goe soberly to worke , take time and leasure inough , and that in their consultations they should vse feete of leade , but in the execution of them , hands of steele . which being once well grounded , and both the conueniences , and inconueniences throughly weighed , ( though in these great and weighty affaires , there are neuer some wanting , that will follow that part , which hath least ground for it , and yet perswade themselues that they onely are in the right , and that all the reason in the world is on their side ) let them goe roundly to worke , and after a concluded consultation , let them shew themselues constant in the execution thereof . for , as another philosopher said ; cuncta●ter aggrediendum est negotium , verùm in suscepto , constanter perseuerandum : a maine businesse must haue a slow motion , but when the wheeles are once set a going , they must neuer stand still till it haue finished it's intended worke . and the prophet esay , ioyned the spirit of fortitude , to that of councell . for counsaile little auaileth , that is deuoid of force and strength to execute . vile est consilium ( saith pope gregory ) cui robur fortitudinis deest : that counsaile is vile and base ; that wants true mettall . let counsell i say be slow , & sauour of the lamp , but let the execution , be quicke as lightening . for , as mortall are those wounds , & those diseases , to which remedy is giuen too late , as those , to whom none is giuen at all . to what end therefore ( i pray ) serue your iuntas , vpon iuntas , reference vpon reference , your long and large consultations , your viewings , and reuiewings , if after all this great adoe , all is roll'd and shut vp in paper ? whereas in all reason , nay and right too , how much the more time there hath beene spent in consulting , so much the more speede and force ought to be vsed in execu●ing ▪ for , on good counsaile , and quicke execution , consist your good ends , and all prosperous successe . chap. xiiii . it is demanded by way of question , whether kings ought inuiolably to obserue the foresaid order . art , is natures ape , and imitates her all she can . and by so much the more perfect an artificer , and more cunning workeman is he accounted , who shall seeme to come neerest in his worke to that great master and maker of nature , and whatsoeuer is naturall , wherein ( as hath already beene sayd ) is conserued and kept that firme and constant law , and first commandement , which he imposed vpon all things in the beginning of their creation . who likewise hath , and doth still keepe a wonderfull correspondency in those very things , conseruing them in their operations , working and operating continually by their meanes and helpe , and honouring them with the name and essence of secundary causes , though he himselfe be the primary naturall cause in that working . so hat the fire , hath alwaies perfourmed that office , wherin god placed it , to wit ; to burne , or heate . and when he hath beene pleased to worke these effects , he hath made vse of them for that purpose , as well vpon occasion of his wrath , and chasticement , as of his loue , and cherishment . when he was willing to destroy and consume those cities of sodom and gomorrah , he did not make vse of water but of fire , which he sent among them to execute his iudgement vpon that occasion . and for to regular , and make much of that mirrour of patience iob , and to exercise him in that vertue , ignis cecidit è caelo , & tactas oues , puerosque consumpsit : the fire of god is fallen from heauen , and hath burnt vp the sheepe , and the seruants ; &c. for to throw downe the house , and at one blow to kill all his children , that were met together to make merry , he made vse of the winde . for to drowne the world , he serued himselfe with the water , and in the desert , he drew water out of the rocke , to quench the thirst of his people , and to preserue them from perishing . so that life , death , and health , which god can giue solely of himselfe , yet will he haue it be wrought by the helpe and meanes of those secundary naturall causes . and euen at the day of iudgement he will make vse of all these , for the punishment of the wicked , as we haue it set downe in the booke of wisedome ; et pugnabit cum illo orbis terrarum contrà insensatos : and the world shall fight with him against the vnwise . this order and naturall law , wherewith god conserueth and gouerneth the world , kings ought to imitate and follow in the gouernment of their common-wealths , giuing their ministers iurisdiction and authoritie proportionable to their office , without the which they cannot well exercise the same . and as long as these his ministers shall go on in an orderly course , or shall imitate in their constancie those naturall causes , and shall be punctuall and faithfull in their ministries , the gouernment ought not to be altered or receiue any change . but when they shall faile in their obligation , another order must be taken with them . and therfore i say , that in some cases , the best & surest course that can be taken , is ; that kings proceede after another kinde of manner , by being serued by other ministers , and counsellers that they may comply with that which tends to the seruice of god , and the good of their kingdomes . especially , when ( as hath bin said ) ministers abuse that power which is giuen them & make it the meanes to afflict the good , and to doe other wrongs and iniuries . and this , the sacred scripture teacheth vs in that history of daniel , where it is reported , that when shadrach , and his two companions were cast into the fiery fournace , the kings ministers caused the fournace to be heated so hot , that the flames of fire ascended some . cubits high . but by how much the more power the fire had for to burne those innocent children in that occasion , by somuch the more to the greater astonishment of the standers by , god slaked the force thereof , causing that in that very place , where for to consume these saints , the fire was most kindled , a coole fresh ayre entred in , and did refresh them . and the king himselfe , who came to see this wonder told them , that he espied in the companie of these three children a fourth man , which seemed to be like vnto the son of god. for indeed so it was , that this his diuine goodnesses , did not content it selfe with deading the force of that intensiue flame , but made meanes by his angell , to come & free these innocents from that torment . therein , instructing kings , that albeit it be fit , that ordinarily , they should suffer businesse to passe by the hands of those ministers , to whom they belong ; yet when the subiect is extremly wronged , & iniustice offred by them against the innocent , kings ought not to respect the order and ordinary course of law , but to take another course with them , and ( if neede be ) wholy to change and alter it , and in his own proper person , to direct things to their due ends , taking from the fire it 's actiuitie & instead thereof sen●ing a pleasing coole gale of wind , as god did . for experience teacheth vs , that this ill seede or bad race of ministers , makes post-hast , & quickly ouerrunnes a common-wealth , as ill weedes doe a ground , to the great dishonour of kings , and diminution of their credit ▪ and to the notable dammage and destruction of kingdomes . oh how doth it discouer it selfe in these our vnhappy and miserable times , how much more , and how many cubits higher then it was wont , doth the fire of ambition , and auarice , mount in many ministers , who grow by this meanes , to be so great , and so high , that they quite loose the sight of themselues , and goe beyond the reach of their own knowledge , being in a manner besides themselues puft vp with their promotion , and the high places they possesse , seeming to be another kind of men , then they were wont to be . and this their folly and madnesse extends it selfe so farre , that they will not suffer themselues ( forsooth ) to be seene , or knowne , by those , whom not long since ( god he knowes ) they adored as gods , but now are growne so proud , and into so good a conceit of themselues , that they thinke themselues to be something more then men . of these , s bernard giues this admirable good note ; you shall see ( saith he ) many in the chruch of god , as also in kings courts , without noblenesse made noble , and of poore , become rich , to be sodainly puffed vp with pride , forgetting their former estate , to be ashamed of their ancestors , and disdainfull towards their poore kinsefolke , and by a strong hand , and with lyes and falshoods , they seeke and procure that , which nature hath deny'd them , and being not noble by birth , nor innobled by vertue , set a good face on the matter and by such art and cunning as they will vse , would seeme to the world to be great princes , and to be well descended , fetching their feigned pedigrees , as farre as noahs flood : farre vnlike vnto him , who by his vertue came from a potter , to be a king ; who , that he might not forget , whence he came , and yet represent what he was , caused to be set on his court cupboord vessells of earth , with this letter ; haeac fecimus : these we once made ; and vessells of gold , with this other letter ; ista facimus : these we now make . i say , that it is a matter of much importance , ( and i purposly forbeare to speake so much as i know in this point ) for the conseruation of kingdomes . as also how fit it is , that their maiesties , both in regard of that respect which is due vnto kings , and to the right and true administration of iustice , should by their seueritie , temper and moderate the excesse of those , which cloath themselues with the kings royall command , as with a garment , and beare themselues too insolently-high vpon the title of their offices ; and vnder colour and zeale to the seruice of their kings , will make themselues their tutors , masters of their libertie , lords , ouer their vassalls , and sole commanders of the whole kingdome like vnto that great leuiathan , or huge whale in the sea , of whom holy iob saith ; before his face , is pouertie , and want , for he spoyleth and deuoureth all that stands in his way , and trusteth that he can draw vp iordan into his mouth . chap. xv. whether it be fitting for kings , to vse much the remitting of businesses ? although in the former chapter something hath beene spoken , which may tend to this question , yet shall it be necessary to answer heere thereunto in a more direct and clearer manner . and howbeit the word , remitting , or referring , doth seeme to notifie the care and poruidence , which a prince oweth vnto businesses , certaine it is , that it shall well beseeme him , sometimes so to doe . for , amongst many other the miseries of humane nature , this is one , that it's forces , as well internall , as externall , as well of the soule , as of the body are much limited , and restrained , and haue much need of many helpes . wherefore i say , that kings not being able ( as they are not ) to attend of themselues so many businesses as howerly occurre , nor to comprehend so great variety and difference of things , they ought to remit some , nay many of them , to persons deputed for their ease , and discharge of their consciences . let a king examine those businesses , which are fit to be reserued for himselfe . and those that h● cannot , let him remit them vnto others , because of himselfe he is not able to dispatch all of them . and in fauour of this doctrine , we haue iethro's counsaile to his sonne in law moses . who seeing him so ouer imployed in the businesses of his people to his intollerable trouble , said vnto him ; stulto labore consumeris , elige tibi viros , &c. thou wearyest thy selfe greatly , and this people that is with thee , prouide thee men , &c. i neede not repeate all vnto you , hauing spoken thereof largely heeretofore . i shall now therefore represent vnto you , that there are two kinds of remitting . the one for to vnloade himselfe of that charge and trouble , that he may liue himselfe at ease , and out of his authoritie lay the burthen vpon others , and command them to end such or such a businesse . which is now too commonly vsed and practised . for euery one , as much as in him lyes , striues to be superiour in this kind ; taking that to himselfe which is most p●easing , and easiest for him , and remitting the hardest and harshest to other mens hands , and hence it hapneth , that from the first remitting the king makes , your poore negocian●s , like so many tennis balls are tost from one to another . nay , their fortune is farre worse ; for the ball which is racketed by the one player , the other with great nimblenesse ▪ and care , runnes forth to receiue it : but the poore negociant , who in these remitments , serues in steed of the ball , they doe not onely not receiue him readily , but shut the doore vpon him , obliging him to solicite his entrance , one while by fauour , another while by giftes . and although this be too vsuall a practise in all tribunalls ; and with all iudges and vpon all differences of businesses , yet is it there most practised , where matters of goods , and titles of lands are treated , wherein the pretenders doe not only sweate and take a great deale of paines , but are forced to pay as much for the dispatch of . marauedis , as if they were so many ducats . and this may be confirmed with the example of a poore honest widow , who ( as it is well known ) spent much time , and that little mony which she had , in negociating the dispatch of a small debt . and when , after a long and tedious suite , she had at last got an order against her aduersarie , yet was she neuer the neerer getting of her money , for that it was ordred in court , that shee should be payd out of such rents , which vpon some pre-morgage , or some other cunning conueiance , could not be recouered . these remittings , i doe not finde how they can be defended , or salued in the sacred scripture . but there are many reasons for the condemning of them , and for the obliging of kings to referre them . the other kinde of remitting , is ▪ when either the order and qualitie of the businesse , or the lawfull impediment of him that remitteth , doth so require it . for which we haue our sauiour christs warrant in that admirable conuersion of the blessed apostle s. paul. for albeit he himselfe , by his powerfull hand threw him downe from of his horse , and made him so farre forth to yeeld himselfe his , that he vttered these wordes so full of submission ; domine , quid me vis facere ? lord , what wilt thou , that i doe ? yet did he not then giue him a present absolute dispatch , but remitted him ouer to another disciple , which was named ananias . it being held fit it should be so for those reasons which are rendred by the saints , and holy fathers . the like course hee tooke with cornelius the centurion in that great businesse of his saluation , putting him ouer to s. peter . and when he saw the petition of those ten lepers , who besought him , that he would make them whole ; how beit he granted them their request for the recouery of their health , yet did he remit them ouer to the priests , and commanded them to present themselues before them , because in those kinde of infirmities , they were to be arbitrary iudges , what was to be done in that case . and to the disciples of iohn baptist which he sent vnto him , when he was in prison , to the end that they might informe themselues who he was , and whether it was he that should come , or were to looke for another ? he remitted them backe to their master with this answer ; ite , renunciate ioanni , quae audistis , & vidistis : goe and shew iohn what things yee heare and see . as he should haue said , for as much as iohn is my voice , by him is the truth to be declared , which you seeke after touching the diuinitie of my person . all these remittings were plaine , and dispatched without reply ; and those doubtlesse condemned , which are now daily vsed , passing things ouer from one to another , as if men were to deale with children , who asking a companie of them , that are playing together ; is your mother at home ? all make answer ; this boy can tell you , or that other boy can tell you . so that many mens liues are ended , before their businesses can be ended . their suites growing older then them selues ; wasting both their wealth , and their persons to no purpose . it is recounted in the acts of the apostles ; that they being so busily imployed in the preaching of the gospell that they could not ioyntly with it attend those workes of charitie , and almes-deedes , which were exercised in the primitiue church , by feeding those that were conuerted , they did remit the care thereof to seuen deacons chosen out from amongst them all for that ministrie . and heere is to be confidered a point of doctrine of great importance . that the apostles ( as there it is mentioned ) albeit they saw what a great charge they had , and how much trouble with daily preaching , and continuall praying , they did neither omit , nor remit this businesse , but were wonderfull carefull , that those to whom this care was remitted , should be persons of great approbation , and fulfilled with the holy ghost , and with wisdome , as were s. steu●n , and others , which were elected , and ioyned in commission with him . considerate ergo , fratres , viros ex vobis boni testimonij septem , plenos spiritu sancto , & sapientia , quos constituamus super hoc opus , &c. wherefore brethren , looke you out among you seuen men of honest report , and full of the holy ghost , and of wisdome , which we appoint to this businesse . which is a lesson for kings , that when they vnderstand , that the persons , to whom they vseto remit businesses , are not such as they ought to be , either for their want of wisdome , or experience in those things , or that their minde is not cleare and free from passion , & couetousnesse , they in no manner of wise discharge their consciences in making such remitments and references , but ought rather to reserue the dispatch therof vnto themselues , or to remit them to such ministers , that are able to giue good satisfaction therein , and of whose goodnesse and sufficiencie , the world rendreth publicke testimony . in a word , i am of opinion , that to remit businesses , is a matter of necessity , in regard of the shortnesse of our vnderstanding , which is imbroiled and mightily hindred with this multiplicitie of affayres , and oftentimes choaked and stifled , and made defectiue in those matters , that are most necessary . and as for our bodily strength , the force thereof is so small , and so weake , that we had neede to preserue the same , by easing it of that burthen , which is too heauy for it to beare . yet withall there must a great care be had , that these remitmen●s , be not made meerely , that the king might liue at ease , and be idle , but because weighty businesses , and such as haue neede of new examination , and new diligencies , doe require it ; or because the king ( as already hath beene sayd ) may haue some lawfull impediment . let kings haue recourse vnto god , and he will illighten them , and their faces shall not suffer confusion , nor their kingdomes see alterations , ruines , nor destructions . erudimini , qui iudicatis terram : be wise therefore yee kings ; be learned , yee iudges of the earth . chap. xvi . of the sence of the sight ; that is : of those businesses , which kings ought to reserue for their own view , and dispatch with their owne hands . aristotle saith that the soule is , quod ad modum omnia , in a manner all things , in regard of the vnderstanding , which in it comprehendeth all whatsoeuer . and the same may likewise be said of the sence of the fight , wherin is cyphred the greatnesse of the vniuerse , for therein is inclosed all whatsoeuer is visible in the world , as the heauens , the earth , elements , birdes , plants , beastes , &c. and all that ( be it more , or lesse ) enters into our soule by this doore . it is the most principal part of the head , the most artificiall , & the most excellent , and most precious of all other the sences ; because it 's action is more liuely and spirit-full , and giues vs more to know and vnderstand the differences of things . by the eyes , are manifested a great part of the affections , and passions of the minde . in oculis animus inhabitat : the mindes habitation ( saith pliny ) is in the eyes . in them is seated clemencie , mercy , anger , hatred , loue , sorow , ioy , and the like . ex visu , cognoscitur vir : we may know a man by his lookes . as whether he be wise , or foolish ; simple , or malitious ; &c. these , are those windowes , by which the light entreth into the vnderstanding ; and which shew the good , or bad disposition both of body , and soule . and there are not some wanting , who affirme , that they are the first , which god , and nature delineate and paint forth in that tender paste and soft dough of the creature , as being the most principall , the most beutifull , and the most delicate . and therefore that diuine artizan , did place a greater gard about that for it's safetie , then about all the rest . and therfore aristotle saith ; that we make more reckoning of this sence , then of all the other . it 's site , or place , which is the highest and most eminent in the head , doth declare it's greater dignitie , and is in man , as is the sunne , and moone , in the world . quod sol , & luna in coelo , hoc sunt oculi in homine ( saith s. ambrose ) . the vse of the sight is two-fold . one materiall , and grosse , which only attendeth things , as they thus materially represent themselues , without making any farther discourse , or consideration ; and this kind of seeing is common to all creatures both rationall , and irrationall , indowed with or without reason . the other is more eleuated , and more spirituall , and flies a higher pitch , as when it discernes things with aduice , and discourse , and when it perceiues what that is , that it sees , and this appertaineth onely vnto man. but in kings , and those that are good gouernours , the consideration thereof must extend it selfe a great deale farther ; as to treate of the remedy , which those things require , and stand in neede of , which they haue seene . but not like those kings , that visited holy iob , who although they saw him , and were seuen dayes with him , yet did they not see , what they saw ; my meaning is , that albeit they did see the great affliction , and extreme miserie , wherein poore iob was , their eyes passed it slightly ouer , they did not dwell vpon it , nor tooke any course to giue him remedie . and when this is not done , their seeing , is no seeing , but are like vnto those spoken of by the psalmist ; that haue eyes , and see not , dull idolls . to this purpose , there is a prety place in the first of the machabees , where , after the author hath made report , of the great wickednesse , and tyrannies , which that accursed king antiochus , and his ministers , exercised in ierusalem , and in other cities and townes of the kingdome of iudaea , of that great captaine mattathias , and his fiue sonnes , hee speaketh thus ; hi vederunt mala , quae fiebant in populo iuda , & in ierusalem which the vulgar renders thus , now when they saw the blasphemies , which were committed in iuda and ierusalem . these ( saith he ) saw the euills , that were committed in ierusalem ; and my thinkes here must the question be asked , why all they of that common-wealth , suffering so many oppressions , and so many afflictions , in their houses in their own persons , & those of their children , onely mattathias , and his sonnes , are here said to haue seene these euills , and these blasphemies ? the answer hereunto , makes notably for our purpose , because it expresseth that , which we go inforcing , ●to wit , that to see businesses , is truely and properly , to vnderstand them , and to put our helping hand vnto them . and because mattathias , and his sonnes , were the onely men that were sensible of the hard measure they receiued , and the first that rose vp , and opposed themselues against the furie of the tyrant , for the remedying their so many and so great calamities , that sacred historian saith , that they onely had eyes , and saw the affliction of gods people . this kinde of sight best be fitteth kings , as they are heads of their kingdomes and common-wealthes , and it is likewise necessary , that they haue their sight , large , cleare , and sharpe , that they may reach to see euen those things , that are most secret , and most remote , as doth that princely birde the eagle , which houering aloft in the ayre descryes the fishes , that are in the deepe : or be like vnto that maiesticall creature the lyon , who both waking , and sleeping , keepes his eyes open . the holy ghost saith ; that a wise man hath his eyes in his head . sapientis oculi in capite eius . and it seemeth , that by contrapositions , he would giue vs thereby to vnderstand , that a foole hath his eyes in his feete . which as they discouer but little , so are they lyable to a thousand offences , and deceits . but the wise man beholds from high and as from a watch-tower discouers things a farre off ; and is thereby better able to take notice of them , and more punctually to comply with his obligation to the state , and to that which neede shall require in those accidents that may occurre . this is that sight , which ( as before hath beene said ) befitteth kings , for that they are the heads of their common-wealths , and therefore are to reserue for their own view those the more weighty businesses of their subiects ; there being a great deale of reason , that they should see them ( as they say ) with their owne eyes . for this end , are those visitations ordayned , and those entrances in state , which kings are wont to make into the cities , and prouinces of their kingdomes . when the arrogant and vaine presumption of men grew to that passe , that for to celebrate their name , they went about to build that proud tower of babel , with intent to touch euen heauen it selfe with the top thereof , and to liue free from all feare of a second ●lood , that sacred historie tells vs ; descendit autem dominus vt videret ciuitatem , & turim , quam aedificauerint filij adam : that the lord came downe to see the citie and tower , which the sonnes of men builded . god came down himself to see this their so great insollencie that he might punish them accordingly , as he did with such a confusion of languages , that one could not vnderstand another , and were amongst themselues , as so many strangers , without being able to communicate and conuerse together ; so that they were driuen to diuide themselues into different countries , and were scattred from thence vpon all the earth . and in the said historie of genesis , we read , that when that abhominable filthines of the sodomites , grew to that highth of impudencie , that it prouoked god vnto wrath , and in a manner bound him to consume them with fire from heauen , he vttered vnto abraham these words worthy the noting : clamor sodomorum & g●morrhaeorum multiplicatus est , & peccatum eorum aggrauiatum est nimis . descendam , & videbo , vtrum clamorem , qui venit ad me , opere compleuerint , an non est ita , vt sciam : because the cry of sodome and gomorrha is great , and because their sinne is exceeding grieuous , i will goe downe now and see , whether they haue done altogether according to the cry , which is come vnto me ; and if not , that i may know . as if he should haue sayd ; howbeit the abomination of these accursed sodomites and gomorrhaeans , hath so farre increased , that it doth cry aloud vnto me for vengeance and chasticement , and hath pierced the heauens , and come vnto mine eares , yet notwithstanding , ( because it is a thing that concernes a whole common-wealth , and a busines of that weight , as to deserue exemplary punishment , ) i will goe downe and see , whether it be so or no , as the report goes of it . though most certaine it is , that god hath no need to come downe from heauen , to take a particular viewe of the things of this world , for he is present in all places , here , & there , and euery where , he filleth all , seeth all , and with his infinite wisedome comprehendeth all . but the scripture speakes in this kinde of language , that it may accommodate it self to the stile and capacitie of men , for to instruct kings in this place , that graue and weighty businesses , they are not to transferre them ouer vnto others , but of , and by themselues to see and looke vnto them , nor ought they too be to facile in giuing credit to fame , and report ( especially of the vulgar ) without hauing first fully informed himselfe thereof , and that by themselues they should be able to dis-deceiue themselues , and to see , and consider things with attention , and with a desire to search out the truth , and to rectifie what is amisse . in the kingdomes of castile , there is a very commendable custome and of great authoritie , and maiestie , worthy those most prudent kings which first ordeyned it . and this is that consult● , which euery friday towards the euening , the president of castile makes with those of his maiesties councell royall , wherein an account is giuen vnto his maiestie of all the weightiest businesses , and wherein the opinion and the authoritie royall is necessarie . and this is not without example in the sacred scripture . for in the first chapter of deut. it is written ; that when that great law-giuer moses had named for good and quicke dispatch such counsellours ( as before specified ) giuing them in charge what they were to keepe and obserue , and how to administer iustice with equalitie , and without exception of persons , he told them ; quod si difficile vobis visum aliquid fuerit , referte ad me & ego audiam . the cause that is too hard for you , bring vnto me , and i will heare it , you shall consult with me in that case , that i may heare it , and take such course therein as is fitting . and if to this so commendable a consulta of euery friday weekely , there should bee added another meeting some certaine dayes in the yeare , to the end that the president , and those of the kings camaera , should carry with them the consulta of the offices , and should treate and conferre thereof by word of mouth with our lord the king , it would be one of the most important things ( in the iudgement and opinion of many graue men , whom i haue consulted with in this particular ) that could be or-ordained for the good of these kingdomes . whereby many of those inconueniences would be auoyded , which wise and christian counsellours haue found out by many yeares experience . and none of the meanest ( amongst the rest ) is the remitting by writing so weightie and important a thing , as the election of officers , recommending the same to a dead letter , which can make no replie . and that paper , which passeth through so many hands , cannot come so clean , as it shuld but be sullyed , especially if it come to such hands as are not clean , but corrupted with gifts , & presents . and because this course is taken , the loue & respect due to their kings is lost , who like creatures to their creator , ought to acknowledge althat thev hau● from his hands . wheras now , they giue this respect vnto his maiesties ministers , with whom they haue held correspondency , as knowing that their prouision must solely passe through their hands , and that their good or bad dispatch consistes in them , or in a lesse full , or more effectuall relation , inclosed in the paper of their consulta . which cannot be carryed thus , when the president , and those of the camera shall haue propounded the same , and deliuered their opinions in the presence of their king. and questionlesse , they that by this meanes shoul● be prouided for , would esteeme in more , and treat with more punctuality and truth , the things appertaining to his office , considering that the king himselfe taketh particular knowledge of them . for ( as we said before ) it is very meete and conuenient , that kings should know , and communicate with , if not all , yet at least those , who are to be placed in your greater kinde of offices , and dignities . and amongst a●l other businesses , this is that , which with most reason doth require the kings eyes and presence , his remembrance , and mature counsaile ; for such are the citizens as are their gouernours , and the parishioners , as their pastors . and though this perhaps cannot be performed so punctually and precise●y , as were to be wished , yet at least it will be needfull , that those persons , of whom they take testimonie , and receiue information in so graue and weighty a busines , should be of that prudence , learning , and authoritie , and so beyond all exception , that the world , ( which is apt to take exceptions ) may be perswaded , that the election could not but be passing good , being that it past through such iudicious mens hands . for , whatsoeuer shall come forth decreed by them , it is not fitting , that it should bee subiect to their censures , who either haue not the said qualities , or are much inferiour in them , or faile in their zeale to god , or their loyaltie and loue , to their king being narcissus-like , inamoured with their owne shadow , and led away with the blindnesse of their passion . woe be vnto that common-wealth , king , and kingdome , where one out of blindnesse , or selfe willfull-nesse , shall vndoe that , which other men haue done with many , and those the clearest eyes . for ( as the wise man saith ) vnus acdificans , & vnus destruens , quid prodest illis , nisi labor ? when one buildeth , and another breaketh downe , what profit haue they then but labour ? chap. xvii . hee prosecuteth the same matter and shewes , how kings ought to carry themselues , towards those , that finde themselues aggrieued ? hauing spoken of some cases , reserued for kings , and such as require their sight and presence , it here now offers it selfe in this place , to know how a king ought to carry himselfe towards those that finde themselues iniuryed and aggrieued . and in the opinion of vnderstanding people , it seemeth , that nothing is more properly his , then to quit wrongs , and remooue iniuries . for , if we shall but consider that first beginning which kings had , that which the ancient said of them , and that which the holy scripture teacheth vs , wee shall finde , that this occupation is very properly theirs , and that this care appertaines of right to their greatnesse . that most wise king salomon , in the fourth of ecclesiastes , saith ; that when he saw the teares of the innocent , and the wrongs they receiued , and no body to helpe them , or to speake so much as a good word for them , it seemed a thing more terrible vnto him , then to dye , or neuer to haue beene borne . vidi calumnias quae sub caelo geruntur , & lachrymas innocentium , & neminem consolatorum , neque posse resistere eorum violentiae , cunctorum auxilio destitutos , & laudaui magis mortuos , quàm viuentes , & foeliciorem vtroque iudicaui , qui nec dum natus est . i turned and considered all the oppressions that are wrought vnder the sunne ; and behold the teares of the oppressed , and none comforteth them ; and loe the strength is of the hand of them , that oppresse them , and none comforteth them : wherefore i praised the dead , which now are dead , aboue the liuing which are yet aliue ; and i count him better then them both , which hath not yet beene . and not onely king salomon , but euen god himselfe was so highly offended with those wrongs and oppressions , which the children of israel suffred in egypt , that he thought it a thing worthy his presence , and his comming downe from heauen to see the same with his own eyes . vidi afflictionem populi mei in egypto , & clamorem eius audiui propter duritiem eorum , qui praesunt operibus et sciens dolorem eius , descendi , vt liberem eum . i haue seene the trouble of my people , which are in egypt , and haue heard their crie , because of their taske-masters ; and for i know their sorrowes , therefore i am come downe to deliuer them , &c. teaching kings , that in matter of grieuances , and oppression of the innocent , they are not content to themselues , with remitting them ouer vnto others , but to looke thereunto themselues ; and ( if need were ) to come from forth their princely pallaces , and to forgoe for a while their pleasures and their ease , till they haue reformed what is amisse . the first words the diuine scripture storieth , which the first king , whom god chose for his people , said , were these , quid habet populus , quod plorat ? what ayleth this people , that they weepe ? who no soner saw himselfe crowned king , and put by gods hand into the possession of that kingdom , but applying himselfe to that which he ought first of all to doe ( as one of the mainest points of his dutie ) he hearkned vnto the cryes of the people , who were oppressed by the philistims , and with great speede , and feruent zeale , did roundly set himselfe to the redressing of that oppression . and i verily perswade my selfe , that all good kings wou●d doe the like , if they should see their subiects ready to fall into their enemies hands , with whom they wage open warre . but from those more close and secret enemies , which are together with vs subiects , citizens , neighbours , countrymen and ministers of the same kings , and of whom there is held so much trust and confidence , who goes about to free the wronged ? what reparation is there for receiued iniuries ? are they not much greater then those , that the philistims offered to gods people , and more remedilesse ? as for professed enemies , against them we may make open resistance , and euery man , that is not vnnaturall , or a traytour to his country , will put to his helping hand , and seeke to repell force by force , & reuenge the wrongs that are done them . but for these our domestick enemies , these our home-borne foes , & feigned friends , who vnder the shew of friendship , and vnder cloake and colour of being the kings ministers , oppresse the poore , and such as haue little power to oppose their greatnesse , who shall be able to resist them ? if he , that suffers , shall pretend to doe it , doth he not put himselfe in manifest danger of suffring much more ? if not of loosing all that hel hath ? and it is worthy your consideration , that in those words related in exodus , it is not said , that god went down to see , and remedy the wrongs which that tyrant king pharaoh did vnto the children of israel , but that which was offred them by his chiefe ministers ; propter duritiem eorum , qui praesunt . for the hard-heartednesse , and cruelty of those , which were set in authoritie ouer them . as if he should haue said , the affronts and iniuries done by a kings principall officers , are not so easily remedyed , as those of particular men . they require a powerfull hand , they require gods presence , and assistance , and will craue a kings especiall care . for your councells cannot doe it , nay are not able for to doe it of themselues alone , be they the greatest and the highest in the kingdom ; be they neuer so zealous of iustice , neuer such true louers thereof , and neuer so desirous to doe right . and the reason therof ( in my poore opinion ) is , for that in regard the burthen of ordinary businesses is so great , that only they are not able to attend the quitting of those agrauios and greiuances , with that speedines and efficacie , as were needefull , but rather that they themselues , without so much as once dreaming thereof , doe vse to make them farre greater then otherwise they would bee , for want of time , and strength of body , to cumply with so many and so great businesses . and it oftentimes so commeth to passe , that those that ●ue for reliefe , in stead of being eased of their wrongs , receiue further wrong , either because they cannot finde fit place and time to be heard , or because being heard , they are soone forgot , or because they that wrong them , finde meanes to couer their faultes . and if they cannot couer them , and so should be lyable vnto punishment , yet they that lent them their hand to lift them vp to the place wherein they are , will likewise lend them a hand to defend their disorders . and it hath beene already , and is yet daily to be seene , that a iudge in commission , who for his wickednesse and euill dealing deserued exceeding great chastisement ; yet , for that he hath this patron and angel of guard ( for in your greater tribunalls , these are neuer wanting ) the businesse is husht , and the party peccant neuer questioned . and because he shall not be disgraced , if the matter proue fowle against him , by putting him out of his place , he that tooke him into his protection , will intercede in his behalfe to haue him remoued from that office , and preferred to a better ; a case certainly worthy both punishment , and remedy , if there be any vpon earth . and if there be any helpe to be had , it must be by the sight and presence of the king , for without this , it is not to be hoped for . the courtes of kings , ( much more then other places ) are full of humane respects , and these haue taken so great a head and are growne so strong , that in businesses they ouerthrow that , which truth and iustice ought to vphold . and therefore my aduise vnto kings is , that being they are men , that are or may be free ( if they will themselues ) from these poore respectiue considerations , and are supreme lords , and absolute soueraignes in their kingdomes , they would be pleased , to dis-agrauiate those that are iniuryed , respecting onely wronged right , and oppressed truth . but because such as are wronged , and finde themselues agrieued , haue not that easie accesse and entrance into princes courtes , or to their persons , either in regard of their great and weighty imployments , or some other lawfull impediments , it shall much importe , that in their courtes , they should haue some person , or persons , of great zeale and approued vertue and prudence to whom those that are agrieued should haue recourse . for many suffer much , that cannot come to be admitted to the sight , or speech of their king , whereas , if there should be a person appointed for to heare their complaints , they would cry out with open mouth for iustice , and should be righted in their receiued wrongs . and that person , or persons thus deputed by their maiesties , hauing first well weighed and examined the reasons of their complaints , should afterwards represent the same vnto their kings , and giue them true information thereof , to the end that they may forthwith by expresse command , put thereunto a speedy and fitting remedie . and this ( i assure you ) would be a great bridle to restraine the insufferable insolencie , and auarice of princes ministers ; who ( questionlesse ) would carry themselues much more fairely and vprightly , when as they shall know , that their disorders shall faithfully be represented ▪ whereas ( on the contrarie ) it is not to be imagined with what a bold , nay impudent daringnes they outface goodnesse , when as they conceiue that of their kings , which was vttred by that vnwise and foolish atheist ; in corde suo non est deus . the foole hath said in his heart , there is no god. or that , which those ignorant and troublesome friends of iob , breathed forth against god himselfe ; circa cardines coeli perambulat , nec nostra considerat . he walketh in the circle of heauen , and the cloudes hide him , that he cannot see , and consider the things vpon earth . or which those other wicked villaines vented ; non videbit dominus , neque intelliget deus iacob . the lord shall not see , neither will the god of iacob regard it . so in like sorte say these bad ministers , tush this shall neuer come to our kings knowledge , hee is taking his pleasure in his gardens , he is thinking on his hawking and hunting , or some other sports and pastimes to recreate himselfe withall ; nor shall tricks , and inuentions be wanting vnto vs to stop vp all the passages to his eares ; but say open way should be made , and that the king should take notice of this , or that misdemeanour , it shall be dawbd vp so handsomely , such a faire varnish set vpon it , and so ful of excuses , that it will be all one , as if he had neuer heard of it , or any such thing bin at all . presuming , that kings , rather then they will be troubled with businesses of clamour and noyse , will ( for their owne ease ) slightly passe them ouer . wherein , as they haue oftentimes found themselues , so it is fit they should still , be deceiued . and truly to no man , can with better title his entrance be giuen , nor this golden key to the kings chamber be committed , then to him , who with the integritie and zeale of an elias , should trample and tread these monsters vnder foote ; and roundly and throughly to take this care to task , which ( without al doubt ) would be one of the gratefullest , and most acceptable seruices , which can be done vnto god both in matter of pietie , and of pitie . but what shall i say of the kings happinesse in this case ? with nothing can he more secure his conscience , then with this . as one who is bound , out of the duty of his place , to haue a watchfull eye ouer all his ministers , but more narrowly and neerely , to looke into the water of those that are the great ones ; being likewise obliged graciously and patiently to heare those , that shall complaine of them , it not proceeding out of spleene and malice , but out of a desire , to iust●fie the truth , to make good a good cause , and that the fault m●y be punished , with whom the fault is truly found . for , when the subiects iust complaints are not heard , besides that his conscience is charged and clogg'd therewith , the ministers themselues become thereby much more absolute , and more insolently imperious ; insomuch that the subiect seeing , that they are neither heard , nor eased of their grieuances , they grow desperate . and what fruites despaire bring forth , i neede not tell kings , that know either men , or bookes . there is not in holy scripture any one thing more often repeated , then the particular care which god hath of the oppressed . in the seuenty second psalme , where the greatnesses of king salomon are set forth , but more particularly those magnificencies of that true king salomon , iesus christ , whose figure he was , amongst other his excellencies , for the which he ought to be much estemed , beloued , and adored of all the kings of the earth , and serued by all the nations of the world , this which followeth is not the least . adorabunt eum omnes reges terrae , omnes gentes seruient ei , quia liberauit pauperem à potente , pa●perem , cui non erat adi●tor . all kings shall worship him , all nations shall serue him . for he shall deliuer the poore , when he cryeth ; the needy also , and him that hath no helper . and in another place he makes the like repetition . e● vsuris , & iniquitate redimet animas eorum ; propter miseriam inop●m , etgemitum pauperum , nunc exurgam dicit dominus . now for the oppression of the needy , and for the sighes of the poore , i will vp ( sayth the lord ) and will set at libertie him , whom the wicked hath snared . and in the first chap. of esay , it seemeth that god doth proclaime a plenary indulgence , and full iubile vnto those kings , and gouernours , who apply themselues to the easing of the oppressed . subuenite oppresso iudicate populo , defendite viduam , et venite arguite me ; dicit dominus , si fuerint peccata vestra vt coccineum , quasi nix dealb ab untur , at si fuerint rubra quasi vermiculus , velut lana , alba erunt . relieue the oppressed , iudge the fatherlesse , and defend the widowe , though your sinnes were as crymson , they sha●l be made white as snow : though they were red like skarlet , they shall be as wool , you see then , that all sinnes are forgiuen that king , that is a louer of iustice , and a friend vnto the poore and needy , that takes paines in relieuing the oppressed , and in defending the widowe , and protecting the distressed . they may stand with god in iudgement , & alleage for themselues his iustice & his righteousnesse , who haue dealt iustly & vprightly with their subiects , and mantained the weake and needy , against those powerfull tyrants , which seeke to swallow them vp , as your greater fishes doe the lesser . qui deuorant plebem meam , si●ut escam panis . who eate vp my people , as they eate b●ead . and howbeit iustice ought to be one and the same both to poore , and rich , yet god doth more particularly recommend vnto their care and charge that of the poore . for ( as it is in the prouerb . quiebra sa soga por lo mas delgado : where the corde is slendrest there it breaketh soonest . for a powerfull man will defend himselfe by his power , and great men by their greatnesse ; and would to god , that they had no more to backe them then a iust defence : for then the poore should not neede to stand in feare of them . but that is now to passeable in these times , which the apostle saint iames found fault with in his . quod di●ites per potentiam opprimunt vos , et ipsi trahunt vos ad iudicium : that the rich oppresse the poore by tyrannie , and draw them before the iudgement-seates . when kings doe cumply with this their obligation , when they free the oppressed , and defend the wronged orphane , and widowe , godsends downe vpon them his light , his grace , and other extraordinary gifts , whereby they and their states , are conserued and maintayned : whose ruine and perdition doth euermore succeede through the default of him that gouerneth : for if kings would gouerne according vnto equitie and iustice , they and their kingdomes should be , as it were , in a manner perpetuall and immortall . for ( as it is in the prouerbs of salomon ) rex , qui indicat in veritate pauperes , thronus eius in aeternum firmabitur : a king , that iudgeth the poore in truth , his throne shall be established for euer . whereas on the contrary , most certaine it is , that the king and kingdome haue but a short continuance , where the iudges and ministers are swayed by passion , and thereby the subiects abused . it is the saying of the holy ghost ; regnum à gente in gentem transfertur propter iniustitias , et iniurias , et contumelias , et dolos : because of vnrighteous dealing , and wrongs , and riches gotten by deceit , the kingdome is transferred from one people to another . no one thing drawes such assured and apparent perils of warre vpon kingdomes , as the wrongs that are done to the poorer sort of subiects . clamor eorum , in aures domini exercituumintroiuit : the cryes of them , haue entred into the eares of the lord of hosts . and there , before his counsell of warre , they present their memorialls , and their petitions , with such a loud language , and discomposed deliuery , that they pierce through his eares , when they call vpon him , saying ; since thou art the lord god of hoasts , raise thou armies both in heauen and earth , and reuenge thou those the open wrongs that are offred vnto vs. and these petitions , commonly finde there such quicke dispatch , that presently hee nominateth captaines , leuieth forces , and formeth a mightie armie of enemies , to disturbe , and destroy that kingdome . and though some may conceiue , that the cause of those and the like troubles , are the crosse incounters of kings and princes amongst themselues , or the greedy desire of warre for spoyle and pillage , which pardoneth no manner of persons , yet in realtie of truth it is not so , but the wrongs of ministers , exercised vpon the poore , the fatherlesse , and the widowe , are the occasion , that huge and powerfull hostes of enemies , in their reuenge , enter the gates of a kingdome and make wast and hauocke thereof . for this cause were the amalechites captiuated , and put to the sword , and for the same likewise the soldiers entred into iudaea , and sackt it . whence we draw this cleare and conclusiue truth , that the best and the safest course to conserue a kingdome , to gaine others , and to abound in riches , is ; to vndoe wrongs done , not to dissemble iniuries , to punish thefts and robberies , and to execute iustice towards all . iuitium viae bonae , facere institiam : the first step to goodnesse , is to doe iustice. for without it , the foot that sets forward , falls backward ; and a king hath not where withall to relye on his power , his forces , his wisedome , and experience in gouernment , if he be defectiue in this . for kingdomes last no longer , then iustice lasteth in them . and true it is , that there is no winde shut vp in the bowells of the earth , which causeth therein such violent effects of earth-quakes , as in those kingdomes , which thinke themselues surest and firmest doe the complaints , and greiuous sighes of the wronged poore . and therefore let none whatsoeuer , be they kings , great ministers , or counsellours of state , slightly reckon of the cries of the poore ; for they referring their reuenge to god , they draw him downe from heauen to right their quarrell . and the basest , and most barbarous man in the world , when he sees himselfe wronged , and can finde none vpon earth to pleade his cause , or to doe him right , he presently lifts vp his eyes vnto heauen , and makes his addresse vnto god , assuring himselfe that his helpe will come from thence . and it was well said of a wise man ; that the wronged are like vnto those that are ready to be drowned , who if they fasten vpon any thing , neuer let it goe : so these men , when they are in danger to be sunke by being forcibly kept vnder water by the oppressours hand , lay fast hold on complaints , cryes , sighes , and teares , as the last remedy allotted them by god ; who saith : that he will heare the petitions , and receiue the memorialls of the afflicted , which are written with teares . a maxilla enim a scendunt vsque ad caelum . for from the cheeke , they ascend vp to heauen . they trill downe the cheekes , till they fall to the ground , and from thence they mount vp as high as heauen : for being water , they rise as much as they fall . and when god sees they haue reason on their side , and that they onely call vnto him for iustice , ( it being so proper an attribute vnto him ) in the end he grants , and signes their request . nor is it much , that he should shew them this fauour , his bowells being moued to compassion , in seeing his creatures in such extremities of affliction . let kings therefore beware and take heede , and their ministers bethinke themselues ; that in such a case , an inundation of teares , is of more force , and more danger , then that of the swiftest torrent vpon a mighty flood . chap. xviii . of the sense of hearing ; and of the audiences , which kings ought to giue . pvrsuing stil the metaphore of the head , whereon hitherto we haue insisted , occasion is now offred vnto vs , to treat of the sense of hearing , which hath some certaine excellencies aboue the rest . for thereby we come to vnderstand the hidden secrets of the heart , and the most inward thoughts of the soule ; which being clad and apparrelled with that out-side , and exterior part , the voyce , and put vpon the hearing of that person , with whom we talke and discourse , it knoweth that , which the vnderstanding of neither men , nor angels once is able to comprehend . and that which we haue spoken of the sence of the sight ought likewise to be said of this , for as far forth as is the perceiuing of a voyce , or some other noyse , or sound by the hearing , so farre is it common as well to brutes beastes , as to men. but it is proper only vnto man , by hearing a significatiue voyce , to discourse thereof , and to vnderstand the inward conceipt of him that speaketh . and from hence will we draw , what ought to be heard by the head of a common-wealth : who is not onely to content himselfe with hearing the bare externall voyce , but to heare it in such maner as the holy scripture telleth vs , god heareth the voyces of those , which call vpon him in the time of their trouble , which is a vsuall and plaine kinde of language in the diuine writt . and when it is sayd , that god heareth vs , it is ioyntly sayd , that he graunteth our petition ; whereof many testimonies are found in the psalmes of dauid , and in diuerse other places . cùm inuocarem , exaudiuit me deus iustitiae meae . dominus exaudiet me , cum clamauero ad cum , &c. the god of my righteousnesse heard me , when i called vpon him . and anone after . the lord will heare , when i call vnto him . in the twentie one of genesis , it is there twice repeated , that god heard the voyce of agars childe , who was abrahams bond-woman , which the mother had left all alone in the wildernesse of bersheba vnder a certaine tree , and sitting downe ouer against him a farre off about a bow-shoote , that shee might not see him perish for want of water . dixit enim non videbo morien●em puerum ; for shee said ; i will not see the death of the childe . in the very next verse following a double mention is made , that god heard the voyce of the childe : which was in effect to say , that he did releiue him , and refresh his thirsty sou●e , and granted that , which the infant , and his mother desired . and the apostle saint paul , in that epistle which hee wrote to the hebrewes saith of our sauiour christ ; that , offerens preces ad deum cum clamore valido , et lachrymis , exauditus est pro sua reuerentia . offring vp prayers and supplications to god the father , with strong crying , and teares , he was also heard in that which he feared . which was all one , as if he should haue said , that his father dispatcht him , and granted what he petitioned in that his prayer . so that in rigour of holy writ , gods hearing , and gods granting , is all one . but in that common commerce with men , and in that style , which kings and their ministers vse , it is not so . for they heare , and hearing answer , that they haue heard that , which they neuer meane to grant . and there is no worse answer for a suitor , then to make this answer to his petition , that it hath beene heard . and it is very fit , that they should reply in this kinde of phrase : for thereby is giuen to be vnderstood the great obligation they haue to heare , as well those that haue iustice , as those that pretend to haue it , although they haue it not . in signification whereof , the two eares are placed on the two contrarie sides of the head , one opposite to the other , because affording one eare to the plaintiffe , we must reserue the other for the defendant . and because god would haue it so , that hearing should be the ordinary meanes for the receiuing of the diuine light , and attaining to the knowledge of those supreme truthes , by so superexcellent and high a gift , as that of faith , quomodo credent ei , quem non crediderunt ? how shall they beleeue in him , of whom they haue not heard ? ) as also , that kings may haue an intire light of humane truthes , it is requisite , that they should lend a willing eare to those that cra●e audience of them . for in this sense , of all other ( saith saint bernard ) truth hath it's seate , and mansion . in auditu veritas : truth is in hearing . and in example of this , hee alleageth that which passed betwixt good old isaac , and his two sonnes esau , and iacob ; who by reason of his olde age , fayling very much in all the rest of his senses , that of his hearing continued still in it's full perfection : the other deceiu'd him , and this onely told him the truth . vox quidem vox iacob , manus autem , manus sunt esau. the voyce is iacobs voyce , but the hands are the hands of esau. wherein he was out . in gods schoole , where faith isprofessed , great reckoning is made of hearing . quia fides , ex auditu . because faith comes by hearing . for a man may heare , and beleeue , though he cannot see . but in the schoole of the world , we must haue all these ( and all is little inough ) we must see , heare , and beleeue : and when kings haue both seene , and heard , and throughly informed themselues of the whole state of the busines , that they may not be deceiued in their iudgement , then let them presently proceede to touch it ( as we say ) with the hand , to fall roundly to worke , and in that maner and forme , as shall seeme most fitting , to finish , and make an end of it . dominus de coelo in terram aspexit , vt audiret gemitus compeditorum &c. the lord looked downe from the height of his sanctuary . out of the heauen , did the lord behold the earth , that he might heare the mourning of the prisoner , and deliuer the children of death . this looking downe of the lord from the highest heauens , and from the throne of his glory , vpon the earth , to heare the grieuous gro●nings , and pitifull complaints of poore wretched creatures , which call and cry vnto him for iustice ; should ( my thinkes ) be an admirable good lesson for kings , that they should loose somewhat of their sportes and recreations , and of that which delighteth the eye and the eare , to bestow them both on those , who humb●y petition him , that he will be pleased to both see , and heare their cause . of philip king of macedon ( though some put it vpon demetrius ) it is reported by plutarke in his life , that going one day abroad to take his pleasure and pastime , an olde woman came vnto him , & besought him to heare her , and to do her iustice. but he excusing himselfe , and telling her , he was not now at leysure to heare her , shee made answer . proinde , nec rex quidem esse velis ▪ sir , if you be not at leysure to heare your subiects , & will not giue them leaue to speake vnto you , leaue to be king ; for there is no reason he should be a king , that cannot finde a time to cumply with his dutie . conuinced with this reason , without any more adoe , he presently gaue a gracious audience not onely to her , but many moe besides . for kings , which doe not heare , by consequence do not vnderstand ; and not vnderstanding they cannot gouerne ; and not gouerning , they neither are , nor can be kings . the cretans , painted their god iupiter without eares , because he was that supreme king , that gaue lawes , and iudged all . and therefore ought to cary an equall eare , & indifferently to heare all parties after one and the same selfe manner . other some , did allow him eares , but so placed them withall , that they might heare those least , that were behinde him ; which was held a fault in their god ; as likewise it is in king ; not to heare any but those that stand before them , or side by side are still weighting at their elbow . kings should heare as many as they possibly can , and ( which is the onely comfort of suitors ) in that gratious and pleasing kinde of maner that no man should depart discontented from their feete , being a maine fundamentall cause , to make all men to loue , reuerence , and esteeme them ; and likewise to oblige princes , to lend the more willing and patient eare to their subiects . and of this subiect , pliny , in commendation of his emperour traiane , tells vs , that amidst so many cares of so great an empire as his was , he spent a great part of the day in giuing audience , and with such stilnes and quietnes , as if he had beene idle , or had nothing to doe . and that he knowing the content that his subiects tooke in their often seeing of him , and speaking with him , so much the more liberally , and longer , he afforded them occasion and place , for to inioy this their content . for nothing doth so much please , and satisfie the heart of a prince , as to conceiue , that he is beloued , and generally well affected of all his subiects . let a king then , ( this course being taken ) perswade himselfe , that his people loueth him , and desireth to see him , and to speake dayly ( if it were possible ) with him . and that they take a great deale of comfort , that they haue seene him , and he heard them . and that of two things which all desire , to wit ; to be heard , and relieued ; the first , intertaines , and comfortes the suitor ; and makes him , with a cheerefull minde , to hope well of the second . let him heare , though it be but as he passes by from place to place , and let him not let any day passe , without giuing ordinary audience at a set hower , and for a set time . and in case any shall require a more particular and priuate audience , a gods name , let him grant it them ; for euery one of these ( to conceiue the worst ) cannot deceiue him aboue once ; and it is to be supposed , that they will not be so vnciuill , or so foolishly indiscreete , as to craue the kings priuate eare , but in a case of necessitie , or where there is some especiall cause , or extraordinary reason for it . and i farther affirme , that audience being giuen in this maner , things will be carryed more smoothly , and with more ease on either part ; for that which breakes down your damn's in your riuers , is the detention of the water . and the detayning of a subiect from the presence & speech of his king , is that which doth dishearten , and deiect the mindes of your negociants , and supplicants . and when they see they so seldome haue audience , and are put off from day to day , and that it costes them so deare before they can be heard , they will , while they may , make vse of that present occasion , and then they talke world without end , and neuer giue ouer , because they are afraid they shall neuer haue the like opportunitie againe . but when those suit●rs shall know that they shall haue ordinary hearing , on such dayes , and such a set houre , and for so long a time , they will content themselues , with giuing much lesse trouble to their owne tongues , and his maiesties eares . in a word , no man will denie , but say with me , that it is iust and meete , that he , that is to rule , and remedy all , ought likewise to heare all and that all men should know as much ; for , for the good , and hope thereof , they principally obay , and loue their king. and besides , a great part of that concurse , and tedious trouble of negociants , will by this meane , be cut off . for , vnlesse it be in case of necessitie , or some extraordinary occasion , no man ( i assure my selfe ) will be so vnmanerly as to offer to weary and tire out his king. for it is naturally inbred in all , to feare and respect greatnesse , and therefore will not cause molestation to so great a maiestie but when they cannot finde any other meanes to negociate . in conclusion , facile audience in kings , is such a vertue , as doth supply ( and that with a great deale of aduantage ) the defect of many other vertues . and where there is no neede of that supply , it serues to giue a greater luster and perfection to the rest , the subiect not hauing any other thing , that he more craueth from , or desireth in his king. and questionlesse , vse and custome , will make it more easie , though at first it may seeme somewhat troublesome vnto him . king antigonus , who was father to the great demetrius , was a proud , ambitious , couetous , cruell , and effeminate prince , and yet notwithstanding all these vices , and other his weakenesses and infirmities , his subiects did beare with them , and did truly serue and obay him , because he did neuer refuse to giue them audience , gaue them kinde and faire answeres , suffred himselfe to bee seene often of them , and did neuer shew to any man a frowning looke , or discontented countenance . this facile giuing of audience , doth bring likewise with it another benefit not so well vnderstood perhaps , as it ought to be , by kings and their fauourites . which is : that thereby they receiue the priuate aduertisements of particular persons in such a conuenient time and season , as is fitting for them . for , in negociating , by retarding this audience , either the occasion is ouersl●pt , or he wearyed out , that should aduertise . and because the aduertiser , ( as there is great reason for it ) would be ●oath that another man should goe away with the thankes and gratification , which is due vnto himselfe for his care and diligences vsed therein , he will negociate it by his owne , rather then anothers meanes , that he may not loose both his thankes , and his labour . and because many times this aduertiser , either dareth not or holdeth it not fit , to trust a paper therewith or other mens eares , all this may easily be excused with a facile audience . king ass●erus , by knowing in time the treason which was plotted against him , by bigthan and teresh , two of his eunuches , which kept the doore , had his life thereby preserued . and publicola , the roman consull saued his country , by preuenting in time the conspiracie of tarquinius , by giuing easie accesse and audience to vindicius , an ordinary seruing man , who bewrayed vnto him the treason of the aquilij , and vitellij , together with brutus his sonnes . and the like successe had pelopidas amongst the grecians , ( as you may reade in plutarke ) where he much recommendeth in either of them , both publicola , and pelopidas , their kinde and courteous vsing of men , when they came to speak with them , and the easie and patient eare they had from them . whereas on the contrary , diuerse princes haue vtterly ouerthrowen themselues and their kingdomes by their hardnesse and harshnesse in this kinde , and haue lost many a great and faire occasion , because they would not heare , and examine in time those aduertisements which were giuen them , & recommended to their better consideration . last of all , admit that this should not be altogether so iust and conuenient a course as i haue here deliuered vnto you , yet notwithstanding , because all men wish & desire it , my thinks this one consideration , in all good reason of state should suffice , to haue it be held , to be both iust , and conuenient . for it is not possible that all both good and bad , should erre in this desire . and i dare be bold to say , that all doe hunger and thirst , cry and dye for this , except it be some few who may feather their nest by the contrary , whose thriuing , and increase of wealth doth ordinarily consist , in clapping a lock on the kings eare , & bar●ing the doore to his hea●ing , so that men can hard●y & with a great deale of difficulty come to speak vnto him . and besides the foresayd benefits , by debarring men of easie accesse to the king , all requita●l of their good seruice , either by gratious words , or deedes , is quite taken from them ; which certainly is a iewell so worthy the wearing , that euery one would willingly haue it for himself . and if kings do not know thus much , or that they are not told therof , it is by reason of that old mischeife which they suffer by not hearkening vnto truth , either in their counsellours or those auisos , that are represented vnto them , or because those that are neere about his maiestie & interessed in his fauour , will not let him be acquainted with any thing , saue what they know wil please his humour , & giue him most cōtent , till the busines it self breake out , & the errour ( like an imposthume ) beginns to grow ripe , and the wound ( as we say ) shewes itselfe ; then and neuer till then , is the smart of it felt : which is ill for the kingdom , & worse for the king. for , in these delicts and excesses , the king , ( in the peoples conceit ) shal be the only man in fault , & he that must pay for all . dangerous is the state of kings , dangerous the times , but more dangerous the remedy , & the non conueniencie for the now putting it in practise . in ordinary , and publick audiences , let not kings permit either ministers , counsellours , or embassadors to enter for it wil but make the commons complaine , that that is taken away from them , which is theirs ; and they on the other side , being principall persons , will mutter and grumble , thinking themselues wronged , and their worth vnderualewed , to haue all one audience with the ordinary sorte of people . so that with one & the same act , he discontents all of them . let there be dayes , & houres ; appointed for the one , & the other naturalls , & strangers , & let euery man know his set day , and houre . for this being without distinction , what doth it serue for , but multitude , and confusion ? and to haue all of all sortes to assist there continually to heare and nourish the complaints of particular persons , and to make report thereof by letters to their seuerall nations and countries , and to put a glosse vpon them , to shew their owne wit. and though this at the first sight , may seeme to be a thing of small importance , yet such a time may be taken , that it may proue a matter of great consequence . chap. xix . he goes on with the same matter , treating of the audiences of ministers , and counsellours . kings ( saith xenophon ) haue many eares ; for they heare by their owne , and by those of their fauourites , ministers , & counsellours . and it is no more then they stand in neede of . for they must heare all , great , and small , naturall , and stranger , without acceptation of persons , these as well as those ; and deny no man their eares , lest they giue them iust cause to grieue and complaine , that for them onely , there is neither king , fauourite , nor minister to haue accesse vnto . this rapsodye , and multitude of eares , and the difference between the one and the other , king dauid giues vs to vnderstand in that his audience which he crau'd of god. domine , exaudi orationem meam ●uribus percipe obsecrationem meam . heare my prayer ( o lord ) bow downe thine eare , and hearke● vnto my supplication . he saith , heare me , o lord ; but how , or in what maner ? with thine eares , i beseech thee . tell me ( thou holy king ) why dost thou say with thine eares . might not that phrase of speech beene spared ? or wouldst thou happely , that god should heare thee with his eyes , or his mouth ? no certainly , but because it is a vsuall custome with kings , that gouerne great monarchies , who by reason of the varietie and multitude of businesses , cannot by themselues giue eare vnto all , and informe themselues of the truth , to remit part of them to others , that they may heare the parties , and informing themselues of the busines , may send it afterwards to the consulta there to be debated . one comes with his memoriall to the king ; the king wills him to speake vnto the president , or to such a secretary , that he may inform . but dauid here saith ; remit me not o lord vnto any other , for remissions , are remissions , the very word telling vs , that to remit a busines , is to make it remisse and slow , and that there is vsed therein so much remission , that a mans life is oftentimes ended , before his busines . auribus percipe : doe thou thy selfe heare me with thine owne eares , without remitting me to the hearing of others . but to heare all , and in all partes , without remission to other mens eares , who can doe this saue onely god ? and for my part , i am of opinion , that they alluded vnto this , who ( as wee told you ) painted their god without eares ; for to giue vs thereby to vnderstand , that it is peculiar onely vnto god to heare without eares , and to heare all , without standing in neede of other oydos , or oydores ; for such a necessitie , were in god a defect . but in kings it were a defect to doe otherwise ; for they are notable to heare all of themselues , and therfore must of force make vse of other mens eares . and therefore , as nature , in mans body hath disposed different members , necessary for it's proper conseruation , as the eyes to see , the eares to heare , the tongue to talke , the hands to worke , the feete to walke , and all of them to assist to the empire of the soule . so in like manner , this mysticall body of the common-wealth , whereof the king is the soule , and head , must haue it's members , which are those his ministers , which are subiect to the empire of their king , by whom hee disposeth and executeth all that , which doth conuene for it's gouernment , conseruation , and augmentation . aristotle renders the reason , why your huge and extraordinary tall men are but weake ; and ( as i take it ) it is this . the rationall soule ( saith he ) is solely one , indiuisible , and of a limited vertue or power , and that it cannot attayne to that strength and force , as to giue vigour to those partes that are so farre distant and remote in a body , beyond measure , great . now , if the body of this monarchie , be so vaste , and exceeding great , and goes dayly increasing more and more , and that the soule of the king which is to gouerne it , to animate it , and to giue it life , doth not increase , nor is multiplyed , nor augmented , at least in it's ministers ; how is it possible , that a king of himselfe alone should bee able to afford assistance to all ? and to giue life , and being , to so many partes and members , that are set so far assunder ? so great is the office of a king , especially , if he be master of many kingdomes , that it is too great a compasse , for one mans reach , and it is not one man alone , that can fill and occupie a whole kingdome , and be present in all it's partes . and therefore of force he must make vse of other folkes helpe , and more particularly of those , which serue him instead of eares , such as are all your superiour ministers of counsells . these great officers are called in the spanish , oydores , of oyr , to heare ; and the eares of the head , are c●lled oydoras , of their hearing ; and your iudges of the land , oydores , hearers of mens causes and as they are alike in name , so ought they likewise to be alike in office , and to resemble the originall , which it representeth , to the life , and it 's true nature . now , what office is most proper and most naturall to the eares ? you will all grant mee , that it is to heare alwayes , & neuer to be shut . your eyes haue their port-cullis , which they open , or shut , as they see cause . the mouth , hath the like ; but the eares ( like bountifull house keepers ) haue their doores still open , and those leafes which they haue on either side are neuer shut , neuer so much as once wagge . and it is pliny's obseruation ; that onely man , of all 〈◊〉 creatures hath his eares immobile , and with out any the least mouing . and horace , holdes it an ill signe to wagg them ; but a worse , to stop them , sicut aspides surdae , obturantes aures suas . like deafe adders , stopping their eares , that they may not heare . sicut aspides , which are fierce and cruell creatures , and of whom it is sayd , that they are borne as deafe as a doore naile ; and to this their naturall deafenes , they adde another that is artificiall , whereby they grow more deafe , by poysoning that part , and by winding their tayle close about their head , and sometimes laying the one eare close to the ground , and stopping the other with the tipp of their tayle , that they may stop and damme vp all the wayes , by which the voyce of the charmer might enter in . vnto whom , dauid compares those who being oydos del rey , the kings eares , or ( to speake in the vsuall phrase ) oydores del reyno , the kingdomes eares , doe shut and stop their eares , that they may not giue due and fitting audience . being naturally enemies to their owne profession , which is to heare ; seeking out shiftes and tricks , that the cryes , and complaints of the poore may not come to their eares . there is not any crueltie comparable to this , to see a poore suitor trot vp and downe , a moneth or two together , labouring to haue audience , and in stead of letting him in , hath the doore still shut against him . nature would not allow doores to the eares , & yet these that are the common-wealths eares , make profit of the doores of their houses , and command them to be kept shut : your suitors they come and goe , but my sennior oydor , my lord iudge , he that should haue his doores open , to giue open hearing to all comers , is shut vp in his closet , and cannot be spoken withall vnder a couple of capons . the tribunes of the people of rome ( a magistracie ordained for defending of the communaltie ) kept their gates still open , that men at all houres , might vpon all occasions , come and treat with them . if that young man , which was saint pauls sisters sonne , who heard the conspiracie which the ●ewes had plotted against him , and went to giue aduise thereof to the magistrate , had not found such easie entrance into the tribunes house as he did , without doubt it had cost paul his life . for fourty men , had taken a solemne oath to kill him as he came forth of prison to his triall ; and bound themselues with a curse , that they would neither eate , not drinke , till they had killed him . now , when this young man came to the chiefe captaine , and told him that he had something to say vnto him ; the text there saith , that the captaine tooke him by the hand , and went a part with him alone , and asked him ; what hast thou to shew to me , &c. with this facilenes , did the ministers of that heathen-people , giue audience . how much more ought christian ministers to doe the like ? the open doore , and the giuing of audience in some open hall , or in some outward court , whereunto all are admitted to enter , would giue much content vnto many ; but these close doores , and close audience , to very few ; which is purposely done for to pleasure their friends and seruants ; for , from this their hard accesse , and difficile entrance , they likewise make their gaine , and are not ashamed now to demand that for a see , which if they were well serued should be recompenced with a halter and looke what i haue said of your oydores , which are your iudges in chanceries , and other the chiefe courtes of iustice ; i say the like of other ministers , who though they haue not the same name , yet doe they serue as eares to their king . and then are their eares shut , and growne deafe , when they will not heare ; making thereby his maiestie to be found fault withall , & to receiue a hard censure from his subiects , when he is innocent & blamelesse , and drawing a thousand other mischiefes vpon the common-wealth . and it is a most shamefull thing , and worthy reprehension , & redresse , that when kings shall bee liberall in this kind , their ministers should be so short & cutted and that a man should be at more cost and trouble to get audience of them , & to negociate a busines , then of the king himself . and the mischiefe of it is , that they procure and pretend now , as in former times , the greatest fauours the highest places , honors , & dignities , whilst in the mean while it is not thought vpon , nor taken ●nto consideratiō , that besides the offence which is done herein vnto god & the common-wealth , that it is one of the most preiudiciall things in the world for the quiet peace of states , & the conseruation of kingdomes . and this was well vnderstood by absolon the son of dauid , & pretender to the crowne of israel . who perceiuing , that the king , his father through his great imployments in the wars , could not so well attend his giuing audience to all his subiects , and that they to whose charge & care it was committed , did not cumply , therin with their obligation , he placed himselfe at the entrance of the citie , whether the suitours repaired , and seeing how much they distasted it , that they had not that quicke audience and dispatch as they expected , and desired , he insinuates , himselfe into them , and speaking very kindly , and louingly vnto them , he tolde them . videntur mihi sermones tuiboni & iusti , sed non est qui te audiat constitutus à rege : thy matters are good and righteous , but there is no man deputed of the king to heare thee . and this is it , that puts all out of frame , and order . o quoth he , that i were made iudge in the land , that euery man which hath any matter of controuersie might come to me , that i might doe him iustice ; &c. and it followeth anon after in the text ; quod solicitabat corda virorum : that by this means he stale away the hearts of the men of israel . and that thereupon there shortly after insued a great rebellion , which put the king , & the kingdom in great ieopardie . which may serue as a lesson for a good minister , to teach them what they ought to do , & not to think , they do that which they ought , when for fashion sake , they giue short and crowding audiences , where that which enters in at one eare , goes out ( as they say ) at another . but that so much time should be allowed for the hearing of them , as the qualitie off the busines shall require , without cutting those off , who go rendring their reasons ; for he that hath not the patience to heare them , either he not vnderstandeth them , or is afraid to meddle with them . with this therefore i conclude this , and the former discourse . that the first office of a king , is , to heare all his subiects . and it being supposed , that he alone cannot doe it , it is fit he should haue oydores , that should heare for him , and be his eares . and for that as by the eares of the head , there runn's along a certaine secret nerue , by meanes wherof that which is heard , is presently conuaied to the braine , there to be registred , and consulted on by the common sense . so these oydores , ought to holde their secret consulta , wherein they ought to make relation vnto the king of all that they haue heard . but let them weigh with all , what a short cut it is from the eare to the braine , and the small stay that is made in this iourney , or passage ; to the end that by this natural course , which is so quicke , & speedy , they may see their errour , and perceiue what a great fault it is , to retarde their consultations , to shew themselues thicke of hearing , & to haue their eares shut , or rather the oydores themselues shut vp , and not to be spoken withall . some would faine excuse these audiences , with the impertinencies of those that craue them , which sometimes are very large and tedious and to as little purpose , as they are too too importune , & vnseasonable . but to this answere ; that your high and eminent places , bring with them this trouble and charge ; and ( as the apostle saint paul said ) that it is a great token of prudence to know how to beare with the foolish , and to haue suffrance and patience with those , that are none of the wisest . libenter enim suffertis insipientes , cum sitis ipsi sapientes : for ye suffer fooles gladly because that ve are wise . and because he that is most wise , is most offended with ignorance , let him know , that he meriteth much in dissembling it , when it is fitting so to doe : for to say the truth ( as the same apostle affirmeth , gods good and faithfull ministers haue obligation , both to the wise , and to the foolish . sapientibus & insipientibus debitorsum . i am debtor both to the wise men , and to the vnwise . in the history of the kings is set downe the dissimulation , wherewith the womon of tecoa spake vnto king dauid , and how importunate and tedious she was in telling here tale , and withall the kings great patience in hearing her out , and his not being offended with the craft and cunning wherewith shee came vnto him ; albeit the businesse was of that weight and moment , that his great captaine ioab durst not propound it vnto him . audi tacens , simul & quaerens . giue eare , and be still ; and when thou doubtest , aske . this counsaile concerneth all , but more particularly kings , and their ministers , who are to heare , and be silent , to aske , and aske againe , till they haue fully informed themselues of the truth of the case . for this is rather an honour , then dishonour vnto kings , and great ministers . for , as the holy ghost saith ; gloria regum est in vestigare sermonem . the kings honour , is to search out a thing . of him , that speaketh not , nor asketh a question of him that speaketh , it may be conceiued , that he doth not heare him ; for these two sences are so neere of kinne , that ( as the philosopher obserueth ) he that is borne dumbe , is also deafe ; and not onely this , but likewise , that the speech being taken away , the hearing is lost with it . the cause whereof ( according to lactantius ) is ; for that the organ , by which the ayre is receiued , and wherewith the voyce is formed , holds such correspondencie with that which goes vnto the hearing , that if the first be shut or stopt , the exercise of the second is likewise hindred . vpon information , and hearing , followeth in the next place , doing of iustice , whereof we will treate in the chapters following . chap. xx. of the vertue of iustice , the naturall sister , and companion of kings . wee told you in the former chapter that hearing was the precisest , and directest meanes for the doing of iustice. and therefore falleth fitly out here to treate thereof . your ancient hieroglyfinists , as also your saints , in their writings , treating of this vertue , compare it to a payre of weights or scales with it's two ballances . and it seemeth , that nature herselfe made this ectypum , or exemplar , this portrayture or delineation , shadowing it out in euery one of vs , by giuing vs two eares , like vnto those two balances , whose truth dependeth on the examen , or aequilibrium , that tongue or needle , which stands vppermost in the beame of the ballance ; making my application in this maner , that the two eares , standing like two ballances , on either side of the head , they haue their rule of truth from the supremest and highest part thereof , where stands the tongue or needle of reason , and the iudgement of those things to their true weight , and measure , which are put into these intellectaull ballances . to discourse therefore of iustice , is very essentiall to that which hath already beene treated touching a common-wealth ; for ( as we told you in our very first chapter ) a republick , or common-wealth , is a congregation of many men , subiect to the same lawes and gouernment , which is not possible to bee conserued , if iustice therein shall be wanting . which giues to euery one , that which is his owne , keepes men within the bounds of good order and discipline , and bridles those by reason , which transported by their vnruly appetites , ( like headstrong iades ) would liue without it , admitting no curbe , no manner of controll , but following that law of viuat , qui vincit : let him weare a crowne , that winn's it . if men would but obserue that first rule of the law natural , consecrated by the mouth of our diuine master christ. quod tibi non vis , alteri ne feceris . et quaecunque vultis vt faciant vobis homines , eadem facite illis : offer not that to another which thou wouldst not haue donne to thy selfe . and therefore , whatsoeuer ye would , that men should doe to you , euen so doe yee to them . there needed no other bullwarkes , or fortifications , to liue quietly and peaceably in the world . but after this same lolium crept in , this tare , of meum , and tuum ; the cooler ( as chrysostome calls it ) of charitie , the seminarie of discordes and dissention , and the fountaine of all mischiefe ; men found themselues obliged , nay inforced , to seeke out some such meanes , or maner of liuing , whereby euery one might quietly and peaceably inioy that , which he held to be his owne . and for this cause , they resolued to leade a ioynt life together , submitting themselues to one and the same lawes , and subiecting themselues to one and the same king , who should likewise keepe and obserue them , and by iustice conserue nourish , and maintaine all other necessary vertues for the augmentation and conseruation of common wealths . and for this end , was giuen vnto kings that great power , which they haue , holding in one hand the ballance of iustice , and in the other , the sword of power . which that naked weapon doth represent , which is borne before them , when they enter with authoritie and state into their cities . and alluding either vnto this , or those ancient insignia of your iudges , the apostle saint paul saith ; vis non timere potestatem ? bonum facinon enim fine causa gladium portat ; wilt thou be without feare of the power ? doe well . for the magistrate beareth not the sword for nought . herodotus tells vs that , which cicero deliuereth vnto vs. eadem fuit legum constituendarum causa , quae regum . that one and the selfe same , was the cause and motiue , of ordaining lawes , and creating kings . whence it followeth , that there neither can be any common-wealth without iustice , nor any one that can deserue to be a king , vnlesse he maintaine and conserue it . and though he may seeme to be a king , yet in realitie of truth he is not . because he wants that principall attribute , that should make him be so ; as a painted man , which is no man , cannot properly be said to be a man. the holy scripture , styles those hypocrites , which doe not administer iustice , for they haue no more in them of kings , then the apparent , or outward shew , as the scepter and the crowne , and other their regall roabes , and ornaments . and it is worthy your consideration , and it is no more then what their holy doctors and learned interpreters of diuine letters haue obserued ; that a good king , and iustice , are brothers and sisters , and so neerely twinn'd that you can scarce make mention of the one , without the other . the prophet esay , representing the feruent desire of all the world , and the voyces and cryes of the patriarkes , who with such instance and earnestnesse did call for the comming of t●-sonne of god , saith ; rorate coeli desuper , & nubes pl●nt iustum , & iustitia oriatur simul : ye heauens , send the ●eaw from aboue , and let the cloudes drop downe righteo●snesse , let the earth open , and let saluation and iustice gr●we forth , let it bring them forth together . and in another place , as if god did answer these the desires of the iust , ●e sayth ; ecce dies veniunt , dicit dominus , & suscitabo dan●● germen instum & regnabit rex , & sapiens erit , & faciet udicium ; et iustitiam in terra , behold , the dayes come ( ●●ith the lord ) that i will raise vnto dauid a righteous ●●nch , and a king shall raigne , and prosper , and shall exec●● iudgement , and iustice in the earth . and in the third b●●ke of the kings , god being willing to grace and autorize the person of salomon , who was the type & figure of the true king of kings , our sauiour iesus christ , had no soner the crowne set on his head , & the possession of the kingdom settled vpon him , bu● there was presently offred and put into his hands a great occasion for to shew his prudence and wisedome , and his great noblenesse and courage for to do iustice . the case was a common and knowen case ; it was betwixt two women , that were friends and companions , who leading a lewd and dishonest life , were deliuered or brought to bed both at one time , and sleeping together in one bed , the one of them being oppressed with a heauie sleepe , ouer-layd her childe , and when she awaked , shee found it to be dead . and at the same instant , without being felt , or perceiued by her companion , she puts me the dead childe by her , and tooke the liuing childe to her selfe . but this theft could not be so couered , for all her cunning carriage , but that the other knew , that the dead childe which was layd by her side , was not hers , but the liuing . the other with a great deale of impudencie , and dissimulation deny'de it . and because they could not agree vpon the busines , they resolued to goe to king salomon before whom the busines was continued with the like stiffenesse , and obstinate contestation , giuing each o●●er the lye , and other the like bold and vnciuill speeches as ● vsuall with such kinde of women . the king , finding no mo●e proofe nor reason of credit in the one , then the other , commanded a caruing knife to be brought into the open cou●●e , & tha● diuiding the liuing childe in the mid●st , the one ha●● should be giuen to the one , and the other to the other . thereu●on , the true mother , trembling and quaking , and feeling that knife a ready in her owne bowels , which was to part her ●●ilde in twaine , besought the king , that this his sentence mig●t not be executed , but that the childe might be deliuered o●r whole to the other . which being well weigh'd and consi●●red by this wise king , and good iusticer , he knew thereby , that she was the true mother and so gaue order , that the childe should be restored vnto her . and the holy scripture saith ; that the same of this notable peece of iustice was divulged farre and neere , and that there grew thence a great respect in all the people of israel towards this their most prudent king , who had with so much iudgement and wisedome , administred iustice. audiait itaque omnis israel iudicium , quod iudicasset rex , et timuerunt regem , videntes sapientiam dei esse in illo ad faciendum iudicium . all israel heard the iudgement , which the king had iudged , and they feared the king ; for they saw that the wisedome of god was in him to doe iustice. so that , when they saw how iust a king he was , and with what a deale of vprightnes , he did administer iustice , the people shouted for ioy , and cryed out , that his wisdome was from heauen , and though he were then very young , they began to feare and reuerence him very much . and therefore if a king will be beloued , esteemed , and respected of his subiects , he must be a iust king. for , most certaine it is , that if kings will pretend honour , authoritie , credit , estimation , and respect , they cannot take any better course for it , then by giuing to euery one , that which appertaineth vnto him , with a iust hand . summum in regibus bonum est ( saith saint gregory ) iustitiam colere , ac suae cuique iura seruare : it is the greatest goodnesse , and highest commendation in kings , to honour iustice , and let euery man enioy his proper rightes , and priuiledges . and so it is , that there is not any thing , whereby kings doe more gaine the common voyce , for the augmentation of their authoritie , and increase of their estates , or that doth more incline the minds of their subiects to respect , & obedience , then to know , that they are wise , sincere , full of integrity , & of great zeale in the administratiō of iustice. for then all wil willingly obay him , & heartily loue him , liuing in an assured hope that all his actions , wil be measured , weighed , and crownd with equity , and iustice. let therefore the conclusion of this discourse be ; that ( according to plato ) the greatest prayse , that can be giuen to a king , is in consideration of this vertue ; for , ( as wee will shew you by and by ) it imbraceth all vertues in it selfe . and there is not any title more honourable , or that doth so quadrare , so square , and sute ; with a king , as that of lust . whereby a king is made as it were a god vpon earth , and becomes like vnto him in rewarding , and punishing . anaxagoras , and homer , called kings , iovis discipulos , iupiters schollers ; because in imitation of the gods , they did administer iustice. and anciently , they were tearmed sacratissimi , most sacred . in effect , iustice is a vertue , truely regall , and most proper vnto kings , because it appertaines vnto them by office , and doth constitute them in their being of kings ; for without it , they cannot be . and therfore your aegyptian theologians , with one and the same symbole , which was an open-eye , did signifie both a king , and iustice. for neither a king , without it ; nor it , without a king , can performe their office . and therefore plato calls her the ouerseer , and the reuenger of all things , in regard of that great vigilancie which kings ought to haue in executing iustice , and in seeing and knowing , what passeth in the kingdome : for kingdomes for this cause are content to become subiect vnto them , out of a confidence they haue , that they shall be protected by them . this is the thing ( saith osorius ) that kings must looke vnto ; this must be their cheife care and study . in studium iustitiae , omnes regis curae et cogitationes , omnes labores , atque vigiliae , omnia denique studia consumenda sunt . e● namque à principio reges creauit . the doing , or not doing of iustice , is that , which either sets vp , or puls downe kings , and that king , must make a new conquest of kingdomes , if those , which he hath already gained , be not conserued and defended by the force and power of iustice , which , is the maine pillar , and onely prop to speake of , that vpholdeth kingdomes , without which they cannot long last and continue . for god will most iustly punish them , by taking those from them , which they haue , if they dissimulate iniustices , and if they suffer themselues to be carryed away contrary to all right and reason , and permit notorious faults to passe without punishment : other faults are not so much risented in kings , and kingdomes are content to tolerate them , be they neuer so great . but should they haue neuer so many other good partes , if they be faulty in this , which is of so great importance , they shall presently see and perceiue a publicke face of sorrow , and a generall discontent in all their subiects . and god oftentimes , makes it a meanes for the punishment , and amendment of kings and kingdomes . it is the saying of iesus the sonne of syrach ; that by counsaile , and iustice , kingdomes are maintained . and for default thereof , scepters and crownes , are lost , and kingdomes transferred from one people to another . and those brought to serue , which were borne to command . but the king , that administreth iustice , without respect of persons , shall haue his succession perpetuall : for that is the very ground and foundation of a throne royall . aufer impietatem de vultu regis , et firm●bitur iustitia thronus eius . take away the wicked from the king , and his throne shall be established in righteousnes . that is , his issue , his house , and his kingdome . iustice is that which foundeth kingdomes , which enlargeth them , and conserueth them ; that which establisheth peace , and resisteth warre . without it , there is neither king nor kingdome , nor common-wealth , nor citie , nor any other communitie , which can be conserued . and all whatsoeuer that haue beene ruined and destroyed , hath beene for want of iustice. for this cause the kings of egypt , and in imitation of them , some others , did ( which all good kings ought to do ) sweare their presidents , ministers , and magistrates , that they should not obay their mandatums , nor execute their orders and decrees , if they found in them , that they commanded any thing contrary vnto iustice , and the lawes of the kingdome . philip the faire , king of france , and his successor charles the seuenth , enacted a law , that the iudges should make no reckoning of the kings letters nor those his royall scedules , vnlesse they seemed vnto them to be iust , and lawfull . the catholike kings , don fernando , and donna isabella , and their nephew , charles the fift , by their well ordained lawes , magistracies , and tribunals of so much power and authoritie , exceeded all before them , that fauoured iustice. which were augmented and inlarged by king philip the second , who was more particularly zealous of iustice. and his sonne king philip the third , was a great fauourer and louer of iustice , and obseruer of the lawes , submitting vnto them his person , and his goods , who might very well say , that which the emperour traiane said , conferring great power on his gouernour in rome ; thou shalt vse this sword , in our name , and for vs , as long as we shall command that which is iust ; and against vs , if we shall command the contrarie . for it is alwayes to be presumed of the intention of kings , that they euermore command iustice to be done , but neuer the contrary , though it make against themselues . dauid gaue thankes vnto god , that hee had set him in the way of iustice ; that is , that he had giuen him an vpright heart , and informed his vnderstanding with so right a rule , that it inclined his disposition to doe iustice , though it were against himselfe . the cause ( saith diuus thomas ) why god , for so many yeares did inlarge the empire and monarchie of the romanes , with so much power , so much treasure , and so many great victories , was ; for that their rectitude and iustice , which they obserued towards all . but in that instant , that they fell from this , their empire likewise began to fall . of these examples , all histories , both humane , and diuine , are very full ; yet all will not serue the turne , they doe little , or no good . let gods mercie supply this defect , and worke this good . and let not the poore bee discouraged and disheartened , but let them comfort and cheere vp themselues with this , that their righteousnesse , and their patience shall not perish for euer . god hath spoke the word , and he will keepe it . the poore saith the psalmist , shall not alwayes be forgotten , nor shall the hope of the afflicted perish for euer . for he will take the matter into his owne hands , and will breake the arme of the wicked and malitious , and will helpe the fatherlesse and poore vnto their right , that the man of earth bee no more exalted against them . woe vnto those , that are rules of the people . woe vnto those , that are vniust kings ; which make lawes like spiders cobwebbs ; whereinto , little starueling flies , fall and die ; but your fat bulls of basan breake through , and beare them away in triumph on their homes . but that wee may touch no more vpon this string , we will here holde our hand ; and and goe on , in treating of iustice , and it's parts ; a matter no lesse profitable , then necessary , for kings , and their ministers . chap. xxi . of the parts of iustice in common , and in particular of iustice commutatiue . to the end that we may proceede with more distinction and clearenesse in this chapter , we are to presuppose with diuus thomas , and others , that iustice may be sayd to be in common two manner of wayes . first of all vnder this generall name of iustice , is comprehended all kinde of vertue , & thereof in this sense , saith the philosopher , that iustitia est omnis . virtus ; iustice includeth in it selfe all sortes of vertues whatsoeuer so that a iust man , and a vertuous man is all one . and in this sense christ conceiu'd it , when he said , nisi abu●d●uerit iustitia ; except your righteousnesse exceede , &c. and in another place ; attendite ne iustitiam vestram faciatis coram hominibu● . take heede that yee doe not boast your righteousnesse before men , to be seene of them . of iustice , considered thus in the generall , we will not now treate of in this place ; for in rigour and strictnesse , this is not true iustice , though it haue some similitude therewith . now iustice is taken after another manner for a particular virtue . to wit , that , which is one of the foure cardinall vertues , which hath for it's obiect and end ( as we shall tell you by and by ) to giue vnto euery man that which is his right and his due . of this ( which is properly iustice ) do we here meane to treate ; of whose excellencies , all bookes are full , and whereof , the ancients said ; that it is a celestiall and diuine vertue , seated by god , in the mindes of men . vlpian saith ; that it is , constans et perpetua voluntas , quae tribuit cuique suum ; a constant and perpetuall will , attributing to euery man his owne . plato he goes a little farther ; adding , that it is , singulare , et vnicum donum , &c. the onely singular gift , & the greatest good , that god communicated vnto mortalls here vpon earth . for , from thence ariseth peace & concord . this is it's worke , & the end it pretendeth ; according to that of esay ; opus iustitiae pax . and the worke of iustice shal be peace , euen the worke of iustice and quietnesse , and assurance for euer . and god himselfe , the author , cause , & fountain of iustice , the first title , & name that he tooke , when he created the world , before that hee had created angels , men , and beastes , was that of iudge . wherby we are to vnderstand , that there was a iudge , and iustice in the world , before any other thing was created . for , to haue created a world , without a iudge , or iustice to gouerne it , and to punish humane excesses and disorders , had beene to make a denne of thiefes , and robbers . for all kingdomes and common-wealths , without iustice ( saith saint austen ) had beene nothing else , but so many armies , of out-lawes , rebells , and high-way robbers . remota iustitia , quid sunt regna , nisi magna latroicinia . take away iustice , and what are kingdomes , but latrocinations , all kind of theft's , spoyles , and rogueries ? certaine it is , that the first iudge , and minister of iustice , that was in the world , was god himselfe , who appointed lawes , and precepts , who did rule and gouerne without kings , or other their substitutes , till noahs time ; who was the first gouernour of his people , to whom he gaue order that he should liue in iustice and righteousnesse ; doing the like afterwards to moses , and after him , to his annoynted kings . and therefore esay stiles him legislatorem , a law-giuer . dominu● legifer noster ; the lord is our iudge , the lord is our law-giuer , the lord is our king , he will saue vs. &c. and then in those dayes , by the sole power & hand of their kings , was iustice administred ; and they were called iudges , because they did iudge according to the lawes ; and they tooke this name from iustice it selfe . iudex dictus est , quasi ius dicens populo : non ergò est iudex , si iustitia in eo non est : he is called iudge , of iudging the people vprightly : and he is no iudge , if iustice be not in him . his obiect is ius , or that which is iust and lawfull . and his office , to offend no man ; to doe right vnto all , to giue euery one that , which is his ; and what of right belongs vnto him . this iustice hath power to determine , how , how much , and when , the good are to be rewarded and the bad punished ; it is the harmonie of all good gouernment , and whereby the world is sustained ; and wherewith as with meate and drinke , the life of man is preserued . and if iustice should faile , the world would presently returne to that chaos , and confusion , wherein it was at the first . and for that this vertue , is so necessary for mans life , saint austen saith , that your ancient kings did build and consecrate a temple thereunto . and that on the high altar , there were ingrauen certaine letters , which spake thus : iustice , that is vpright , and free from loue , or hatred , is the strongest chaine , that a kingdome hath . which suteth with that , which one of the seuentie interpreters told king ptolomy ( as aristeas reporteth it ) who being demanded by him , how he might sustaine himselfe in his kingdome , and hold concord and good correspondencie with so great a multitude and varietie of men , as were therein , replyed : by preseruing iustice , and giuing to euery one what was fitting , and not otherwise . and this is so manifest a truth , that plutarch affirmeth ; that not iupiter himselfe , though the greatest of the pagan gods , could be a good gouernor without iustice. in it ( saith s. ambrose ) is found the concordancie of all vertues & without it , there is neither consonancy , nor harmony . it is the mistresse of mans life , the extirper of vice , the mother of peace , the defence of the kingdome , the treasure of a common-wealth , the ioy of men , the com●ort of the poore , the cure of the sicke , and the medicine of the soule . cicero , calls her the queene and lady of the vertues : plutarke would haue her to be in respect of the rest , as the sunne amongst the starres . firmaianus affirmeth , that shee is the mother of them all . and as the mother is before the daughters ; so iustice hath the precedencie of all other vertues . scotus , surnamed the subtile , together with anselmus say ; that if betweene gods iustice and merc●e , there were any precedencie , iustice would haue the prime place . in fine , it is the foundation and ground of all other vertues , and by which all ought to bee regulated and ordered . and we cannot ind●are it more , then in saying ; that if iustice should fayle , all the vertues would fayle . and if that onely be kept , there will be li●le neede of the other . so said king agesilaus . and it is aristotles tonent ; that if iustice were publickly and truly administred , fortitude , and other the vertues , would be superfluous . for one not iniurying another , all would be peace , loue , and charitie . and it is a vertue very naturall vnto man , who , in his owne nature , abhorreth vice , and loueth goodnesse , and what is honest . and therefore amongst other things that are controuerted , cicero saith , that there is not any thing more certaine to be knowne , then that man was borne for to doe iustice. it is she that ordaines things for the common good , and the good of our neighbour . and by how much the common is greater then the particular ; so much doth this vertue exceede others , that are ordayned to a particular person , or a mans owne selfe . finally , it is very necessary for the conseruation of the body , and the saluation of the soule . diuus thomas , and others , whose names i silence say ; that . vertues side , and take part with her , which they tearme ad●utrices , helpers , which doe serue and accompany her in all her actions . and making vse of them , as of counsaylours , and aduisers , she determines what is iust , the good which is to be followed , and the ill which is to be auoided , there being nothing , that hath not neede of it's fauour , and helpe . for , ( according to saint gregory ) it hath foure most potent opposites , which make the rod of iustice to bow , and turne crooked , and to falsifie the tongue and beame of the ballance . to wit ; hatred , fauour , feare and interest . now iustice is diuided into two parts , which are , the honour of god , and the loue of our neighbour . aristotle , did likewise consider two other parts of iustice. one common , which is ordayned for the common-wealth , and the other particular which is instituted for our neighbour . which by another name , they call equitie , which man vsing with reason , dea'es so with others , as he would be dealt withall himselfe , vpon the common , which imbraceth & includeth all the rest , patritius founded his common-wealth ; and pla●o his , vpon the particular . others diuide it into foure parts , or species , into diuine , naturall , ciuill , and iudiciall . which the schoolmen do define and declare at large , vnto whom i remit the reader . but laying aside these diuisions , which make not for our purpose , the most proper and essentiall diuision of iustice , is into commutatiue , and distributiue . which ( as diuus thomas saith ) are the partes subi●ctiuae or subiectiue parts of this iustice ; that is to say , it 's essential species . and therefore we will treate of these two , and that very briefly . and first in the first place of the commutatiue , and in the second of the distributiue . iustice commutatiue , contractiue , or venditiue , ( for all these names your authors giue it , for the matter of commutations , contracts and sales , wherein it is exercised , is considered betwixt two , party and party , which are a part of that whole body of the common-wealth , which giue , and take , betweene themselues , by way of contract , or sale. it 's end , and obiect , is equalitie , and proportion , betweene that , which is giuen ; and that , which is receiued ; without respect vnto the persons which buy , and sell , but to that which is contracted , solde , or commutated , that there may be an equalitie and proportion had , betwixt that , which is giuen , and taken . and when in this there is a defection , it is contrary to commutatiue iustice. the distributiue , is considered betweene the whole , and it's parts . the medium of this vertue , doth not consist in the equaltie of thing to thing , but of the things to the persons ; for , as one person surpasseth another , so the thing , which is giuen to such a person , exceedeth that part , which is giuen to another person . so that there is an equalitie of proportion betweene that , which is more , and that which is lesse ; but not an equalitie of quantitie , to wit ; so much to the one , as to the other . for those , which in a common-wealth , are not equall in dignitie , and desert , ought not equally to enioy the common goods thereof , when they are reparted and diuided by the hand of distributiue iustice ; as we shall shew you by and by , when we come to speake of the commutatiue , which treates of equalizing and according that , whch mens disordinate appetites , and boundlesse couetousnesse doth disconcerte , and put out of order , euery one being desirous to vsurpe that for himselfe , which of right appertaines , and belongs to another , whence arise your cosenages and deceits in humane contracts , and whence doe resulte those contentions , dissensions , and sutes in law. and to occurre and meete with these inconueniences , from the alcalde of the poorest village , to the highest and supremest tribunall , those pretenders may appeale , if they cannot obtaine iustice in those inferiour courts . and therefore in castile , in the counsell royal it is called by way of excellencie , conseiode iusticia the counsel of iustice. and in all well ordred monarchies and common-wealths , there is euermore carefull prouision made for this necessitie , dispersing in diuers tribunalls , the fittest men for administring iustice , as we haue formerly related of that great law-giuer moses . and in the second booke of the chro. it is said of king iehos●phat , that he appointed audiences , and tribunalls in all the principall cities of his kingdome , and those euer at their very gates and entrance , that the negociants and suitors might the more easily meete with the ministers of iustice ( for this is the chiefest prouision , which a king should make for kis kingdome ) indearing to them all the faithfull administration thereof , and that with such graue words , and such effectuall reasons , that they deserue to be written in golden letters vpon all the seates & tribunalls of your iudges . videte , quid faciatis ; non enim hominis exercetis iudicium , sed domini ; et quodcunque indicaueritis , in vos redundabit . sit timor domini vobiscum , & cum diligentia cuncta facite ; non est enim apud dominum deum nostrum iniquitas , nec personarum acceptio , nec cupido munerum : take heede what ye doe , for yee execute not the iudgement of man , but of the lord ; and he will be with yee in the cause and iudgement . wherefore now let the feare of the lord be vpon yee . take heede , and doe it ; for there is no iniquitie with the lord our god ; neither respect of persons , nor receiuing of reward . the first thing that he admonisheth them of , is ; videte , quid faciat●s . take heede , what yee doe looke well about yee , and haue an eye to what ye doe . heare , see , and consider , take time and leysure , be not ouer-hasty in sentencing a sute , till yee haue studied the case well and throughly , and are able as well to satisfie others , as your selues . vsing that care and circumspection , as did that iust man iob. causam , quam nesoiebam , diligentissime inuestigabam . when i knew not the cause , i sought it out diligently ; as if his life had lyen vpon it . alciat saith ; that the tribunes had at the gates of their houses the image of a king , sitting in his throane , hauing hands , but no eyes ; and certaine statuas about him , seeming to be iudges , hauing eyes , but no hands ; whereby they declared the office of a king , and the duty of iudges , painting him with hands , and them without them ; but with as many eyes as that fabulous argos had ; or like vnto those mysticall beastes , which saint iohn saw full of eyes within , and on euery side . to shew that they should study , see , and examine causes , and all whatsoeuer passeth in the common-wealth , and to informe the king thereof ; who , is to haue hands , and armes , courage , and power , for execution . againe , that good king puts them in minde that it is not mans , but gods office that they take in hand , whose proper office is to iudge : and therefore in the scripture , your iudges are called gods. and since that they are his lieuetenants , let them labour for to doe iustice , as god himselfe doth . for i must be so bold as to tell them , that there is a reuiewing of the businesse , and a place of appealing in the supreme counsell of his diuine iustice. and there the party pretending doth not deposite his thousand and fiue hundred ducats , but the iudge , who lyes at stake for it , and if he shall iudge amisse , he is to pay all costes and charges , and sute of courte . quodounque iudicaueritis , ( sayth that good king ) in vos redundabit . whatsoeuer yee shall iudge it shall light vpon your selfes . he threatneth that , which god deliuereth in the booke of wisedome to the kings and iudges of the earth : audite ergo roges , & intelligite iudices terrae : heare me , yee that rule and gouerne the world , and yee that glory in the multitude of nations that are subiect vnto you , & vnderstand , that the power that yee haue is from god , and that he is to make a quaere , and inquire of your actions and thoughts . and for that being his ministers , ye haue not iudged according to his will , nor kept his lawes , nor done iustice , horrendae & citò apparebit vobis : horibly , and sodainly will he appeare vnto you . he that is most low shall finde mercie with him , but the mighty , shall be mightily tormented . all these are the wordes of the wisedome of salomon and which are not to escape the memorie of kings , and their ministers . and iehosophat , as a remedie vnto all ; prescribeth vnto his iudges and counsellours , one good counsayle , and sound aduise , which is this ; that in all the sentences they shall pronounce , that they set before their eyes the feare of god. for , ( as both saint chrysostome and s. austin affirme ) it is easie for him to swarue from iustice , who feareth not god in what he doth . as likewise , that they should dispatch businesses with diligence . for there are some , that indeauour to eternize sutes . and why they doe so , god , & the world knowes . bribery and corruption are the remoras , that stop the course of iustice , and the cause , that sutes are so long depending before they be brought to a conclusion ; to the confusion and vndoing of those that follow them , who are faine , by deferring , to deferring , and putting ouer from hearing to hearing , to sell their very clothes from their backs to wage law. and when at last with much adoe , they haue sentence past on their side , they are neuer a whit the better for it , but is conuerted into gall and bitternesse , for that his sute hath cost him seuentimes more , then it was worth . to such iudges as these , suteth that of the prophet amos : conuertistis in amaritudinem , iudicium ; & fructum iustitiae in absinthium : yee haue turned iudgement into gall , and the fruit of righteousnesse into worme-wood . furthermore , saith that good king ; consider that yee occupie gods place , who wrongeth no man , nor is an accepter of persons . yee must administer iustice equally to all , giuing to euery one , that which is his , and of right belongs vnto him , without any other humane respect . for iustice acknowledgeth neither father nor mother nor friend , but meere truth . cleon tooke leaue of his friends , when he was made a iudge . and themistocles refused magistracie , saying that he would not possesse that place , where his friends could not be in better condition with him , then his foes . lastly , he tels them , that he would not haue them to be couetous , nor receiuers of rewards . and therfore are they pictu'rd without hands , because they should not haue the faculty and gift of taking . non accipies personam , nec munera . it is moses his aduise in deuteronomy . wrest not thou the law , nor respect any person , neither take reward . for the reward blindeth the eyes of the wise , & peruerteth the words of the iust. iustice should be like vnto the sunne , whose light costes vs nothing , and is neither bought , nor solde . non licet indi●i ( saith saint austin ) vendere iustum indicium : it becomes not a iudge , to sell iust iudgement : all this appertaineth to commutatiue iustice ; and to that obligation likewise which kings haue to cumply with whatsoeuer bargaines or contracts haue bin formally made , without acceptation of persons , for he is not to regard them , but the truth . to this iustice , appertaineth likewise , the giuing , and paying of soldiers , their reward , and their pay : for they doe tacitely make a contract with their prince to serue him in that ministry for so many ducatts a month ; and this is due vnto them in all iustice & right . for otherwise , there should not be an equalitie , betweene a souldiers paines and his pay . nor ought hee to put them off with delayes , remitting the remuneration of their seruice to other ministers , seeing that they serue them in their owne persons , and that the obligation is reciprocall . and therefore a certaine bolde soldier tolde augustus caesar , who thought he had done him a great fauour in recommending him by a fauourit of his to those of the counsel of warr , that they might heare him , and doe him iustice ; sir ( said he ) when your honor and authoritie ran so much hazard , and your person put to great perill , did i depute another in my place to fight for me ? and therewith all vnbuttoning his dublet , be shew'd him the wounds which he had receiued in his body in his defence . by which he obliged him to heare his cause himselfe , & to giue present order that he should be well and truly payd . and when they in the seruice of their king , shall do more then they are bound vnto ▪ a●some which vnder-go braue and noble attempts , ieoparding their fifes in such kinde of desperate enterprises , howbeit commutatiue iustice obligeth not to giue them more then their ordinary pay , yet in a iust gratification , it is required of kings , that they should reward and honour them , according to the qualitie of their persons , and seruices . for a qiust king , ought not to leaue any seruice vnrewarded nor any fault vnpunished . for praemium , & p●na , reward , and punishment , are those two plummets , which keepe the clock of the common-wealth in good order . but to giue a conclusion to this first part , i say ; that iustice ought to be in all , and with all , all equall and compleat . and for this cause she is called flos , a flower . giuing vs thereby to vnderstand , that to all she should be florida , fresh and flourishing . not being like a dry rotten sticke to some , and full of sweetenesse to others . and as in a tree , after the flower followes the fruit ; so likewise is to be conceiued , that in kings and iudges , this vertue is not true , if it consist onely in the leafe and the flower , and doe not come to beare fruit . and therefore in the sacred scripture , those that doe not as well in deede , as in shew , truly & vprightly administer ●ustice , are called hypocrites ; for that they haue no more of kings and iudges , then the bare name , & title . they ought to be vina lex , and ius anim●tum ; the very life and soule of the law , that men may come vnto them , not as to a man , but as to equitie , and iustice it selfe . they must haue their plummet & their lines runne euen and ieuell towards all : their vare , or rod of iustice , must not be too short for some , & too long for other some . let right strike the stroake , & let no man be deny'd iustice. for this is to be kings , and iudges ; this , to be common fathers to all poore and rich , great & small , meane and mighty . audite illos ( saith god ) et quod iustum est , iudicate , siue ciuis illesit , siue perigrinus , nulla erit distantia personarum , ita paruum audietis , vt magnum , nec accipietis cuiusquam personam quia dei iudicium est . heare the controuersies betweene your brethren , and iudge righteously betweene euery man and his brother , and the stranger that is with him . yee shall haue no respect of person in iudgement , but shall heare the small as well as the great ; ye shall not feare the face of man , for the iudgement is gods. chap. xxii . of iustice distributiue . it appertayneth to distributiue iustice ( as we told you in the former chapter ) to repart and deuide in a conuenient and fitting manner the goods , the honours , dignities and offices of the common-wealth . for ( as dionysius saith ) bonum , est diffusiuum : good , is a diffusiue kinde of thing , it is a scatterer , and of it selfe , a spreader of it selfe . and by how much the greater the good is , by so much with the greater force doth it communicate it selfe . and hence doth it come to passe , that god is so liberall and so exceeding bountifull as he is ( that i may not say prodigall ) with men , by communicating himselfe vnto them by all possible meanes , euen to the communicating of himselfe by that most excellent and highest kinde of manner , that he could possible deuise , which was , by giuing himselfe to himselfe , and by submitting himselfe so low as to become true man , that man might be exalted so high , as to be made equall with god , by that ineffable and diuine vnion , which the diuines call hypostaticall . so that you see , that good , in it's owne condition & nature , hath this propertie with it to be communicable , & by so much the more , by how much the more great it is . and herein , kings ought to be like vnto god , whose place they supply hereon earth ; for certainly , by so much the more properly shal they participate of good kings , by how much the more they shall haue of this communicatiue qualitie . and so much the neerer shall they resemble god , with by how much the more liberalitie they shall repart and diffuse these outward goods , whose distribution appertaineth vnto them . and to him cannot the name of king truely sute , who hath not alwayes a willing minde , and as it were a longing desire , to communicate himselfe . now , for to temper and moderate this generall longing , and inflamed desire , & this so naturall and proper an appetite , of bestowing and diuiding the riches , and common goods of the common-wealth , this part of iustice , which they call distributiue was held the most necessary . which aristotle says , either is , or ought to be in a king , as in such a lordly subiect , and person , to whom this repartition and communication , properly belongeth . wherein , aboue all other things , kings ought to vse most circumspection , prudence , and care , for that therein , they vsually suffer most cosenage , and deceit : for , in regard that to giue , is in it selfe so pleasing and delightfull a thing ; and so properly appertaining to their greatnesse , and state , they doe easily let loose the reines to this noble desire , and send giftes this way and that way , in such poste-baste , that within a few dayes they run themselues out of all , and draw dry not onely the kings particular wealth and treasure , but the riches of the whole kingdome , were they neuer so great . so that , what is done in this kinde with so much content and pleasure , ought to be done but now and then : for such great courtesies , and extraordinary kindnesses , must not be made too common , for feare of drawing on a dis-esteeme of them ; nor done but in their due time and season , not vnaduisedly , before hand , and vpon no merit or desert , but when others want and necessitie , and his owne honour and noblenesse , shall oblige him to expresse his bounty : and in good sooth , there is not any moathe , which doth so consume , nor any caterpiller or grasse-hopper , that doth so crop and destroy the power of well doing , and the vertue of liberalitie , as the loose hand , that can hold nothing , and in a lauish and disproportionable manner scatters it's donatiues , with so vnequall a distribution , that the dignitie of the gift , is drowned in the indiscretion of the giuer . and therefore , as it is in the spanish prouerb . which speakes very well to this purpose ; para dar , y tener , seso es menester : a very good braine it will craue , to know when to spend , when to saue . yet mistake me not i beseech you ; for it is no part of my meaning , nor did it euer come within my thought , or desire , to perswade kings to be close-fisted , and couetous , a vice to be hated and abhorred in all men , but in them much more . that which i say , is ; that , to the end that may not be wanting vnto kings , which doth so much importe them , and is so proper vnto them , as to giue rewards , and bestow fauours , it is fit , that they should doe these things so , that they may be able to doe them often . and according to the olde saying ; to giue so at one time , as we may giue at another . your trees in holy scripture , are sometimes taken for the hieroglyffe , or embleme of kings , for that they are in some things like vnto them ; wherof , we shall speak hereafter . but that , which makes now for our present purpose , is ; that the tree , shewing such a largenes , spreadingnes , and bountifullnesse , in discouering it's fruit through it's boughes and branches , and it 's inuiting vs , and presenting it's prouision vnto vs , first in the flower and blossome , to the end wee may come to gather that fruit , which yearely it bringeth forth in it's due time and season ; and yet notwithstanding , hideth and concealeth it's rootes all that it can , because there lyes that fountaine , from whence all this good doth spring . as also , for that if in that part it should suffer any hurt or detriment , all the rest would cease , nor would it flourish and fructifie any more . and i am of opinion , that when kings cannot content themselues with conferring of fauors , and bestowing of gifts out of those fruites and profits , which shall arise out of their yearely reuenewes , but that the very rents , a rayzes , and juros reales , shall be giuen away in perpetuitie , or for one or two lifes , which is a kinde of rooting or grubbing vp of the tree ; the king shall thereby be disinabled , and depriued for euer of the fruit of those mercedes and fauours , which he might from time to time , not onely yearely , but daily , and howerly , haue afforded many of his good and well deseruing subiects . as did that other , who , because they should not trouble him with comming vnto him , to craue of the fruite , of a very good tree which he had in his garden , caused it to bee rooted vp , and to be sent amongst them , to make their best of it ; whose fruite , had he let the tree stand , might haue pleasurd a many , and that many a time and oft , whereas now it could but content a few for the present , and peraduenture , not so well pleased neither , because thereby all hope was taken from them of hauing the like againe . alexander the great , who was very liberall in his gifts , said once to this purpose ; i like not that gardiner , that puls vp the trees of his garden by the roote : giuing thereby to vnderstand , that a king is a faire beautifull , and dainty delicate garden , wherein ( like so many trees ) are planted , the kings rents , and b juros reales , and whiles the rayzes , or roote of them , shall remaine aliue and whole , they may yeelde good store of fruit , but if they come once to be rooted vp , they presently grow dry , and wither away . in the fourth chapter of the prophesie of daniel is set downe that dreame , wherein the king of babylon nabucodonosor , saw that huge high tree whose top did reach vp to heauen , and whose boughes did stretch and extend themselues to the vttermost ends of all the earth , and so laden with fruit , that there was prouision and sustenance sufficient for all the men and beasts of the world , and was a shadow and shelter vnto all that came vnder it . and daniel , by the helpe of the diuine spirit , declaring this dreame , told him ; arborem , quam vidisti ; tu es rex . the tree that thou sawest , is thou , o king. that tree , was an expresse signification , of that king , and of the vastnes and greatnesse of his monarchie , and of that which conueneth , and is proper to such monarckes . which is : to communicate their fruit to all , to sustaine and maintaine their subiects , and to hugg , and defend them vnder the shadow of their wings ; and this is said to haue beene , and to haue contineued with that monarke ; whilest the tree stood whole and sound : but the dreame , and it's declaration , proceeded farther , and daniel told the king ; that after he had seene the beautie and greatnesse of that tree , he heard likewise a most strong and fearefull voyce from heauen , pronouncing a most heauie and rigorous sentence , that the tree should be hewen downe , and the boughes lopt off , and so wholy and vtterly destroyed , that the creatures that came thither and were fed and maintayned by it's fruit , fled thence , and forsooke it . yet the stump of the rootes thereof was left in the earth , and bound about with a bond of brasse , and yron , &c. in this dreame , were signified three things , declared by the selfe same prophet , with the same spirit of god. first , the fall of that king and kingdome , in those lopt boughes , and the hewing of it downe , and leauing it fruitlesse ; secondly , that which vsually befalls kings , who not hauing wherewithall to giue , all those doe leaue and forsake him , which before did follow him . thirdly , that when the rootes remaine , there is hope that it may be restored , and returne to it's former greatnesse : as was to be seene in this king , whom god so seuerely punished for his sinnes . for the rootes of the said tree remained still whole and sound , and were a most certaine prognostication , and assured hope , that hee was to be restored to his former estate . so that when in kingdomes , the rayzes of the rents royall , remaine whole and intire , though in the giuing away of the fruites , there be much bounty and liberalitie vsed , those breaches may be made vp againe , which are occasioned by so large a hand ; but when the rayzes are grub'd vp , when the roote that should giue sap and life , is gone , there is not any means of restauration to be made or found , though kings should charge their kingdomes with neuer such excessiue tributes , and draw ( as they say ) the very heart blood from forth their subiects bodies . in a word therefore , there ought to be had in giuing , order , moderation , and temperance ; for a prince , that giues without these conditions , is not liberall , but prodigall , a great scatterer and waster , and if not contenting himselfe with the fruites of the tree , he will haue a pull at the rootes , lord haue mercy on that land , for it is to be feared , that king will turne destroyer . giuing hath it's times , its taxe , it's limits , and it 's orderly maner in the doing thereof . the excesse whereof , doth crosse and contradict distributiue iustice. wherein is to be considered the kings abilitie ; then the seruices and merits of the persons ; and last of all the distribution it selfe , which must be done with discretion and prudence . for all must not be throwen vpon one either part , or partie ; nor kings be like riuers ; which rising out of their bedds , breaking forth beyond their bounds , vndoe some , and enrich others ; robbing many , to raise one . god free euery good common-wealth from such distributions as these , which are rather destructions then distributions , and actions of iniustice , not of iustice. and god ( i beseech him ) so illighten the vnderstanding and heartes of kings , that they may in an orderly kinde of manner conferre their fauours , and giue rather reasonable rewards to many , then extrauagant ones to a few . for the raine doth then most good , when all haue the comfort of it . but when it powres downe in one place alone , that marr's and spoyles all . some grounds for want thereof are parched and dryed vp ; and other some , by too much , are ouerflowen , and made fruitlesse . in like manner a king , showring downe all the water of his liberalitie vpon one particular person , it cannot but breede a generall discontent and languishment , in all the rest of his subiects . and more is the hurt , which resulteth from those , that are offended with the great fauours conferred on others , then the good that ariseth from those that are benefitted by them . for the first neuer forget the wrong they thinke they haue receiued ; and the second treate of that they haue receiued , as of a due debt . and all these , and a great many more inconueniences grow from the not true obseruing of this distributiue iustice. let kings conferre fauours on their publicke ministers , and vpon such persons , as haue done them great and notable seruices , both in peace , and in warre : for this will be well pleasing , and very acceptable vnto all , and will oblige them all to new seruices ; and such a generall content will it cause in all sortes of people , that it will make them to brook with the better patience those great fauours , which are vndeseruedly done vnto others , being in themselues men of no merit in the world . i would not haue kings to be too much carried away with the inclination of their own mindes , for as they are kings , they will euermore be apt to giue much . but i would haue them to place their eyes , as also their consideration , vpon the qualitie of the person , to whom they giue , according to the rules of distributiue iustice. for from that in the receiuer , and this in the giuer , is formed that temperance , moderation , and equitie , which giues liberality it's being , and makes it to be a vertue heroicall , and worthy kings ; which , if it be fayling in ether of these , the one , or the other , it shall merit no such name ; as you shall see by and by , when we come to conclude this discourse ; wherein we aduertise those that giue , that it shall be much prudence , and make likewise much for the good of the party himselfe , that receiueth , to goe leysurely along with him in these mercedes , and fauours . for this difference i finde to be betweene offences , and punishments , fauours , and benefits , that the first are done but once , because in discretion they will not goe dayly nourishing the passion of those who receiue the harme thereby , and stand in feare lest the like ill might happen vnto them selues . as for the second , it is fitting that they be done often , giuing now a little , and then a little , that it may the better penetrate the palate , and please the taste of him that receiueth them ; as in our bodily meates and drinkes , bit after bit , & draught after draught , agrees better with our health , and taste , then grosse feeding and full cups . besides , this faire and frequent distribution , cannot but cause a more settled loue in those persons on whom they are bestowed , as also in those , who liue in expectation of the like . chap. xxiii . how , and in what sort , limitation in giuing , may sute with the greatnesse of kings . now i see the reply , and the argument , which may be made against that , which we haue mentioned in the former chapter . for this same sising of kings fauours , and these same short bounds of bounty , wherein some would shut them vp , seemeth no way compatible with the authoritie and greatnesse of kings ; especially on such occasions , wherein they are forced to bestow them vpon persons that are deseruingly qualified for them , and that haue done notable seruices , who are not to be gratified with small gifts ; nor may that seeme to bee much , which is giuen but once . first of all i answer hereunto , that it stands with good reason , that they , who haue spent their meanes , and the better and greater part of their liues , in the seruice of their king and common-wealth , should be recompensed according to the qualitie of their persons and seruices , when kings are well able to doe it , without putting themselues in necessitie , or charging their subiects ( which they too vsually doe ) with extraordinary impositions . and if it be well considered , the maine drift of our former chapter was , that things might be so ordred , that kings might haue wherewithall to giue vpon such like occasions . that therefore which i say , is this ; that they ought to holde their hand in those gifts , which they giue meerely vpon their owne pleasure and humour , that they may the better cumply with those which lye vpon them by way of obligation . for they , that haue vnder their charge and command such a multitude and number of subiects , it is not meete , that they should conferre many and great fauours vpon a few , and few or none vpon many ; shewing grace vnto some with that , which in iustice is due vnto others , whose often sweats , perpetuall labour , and extreame neede , serue now for riches , regalos , intertainments , and annuall rents to those , who in all the whole course of their life , neuer knew what it was to moyle and toyle , or to take any paines for the common-wealth . nay , which is more ( and it grieueth my soule to speake it ) the sweat , and blood of poore labouring men , is conuerted into rose water , for to feede their delightes and pleasures , and that in such wastfull , riotous , & loose intertainments , as certainely beseemeth not christians but epicures and sardanapalians , who did denie , the immortalitie of the soule . woe vnto them ( saith god ) that are at ease in syon , woe vnto you great potentates and rulers ouer the people , who enter in state into the temples , and goe thence in pompe : who delight in lasciuiousnesse , lying vpon bedds of yuory : who eate the lambes of the flock & the calfes out of the stall ; who drink wine in bowles , and annoynt themselues with the chiefe oyntments ; who sing to the sound of the violls , and inuent to themselues instruments of musicke ; no man in the meane while being sorie for the afflictions of ioseph , or taking pitie and compassion of those poore miserable wretches , who must wring and smart to maintaine these their idle and vnnecessary vanities . but the world will be altred with these men one day , and a time shall come , wherein ( as that princely prophet saith . ) laetabitur justus , cum viderit vindictam ; manus suas lauabit in sanguine peccatorum : the righteous shall reioyce when hee seeth the vengeance , he shall wash his hands in the blood of the wicked . and men shall say , verily there is fruit for the righteous ; doubtlesse there is a god , that iudgeth in the earth . then shall lazarus reioyce and be glad in abrahams bosome ; and the rich glutton lying in hell , shall begg a dropp of cold water and haue no body to giue it him . and if any man should say vnto me that the grandeza , and greatnesse of kings , requireth , that great rewards should be giuen both to the one , and the other . my answer vnto him is ; that nothing better becommeth kings , for the conseruing of their greatnesse , then to know that they are but men , and that they cannot stand in competition with god , whose fountaine of riches , is infinite , and is able to fill and satisfie all , and neuer can be drawne dry , though it be imparted and distributed to neuer so many . whereas that of men , is but like vnto the water of a cisterne , which by being communicated to many is diminished and exhausted . king nabucodonosor , and other kings ( of whose falls , there is mention made in the scripture ) for default of this knowledg , fel from their estates : and let that tree , whose top touched heauen , and whose boughes did ouerspread the whole world ( whereof wee so lately made mention ) serue now the second time for an example , which going about to imbrace all in it 's owne armes , and to giue sustenance in aboundance to all , and pretending to exalt it selfe as high as heauen , did pay the price of this it's pride , autoritie , and signorie : and did so farre prouoke gods anger against it , that hee commanded it to bee hewen down , & that being layd leuell with the earth , it might acknowledge , how much limited , and how short was it's power . sithence therfore that it is not possible for kings to vse much liberalitie and bounty towards all , there is a great deale of reason , why they should forbeare voluntary donatiues for to discharge obligatory paiments ; whereunto in rigour of iustice , he is strictly bound . the apostle saint iames saith ; that the debtes , which are due vnto them , that haue done seruice , cry vnto god , and that the teares of the poore ascend vp vnto heauen , to the end that from thence may come forth a writ of execution against those , that haue beene the cause thereof . and your catholike and christian kings are not to place their greatnesse and authoritie , on that , as did your heathen kings , and those that were without the light of faith . who pretended nothing else in their gifts and fauours , but vaine-glory , and the idle applause of the world . according to that saying of our sauiour iesus christ. reges gentium dominantur eorum & quipotestatem habent super eos , benefici vocantur . the kings of the gentiles raigne ouer them , and they that beare rule ouer them , are called bountifull . true authoritie , and greatnesse , doth not con●ist , in magnificencies , and prodigalities , which are not regular , and ruled by reason : which requireth , to cumply first with what is due , and that neither kings , nor their subiects , should thrust themselues into necessity and want , to satisfie the ambition and couetousnesse of those , who ( as salomon sayth ) like vnto horse-leaches ; semper dicunt , affer , affer , still cry ; giue , giue . that , which distributiue iustice requireth , is ; that kings should repart the common goods of the republicke , conformeable to the meritts and seruices of euery one ; preferring alwayes the publicke , before any particular good , and ioyntly with this , that they goe clinching the hand for a while , that they may afterwards stretch it out more at large , when it shall be fitting for them so to doe . and this is liberalitie , that vertuous and noble meane , betweene those vicious extreames , auarice , and prodigalitie . when our sauipur christ had sufficiently fed that great multitude which followed him into the desert , they no sooner found themselues full , but they presently resolued amongst themselues to make him their king . and this their determination , grew from two things which they saw to bee in him . the one his noble disposition , in affording them such free and plentifull intertainment ; the other for his great prudence and good gouerment , in giuing order that the peeces of bread , and other the fragments that were left , should be gathered vp . colligite , quae super auerunt fragmeta , ne pereant . gather vp the broaken meate , which remayneth , that nothing be lost . nor did he doe this , that he had neede to set it vp , or keep it to serue at some other time vpon the like occasion ; for he could ( as often as he would ) haue made bread of stones ; but to instruct , and teach kings to knowe both to spend , and saue , to giue , and hoord vp , where , how and when it is fitting , in regard that their power is limited . moreouer kings are to consider that they , who at one clap receiue much from them , grow so fat and pur●ie , that they are not able to serue and follow them as they were wont , and sometimes they retire themselues , and nere returne againe , to see either king or court , vnlesse meere couetousnesse , and greedinesse of gaine draw them thither to beg , more and more , & to cramme their purses . being like vnto that crowe which noah sent out of the arke , who as soone as he had found firme footing , and whereon to feede his fill , neuer came back again . kings palaces are , like noahs arke , where there is a great diuersitie in the conditions of men ; and generally you shall meete there with more crowes , then doues . and here , i will with your good leaue , take a little libertie , to diuert my selfe from the testimonies of holy scripture , to those of great kings and monarckes , some of one nation , and some of another . and the first , that i shall begin withall , shall be king don alonso of sicily , who walking along by the sea-side , caused many gobbets of flesh , some great , and some small , mingled one amongst another to be brought vnto him , and still as the crowes ( which were many ) came about him , to some hee threw out the lesser , to other the larger morsells . those that went away with the great gobbets , came no more in sight , but fled their way ; but those that had but a small pittance , and were not so full gorged , they followed the king whether so euer he went , and neuer forsooke him . who tolde those that were then about him ; in this ( my masters ) yee may see , how much it importeth kings to distribute their fauours with moderation and temper . philip king of macedon , did much reprehend his sonne alexander for being too lauish of his fauours , and too excessiue in his giftes . telling him , that thereby hee peruerted the mindes of those , that were to serue him , who in stead of seruing him with that loue & loyalty which in duty they were bound vnto , they would now onely serue him for their owne particular interest , and proper commoditie making , by this meanes , affection and fidelitie become a kinde of trading , and merchandizing . and certainely so it is , that when mens mindes make interest their aime , and daily to get more and more , they become saleable , and tender their seruice to those , that wil giue them most . and they , which doe thus accustome themselues to craue and take , the loue of friendship and that thankefull acknowledgement , which is due to the doner , is turned into interessed loue ; which is called by the name of concupisence , and are ( as the comicke poet saith ) like vnto those lewd huswifes which , amore●carent , mun●● amantis amant ; loue not so much the man , as his money , nor his person , as his purse . you shall seldome see a man , that is ( as they say ) a pediguen●● , a crauing companion , one that is still begging one thing or other , that hath not some touch of couetousnesse , and some tincture more or lesse of vnthankefullnesse . for , in regard that these men loue themselues , and their owne interest so well , they haue not one drop of loue left for others , and if any doe remaine , they conferre it on a third person , through whose hands , that which they pretend is to passe . and the king , and prince , to whom all is due , rest depriued of two things , that are the most substantiall and of most importance for the conseruation , perpetuation , and augmentation of his kingdome , which are their subiects loue , and thankes . for the truest kinde of raigning and the likest to gods kingdome , is to gaine the heartes of their subiects , and to make themselues ( as much as in them lyes ) lordes and masters of their good wills. and it is our dayly experience , to see persons that haue beene highly and richly gratified , and extraordinarily well rewarded , to haue proud very vnthankfull . for , this fault great benefits haue with them , and such as are dis-equall to the deserts of those persons that receiue them , that they are not thankfully accepted of ; and those that are benefitted , to the end that they may not bewray this their imperfection ( being such , as it is no lesse , then so great a sinne , as ingratitude ) they soone learne to forget them ; but those that are conferred on others , neuer slip out of their remembrance . in a word , of all that that is begg'd , and of all them that begg , few there are , that forbeare to goe this way . in confirmation whereof , we may alleadge heere that question , which christ made to one of those ten leapers which hee healed , shewing himselfe not halfe well pleased with the rest of his fellowes . nonne decem mundati sunt , et nouem vbi sunt ? non est inuentus , qui rediret & dares gloriam deo , nisi hic alienigena : are there not ten cleansed ? but where are the nine ? there is none found , that returned to giue god prayse , saue this stranger . in kings pallaces , your strangers and those that are newly come to court , are your onely thankfull men ; for those , that are well acquainted with the court , familiarly attend the person of the king , and are still assistent vnto him vpon all occasion , neuer acknowledge the fauours that are done them , bee they neuer so great : they are alwayes crauing , but are neuer satisfied ; they swallow downe whole riuers , and wonder not at it ; they thinke all iordan is too little for them , and that they shall no soner open their mouth ; but they must presently sup it vp . and the reason hereof , is ; because they verily perswade themselues , that all whatsoeuer you giue them , ( be it neuer so much ) is due vnto them for their seruices , and their dayly assistencies . i therefore say , ( and therein say but the trut , ) that one of the greatest happinesses , that can befall kings , is ; to be serued by noble persons , and men of honour gente granada ( as the spaniards tearme them ) iolly , strong , lusty people , proper , comely men , and persons of best and most account both for riches and honour . but this is the mischeife of it , that this golde , which should make such a glorious shew in court , and shine both in honour and goodnesse , is canckred and rusted by auarice and ambition , which eates into all mens mindes , and wholly possesseth them . so that from the highest to the lowest , they are all well read in the schoole of couetousnesse , dissimulation , and deceit ; and your priests , and those that weare miters on their heads , are not in this kinde the meanest schollers amongst them . all complaine , they are not rewarded , that they haue nothing giuen them , & if they haue any thing giuen them they thinke it is all too litle . and betwixt this their complayning , & their thankefull acceptance , there is set vp such a strong partition , that it neither suffereth them to acknowledge a benefit , nor to intertaine it with that thankfullnesse as they ought . all now a dayes attend their own interest , and not their kings seruice ; who may say that of them , which god spake by malachie ; who is there euen among you , that would shut the doores of my house , or kindle but a coale on mine altar in vaine ? not one , i assure you , but will be well payd for his paines . there is not that sexton , that cloyster cleanser , nor scullion of the kitchen , but will haue good wages , & other ayudes de costa , or by-helps . this great traine ( saith seneca ) of seruants and attendants , seeke not so much after a master , as money , a friend , as a fortune . miserable is the condition of kings , whom none loue for themselues but for their owne ends , and the good they expect from them ; so that this their priuate interest fayling them , their seruices faile with it , & likewise faileth ( so says s. isidore ) that loue & loyalty which is due vnto them , non sunt fideles , quos munus , non gratia copulat , nam citò deserunt , nisi semper accipiant ; those whom lucre , not loue linketh , cannot bee faithfull . for vnlesse they be still on the taking hand , they vanish , and are quickly gone . yet is it not my intent and purpose in that which i haue sayd , to condemne those who demaund their pay and satisfaction for their seruices , to relieue their necessities . for therein they doe but vse that lawfull course which is appointed for them by way of petition . howbeit , aristotle , plato , and other philosophers , would haue subiects to be solicitous not in sueing , but in seruing . and i farther affirme , that princes are to take it to their charge , to content those that haue done them good seruice ; it being the principall office of distributiue iustice , carefully & vigilantly to distribute riches and honours , to those that haue deserued them . and this vndoubtedly , is one of the most effectuall meanes for the good gouernment of a common-wealth ; for , as those three diuine vertues , faith , hope , and loue , are increased and augmented by praying vnto god ; so on the contrarie , are they lessned and diminished by sueing vnto men. for when subiects serue , and not sueing obtaine that which they deserue ▪ humane faith , hope , and loue , is augmented in them ; because thereby , they are taught to rely on the vertue and wisedome of their soueraigne , who applyes himselfe to euery mans meritts , and the iustnesse and vprightnesse of his cause ; for which cause they will loue him much , but much more , when he giues without being importuned with petitions . and it seemeeth vnto them that hee giues not more willingly , then he doth wisely , in applying himselfe onely to reason and iustice , and not to the importunate petitions of pretenders . and therefore kings are not to content themselues onely with paying that which they owe , and to doe mercedes and fauours to them that serue them ; but that these should likewise goe accompanied with loue and good will ; for with remuneration are the seruices requited ; and with loue , are they obliged to doe them still more and better seruice . in that case , which the scripture recounteth of king assuerus , who , one night being not able to sleep and take his rest , commanded lights to be brought in , and some that were about him , to take that booke , and read vnto him , wherein were written the notable things that past in his raigne , and amongst the rest , there was mention made of a great peece of seruice , which mardochee did him , freeing him from that death , which two of his eunuches had plotted against him , by discouering this their treason , demanded of those there present ; what honour and dignitie hath beene giuen to mordochee for this his fidelitie towards me , and the good seruice he hath done mee ? and the kings seruants that ministred vnto him , sayd ; there is nothing done for him . whereupon , he presently bestowed vpon him such great honors and dignities , that vnlesse he should haue giuen him his kingdome , he could not well haue giuen him more . thus was this good seruant rewarded , honoured , and graced by his lord and master , who without being importuned , gratiously called his good seruices to remembrance , and honoured him aboue all the princes of his kingdome . and i could wish , that all that are rewarded by their kings , might receiue their recompence vpon the like good tearmes of reason , and iustice. but now a dayes , poore and slender seruices ( the more is the pitie ) finde copious , and plentifull rewards ; and those ( ordinarily ) accompanied with ingratitude ; a thing , which nature it selfe abhorreth ; and which tyes gods hands from giuing , who is so liberall and so rich ; and dryes vp that ouerflowing fountaine of his boundlesse mercies , from affording vs any farther fauour , or comfort . chap. xxiiii . of the repartment and diuision which is to be vsed in the conferring of offices ; and of the knowledge of such persons , as ought to bee nominated for the sayd offices . llet vs consider a king ( saith the philosopher ) in his kingdome , as we would a father of many children in his familie . societas enim patris ad filios , regni praese fert effigiem : the societie of a father towards his children , represents the true forme of a kingdome . let any man compare the power royall to what hee will , and ( according to aristotles opinion ) hee shall finde no one thing that doth fit so well with it , or giues it so much fullnesse , as the title of father , who day and night beates his braines , and imployes all his whole study on that , which is most fitting for his children regarding more the good which hee may bee able to doe them , then any profit that he expects to receiue from them . how many times whilest his children , are a bed and a sleepe , doth the father lye awake , casting , and deuising with himselfe , how he may mantayne them , and better them in their estate ? what a deale of care doth hee take to get his daughter a good husband , who is dearer vnto him , then himselfe ? great is his care ; but much more ought the care of a king to bee in giuing to their kingdome , good , faithfull , and diligent ministers , to the end that they may doe all possible diligences , ( as hath beene sayd heeretofore ) fixing alwayes their eyes on the common good , and directing likewise their owne particular in the same way . that which i would say , ( to expresse it in plainer termes ) is this ; that they are not to subiect the offices to the commoditie of the men , but to seeke out men , that are fit and sufficient for them . when saul was resolued to recommend vnto dauid that duell , or single combat against the gyant goliah , the better to accommodate him , as also therein to honour him the more , hee put his owne rayment vpon him , and an helment of brasse vpon his head , and a brigandine , and all the rest of his owne compleat armour ; but dauid , who was a man of little stature , and not accustomed to shut vp in harnesse , found the weight thereof to be too heauie for him , and very troublesome to his body ; yet notwithstanding , to obey the kings command , and that hee might not seeme to reiect the honour the king was pleased to doe him , hee was willing to make tyrall , si arma●us posset incedere ; whether hee could goe in it , or no ? for he had neuer proued it . but when hee found hee could hardly goe in it , and that he had not the free libertie and command of his body , hee sayd vnto the king ; non possum sic incedere , quia non vsum habeo : i cannot goe with these ; for i am not accumstomed . and therefore rather made choyse to betake himselfe to his sheepheards staffe , his stones , and his sling , which he knew well how to vse , then to put on the kings royall rayment , together with his rich armour , and afterward to giue an ill account of what was committed vnto him . but where shall you meete with the man in these dayes , that is like vnto dauid ? nor is it fit for kings , in this particular to imitate saul , for we dayly see notable losses in matters of warre , and peace ; by accommodating and honouring such persons with offices , as had neuer beene trayned vp in them , wanting that sufficiencie of knowledge , which is fitting for the administration of them . as for your prebends , and other ecclesiasticall dignities , whose nomination appertaineth vnto kings , they had neede take the greater care therein by so much the more , by how much spirituall things , are of more importance , then temporall . your ancient canons and councells will bee your direction in this case , and teach yee , what yee are to doe and doe inforce it , with such weighty and effectuall reasons , that they are worthy to be read , and considered by kings , when they make the like elections , or nominations , to the end that they may not erre therein : and heere will i bring to their remembrance , that which god did , when that famous and ancient tabernacle was to be built , which was to be a figure of his holy church . who ( as the scripture tells vs ) nominated bezaleel a curious workeman in all manner of workemanship , whom he filled with his holy spirit , and indewed him with wisedome and knowledge from heauen , that hee might finish that worke , and bring it to perfection , god himselfe hauing drawen the plot , and being the chiefe , and principall contriuer thereof . and if for that dead edifice , for which humane skill and dexteritie might seeme to haue beene sufficient , there was made choice of a man of such singular wisedome , and such admirable partes , as is there mentioned in exodus ; for the gouernment of a kingdome , for the ordring of a common-wealth , for to put euery thing in it's right place , and to administer iustice equally to all , giuing euery one that which is his ; things all of them of such great importance , and which doe so much beautifie and grace this mysticall body of the church , what ministers will it bee necessary , that kings should seeke out and inquire after ? namely men , that are full of the spirit of god , wise vnderstanding men , good christians , and adorned with all manner of vertues . and if they will not beleeue me , let them looke vpon that first election , which the apostles made , when iudas turned apostata , despayr'd , and hung himselfe . in which election , they made choyse of saint mathias , a man well knowen , as one that had beene bred vp amongst them , and from whom they had receiued very good satisfaction . oportet ex his viris , qui nobiscum sunt congregati , in omni tempore , quo dominus &c. testem resurrectionis eius nobiscum fieri vnum ex istis . wherefore of these men , which haue accompanied with vs , all the time , that the lord iesus was conuersant amongst vs , &c. must one of them be made a witnesse with vs of his resurrection . i say , that when kings finde sufficient partes and aduantagious abilities in those whom they know , and haue neere about them , and in their court , the election may in all likely-hood seeme to light more safely and happely vpon them , then any other . for they , who being still in our eye , discouer no faultes , it may be presumed , that they haue not any ; for if they had , in such persons they would hardly be hid . and let this be exemplified in some , nay many of those your pictures which being beheld a farre off seeme to be curious peeces , but drawing neere vnto them , appeare to be but course worke , and discouer great faultes . and therefore diogenes sayd , you must stand aloofe to looke vpon great statuas ; and i say ; that he who in his speech , seemeth to be wise and discreete , ought to be taken for no lesse . for by a mans silent reseruednesse , and holding his peace , it is not much , if he passe for a wise man ; because the holy-ghost saith ; stultus quoque si tacuerit , sapiens reputabitur : euen a foole , when he holdeth his peace , is counted wise . in like manner , may he seeme to be a good man , that is a great way from vs , because we neither see his deedes , nor heare his words . and peraduenture , for this reason it was ordayned , that the pope could not be chosen , vnlesse he had beene one of the number and fellowship of those cardinalls there present at the time of the election . and when kings , cannot meete with sufficient persons amongst those whom they know , they must looke others out , though they bee farther off . for so did the wisest king that euer was , king salomon ; who vsed diligences out of his owne kingdome , for to seeke out the best artificers , and such as were the fittest and ablest men for the building of the temple . he could not content himselfe with good workemen onely , but he sought out those likewise , that were the best , and the worthiest . the like course ought kings to take ; who alwayes , in those elections that they make , for the building and vpholding of this edifice of the church , should not content themselues with electing onely those that are good , but in seeking out the best and the worthiest . whereby their conscience shall rest the more secure , and freer from opinion . whereas in doing the contrary , those that are the wisest , and the most learned , affirme ; that their conscience is not onely charged therewith but that they are likewise bound to the restitution of the robbery , that is therein done to the church . and it is a lamentable thing , that for to pleasure a priuate subiect , that he may eate and drinke his fill , and triumph in his pleasures , a king should put himselfe in hazard of going to hell. but aboue all the foresayd diligences , kings ought to haue recourse vnto prayers & supplications , beseeching almightie god that he will illuminate their vnderstandings that they may elect the best . for so did the apostles ; who being to picke out two of of the best out of the whole pack of those that were there , at the time , when they were to proceede to the election , they betooke themselues to prayer , vttering these words so full of meekenesse and humilitie ; tu domine , qui nosti corda omnium , ostende , quem elegeris ex his duobus vnum , accipere locum ministerij huius : thou lord , which knowest the hearts of all men , shew whether of these two , thou hast chosen , that hee may take the roome of this administration , and apostleship . for , being that mens goodnesse and sufficiencie , principally consisteth in the inwardst part of the heart , which is so close , and so subiect to change , that god onely can truly know it , it is fit , that we should refer the mayne of these our elections to him , to the end that they may be guided by his holy spirit , and that hee may be the chie●e and principall elector in them . this , which we haue said touching prouision of those that are knowen in court , it seemeth , that it may open a gap for those that are tumultuous pretenders , and ambitious courtiers , to carry all before them , and let nothing that falls , scape their fingers . for these are much better knowen , then those wise and vertuous men , who ordinarily liue retyred , and attend more to the complying with obligations of their profession , and function , then to the compliments of those , who spend their whole life in pretensions . and it hapneth not once , nor twice , but dayly , and ordinarily , that they who follow the court , and frequent princes pallaces , haue not so much followed their studies , and frequented the schooles . and few there are of them , which take pleasure in reading of bookes , to informe their knowledge , and to supply that , which is defectiue in them , concerning the knowledge of businesses , and the true vnderstanding and execution of their offices . but the miserie of it is , that if a wise and prudent man shall seeke to make his entrance and accesse to the king , the porters will shut the doore against him . and fooles hauing such free entrance it is no wonder that wise men are kept out . as it hapned to that wise philosopher who being clad in a meane but honest habit , pressed amongst the rest to the kings antecamera , or with-drawing chamber , where hee vsed to giue audience , hauing very necessary occasion to speake vnto him . but as hee offered to come in , the porter still clappt the doore against him , and would not suffer him to enter . hee being a discreete man , presently entred into the reckoning of it , and seeing how the world went , shifted himselfe out of the companie , and changing his poore , for a rich habit , and being in the fashion as others vse to be , that are not knowen , to make them selues knowen in court , way was made him , and he presently let in . and at his going in , hee kissed his cloake , and sayd ; honoro honorantem me , quia quod virtus non potuit , vestis obtinuit : i honour thee , that hast honourd me , for what vertue could not effect , my costly cloathing hath obtained ; for he that is rich and well clad , is commonly the best knowen and most respected . vir benè vestitus , pro vestibus , esse peritus creditur à mille , quamuis idiota ●it ille . he that goes , in gay cloathes , a wise man is held to be ; though some know , ther 's not so arrant a cocks-combe , as he . et sapiens , non accedit ad fores , quas durus ianitor obsidet : but your men that are wise , discreete , and vertuous , beare not so base a minde , as to go thither , where they either know or haue cause to feare , that they shall be debarr●d of entrance : so that for the most part , the most deseruing , are the least knowen . to this point therefore i reply , that those men , which are to be nominated for offices , and dignities , may be knowen two manner of wayes ; first , by that good fame and report which goes of them , and that opinion of vertue , learning , and wisedome , which the world holdeth of them . which we may rightly compare to the sweete and fragrant odour of that pretious and costly oyntment , which the blessed mary magdalen powred forth on our sauiours feet ; wherof it was said ; repleta est domus ex odore vnguenti : that the whole house was filled with the sauour of the oyntment . when either in court , citie or countrie , there is found a man , who is like a sweete sauor in the nostrills of all men , and beares about him , and scatters in what companie soeuer he comes , a most odoriferous and pleasing perfume of his vertue , holinesse , and learning ( which is as saint paul says of himselfe , and his fellow labourers , the sweet sauour of christ ) there is no neede to seeke for any other knowledge , or to make any farther inquiry ; for this is sufficient of it selfe to make choyse of him , and to conferre vpon him the greatest offices of trust ; it being safer to put them into his hands , then into many of those men , that are more in his maiesties eye , and by sight better knowen vnto him . for the best knowledge of man is by the eare . and he that will not beleeue me , let him reade saint austin , who in a letter which he wrote to saint ierome , hauing expressed the great desire and content that hee should take in the knowledge and sight of him , corrects that speech of his , saying ; that he had not spoken well , in saying ; that he did not know him , because he had seene his most learned bookes wherein were represented vnto him his very heart and soule . in like manner , he that shall be knowen by the like fame , or by the learned bookes , that hee hath written ; or if he be a souldier , by the great and noble acts that hee hath done , or by his good gouernment , in those places of commaund which hee hath held ; such a one i say , is sufficiently well knowen , though he had neuer put his head within the court gates , or seene the pallaces of kings . the second kind of knowledge , is that which your ambitious and solicitous pretenders doe giue of themselues , who are ordinary attendants and assistents in the courts and palaces of kings and princes , and the houses of their ministers , seeking to insinuate themselues into their grace and fauour , by flatteries , compliments , and lyes , and oftentimes by giftes ▪ and subornations , against which the doore is neuer shut , because they carry about them ( if need be ) the master key , not a gilded key , but a key of pure golde , whose bitts and wardes are of diamonds , by which they make their way , remoue all difficulties , open the cunningst locks , and enter the strongest castles . this is not that knowledge , which is here required for conferring offices vpon them , but rather to shut them out of all : for it is to be presupposed , that these who doe thus negociate , and pay soundly for their places , must make their best profit of them and fell at deare rates , that they may the sooner get out of debt , and haue wherewith all to maintaine themselues , their wiues , their children , and their familie . but to these kinde of men , kings may ( and with a great deale of reason ) vse by way of answer , those words of our sauiour christ : amen , amen , dicovobis , nesciovos : verily , verily , i say vnto you , i know you not . i will here likewise lay open one notable conse●age and deceit , which kings , vsually suffer by the cunning plots , and bolde impudencies of pretenders , and by the fauour of those which put to their helping hand , and giue them their best furtherance ; and this it is : that when any of these pretenders is priuie to himselfe , that hee hath not the like parts of learning and vertue and other abilities , as others haue , to mount at the first flight to those high places , whereunto their ambition aspireth , they seeke to enter into the base●t and meanest offices , and that by base and vile meanes , either by buying them with their money as good cheape as they can ; and when their purse cannot stretch so farre , worke themselues in by the codpisse , by matching with this or that other courtiers kinsewoman , and other the like humane respects , making these the stepps for their preferrment . god celiuer all good kings from such kinde of prouisions ; especially if they be preferred by them to places of audience , and of iustice ; for therein shall they sinne grieuously , because they put men into them , that are ignorant , and necessitated , who , for to relieue their wants , and to maintaine their vanities , they , and their wiues take bribes , and set iustice out to sale . and so , not by degrees , and by little and little , but in all post haste , ( to the great preiudice of the common-wealth ) they goe still ascending to greater places , and higher dignities , wherein they goe on in doing greater hurt and more mischiefe . and these kinde of men , are like vnto your martinets , which if they be not raised from the earth , are not able to flye , but being raised neuer so little , they make a very high flight . so is it with these men , who not hauing sufficiencie for the meanest places , are no sooner raised a little by fauour , and by suborning , from that first office which they no way deserued , but they afterwards make a higher pitch , and goe away with the best offices in the kingdome . and the errour in this , is , for that kings doe thinke , that they are put into those places for their merit , and good partes , when as indeed it is farre otherwise . though sometimes also it cometh so to passe , that kings knowing how that such a one is not fit for such a place , or such an office , that they may put him out of that , clap him into another better and greater then the former , and which requireth greater parts , and more sufficiencie ; crossing that sentence of our sauiour christ ( who is the eternall wisdome of his father , and cannot lye : ) that hee , that is not trusty in a little , is not to be trusted with much . neither can he be held fit for the greater places , that hath not sufficiencie in him for the lesser . chap. xxv . whether honours , offices , and dignities , are to be conferr'd on those , that sue for them ? to men of much learning , vertue , and quality , and that haue beene of some vse and seruice to the state , some ministers doe , & haue sayd ; why do you not sue ( sir ) for such , or such a place ? especially seeing that kings loue to be sued vnto ; and that to sue , beg , and craue is so holy a thing , that god himselfe knowing our necessities , wil●th vs to aske petite , & accipietis , aske , and yee shall haue . besides , it seemeth to bee a certaine kinde of pride , to be willing to receiue , without being desirous to sue . for to sue , is a signe of humilitie . wherefore , to seeke to runne any other course , sauours of i know not what singularitie , rashnes and presumption . hereunto i answer , that there is a great deale of difference betwixt sueing to god , and sueing to men , and in the crauing of spirituall goods , and the crauing of temporall . for , in sueing to god , we better our selues much , and those principall vertues , faith hope , and charitie , are much increased and augmented . for our faith increaseth , when we petition god , by acknowledging him to be the vniuersall lord of all things , who onely can fulfill our requests and desires according to that of saint paul ; super abundanter quàm petimus aut intelligimus ; that is able to doe exceeding aboundantly aboue all that we aske , or thinke ; &c. likewise hope , and charitie , receiue thereby an increase , because we hope , for a good end of our petition : and for this cause doe we likewise loue god , from whom wee hope to receiue the good , we desire . and this hath the greater force and truth with it , when wee craue spirituall goods . and of these spake our sauiour when hee sayd ; pettite , & accipietis . and the apostle s. iames saith ; if any of you lacke wisdome , let him aske of god , which giueth to all men liberally , and reprocheth no man , and it shall be giuen him . but it is conditionall , and bounded with a nihil haesitans ; that he aske in faith , and wauer not . which may likewise be vnderstood of temporall goods , as they are ordayned to a spirituall , and super-naturall end . but to aske of men , produceth farre different effects . and therefore we are to consider , that for one of these two ends men may aske temporall things ; either for to raise themselues , or to remedie themselues . of the latter of these , who demand their pay and satisfaction for their seruices , for the remedying and relieuing of their necessities , wee haue already said , that they are not to bee blamed ; but in conscience , and iustice , wee are to helpe them , and make them due satisfaction , in that which of right belongeth vnto them . of the former who seeke to rayse themselues , they stand crouching and kneeling with cap in hand to obtaine their purpose , being very dextrous and diligent in doing courtesies , obsequious in their outward behauiour , kissing the hand , and making congies downe to the ground , and pro●trating themselues at the feet of those , who they thinke may doe them good , dawbing their compliments with base and seruile flatteries . of which kinde of men , the holy ghost saith ; est qui nequiter humiliate se , & interiora eius plena sunt dolo . there is some , that being about wicked purposes , doe bow downe themselues , whose inward parts , burne altogether with deceit : being like vnto your birdes of rapine , who though it be naturall vnto them to flye vp and downe in the ayre , yet are content to stoope and abase themselues , the better to seaze on their prey . which is euen to a letter or ( as they say ) to a haire the very same , that kings dauid sayd : incli●auitse , & cadet , cum dominatus fuerit pauperum : he crowcheth , and boweth● and therefore heapes of poore doe fall by his might . or , as it is in the originall : vt dominetur pauperum . he humbles himselfe , that thereby he may grow great , and come to domineere and swagger ouer the poore ▪ for all their reuerences and adorations , serue to no other end , but to raise themselues vpon the wings of their ambition , that when they are in a good place , they may stoope the freer to their pray : so that those , who but yesterday had them at their feete , see them now towring ouer their heads , and loose the sight of them ; whom they adore thus raysed , as those before adored them , when but lately , l●ke poore snakes , they licked the dust with their tongue , and trayled their belly on the ground . and growing now warme in the bosome of greatnesse , sting those most , who did most foster and cherish them . and these men , though they negociate well with men , and get what they pretend , yet doe they not obtaine any thing at gods hands , who neuer grants vnto them what they desire for such like ends . according to that of saint iames ; ye aske , and receiue not , because ye aske amisse , that ye might lay the same out on your pleasures . howbeit sometimes it is granted vnto them for their further punishment and chasticement . for , as s. austen affirmeth ; multa deus concedit iratus , quae negaret propitius ; god grant , many things in his wrath , which he denyes in his loue . and that , which is recounted of augustus caesar , is not much amisse from the purpose , who being importuned to bestow an office vpon one , who with great instance begged it of him , would by no meanes giue it him , but conferr'd it on another that neuer sued for it , but did better deserue it . and he alleadging the perseuerance of his petitions , and complayning , that he hauing beene so long and earnest a suitor , he should bestow it vpon one that had neuer sought vnto him for it ; caesar made him this answer : t●n eras dignus qui peteres ; ille , qui acciperet : thou wast worthy , to sue for it ; but hee , to haue it . there are some things which may be receiued , which may not so well be sued for , so saith vlpian in a certaine law of his ; quaedam enim , tametsi honestè accipiantur , inhoneste tamen petuntur : there are certaine things ( sayth he ) which albeit they may be honestly receiued , yet may they be vnhonestly desired . kings are to bestow their fauours , but others must not sue for them . hoc non peti , sed praestari solere , saith another law ; it is fit , good turnes should be done , but not sued for to be done . and it was the same mans saying ; inuitum , non ambientem , esse ad rempublicam assumendum : that he , that was vnwilling to receiue honour , not he that did ambitiously seek after it was to be preferred in the common-wealth . and trust me , i cannot search into the reason , why it should become a custome , not to giue , but to those that aske ; for neither they , that giue , doe gaine thereby , nor they that aske , are bettred thereby . for to giue , is so much the more worthy prayse , and thankes , by how much the more liberally and freely it is giuen . and the prouerb saith : bis dat , qui citò dat : he doubles his gift , that giues quickly . whereas he , that stays looking and expecting to be sued vnto , seemeth to giue with an ill will , and not so freely as he should . for ( as seneca truly saith ) there is not any thing that costes a man dearer , then that which is bought by intreaties , and petitionings . and therefore , as often as either offices , or rents , are bestow'd on those , which deserue them , without making suite for them , the whole body of the common-wealth doth commend and indeare the rectitude , and iust dealing of the doner . and all good and vertuous men take heart and incouragement thereby , and are fill'd with good hopes ; and those , which are otherwise , ashamed and confounded ; and becomes the meanes many times of making them turne ouer a new leafe , and leaue their former lewd course of life . but when this rigour and strictnesse is obserued , of not giuing to him that asketh not , though hee merit and deserue the same , it seemeth to be made a meritorious cause , to sue , and to negociate ; and occasion giuen , that more care should be placed in this , then in deseruing well , whereby mens mindes and courages , haue their edge abated , and are dishartened . for to aske , when it is not for the end aforesayd , it draweth on this inconuenience with it . which is aristotles opinion , and is made good in all true reason of morall philosophy . the apostle s. paul , quoteth a sentence , which our sauiour christ vsed often to repeate ; beatius est magis dare , quam accipere : farre more excellent , and more prayse-worthy is it , to giue , then to take . and if not to take , be so good a thing , much better shall it be , not to aske , for that this is , the ordinary meanes to the other . and herein did the saints of god glorie much , and saint paul saith of himselfe ; that he would rather liue by the labour of his hands , then be importunate in crauing . and that great prophet samuel , that which he did most prize and iustifie himselfe of before the people , was , that hee had faithfully performed his function , without crauing or taking any thing . there was a time , wherein the romane senate did ordaine , that the consullship , and other the chiefe magistracies , should not be giuen to any , saue such as sued for them . this law , at first was good ; for then , none durst presume to sue for them , but those , who in the peoples opinion did well deserue them , and tooke it for a great affront that they should receiue a deniall . so that by this meanes euery one did labour by his noble actions to deserue that dignitie , as also that all the people might thinke him worthy thereof . afterwards , this proued to be a very pernicious law ; for , no● those , who by their vertues , and heroicall acts , did deserue this honour ; but those , that were the most powerfull did sue for it , whilest others , for feare of these , durst not shew themselues in the busines , and so were vtterly excluded from those honourable offices . this inconuenience , was taken notice of , and publicola the consull made a law , vpon paine of death , wherewith he was to be punished , who without approbation from the people of rome , should sue for any of the said offices . and likewise , for the curbing of this vice , was the calphurnian law enacted . but now ( for our finnes ) hath crept in amongst vs that greekish infection , wherof i socrates saith , that ambition at that time , was growen to that extreamitie , and to that hight , that in stead of putting ambitious pretenders to death , those honourable places were not bestowed but vpon those , which did shame-fully sue for them , and could best negociate by their power , purse , or friends , whichis , was , and will be an occasion in all times and places , that with scandalous corruption , and simoniacall trading , offices , and benefices shall be giuen and solde , to him that will giue most . not the better person , but the better purse shall carry it . the inconueniences , that follow the so much fauouring of suitors , and being vn-mindfull of those , who tend nothing else but to serue , and deserue well , are very great , and not vnknowen to all those that are statists , and good common-wealths men . and if the shortnesse , which i desire to obserue in this discourse , did not hinder mee , a large field would here discouer it selfe vnto me , wherein to enter and expatiate my selfe , and might take occasion to treate of the false hoods , shiftes , deceits , and iniustices , which are dayly vsed in such like pretensions , and petitions , which haue beene the cause of the destruction and ruine not only of particular common wealthes but of whole kingdomes . and this which i speake , is of so much truth , that some of the hebrew doctors hold for certaine , that the monarchie of the house royall of dauid was ouerthrowne by giuing credit to the malice and deceit of a couetous pretender , and that of twelue prouinces which his heyres possessed , of those twelue tribes , two onely remayned intire vnto him : the case was this ; king dauid , hauing ( in performance of that oath and promise , which he had made vnto ionathan ) giuen vnto his sonne mephibosheth , all those heredements , messuage , and goods , which were king sauls ; and commanding ziba , that hee , and his sonnes , and his seruants , should serue him , and till his land for him , and bring him in foode to eate ; there entred into ziba's minde a diuelish pretension , to beg all mephibosheths estate for himselfe . and thereupon , tooke hold of such an occasion , as seemed fittest vnto him to worke this his treacherie and deceite . when king dauid fled from his sonne absalon to the mountaines , ziba the seruant of mephibosheth met him with a couple of asses sadled , and vpon them two hundred cakes of bread , and an hundred bunches of raysons , and an hundred of dryed figgs , and a bottle of wine , and other the like commodities for the refreshing of dauid and his followers . and hauing a lye ready at hand , which he had thought on before , hee castes himselfe downe at the kings feete , and telling him a thousand leasings , raised false witnesse against mephibosheth , informing his maiestie , that mephibosheth was in ierusalem , and tolde him ; this day shall the house of israel restore mee the kingdome of my father . is it eu●n so , sayd the king ? behold , thine are all , that pertained vnto mephibosheth . and truly , this businesse was strangely carryed . for notable was the facilitie , where with the king gaue credit to the calumniation of this pretender , and the remissenesse which he shew'd in punishing so loud a lye , and so great a treason , when the truth of the matter , and the innocencie of mephibosheth , was afterwards made knowne vnto him . and that , which i conceiue concerning this point , is ; that the cause why hee did not punish this so fowle a treacherie , was ; either for that he was conscious to himselfe of the fault , which he had committed in hauing giuen such easie beliefe there vnto : or , for that the rootes of this suspicion , and iealousie , did remaine still deepely grounded in his heart . for the calumnies , and cautelous suggestions of pretenders , carry this mischiefe still with them , that they pierce euen to the very heart , and are hardly remooued from the minde of him , that giues eare vnto them . verba susurronis , quasi simplicia , & ipsa perueniunt ad intima cordis : the words of a tale-bearer , are as flatterings , and they goe downe into the bowells of the belly . and therefore the holy ghost adviseth vs , that when such men come to speake with vs in secret , and to whisper things in our eare , that wee should not hearken vnto them . quando submiserit vocem suam , ne credid eris , ei , quoniam septem nequitiae sunt in corde illius . though hee speakes fauourably , beleeue him not , for there are seuen abhominations in his heart . which in plainer language , speakes thus vnto vs ; when a flatterer shall talke vnto thee in a low voyce , and whisper thee softely in thine eare , that hee may not be heard of the standers by , caste him out for an eare-wigg , and doe not giue credit vnto him ; for there are seuen , nay seuenty malitious purposes in that mans heart . and it would be a great ioy and comfort vnto mee , that god would discouer vnto kings , these persons and their diuelish practises , that such base and vnworthy people , might not vnder the colour and shew of good and worthy men , thus abuse and deceiue them . in a word , mens hearts , and their tongues , doe not alwayes go together . nor is the speech , and the thought all one . quia labia doloso in corde , & corde locuti sunt . they speake deceitfully euery one with his neighbour , flattering with their lippes , and speake with a double heart . but god destroy such deceitfull and lying tongues , to the end that truth may finde entrance in the courtes of kings . o , how many inconueniences would be excused , if those persons , to whom the charge is committed of distributing offices , and rewarding of seruices , would take the care , to conferre them on those that deserue them , and not on those that negociate and sue for them ; then would there not be so much libertie , nor so many tricks vsed in petitioning , nor so many orators in the courte , in whom , by this suing vnto them , couetousnesse increaseth , and the hungry appetite of taking ; whilest in the meane while all modestie and shame is vtterly lost . and i am verily perswaded , that kings many times , streightned by earnest intreaties , and the importunate prayers of such as are in neere places about them , doe vndeserued fauours , rewarding vnworthy suitors , and leauing out those that are worthy , because they doe not offer to speake and sue vnto them . and that you may perceiue that i doe not speake this of mine owne head , or that it is a birde of mine owne hatching , i will relate that here vnto you , which saint luke reporteth of an importunate woman , who finding her selfe wronged , came to a secular iudge , that was an ill minded man , and vniust , and was very earnest with him , crying still vnto him ; doe me iustice against mine aduersary : which he would not of long time , but afterwards he sayd with himselfe ; though i feare not god , nor reuerence man , yet because this woman troubleth me , i will doe her right , lest at the last shee come , and make mee weary . to begge , and sue , is an easiy office , especially , when pretenders know , that hearing breedes wearisomnesse , and that by this meanes they obtaine that which they sue for , it being the nature of many men , and more particularly of kings that loue their ease , to be quicke in their grants , for the avoyding of further trouble . our sauiours disciples , were much troubled , & their eares were euen tyred out , with hearing the clamourous voyce of the cananitish woman , and intreated christ , that he would dispatch her , that they might be rid of her . and we vsually see , that your importunate suitors , be it iust , or vniust , obtaine their purpose . and i know not , whether i may blame them most , or those that put them to it , to be importunate in this , or that , be it right , or be it wrong . god knowes where the fault lyes , and will reward euery one , as he deserues . chap. xxvi . of the sence of smelling ; that is : of the prudence of kings . the sence of smelling , is likewise in the head and the nose , it 's adioyning instrument ; which both in diuine , and humane letters beare the signification of prudence . in the seuenth chapter of salomons song , where is represented vnto vs the beautie of the spouse , amongst other graces there recommended and indeared , the nose is not the least . nasus tuus ( saith her beloued ) sicut turris libani , quae respicit contra damascum : thy nose , is as the tower of lebanon , which looketh toward damascus . and the expositors vpon this booke of the canticles , doe stand much vpon these words , for that they seeme to be much contrarie vnto that , which should extoll and set forth a beauty to its full perfection . for in very deede , a huge and disproportionable nose , both seemes , and is , a fowle and ougly thing . and therefore those interpreters say , that it is not to be vnderstood in that first sence which offers it selfe vnto vs , which is grammaticall ; but in it's mysticall and spirituall signification , which by a generall consent representeth vnto vs , the admirable prudence of the church in the gouernment of soules , a thing of greatest importance , and the most necessary , in prelates and gouernours , and more particularly , in kings , and princes . nasus tuus , sicut turris libani : thy nose is as the tower of lebanon ; which king salomon built , that from thence he might behold , and see , all whatsoeuer passed in damascus . from thence , might he discouer his enemies , and their ambushes , and the theeues lying in waite to rob ierusalem . of this tower , they say , that it was very high , euen , and streight , and for to represent the beautie of the face of the spouse , it is ( and with a great deale of proprietie ) sayd ; that her nose is like a tower ; for that , which doth most beautifie a citie , or any other place whatsoeuer , is a fayre high tower. in like manner in the face of any person , the nose , which is that , which is eleuated and lifted vp aboue all the other parts of the face , expresseth great beautie , whereas , to be without a nose , or to haue it too hooked , or too flat , extraordinarily crooked , or extraordinarily little , is a foule deformitie . and therefore , the summe of all , that hitherto hath beene sayd , is ; that , what a goodly fayre tower doth , in the adoring and setting forth of a citie , which doth exceedingly grace and beautify the same ; the same doth the nose in the face of the spouse , which is so well proportioned , that it much commendeth all the whole feature . and vpon this litterall , leaneth the spirituall sence of this place ; which is : that this tower doth denotate discretion , and prudence , which exalts it selfe aboue all other the workes of vertue , and doth grace and beautifie them all . many of the gentiles erected fortune for their goddesse ; it seeming vnto them , that shee was the onely lady , and mistris of all good , and bad successe ; but others , which drew neerer vnto truth , and reason , made a iest thereof , and sayd ; that it was not fortune , that afforded happinesse , and prosperitie , but prudence ; and that shee was rather fortunes mistris , and that her power did predominate ouer the starres . and therefore sayd another . nullum numen abest , si sit prudentia tecum . no deitie , no power , is wanting to him , that is indewed with wisedome . men of small vnderstanding , and such as are carelesse in their businesses , attribute diuinitie to fortune , that they may free them selues from the note and imputation of carelesnesse , and imprudencie . but the truth is , that fortune stays not behinde , when prudence setts forward . and therefore it was well sayd of salust ; vnusquisque est artifex fortunae suae ; euery man is the worker out of his own fortune . and the spanish prouerb tells vs , que la buena diligencia , es la madre de la buenauentura : that good diligence , is the mother of good successe . so that in very deede , there is neither good , nor bad fortune , but it is the will of god , that rules and gouerns all ; and the care , and prudence , wherewith men haue recourse vnto that , which is fit and conuenient for them . and therefore is prudence in kings , of that great importance , and ought to be , ( as we sayd of the spouses nose ) like a high tower ; and not according to that modell as they would haue it , but it must be placed vpon mount lebanon ; to the end , that being in so high and eminent a place , it may make the better discouery . kings must haue an eye as well to that which is a far off , as that which is neere at hand ; on this side , and on that ; heere , there , and euery where . they must bee ready to supply vpon this , or that other occasion ; they must see , and foresee all . istud est sapere , non quod ante pedes modo est videre , sed etiam illa , quae futura sunt , prospicere , sayd the comicke : this , in realtie , is true wisedome , not to see that onely which is before his feete , but to foresee that also which is to come . and this prouidence , circumspection , or prudencie , sound alike , and are in a manner one , and the same thing . the ancient did so artificially paint prudencie , that shee seemed to looke euery way , and to haue her eyes fixed on whatsoeuer did behold her . for prudence , as it is silent , so it is searching ; nothing escapes her knowledge . and it is a vertue that maketh kings like vnto god. for , as hee , by his diuine prouidence , doth foresee all , and gouerne all and hath all things present before him , so they by their humane prudence , which participateth of the diuine , behold things past , dispose of things present , and prouide for things to come . some call her filiam dei , gods daughter , because it seemed vnto them , that shee had something of the deitie in her , that shee was his minister in the creation of the world , and disposition of all things , and ought likewise to be the mistris of kings vpon all their occasions . for ( as aristotle , and plato avouch ) no man can gouerne well , that is not prudent . in ancient times , the common people were of opinion , that prudence was annexed vnto kings , and that they had a particular gift to fore-see that , which was to come . and such , as were prouident , and prudent , they held to bee diuine . true it is , that wisedome is the gift of god , and wee must craue it of him , as did moses , ioshua , dauid , salomon , and other wise kings . which to obtaine , wee must shunne and flye from sinne ; for , it is impossible that hee should bee prudent , that is not vertuous . and so much hath a man of prudence , as hee hath of vertue . and according to this measure , shall the authoritie , credite , and opinion bee which hee shall hold with the people . the offices and effects , which prudence doth , and causeth , are many ; and some of them are collected , out of the many and various expositions which the doctors attribute to this tower , and nose of the spouse , which we will goe disposing , by it 's paragraphes , in this chapter . §. i. of the magnanimitie of minde which kings ought to haue . by this high tower , and nose of the spouse , some vnderstand the pope ; quia in facie ecclesiae eminet : because he is an eminent man in the face of the church . but rabbi kymki , and philo iudaeus , will haue it , by the selfe same reason , to bee vnderstood of a king ; adding withall , that the nose doth betoken maiestie , grauitie , longanimitie , and excellencie of minde , wherein a king ought to exceede all other . and therefore the persians would neuer choose him to be their king , who had not a hooke nose like the eagle , well shap't , and proportioned , which is the ensigne of a magnanimous minde . and hence it is , that they say of the god of the hebrewes , that hee hath great and large nostrils . so sounds that word of the psalmist ; longanimis , & multum misericors : id est , longus naribus . the lord is mercifull and gracious , slow to anger , and plentious in mercie : that is ; of wide nostrills , full of sufferance and patience ; for the smoake of fury and choler doth not so soone runne vp the chimney , as in those which haue straight and narrow nostrils , who are soone hot , and sodainely incensed to anger . and the selfe same philo saith , that in the leuiticall law , they were not admitted to the preisthood , who had either a little , crooked , or disproportioned nose , as being lesse fit for that ministery . the one , are hot and cholerick ; the other , ill-inclined . those againe , which haue too great a nose , are naturally cruell , and proude , and these are mislik't of all ; but that , as much commended , which signifies magnanimitie , bountifullnesse , and generousnes , and is of sufficient largenesse to suffer and dissemble anger , and not to haue the chimney choaked with a little smoake . a qualitie , so much importing kings , that from thence did arise that prouerb ; qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare : hee that knowes not how to dissemble , knowes not how to rule . and there was a king of late times , which stickt not to say ; that hee would not haue his sonne know any more learning , then that which this sentence doth containe ; for that it was so good and profitable a lesson for princes . tiberius caesar , did glorie in no one thing more , then in the arte of dissimulation , wherein he was so excellent , that neuer any , vpon any , though neuer so great occasions giuen by him , could search into his intents , or diue into his thoughts . in the story of the kings , it is written ; that at the very same time , that god commaunded the possession of the kingdome , to be giuen vnto saul , which was the first king he had nominated , some ill disposed persons , that were malitiously bent against him , did murmure at him , and speake ill of him , seeming to scorne , and set light by him . but god had giuen him such a measure of wisedome , and discretion , that although all that they had sayd , came to his eare , ipse verò dissimulabat se audire : yet hee held his peace , and would not seeme to take notice of it . for , when kings come newly to their crownes , and that the things of the kingdome are not yet throughly settled , it is great prudence to reserue with dissimulation the punishment of great persons , that with better occasion , and in a better coniuncture , he may proceed against them , as reason and iustice shall require . that king shall not be accounted wise , that shall pretend execution of iustice with the danger of insurrections , and seditions ; nor shall the iustification of his intent , suffice to execute his rashnesse in the meanes , vnlesse hee first ballance the businesse , and see which way the scale will incline ; as to see , how farre hee may rely vpon the loue of his subiects , and how the end may sorte with his designes , lest the danger of the scandall & disobedience , may proue to bee greater , then the profit that can arise from the execution of iustice. for in such cases , it is great wisedome in a king , to conforme himselfe according to the times ; and that that which at one time is worthy of punishment , should be dissembled , and reserued to be punished at another time . which course ( as saluste reporteth ) was , in catilines time , taken with that great and powerfull courtier , crassus . the emperour iustinian , hee likewise aymes at this marke : and it is the counsayle , which s. isidore giues vnto kings . the like did king dauid when ioab so treacherously slew abner . onely to some few , that were very inward with him , he discouered the reason , that mooued him to dissemble the matter , and not to punish him with death for the present , telling them with a great deale of griefe ; ego autem adhuc delicatus sum , & vnctus rex : i am this day weake , ( or as the hebrew renders it , tender ) though annoynted king. as if he should haue sayd ; to see the affaires of my crowne and kingdome in that tender and ticklish estate wherein they stand , obligeth me , not to make that demonstration of rigour and iustice , as the heynousnesse of this fact doth require . but the lord shall reward the doer of euill according vnto his wickednesse . tribuat dominus facienti malum , iuxta malitiam suam . here , is much to be considered ; the great care , which this king tooke in concealing his purpose from the people , till some better occasion were offred ; for , if he should haue declared himselfe before , and manifested his meaning to the world , hee might haue put the whole campe in danger of mutining ; or at least to haue shewd themselues in defence of their captaine . this perill , he ouerpast by his great prudence , dissembling the matter for that time , and deferring it till the last vp-shut , when now the businesses of the kingdome were better settled ; for , the most important point in gouernment , is , to make vse of time , and occasion : facilitating with silence and dissimulation , those orders and decrees , which doe crosse the peoples humour , or that stand not with his liking that is powerfull with them ; for if they should be divulged before their due time and season , they would serue for nothing else , but to incense mens mindes , and peraduenture to turne them against himselfe . which certainly might well haue beene dauids case with ioab , if hee had shewed himselfe offended , and openly vented his spleene against him , whilest he had his sword in his hand , and stood so fayre in the peoples affection ; who in that hurre might haue done ( god he knowes what ) for the aduancing of his ambitious ends . in such cases , it is great prudence in a prince , ( contineuing still firme and constant in his purpose ) to benefit himselfe by dissimulation , waiting for a fit time and season , when without danger hee may vnmaske himselfe , and with the safety of his realme and person , put his resolution in execution . a word well kept , and fittly spoken is ( saith salomon ) like apples of gold , in pictures of siluer ; which doth not onely shine and giue a glorious luster , but worketh it's effect , and discouereth the art and cunning of it's master . and king dauid hauing heard the reproachfull words , and reuiling tearmes which shimei to the very face of him , and in a loud voyce , vttred in the presence of those that were with him , wisely dissembled his rayling , and was angry with abishai , because he was earnest with him , that hee might presently take due chasticement of him , and reuenge the great affront hee had done him , and would by no meanes giue consent , that any one of all his army should once moue or stirre against him . for , that holy king thought it fit in his wisedome , to leaue him to that occasion , which hee afterwards specified to his sonne salomon ; that he might teach kings these two things . first to relye on god , and to attend his leasure , who will doe that for them , which they cannot doe for themselues ; as he did in that known case of moses brothers murmuring against him , which hee himselfe so mildely and fayrely dissembled . but god , to whose account runn's the honour of his ministers , tooke the cause into his owne hands . secondly ; that it is not fit to be solicitous in appointing iudges , and informers , at all howers , and in all places , against such , as in some occasions , assume libertie of speech , and freely vtter their mindes . for , as another sayd ; in free places , and persons that are likewise free-borne , wee cannot at all times exercise that slauery vpon them , as to clap a locke and chaine vpon their tongues . who could haue done this better , then that omnipotent king christ iesus , when those licentious and loose-tongued libertines , reproached him with such sharpe & bitter taunts as toucht him to the quick in his honour , and yet euen then with what a royall minde , and princely reportment did he carry himselfe , in those few milde and moderate words , which he spake vnto them . kings ought not to expresse any alteration , turbation , or discomposure , for those things which they see , nor to be startled euery foote with that , which they heare , nor to shew themselues offended at that , which is muttred and murmured of them . but let them ( a god's name ) mend that , which is amisse , and then their muttering and murmuring will cease of it selfe . heere likewise kings are taught , not to be curious inquirers after those , that speakeill of them , nor to giue eare to euery idle complaint ; for if it be once perceiued , that their eares itche after this , infinite will the number of delators , and informers be . in the raigne of tiberius , and of nero , more then in any other were these sycophants and priuie accusers fauoured ; and things were then so glazed ouer , that they had set spies , that should curiously obserue the semblance , which euery one made of his actions , euen to the knitting of the brow , biting the lip or the like , which kind of carriage , seru'd as a condemnation , and was seuerely punished . but it is fitter for tyrants then christian kings , to stand thus in feare of the tongues of the vulgar , it being the part of a magnanimous minde , to know how to forget , and forgiue iniuries , especially those of the tongue , to whose iurisdiction , the most powerfull , are most subiect . and if they should reuenge this wrong vpon account , the number would be so great , and rise to such an infinite sum , that they may quickly bring their monarchie to an end . that which most importeth for their own and their empires quiet , is to shake all kinde of suspition out of their minde ; and whatsoeuer others thinke of them and their affaires , they ought to be so farre from being troubled therewith , that it should no whit moue them . holding it to be ( as seneca sayth ) the sweetest maner of pardon , to pretend ignorance of the delict , and to examine with care his owne care ese carriage , and open neglects , if he haue committed any , and if not , not to care a pin what they say . for the vulgar is a beast of many heads , and as it is impossible to satisfie al of them , so is there no reason , that they should haue an account giuen them of that which the prince doth . it is sufficient , that the wiser and grauer sort , know , and esteeme both him , and his proceedings . this was the doctrine of that great king , philip ●he second , who wrote vnto his viceroy in naples , as followeth : necessario es , que gouerneys de manera , quae todos buenos y malos , no se quexen de vos . it is requisit , you should so carry your selfe in your gouernment , that all , as well good as bad , may not complaine of you . and this was another of his which he deliuered to his successour , forc , oso sera , que los malos nos murmuren , y aborr●zca● ; lo que à nosotros toca , es proceder de manera , que tambien no nos aborrezean los buenos : it cannot otherwise be , but that the bad will murmure at vs , and hate vs ; but that which belongeth vnto vs , is , to proceede so , that the good may not likewise hate vs. and this king very well vnderstood , that it is proper vnto kings ( as alexander said ) to doe well , & to heare ill . yet are they not to imagine , that that which is causelesse sayd against them , can any whit diminish or lessen their honour ; for it stands not with their condition and greatnesse , that none should speake ill of them , but that they should doe no ill : and then no such thing can be sayd of them , but by the way of falshood and lying , which wil soone vanish . yet notwithstanding will i not say , nor shall it once enter into my thought , to approue the impudencie and insolencie of the licentious satyrists but rather holde them worthy of seuere punishment , especially when they touch vpon the persons of kings , whom all their subiects , both by gods law , and the law of nature , ought to respect , honour , and obey . yet withall i say , that it is great prudence , to dissemble vpon some occasions , be they neuer so great , and to be close and secret in their intentions , till they see a fit time to inflict punishment , and when it may be done with least noyse . for some men sometimes , seeking to suppresse the fire , by turning and stirring the sticks , inflame it the more . and if at any time vpon vrgent occasions , and vpon the odiousnesse and foulenesse of this or that other fact , ( reason and iustice so requiring it ) they shall be forced to vse seuere punishment , let it be mingled with moderation and mildenesse , that all men may vnderstand , that it doth not arise out of anger and displeasure , but out of zeale and loue to the publick good , which forceth them thereunto , & obligeth them in conscience thus rigorously to proceede against them . for ( as saint chrysostome saith ) qui cum causa non irascitur , peccat , he sinnes in not being angrie , that hath iust cause to be angrie . and then ( saith saint austin ) shall a prince be happy , when his subiects shall perceiue , that hee punisheth not onely vpon iust ground ; but ( as seneca saith ) non tanquam probet , sed tanquam inuit us , & cum magno tormento ad castigandum veniat : that it grieueth him to the very soule , that he is driuen , contrary to his nature and disposition , to let the sentence of death , or other torment , to passe vpon them . and when they shall know , that in this punishment , he only pretendeth the conseruation of the common-wealth , and not the reuenging of any particular wrong or offence done vnto himselfe . and that , if he doe extend his pardon , it is not for that he is willing to leaue sin vnpunished , but because hee pretendeth the amendment of the delinquent . and more especially , when they see , that he recompenceth with benefits , the rigour and sharpenesse of his chasticements by throwing fauours on a brother , a father or a sonne of that party , whose head he hath commanded to be taken from his shoulders . which gracious dealing will assure the people of the sweetnesse of the princes nature , and his pitifull disposition , nor will they attribute the iustice he shall doe vpon them to crueltie . the conclusion of this discourse shall be , this ; that it is of great importance , that all men should know , that nothing can be hid from the king , be it neuer so close and secret , for the many and priuate diligences which he vseth for intelligence , by the meanes of sundry persons of all sorts , high and low , of all estates and qualities , ( whom the wisest and the waryest cannot avoyde ) deputed by his maiestie diligently to labour to heare , and vnderstand the rumours and complaints of the people , and the good & ill , that is either said or done , and to giue him aduise thereof , that he may informe himselfe of the truth of them , and apply such remedies , as he in his wisedome shall thinke fit . and let all men know , that there was neuer any thing so closely carried , which either early or late , at one time , or other , hath not ( by good diligences vsed ) bin brought to light , & made known to the king . and therfore my aduise vnto thee , shall be that which salomon giues thee ; curse not the king , no not in thy thought : for a birde of the ayre , sha●l carry the voyce , and that which hath wings , shall tell the matter . and when thou thinkest thy selfe safest , then shalt thou be taken in the snare . and let kings likewise know , that if they haue a minde to see , and know all , they ought also to be milde , and mercifull in punishing , mingling mercie with seuerietie . for it is fit and necessary , that he that desires to know all , should likewise dissemble , and pardon much . §. ii. of the blandure , gentlenes , and loue , which kings ought to haue . this blandure , and gentlenesse , is likewise an effect of prudence , and magnanimitie , and is a lordly kinde of vertue , and which hath made many excellent , and memorable in the world . as alexander the great , whom nothing made so great , as that his excellencie of minde , which he had , in pardoning those whom not onely himselfe , but all the world knew , had iustly deserued his displeasure . hee , that is gentle of heart , and ( like dauid ) meeke spirited , nothing troubles him , nothing alters him , but alwayes keepes his iudgement firme and enytre , that hee may the more freely iudge of that , which is worthy of pardon , or punishment , and is a qualitie very proper , and well beseeming royall maiestie . many great monarckes and kings haue had this in high esteeme , and made it the top of their glory , for by this meanes , they came to be as great in the loue of their subiects , as in their rule and command . of whose examples humane histories are full ; but i shall only cite those are that diuine , which neither adde , nor diminish , by indeering things more then they deserue . where it is storyed of that great captaine and gouernour of gods people , that he was of the mildest and peaceablest condition , and of so soft and sweete a nature , that the world afforded not his like : erat moses vir mitissimus , super omnes homines , qui morabantur in terra : moses was very meeke , aboue all the men , which were vpon the face of the earth . and he of all other , had most neede of this most noble qualitie , for to beare with the bitter taunts , and reproachfull words of that stiffe-necked , and vnthankfull people . and this is indeared by saint ambrose , and philo iudaeus , both of them affirming ; that towards god onely , hee shewd himselfe as stout as a lyon , and full of courage , resisting the vengeance , that god would haue taken of his people , but with them , was as meeke and gentle as a lambe . a generous breast , and the courteous and plaine carriage of kings ouercometh all , pacifieth all , and leuelleth the vneuenest and crookedest dispositions . which we may well exemplifie in iacob , and dauid . of the former the scripture saith ; erat homo lenis : he was a smoth man. he was smooth in his countenance , sweete in his conuersation , and naturally of a generous and peaceable condition . now see , what he got by this ; hee gayned his fathers blessing , his brothers birth right , his vnckles daughters and wealth , and the good will and loue of all men . and of dauid , it is sayd ; erat rufus , & pulcher aspectu , facieque decora : that hee was ruddy , and withall , of a beautifull countenance , and goodly to looke to . he was of a louely and gracious aspect , milde , affable , and aboue all , a great friend vnto goodnesse and well doing , onely with his pleasing presence , hee drew the eyes of all the people after him , who ioyed in the fight of him ; and with this , did he winne their hearts , got their good wills , and gayned the kingdome . when by a good and painefull industrie , and a sweet behauiour , the hearts are first seazed on , it is an easie matter to conquer kingdomes . in the sacred historie of the machabees , are recounted the heroyicall acts which that great captaine iudas , and his brethren , atcheiued in spaine , the kings and kingdomes which they subdued ; the nations which they conquered , and made tributary to their empire ; and the great treasure of gold and siluer , which they purchased . and all this they effected by their good counsayle , gentlenesse , and patience ; giuing kings thereby to vnderstand , that if they be of a meeke , peaceable , and noble condition , they shall be lords and masters of mens wealths , and hearts . and this made polibius to say ; that a courteous and peaceable king , conquers all with quietnesse , euery man being willing to yeelde and submit himselfe to a soft and generous disposition , that is free from anger , and full of clemencie . and this is that legacie which god allotted and left vnto them long agoe in the olde testament . mansueti , haereditabunt terram : the meeke shall inherit the earth . and afterwards , in the new testament , he renewes this promise : ipsi possidebunt terram : they shall inherit the earth . they shall be lords of the earth ; that is : of the men vpon earth , and of their possessions . for , by this earth which god promiseth vnto them , s. bernard vnderstands the same earth , whereof men are formed . and it is vsuall in scripture , to call men earth . and thereby is likewise vnderstood , that of this world , which wee heere inhabit , the possessions thereof , it 's gouernment , scepter and monarchie , for all this , is but a patrimonie , bequeathed to a kinde , smooth , and louing nature . the best titles , that a king can present before god , for to pretend the preseruation , and perpetuitie of his kingdome , are meekenesse , and gentlenesse . these dauid represented vnto him , when hee petitioned him , that hee would be pleased to continue and confirme his kingdome in his sonne . memento domine dauid , & omnis mansuetudinis eius : lord remember dauid , and all his lowly carriage . whose heart , was not haughty , nor his eyes lofty , but behaued and quieted himselfe , as a childe that is weaned of his mother . and presently god collated this benefit vpon him , saying ; com cumpleti suerint dies tui , suscitabo semen tuum post te , & firmabo regnum eius : when thy dayes be fullfille● and thou shalt sleepe with thy fathers , i will set vp thy seede after thee , which shall proceede out of thy bowells , and i will establish his kingdome . such effects doth the smooth breast , and soft heart of a king worke ; and this is so sure a tenet , that for to keepe a kingdome secure , and to be lord of many moe , there needeth no other claime , then that which loue and gentlenesse maketh . for , in regard that the heart of man is generous , it will not be led by the necke with a halter , nor will subiects long indure the yoake of a tyrannizing and proud lord : whereas on the contrary , they are easily led a long , by a smooth and gentle hand . and reason teacheth vs as much ; for by how much the more easily is the heart of man moued by conueniences , then by menaces , by faire meanes then by foule , by so much the better is it to gouerne by meekenesse and gentlenesse , then by force and rigour . whence we draw this conclusion , that too much sharpnesse , and excesse of rigour in a prince , procuteth hatred ; and affabilitie and clemencie , loue. which is that , which kings ought most to seeke after , as by and by we shall shew vnto you , when wee come to tell you , that these two qualities of blandure , and clemencie , so befitting a supreme lord , are quite contrarie to that good expedition of iustice , and that integritie , which god doth require in a iudge ; whom hee willeth and commaundeth . that in matter of iudgement , hee shall not pittie the case of the poore : according to which instruction , it of force followeth , that a king must represent two contrary persons ; that of a kind and pittifull father ; and that of a iust , and angry iudge . for , if in his owne nature , hee be kinde , and tender hearted , there is not that offender , which will not be set free by the power of intreaties , and teares , weapons ; wherewith the hardest and cruellest hearts suffer themselues to be ouercome . and if he be otherwise , what can the delinquents hopes end in , but death and despaire ? againe , if he be vertuous , and seuere , it is impossible that he should not hate the vicious , and grow into choller , when hee shall heare of their cruell outrages and insolencies . now , what remedy in this case is to be vsed ? saint ierom , and saint austen , are of opinion , that a king , by his owne person , is to punish , and premiate , to execute chasticement with iustice , and to mitigate it with mercy . nor is it vnworthy our consideration , nor lyable to inconueniencie , that a king should represent two persons , so contrary in shew , as iudging with iustice , and mercie . for two vertues cannot bee contrary . and as the saints and holy doctors say , ( and they are in the right ) mercie doth not hinder the execution of iustice , but it moderateth the crueltie of the punishment . and it is very necessary in a good iudge , that hee should haue a true and faithfull paire of balance in his hands , and in either scale to put rigor , and equitie , that hee may know how to correct the one by the other . the kings of portugall , ( especially don iuan the third ) did vse to iudge capitall crimes , accompanied with his councell , and were alway accounted fathers of the people , because with them , iustice , and mercie , walked hand in hand ; shewing themselues iust in punishing the fault , and mercifull in mitigating the punishment . by which meanes , they were of all , both feared and beloued . and let not kings perswade themselues , that this doth lessen their authoritie , and take of from their greatnesse , but giues an addition ; and the oftner they sit in iudgement , they shall doe god the more seruice , and the kingdome more good : and in conscience , the surest and safest course , for that reciprocall obligation , which is between the king and his subiects . for they owe obedience , seruice , and acknowledgement to him , as their lord and master . and he vnto them , iustice , defence and protection . for to this end and purpose , doe they pay him so many great tributes , and taxes . nor is it enough for him to doe it by others , but he must also doe it by himselfe . for , neither that great gouernor of gods people , moses , nor any other after him , is , in all the whole body of the bible to be found , that euer yet condemned the occupation of iudging the people , to bee vnworthy royall maiestie nor contrarie to the reputation of a king. i know no other preiudice in it , saue that it is impossible for one sole man , to vndergoe so great a taske . and this impossibilitie ariseth from the multitude of subiects ; and in that case ▪ they aduise , that a king should not wholly take away his hand from the doing of iustice , but that the lesser and more ordinary businesses , hee should remit and referr them to different ministers , and the weightier causes , take to his owne charge , and be present in person , when they come to be sit vpon , and determined ; as formerly haue done the wisest and greatest monarkes , that euer were in the world . who did euer equall king salomon , in wisedome , greatnesse , and maiestie ? yet did hee hold it no disgrace vnto him , to humble himselfe to heare suitors , iudge their causes and to doe them iustice. the kings of the hebrew people , were called iudges , because they did glorie in nothing so much , as to heare , and iudge the people . and in all nations , this hath alwayes beene the principall office appertaining vnto kings . and the holy ghost saith ; that the king , that faithfully iudgeth the poore , his throne shall be established for euer . §. iii. that it much importeth kings , to haue the good loue and affection of their subiects . kings , ( as already hath beene sayd ) are the heads of their kingdomes ; their estates serue them as members ; without which it is impossible they should be that , which their name speakes them . and therefore , it is not onely conuenient , but necessarie , that they should seeke to gaine the good wills of all , suting themselues , ( though they force their owne ) to the nature of their subiects , and beholding them , as if they were his children . which is the best course to keepe them well affected , and contented , and to be beloued , and obayed by them . which they may easily doe , if they will but thinke themselues , that they are sheepheards , and fathers of those people , which god hath recommended vnto them , easing them of those wrongs and grieuances , which they vniustly suffer ; laying no more vpon them , then they are able to beare ; suffring them , when reason shall require , to take their ease and their quiet ; and helping to sustaine them , when they grow poore , and are decayd . plato tells vs , that for a prince to be good , and to be beloued of all , hee must bestow all his loue , and his whole heart , vpon the common-wealth ; his will , on the gods ; his secret , on his friends ; and his time , on businesses . for , by thus reparting himselfe with all , he shall haue a part in all , by all of them comming to vnite themselues with him . onely in this good correspondency of loue betweene kings , and their subiects , wise periander placeth all the safetie , and good fortune of kings and kingdomes . agesilaus , king of lacedaemon , was once askt the question , how a king might liue secure ; for that it is oftentimes seene , that neither multitude of seruants , nor a guard of halbardiers can defend them from violence ? to which demand , hee returned this answer : si suis populis ita imperet , vt parentes filijs ; if he so rule ouer his people , as a father doth ouer his children . the king that loueth his subiects , and is againe beloued by them , neede no guarde , they are his guard . for loue , where it is true and faithfull , plainesheth the knottiest peece of timber , smootheth the roughest and most vnhewen disposition , and makes all faire , safe , and peaceable . it is a most strong wall , and more durable , yea then kings themselues . with this , no difficulty can offer it selfe vnto them , which they may not ouercome ; no danger , whose impetuousnesse they may not oppose ; no command , which they will not obay . for as kings desire no more of their subiects , but to be well serued by them ; so subiects , pretend nothing from their kings , but to be beloued by them . and indeede , the one dependeth on the other . for , if a king loue not his subiects , he shall neither be well serued , beloued , nor obayed by them . and as little , if he loue himselfe too much . for the more care he takes of himselfe and attends his owne particular , so much the more his subiects loue departs from him . for the harmonie of a common-wealth consisteth , in that all should liue by the kings fauour , and they by their subiects loue . for they ought to be vigilant in all that belongs to their seruice : and kings most watchfull in that , which concernes their generall good ▪ so that none is to haue lesse part in the king , then the king himselfe . and because it is impossible to content all , by reason not onely of their different , but contrary natures , it is necessary at least to content the most . there are two differences of states , or two sorts of people , to be considered in a kingdome ; the citizens , ( or which comprehendeth all ) the common people : or your peeres , and such as either are persons of title , or aspire to be . it shall be good discretion & prudence , to procure to content the people , ( especially in a kings first entrance into his raigne ) in that which is reasonable and honest . and if their demaunds shall be otherwise , to dissemble with them , and to take time to consider of it , and so by little and litle , let their blood goe cooling . this was the counsayle of your olde counsailours . which had it beene followed by that young king rehoboam , his people had not rebelled against him , nor hee in the beginning of his empire , ( before he was scarce warme in his throne ) haue lost ten tribes of the twelue . the common people , are alwayes grumbling , and complayning , and ready to runne into rebellion , as being fearelesse , in regard of their multitude , and carelesse , for that they haue little or nothing to loose . the minor plinie , after that hee had made a large catalogue of the naturall vertues of the emperour traiane , after that he had shewen what great account he made of the common people , he sayth ; let not a prince deceiue himselfe , in thinking , that hee is not to make any reckoning of the common people ; for without them he cannot sustaine , nor defend his empyre . and in vaine shall hee procure other helpe , for that were to seeke to liue with a head , without a body ; which besides that it were monstrous , it must needes toter and tumble downe with it's owne weight , because it hath nothing to beare it vp . and if kings will needes know what kinde of thing the common people is , and what able to doe vpon all changes and alterations , let them take into their consideration , that which passed at the arraignment and death of our sauiour christ , where there was not that rule of reason of state in the vilest manner , which was not then practized . and the first stone that the princes of the scribes and pharisees moued against him , was the people ; for they knew well enough , that without them they could not awe , and feare pilate , nor moue him by their accusations , and false witnesses to condemne him . in the next place , they had recourse to the particular conueniency of the iudge , that he should not be a friend vnto caesar , but should loose his loue , if vpon this occasion the people should rise and rebell ; by which tricke they inclined him to their partie , and wrought him to preferre his priuate interest , before publicke iustice , and his owne preseruation , before that which was both honest and reasonable . againe , it is more secure , to procure the fauour and loue of the people , and more easie to effect his purpose by them . more secure , because without their loue and assistance , no alteration in the state can take effect . this their loue doth vphold kings , and gets them the opinion of good and vertuous princes . this qualifieth all wrongs , or makes the offenders pay soundly for them , against whom none dare seeme to be singular . lastly , for that the common people ; hauing onely respect to their particular profit & their own priuate interest , cannot desire nor pretend that , which your greater peeres , and principall men of the state do , who alwayes ( out of their ambition ) aspire to more , and stand bea●ing their braines , how they may compasse that , which their imagination tells them they want ; and by so much the more doth this their ambition increase , in how much the greater place they are , and in a neere possibilitie of that which they desire . i sayd ( before ) more easie ; because the people content themsel●es with aequalitie ( and his likewise makes well for kings ) with the administration of iustice with common ease and rest , with plenty , and with the mildenesse , gentlenesse , and peaceablenesse of him that ruleth ouer them . now , that kings may procure this popular loue , it is fit they should make choyse of such ministers , as are well beloued of the people , that will heare them with patience ; comfort , and hearten them vp , that they may the more willingly beare the burthens that are laid vpon them , the tributes , taxes , and troubles of the kingdome , which in the end must light all vpon them . for it is not to be doubted , and experience teacheth the truth of it , that the ministers and seruants of a prince , make him either beloued , or hated ; and all their defects or vertues turne to his hurt , or profit . and let not kings make slight reckoning thereof , nor let them colour it ouer with reasons of state ; for he , that once begins to be hated out of an ill conceiued opinion , they charge him withall that is either well , or ill done . for , there is nothing , be it neuer so good , which being ill interpreted , may not change it's first quali●●e in the eyes of men , who iudge things by apparences : which is another principall cause , why princes ought to procure the loue of the people . for , in conclusion , most certaine it is , that the common people , is not onely the iudge of kings , but is their attourny , also whose censure none of them can escape ; and is that minister , which god makes choyse of for to punish them in their name and fame , which is the greatest of all temporall punishments . suting with that which we sayd heeretofore of the voyce of the people , that it is the voyce of god. for his diuine maiestie vseth this as a meanes to torment those , who haue no other superiour vpon earth . and therefore it behoueth them to preuent this mischiefe , and to winne vnto them the peoples affection by as many wayes as possibly they can deuise , as by their owne proper person with some ; with other some , by their fauourites and familiar friends ; and with all by their ministers . for , there is not such a tully , nor demosthenes , withall their eloquence , for to prayse , or disprayse the actions of a king , either to salue , or condemne them , as is the peoples loue , or hatred . a great cause likewise of procuring this loue , and to winne the hearts of the people , & to giue them all good content , will be , if kings would be but pleased , who are lords of many kingdomes , and prouinces , to haue neere about them naturall ministers and counsaylours of all the sayd seuerall kingdomes , and prouinces ; for common-wealths , & kingdomes , risent it exceedingly , to see themselues cast out of administration , and gouernment , when they doe not see at the kings elbow , or in his counsell any one of their own nation , and countrie , conceiuing , that they doe either basely esteeme of them , or that they dare not trust them ; whence , the one ingendreth hatred , and the other , desireth libertie . let a king therefore consider with himselfe , that hee is a publicke person , and that he ought not to make himselfe particular ; that he is a naturall citizen of all his kingdomes and prouinces ; and therefore ought not willingly to make himselfe a stranger to any one of them . that he is a father to them all , & therfore must not shew himself a step-father to any . and therefore let him still haue some one naturall childe of euery prouince in his councel . for , it is a great vnhapines to a kingdome , not to haue any one childe of theirs ( amongst so many ) by the kings side , with whom the naturalls thereof may holde the better correspondencie . for these more speedily , & with more diligence and loue , treate and dispatch their businesses , then strangers either can or will , who must be sued vnto , and will do nothing but vpon earnest intreaty , or by force and compulsion , or like good wary merchants , by trading for ready mony . let kings weigh with themselues , that it is as naturall a worke in them to afforde fauour vnto all , as in a tree to afford fruit and it is a great glorie to a king , to oblige all nations to loue him . for that king much deceiueth himselfe , who will make himselfe king of this , or that prouince , and no more ; sithence , that god himselfe , whom he representeth on earth , professes himselfe , to be lord of t'one , and t'other , and of all . and therefore , hee that is lord of many , should not throw all his loue and affection on a few . let him in such sort conferre his fauours on the one , that he may not giue occasion of affront and disgrace to the other . for , these generall fauours , make much for the honor and estimation of kings . it faring with them , as it doth with those trees , when all sorts of passengers , goe gathering , & inioying their fruits . i say farther that for the augmentation and conseruation of the loue of common-wealths , and kingdomes , towards their kings , ( a maine and principall point , which o●ght to be esteemed in more , then other great treasures ) it will be very conuenient ( and is the counsayle of persons of great prudencie , throughly acquainted with kings , and kingdomes ) that they should haue some person , or persons of these good parts and qualities ; to wit : men of good naturall abilities , & of great wisedom , to whom in particular , they should ommit the care to heare those that are wronged , and male-content . for the graces and fauours of kings , as proceeding from humane power , which cannot doe all it would , haue euermore beene lesse in number then the pretenders . and therefore must of force follow , that there must needs bee a great number of discontented persons in all kingdomes , euen in the best , and most sweetely gouerned . some holding themselues wronged , induced thereunto by their own opinion ; others , by disfauours ; some , by bad dispatch ; others , by delayes ; and some , ( and those perhapps the most ) by finding themselues deceiued in their pretensions ; a thing that ought much to be thought on , though there be few , that take pleasure to heare on that eare . these men , i say , troubled with cares , and transported with passion , thrust themselues into all companies , great , and small , high , and low , entring into discourse with male-contents , and laying open their wounds vnto them ; which kinde of men , i would haue to be kindly dealt withall , that the kings ministers , should giue them the hearing , that they should temper and allay this their passion , that they should hearten and encourage them , and indeede make shew in some things to goe hand in hand with them , though it be in some sort against their king and master , seeking reasons to maintaine their part , and that hee cannot blame them if they complaine , hauing so much cause , laying the fault either on the iniquitie of the times , or the carelessenesse of those , through whose fingers these things were to passe ; and that , as it was no fault of the kings , for not hauing beene truly informed , so can hee not but rest well assured of their good bowells and sound intention to his maiestie and the state. this is a cunning artifice , and admirable art , against that deadly poyson , of those mens hatred and discontent , which repute themselues wronged and disgraced . and the better will this take with them , if this care be committed to such either person , or persons , that are well liked and beloued of the people , and haue together with their naturall grace , the grace of heauen , a gift which kings can neither giue , nor take away ; howbeit , they giue that grace and fauour , whence resulteth the peoples respect . for , it will not alwayes serue the turne , to bee beloued of all ; nor will this generall loue sometimes excuse him from being hated of many . and therefore in this the grace of heauen must bee sought after , and such a man made choyse of , as hath this naturall gift ; for by the helpe thereof , hee shall be the better beloued , and ouer them all haue the more commaund . this counsayle , was well esteemed and approued by that wise and prudent king , don philip the second , as a very necessary , & conuenient meanes for to temper mens mindes , & to get generall notice of all that passeth , either in word or deed , and thereupon be able to giue all possible remedie thereunto . and this aduice pleased him so well , that hee committed the execution thereof to him that gaue it him and purposely remitted some businesses vnto him , that he might haue the better occasion to sound mens mindes , and to effect what he pretended by that kinde of course : and in short time gaue good satisfaction by the proofe , and made knowen to his maiestie how much good was inclosed in this artifice , for the conseruation of kings , and kingdomes . §. iiii. of the sagacitie , sharpenesse of wit , and quicknesse of apprehension , which kings ought to haue . genebrard , and other graue authors say ; that this statly tower , and nose of the spouse , whereof wee discourse , signifieth those , which gouerne the church , or the kingdome , and such as excell the rest in vnderstanding , iudgement , sagacitie , and prudence . the egyptians likewise in their hieroglyphicks , by a high rising nose , vnderstand a wise and sage minde , that hath an eye vnto dangers , fore-sees mischiefes , and takes order for them in time , that it may not be ouertaken by them . and such a one as this , a king ought to haue . and certaine it is , that if that olde serpent had not had that hap in that first deceit , exercised on our first mother eue , it had beene needelesse for one man to watch another and to be so wary and circumspect , as now they are . but because he , with such great craft , and subtletie , did powre forth this his poyson into the originall fountaine of our nature , it was necessary that against this his venome , we should take this antidote and treacle , for a preseruatiue , and preuent one poyson , by another . and as treacle , being made of poyson , serues as a remedie against poyson it selfe , so , for to resist that poyson ▪ which that serpent by his subtletie , scattred and spred abroad amongst vs ; it is needefull , that men , following the counsayle , which our sauiour christ gaue vnto his disciples ; be yee wise as serpents , and harmelesse as doues ; should ioyne these two together . for of these two , is made that fine treacle , whereof we intend to speake . not of simplicitie alone , nor prudence alone , but of both together . this is that true and perfect confection ; for prudence , without a sound and harmelesse intention , is but meere craft and subtletie , ( as aristotle sayth ) and produceth nothing but trickes and deuises , to delude and deceiue . and a plaine and sincere intention , deuoyd of prudence , doth but deceiue and damnifie a mans selfe . i meane particular persons . for in kings this want of warinesse , and prudent sagacitie , will procure greater hurt to the generall affayres of the common wealth . too notorious and well knowen is that sentence of the glorious s. ierome ; sancta rusticitas solum sibi prodest : holy plainenesse and simplicitie , doth onely profit a mans selfe , that is ; some particular person . but kings besides their good intention , and sinceritie of minde , must haue prudence & sagacitie , for to resist the plots and traps of the ambitious , who still lye in wayte , watching a fit occasion for to deceiue them , vnlesse they be minded to loose their reputation , their authoritie , and their kingdome all at once . this is not a prognostication , broached out of mine owne braine , but vented by the holy ghost ; that an imprudent king , shall ruine a kingdome . rex insipiens , perdet populam suum : an vnwise king , destroyeth his people . the prophet esay , after he had made a recapitulation of the graces and gifts of wisedome , vnderstanding , counsayle , might , knowledge , and diuerse other wherewith the holy-ghost was to adorne the person of our sauiour christ , that king of kings , and liuely patterne and true example of all good kings , sayth ; et replebit eum spiritus timoris domini : and the spirit of the fear of the lord shall rest vpon him : now the hebrew rabins , whom pagninus , and vatablus follow , reade ; olfactio odoratus eius , erit cum timore domini : the pleasant sent of his sweete odour , shall be with the feare of the lord. that is to say ; together with the feare of the lord , and all other vertues , hee shall haue an admirable vnderstanding , and a dainty delicate iudgement : odorari faciam eum : i will make him to sent and winde out . so that hee shall nose out any thing whatsoeuer , though neuer so farre off , and without seeing , or hearing them , be they neuer so secret and hid , shall make a right and true iudgement of things . by this quicknesse of sent , they vnderstand that nimblenesse of apprehension , sharpenesse of vnderstanding , and sagacitie , which a king ought to haue : ( borowing the metaphore from your line-hound , or blood-hound , who running vpon the sent , and nosing the footing of what he is put vpon , discouers the game he pursues , be it in the thickest brakes , and closest bushes in the forrest . ) hee must be so subtill and so quicke of sent , that nothing must escape his knowledge , nothing be hidden from his vnderstanding ; he must like a surgeon , search into the depth of the wound : there is no mysterie so secret , which hee must not pry , and diue into , he must nose from a farre the impstoures , artifices , fraudulent dealings , and cunning disguises of those that go about to deceiue him . when wee will signifie such a mans trace , or which way hee tends , wee vsually say ; ya yo avia olido algo desso : now i begin to smell his drift . i haue an inckling what hee intends . but kings must haue more then an inckling ; they must haue a full knowledge of all ; there must not be that thing in the world , which mainely concernes them , and their kingdomes , which they must not winde and sift out . and from that high place , wherein they are seated , they are , like sentinalls in a watch-tower , to see , and make discouery , of all the cunning practises , and diuelish plots deuised against them , and of the slye and subtile carriage of such crafty and double-dealing men , with whom they treate , be they naturells , or strangers . for ( as it is in the prouerb ) la nistad del anno , viuen con arte y eng●nno ; y la otra parte , con enganno , y arte : one halfe part of the yeare , they liue by arte , and deceit ; the other halfe part , by deceit , and arte . and because these workers of mischiefe , arme themselues with the more care , and lye in closer ambush against kings , and their great estates ; it is necessary that they likewise should stand vpon their guard , and be very vigilant and circumspect , not only for to discouer their proiects , and to defend themselues from their designes , but to take them in the manner ; or ( as it is in the spanish prouerb ) cogerles con el hurtoen las manos . whilest the theft is yet in their hands , to lay hold on them . one of the greatest attributes and noblest titles , which holy iob , giueth vnto god , is that , where he sayes , apprehendit sapientes in astutia eorum : that hee taketh the wise in their owne craftinesse . he well vnderstands vpon what point insist the sophistries and fallacies of the wise men of this world , and at what marke their counsailes ayme ; et consilia prauorum dissipat : he disappointeth the deuises of the crafty ; and scattreth the counsayles of the wicked . and what they haue forget in their hearts , hee hammereth in that sort , that they shall not fulfill their desires . cogitationes malignorum : the cogitations of the wicked ; so sayth another letter . hee calls them malignos , that are men of a noble heart , that haue a thousand turnings , and windings . another letter hath versutorum ; variable , oft changing , subtile , shifting : being all of them true epithetes of a double disposed , and crafty generation ▪ ne possint implere manus eorum , quod coeperunt : that their hands cannot performe their enterprise , nor make an end of the web , which they haue begun to weaue , but their counsell is carryed headlong ; meeting with darkenesse in the day time , being taken in their owne net , as absalon was with his owne hayre ; neuer being able to set the same foote forward againe . christ , calls these kinde of men , foxes , which neuer goe on in a straight and direct way , but crossing from one side to another and making many doubles ; as he doth , that hath doubling thoughts , and playes , with the foxe , wyly , beguile yee . and by this beast , did the egyptians signifie that man , which vseth double dealing , and in his words and workes , is nothing but impostures , tricks , and deuices ; vae duplici corde , & labijs scelestis terram ingredienti duabus vijs : woe to the double heart , to deceitfull lips , and to the sinner , that goeth two wayes . to deale with these men will be required a great deale of prudence and sagacitie , a countermine must be made , and a pit digg'd whereinto they may fall , & that like silk-wormes , they might be wrapped and inuolued in the same bottome , that themselues haue wrought , to their vtter vndoing . in insidijs suis capientur iniqui ( saith the wise man. ) the transgressours shall be taken in their owne naughtinesse . their plots and proiects shall make for their finall perdition . when the pharisees with soft & smooth words questioned our sauiour iesus christ , what should be done with that woman , whom they had newly taken in the act of adulterie , made vse of that his admirable prudence and wisedome , accompanied with the simplicitie and harmelessenes of the doue ; saying vnto them . qui sine peccato est vestrum , pri●●us in illam lapidem mittat : he that is without sinne among you , let him first cast a stone at her . and presently thereupon , hee stouped down , and fell to writing with his finger on the ground , to the end , that without making them farther ashamed , being conuicted by their own conscience , they might one by one get them gon , and leaue the poore woman free . these men came armed with the serpentine subtletie of the diuell , and presuppossing that he would haue absolued her of that crime , they would then haue accused him for an infringer and breaker of the law ; and in case hee should haue condemned her , they would haue charg'd him with crueltie . but our sauiour was euery way well prouided for them , and to this their pestiferous poyson , he applyed the pure and perfect treacle of his prudence . the like trick they would haue put vpon him , & with no lesse cunning , when they demaunded of him ; whether it were lawfull to pay tribute vnto caesar , or no ? conuincing them with the very same peece of money , which they brought vnto him ; telling them ; reddite ergo quae sunt caesaris caesari ; & quae sunt dei , deo : render therefore vnto caesar , the things which are caesars , and vnto god , the things , that are gods. it is a great happinesse for prudent kings , and for those princes also , that haue not as yet gained with all men the opinion of wise , that some occasions might be offered vnto them , wherein they might catch these crafty & subtill foxes ; and they ought purposely to hunt after them , & to perfourme some exteriour , and publick actions in order to this end : and so to carry them , that all the people may take notice of them . for therby , they shall gaine a great deale of authoritie and reputation throughout the kingdome ▪ and of all , both subiects , and strangers , be feared & esteemed , for men of wisedome , worth , and prudence . as it befell king salomon at his first comming to the crowne , when the peop●e of israel perceiued the discretion and prudence , wherwith he had proceeded in de●iding that difference betweene the two women , touching the liuing childe , which each of them pretended . insomuch that when they saw how wisely , & how iustly it was carryed by him , they shouted a●l for ioy , saying ; surely , the wisedom of god is in him ; and from thence forth they began to respect , & feare him . yet mistake me not , i beseech yee ; for , i do not say , that kings should desire , that any ill should betide any man ; but that they ought , & may desire , that some such occasion might be offered vnto them , wherein they might shew their zeale and loue vnto iustice , and manifest to the world , that they are wise enough of themselues to execute the same . for there is nothing , that makes a king more worthy of his monarchie , as to win , by meanes of his good counsel and gouerment , greater credit and authoritie , then what he had , when he began first to gouern : for a kingdome is only the gift of fortune ; but this other , argues his owne wisedome , and iudgement . but that , which i shall conclude this point withall , is this ; that this prudence & sagacitie of the serpent , so much commended by christ , ioyned with the doues simplicitie , produceth two effects of much importance in kings , which are these neither to deceiue , nor to be deceiued . simplicitie , is without welt or garde , plaine & true , and knowes not how to deceiue any man. prudence , on the other side , is very wary & circumspect , and will not suffer her selfe to be deceiued by any man. nay , it goes a little farther ; for it perfecteth the whole essence and being of prudence , and causeth a certaine dexteritie in the dispatch of businesses , which is a great help vnto princes , and is the only mistris to make them to vnderstand & iudge things aright . and likewise to see and discerne them by outward actions , and the exterior sences . the eye , the foote , the hand , shall not wag ▪ moue , or stirre , but it shal discouer the inward thought . lastly , it is it 's proper office , ( reason assisting and the discourse of the vnderstanding ) to anticipate occasions , and to diuert in time the euill that may happen ; for , ( as tully sayth , and very truly ) nihil turpius in sapiente est , quam dicere , non putaram : nor ought it to be the language of kings to say ; i did not thinke on such a thing , i did not dreame , that things would haue fallen out thus , & thus ; or that i did not throughly vnderstand the busines . for , in kings , it is no lesse shame to suffer themselues to be deceiued , or to be ouercome by artes , and tricks , then to be subdued in the open field by force of armes . kings therefore , being necessarily to heare , and negociate with so many and so sundry persons , to free themselues from the slightes & subtleties of some , must make vse of this circumspection and sagacitie . homer representeth vnto vs a most prudent prince , who ( though vnlearned ) yet for that he was very crafty & subtile , did gouerne very well , and freed himselfe from many great dangers . subtletie and sagacity , accompanied ( i say ) with a sound intention , and a good conscience , ( for that is it , we● aime at in gouernment ) proceedeth not from sagacity , and subtletie , but from goodnesse and iustice. §. v. of the discretion , which kings ought to haue . venerable beda , and s gregory say , of the nose and it's nostrills ; that they are the instrument , or conduite , to conuay all sorts of sents vp to the head ; and that they are purposely placed in so high a station , that they may the better discerne the good and the bad . and they signifie thereby the vertue of discretion , which is the knowledge of good and ill , and by reasons helpe , distinguisheth the one from the other . per nasum , discretio exprimitur , per quam virtutes eligimus , & delecta reprobamus : by the nose , is vnderstood discretion , by which wee make choyse of vertue , and reiect our pleasures . and is of that great excellencie , that the ancient made her reginam virtutum : the queene of the vertues ; reducing all the rest vnto it . another call'd her the mother . a third , the fountaine or well-spring of the vertues ; a fourth , will haue euery particular vertue to beare the name of discretion . and there is not one wanting , who affirmeth that these did not hit the marke aright ; for farre better ( saith hee ) might they haue said , that there is no vertue at all , without discretion . for albeit the vertues in themselues be perfect and full , and doe qualifie the person that possesseth them , as fortitude , makes a man valiant ; iustice , makes a man iust ; wisedome makes a man wise . and so in the rest ; yet if the vse of discretion be wanting to any one of these , they loose their punctum & medium ; wherein they consist and light vpon the extreames . so the liberall turnes prodigall ; the valiant , foole-hardy ; the wise , imprudent ; and the iust , iniurious . discretio ( sayth s. bernard ) omni virtuti ordinem ponit : discretion , is the rule , by which euery vertue is directed . and in matter of counsell the vote of discretion strikes a great stroake ; for it distinguisheth falsehood from truth ; things certaine , from things doubtfull ; and from amidst what is ill , maketh choice of that which is good . it qualifieth all things , and puts them in their punto , and proper being . and the philosopher sayth ; that it is a vertue proper vnto kings , princes , and gouernours to whom by office it belongs to intermeddle , and haue a hand in such a world of businesses , as require their direction and discretion ; wherewith , all they must help themselues for the better disposing , and ordring to a good end the affayres of the common-wealth . it is a neere neighbour vnto prudence , and bordreth much vpon her , these vertues ( as we sayd before ) being so inchained , and interlinked one with another that we cannot touch one peece , without trenching vpon the other . and are both so necessarie , that though i should say neuer so much of them , i could not out-speake them . but to come to the point ; let the first point of aduise and discretion in a king be ▪ not trust so much to his own wise ▪ and discretion , as to forbeare , out of a presumption of his owne sufficiencie , to treate and consult businesses with persons of prudence and vnderstanding . for , being that so and so various are the cases , which dayly offer themselues vnto kings , and so graue and weighty the businesses , whereof they treate , they must be canuased to and fro , and well and throughly debated , for the better ordring and setting of them ; making former errours , to serue as land-markes , for the avoyding of those to come . and like a wise , and experienced physitian , let him apply that medicine there , and in that case , where , for want thereof he had formerly erred . out of ignorance , to draw knowledge ; out of errours , certainties , & out of bad successes , future warnings , is admirable discretion . ex praeteritis conijcientes , iudicamus : ( sayth aristotle ) by coniecturing of things past , wee come to make our iudgement of things to come . and it is a very good course to diuine by that which is past ; and in kings exceeding necessary ; to draw experience from some times , for other some ; and to beware ( as they say ) not onely by other mens harmes , but likewise by their owne . for , let a man be neuer so wary , neuer so circumspect , and let him watch and looke about , as if his life lay on it , hee must either fall , or hath fallen at some one time or other , or hath err'd in this , or that particular , whereby his designes haue beene frustrated , or hath seene , or read the downe falls of others . and therfore shall be shew himselfe very discreet , if hee shall gather a doctrine out of these , and make such good vse of them that they may serue vnto him for a warning ; castigasti me domine , & eruditus sum : o lord , thou hast chastised mee , and after that , i was instructed . for , ( as it is in the prouerb ) delos escarmentados , salen los arteros : no men , are more their craft-masters , then those that haue bin most bitten . nor is it much , that a man of reason and vnderstanding discoursing with himselfe of forepassed passages , should benefit himselfe by comparing cases past , with cases present , and by experience and knowledge of those which heretofore haue beene remedilesse , hee may apply remedy to those , which threaten future mischiefe : sithence that brute beastes ( as it is obserued , by s. isidore , and polybius ) who haue no discourse , but onely a naturall instinct , leading them to their conseruation , make vse of the like kinde of accidents , not onely when they themselues fall into some quack-mire , or otherwise haue runne the danger of this baite ; or that net ; but euen then also , when they see others fall before them , they hang an arse , and will not easily suffer themselues to be drawne into the like danger , but hold that place euer after in suspicion , where they haue seene their fellowes indangered , and shunne ( all that they can ) that hole , or bog , whereinto they haue once either fallen , or beene myred . and shall not men of vnderstanding , and good discourse , which heare , and see , what other men suffer , as likewise the great hurt , which they themselues haue receiued by the like cause , shall not they ( i say ) grow wise by other mens harmes , and their owne ; shall not they seeke to shunne and auoyd ( as much as in them lies ) the like inconueniences , but that some pleasing thing shall bee no sooner propounded vnto them , but forthwith they will suffer themselues to fall into the pit , and to be taken in the snare , that lyes before them , and will not offer to fly therfro , nor forbeare to eate of that deceiuing foode , whereunto they are inuited , and know for certaine , that neuer any did come off with safety ? he , that by the forepassed accidents , and falls of others , or of himselfe , doth not take aduise and warning , the name of beast , nay of a senselesse creature , will better befit him , then of a discreete and well-aduised man. this is that complaint , which moses made of that foolish people . vtinam saperent , & intelligerent , acnouissima prouiderent : would to god , that they would call to minde , and make vse , of the so many , and various successes , which they haue seene , and past through , and that quoting the present , with the past , they would be prouident in that , which is to come ; especially , since the wise man sayth ; that the thing , that hath beene , is that which shall be ; and that , which is done , is that which shall be done ; and that there is no new thing vnder the sunne . let the conclusion therefore of this discourse be , first ; that it is not heere required of a discreete king , that he should beare about him in his ●leeue good lucke , and drawe out when he listeth a faire lot , and a certaine and happy successe in all his businesses ; for this is only , and wholy , in gods hands , and not in his . and therefore to require any such thing of him , were great indiscretion : but that hee should enter into them ( if time will giue him leaue ) with sound aduise , and mature deliberation , and to intertaine them till hee be able to bring his purposes to passe ; and , si sit periculum in mora : if there be danger in delay , and that they will not suffer the deferring , let him call to minde the successe of former businesses , and let him well consider with himselfe , what in like cases hath vsually succeeded , and accordingly let him settle in the present , and prouide in the future , that which is most fitting , euermore hauing respect to the iustnesse of his cause , relying altogether vpon god , and humbly beseeching him , that hee will direct him in all his wayes . for ( as it is in the prouerbs ) cor hominis disponit viam suam , sed domini est , dirigere gressus eius : a mans heart deuiseth his way ; but the lord directeth his steps . suting with that common saying ; homo proponit , & deus disponit . man purposeth , but god disposeth . the second thing required of him is ; that hee looke well about him , that he diligently obserue the maner of gouernment throughout his whole kingdome , and that he haue a watchfull eye on his publike ministers , and counsailours of state ; and more particularly vpon those , that are in highest place and authoritie , and haue his eare most ; and that hee likewise labour to know the qualities , conditions , and naturall dispositions of those , that now are , and to conferre and compare them with those of former times that hee hath seene , and knowen , or hath heard , and read of in histories ; to the ende , that by the knowledge of the affections , and naturall inclinations of those , hee may prognosticate the end whereunto these tend ; and by those passages and proiects of precedent times , make a diuination of the designes of the present . for , this prudentia in principe , quodammodo diuinatio est : this prudence and discretion in a prince , is a kinde of diuination . and let them not tell mee that mens manners , are changed with their names ; nor their naturall inclinations with the declination of times , and that there is no correspondency betwixt those that are now , and those of olde , for ( as cornelius tacitus saith , who was a singular master in this science , speaking of his owne times , in respect of the former ) the men are other , but now their manners . they are now , as they were then ; and then as now . well may it be , that for some considerations , men may represse , and couer their affections moreat one time , then another , but not , that they are not one and the same , those of this time and that ; and that early or late they doe not the same worke , they antiently did . for , from one and the same causes , it must necessarily follow , that we must see one and the same effects . let kings therefore see ( once more i speake it ) and consider well the estate wherein stand the affaires of their kingdome , how it is in the gouernment , in their ministers , and their counsellours , what their affections , naturall inclinations , passions , ambitions , desires , and the like , and make a iudgement of the one and the other , of the present , and the past , and they shall finde , that these , and those , great & small , and all one with another tread in one and the same steps , and ayme all at that faire white , of their owne black and fowle interest . and weighing likewise with themselues , that some , if not most of those kings and monarkes , that haue gone along in that track and held the like course of gouernment , and made vse of the like ministers , either haue beene ruined thereby , or brought neere vnto it , let them stand aloofe from it , or them , or ought else whatsoeuer whereby they may either see , or know , other their predecessours haue beene vtterly ouerthrowne . for , most certaine it is , that by the effects of cases past , we may know what were the causes of them ; and how in the like , the like may likewise succeede . the science and knowledge of kings , is like vnto that of astrologie , wherein are better skill'd those of latter then former times , in regard of those many proofes and experiences , which they haue seene , heard , and read . historie therefore and experience , being the fountaines of humane wisedome , princes ought to peruse histories , and procure to know how it hath succeeded with others , that thereby they may take aduice and warning in cases to come ; and from this experience and knowledge of mens naturall inclinations and affections , to draw thence a doctrine , for to moderate their owne , and to know other mens dispositions , and withall , to take notice , that the naturall dispositions of the men of these times , are not more strong and able to resist their appetites , but are more weake in the naturall , and lesse perfect in the spirituall , then those of our ancestors . whence that followeth , which wee said before , that by the knowledge of the past , wee may prognosticate of the present , if wee haue once seene , and made triall , that it fell out so with other men of the like state , and condition . so that it may be collected , by what hath hitherto beene deliuered , how necessarie it is , that a king , or supreme lord , should exercise himselfe for some few yeeres , in the studie of the various lections of histories , and may ( if he will ) come by them , to know the customes , and inclinations of forraigne nations , as well of those , that are free states , as those that are vnder subiection ; with whom he must indure so many demaunds , and answeres . to the end that the varietie of accidents , may no whit afflict , nor trouble him . for it were a kinde of disparagement to a great prince , to admire any noueltie whatsoeuer , or to seeme a stranger , to the strangest accidents , that shall occurre vnto him . and hee must necessarily suffer this , and other great inconueniences and deceits in matters of state , if hee be not well aduanced in the knowledge of them , and with the people , with whom hee is to treat . for many are they , that pretend to deceiue him , and will not suffer the truth to come to his eares in it's naked nature , but shadowed with some colour , as shall make best for their pretension . for to cut off which mischiefe , histories serue the turne , which supply the want of experience , and set before his eyes in a short peece of paper the successes of an age so large and of such a length , that many liues cannot reach thereunto . a thing very necessary in kings , whereby to finde themselues prepared for the present , and prouided for the future . for hee , that hath still before his eyes what is past , is seldome deceiued in that which is to come . and hee , that shall turne ouer the histories of former times , shall meete with the nouelties of the present ; as also with those truths which sycophants conceale , and such as are not flatterers dare not to tell him . onely histories , without feare or dread , speake plaine language to kings , and yet remaine as whole , sound , and intire , as they were before . another point of discretion , is ; that for as much as the aduice and wisdome , and more particularly in kings and persons of great name and ranke , is great , they should not intermeddle in small matters , not shew themselues in your lesser occasions , where the glory is none , and the losse of reputation great , not onely if they be ouercome , but also if they doe not ouercome to their great aduantage , they ought not likewise lightly and without very good ground to thrust themselues into businesses of great consequence , and of that danger and difficultie , that they shall not afterwards know well how to winde themselues out of them : for it argues but a small talent of wisedome , to know dangers then onely , when a man is in the midst of them : and sauours of much leuitie , to put himselfe desperately vpon cases of aduenture . and this is no other counsayle , then that which a very graue and wise man , gaue the emperour vespasian , deseruing to be written in letters of gold , and in the cabbinies of kings . qui magnarum rerum consilia suscipiunt , aestimare debent , an quod inchoatur reip : vtile , ipsis gloriosum , aut promptum effectu , aut certè non arduumsit . they that aduise and consult the vndertaking of great enterprises , ought to weigh and consider with themselues , whether that they goe about , be profitable or no for the common-wealth , honourable for themselues , or whether it may easily be effected , or at least without any great difficultie ? and this is a lecture , which christ reades vnto all , aduising vs , that before wee begin any busines of importance , wee enter into an account and reckoning with our selues , whether wee bee able to goe through with it , or noe , and when hauing well weighted the difficulties , dangeres and expences wee must bee at , wee shall finde it to be of more charge then profit , to let it alone . so shall wee rid our selues of a great deale of care , and excuse the murmurings and censure of the people , who will much risent it , that in businesses , wherein the wealth , peace , and reputation of a kingdome is interessed , kings should aduenture for the gaining of a little , to put themselues in hazard of loosing much . as likewise , because thereby is giuen occasion , of measuring the extent and limits of the power of kings , and of plainely manifesting to the open view of the world , that they cannot alwayes doe what they would nor against whom they will , and therefore must not giue way , that men should enter into iudgement , that their power cannot reach whither they themselues will haue it , but ought alwayes and by all meanes they can , to maintaine the credite and estimation of their power , and greatnesse . the words of our sauiour christ , are these ; which of you disposed to build a tower , sitteth not downe before , and counteth the cost , whether he haue sufficient to performe it ? lest after hee hath laid the foundation , and is not able to goe through with it , all that behold him , begin to mock him , saying ; this man began to builde , and was not able to make an end . or what king going to make warre against another king , sitteth not downe first , and casteth in his minde , whether hee be able with ten thousand to meete him , that commeth against him with twenty thousand , &c. the like i say of competitions , whether this , or that other doth this , or that better ? though it be in matters of recreation . for all occasions of incounters with kings are in any hand to be avoyded . and it likewise seemeth ill in point of policie , that they in any kinde should haue any competition with their vassalls . and king salomon sets it downe for a point of policie ; for that it is a thing vnworthy authoritie royall . it is a mans honour ( saith he ) to keepe himselfe from strife . alexander the great , being askt the question , whether he would goe and sport himselfe at the olympick games with the rest of the great ones of his court ? made answere ; yes , if there were other kings with whom i might contend . yet would i not haue kings so farre to mistake mee , as to vnderstand that they may not enterprise great things , and haue competence with others , that are as great , or greater then themselues , following their stepps and imitating their heroycall actions ; nay , it is a point rather of discretion , and wisedome , in a prudent king , to tread in the track of their ancestors , that walked in the right way , and to set before their eyes the good things that they did , that according thereunto they may take the like resolution in the like cases . the romanes were so religious in the precedents and examples of their predecessours , that they made them the line and rule of all their actions , and made them as a law to be kept and obserued , and could not depart ther-fro without the fowle note of ignominie , gouerning new enterprises , by former old actions . neither ought a king likewise to esteeme so meanely and so basely of himselfe , as to thinke , that hee is not able to doe as much as others haue done in times past . for if they of olde , had had that minde and conceit of themselues , in calling to minde the braue and noble deedes , which they haue either heard , or read in histories of their ancestours , they would not haue imitated them , as many of them haue , in their great and glorious acts. and certaine it is , that neuer any man did any such illustrious and heroycall action heeretofore , which might not be done by another . and therfore , the actions of kings being such , as conduce to the seruice of god and the well-fare of the common-wealth , it will conuene very well ( the said circumstances being duly considered ) to commence and giue a beginning vnto them , to the end that fortune , or ( to say better ) god , putting a helping hand to our good diligence and industrie , may giue vnto them a full and perfect end . it was the saying of king agesilaus : that fortune , in great affayres , and high enterprises , neuer shew'd her selfe liberall and generous , but when shee met with noble and generous mindes . and it hath beene often seene , that men loose , at least let slip , many things , not because they are not able to atcheiue them , but because they want courage to vndergoe them . and let them not onely content themselues with the bare reading of them , but endeuour to be like those famous captaines , in matter of warre ; those great common-wealthes , in matter of gouernment ; and those christan politicians , in matter of state. for examples perswade much . and albeit that homer saith , that great enterprises are sooner spoken of , then done ; easily vttered , but hardly executed , yet let princes doe their best , which will be no small matter . for thereby , their subiects will receiue benefit , their successors beare them enuie , and their enemies stand in feare of them . now let vs draw out of this discourse that discretion , which is a vertue so necessary , that when it is wanting , good is conuerted into ill ; and vertue , into vice ; and where a man thought to winne fame , in stead thereof , growes infamous , affronted , and ashamed . for discretion , worketh in man that effect , as salt doth in flesh , which dryes vp the moysture , drawes forth the blood , and keepes it from corruption . as doth salte , so doth discretion , keepe man free from perturbations , or any vnseemelinesse and discomposure , in any action whatsoeuer he vndergoeth . christ recommended this vertue to his disciples , when hee commanded them to haue salte within themselues . this was in the gospell . but long before in the leuiticall law , it was commanded ; that euery sacrifice , should be saked with salte . the wordes , are these ; euery oblation of thy meate offering , shalt thou season with salt , neither shalt thou suffer the salte of the couenant of thy god to be lacking from thy meat offering : with all thine offring , thou shalt offer salt . giuing vs thereby to vnderstand the wisedome and discretion , wherewith hee would haue vs to serue him , and saint paul chargeth vs , not to vtter that word which shall not be seasoned with the salt of wisdome , and discretion . a qualitie very necessary and requisite in all , but more particularly , and without comparison with much more aduantage in kings , as hath wisely beene obserued by anselmus , and venerable bede . in that safe-conduct , which artaxerxes gaue vnto esdras , wherein was set downe in a list , all the allowances that they were to make him , and what prouisions he was to haue along with him , and though in the rest there was a limitation , salverò absque mensura ; yet was hee to haue salte without measure . hee was not stinted in that . for in all things belonging vnto kings , there is such a proportion , taxe , or measure set vpon them ; but there are no bounds , no limitts to be set vpon their wisedome and discretion . let them ( a gods name ) haue that without measure , without limitation . for , let them haue neuer so much , it is no more then they haue neede of . god , of his goodnesse , giue them as much as is needefull for them , and that shall suffice them . and let vs extract this , out of all that which hath beene said touching this sence of smelling , that there are two sorts , or two kindes of prudence , ( according to s. basil. ) the one good , and the other bad ; the one of flesh , and blood ; and the other of spirit , and life . of the former , doe the wise men of this world boast . for they denominate that man to be wise , that is crafty and subtill , a slye , cunning companion , that by ouer-reaching ; and damnifying his neighbour , procures his owne priuate profit . the one ( sayth saint paul ) kills , the other quickens ; this brings death , that life . nam prudentis carnis , mors est ; prudentia autem spiritus , pax & vita : for , to be carnally minded , is death ; but to be spiritually minded , is life and peace . let that then be condemned for ill , and let that suffice , which hath beene spoken thereof . and let vs set vp our rest vpon this , which is such and so good , that no vertue without it , is pleasing and acceptable vnto god , as no sacrifice was without salte . so that chastitie , and cleanesse it selfe , a vertue so high prized by god , and allianced so neerely with the angels , is of no reckoning without prudence . and that his best beloued , beautifullest , and fairest spouse , should shee be wanting in this , he would repudiate her , and abhorre her . wee read in saint mathewes gospell , of ten handsome virgines , well attyred and fitted for to attend the bridegromes comming , whereof fiue of them , for their imprudencie , were shut out , and not suffred to goe in with him to the wedding . so that , it is good for all ; and without it , all is as nothing . omnia operatur prudentia : ( saith s. ambrose ) wisedome worketh all things . it doth not onely put mans reason and will in the right way , direct his forces and faculties , and order all his actions ; but without it , man is no man , but the counterfaite , and figure of a man. fortherein consisteth the absolutenesse and perfection of man , and that similitude and likenesse , which he hath with god , in his being capable of reason , and prudence . by his memorie he makes that , which is past , present ; by his wisedome , he foresees that which is to come ; and by his counsell and aduise , he disposeth and ordereth the present estate of things , which are those parts of prudence , which we specified before . chap. xxvii . of the sence of tasting , and of the vertue of temperance , and how well it befitteth kings . amongst the many miseries , which accompaine man , euen from the cradle to his graue , and from his mothers wombe , to that of the earth , the mother of vs all , that hungry appetite and precise necessitie of eating , and drinking is not the least . it is ( as s. isidore saith ) a rigorous , a cruell and importunat creditour ; nullus hominis tam improtunus exactor est , quàm venter ; bodie suscipit , & cras exigit : there is not any so earnest and eager an exactor on man , as is the belly ; it receiues to day , and requires the same againe to morrow . it is continually demaunding that troublesome tribute of meate and drinke , of recreation and pleasure , and all other things necessary for the body ; for all these passe , and are registred , vnder the sense of the taste . which albeit it be lesse noble then the rest , yet is it more necessary then all of them . for ( as s. ierom sayth , and experience teacheth ) without it wee cannot liue long , but without the other we may . aristotle sayth , that this sence directs it's eye to these two obiects ; to the pleasure it receiueth in eating , and to the delight it taketh in drinking . both being very powerfull , and walking still hand in hand , the one seconding the other , taking their seuerall turnes . and their signorie so farre extends it selfe , that it trenches vpon the rest of the sences , and all of them are willing to accompaine him . for hearing , seeing , and smelling , neither like vs , nor last long , vnlesse they haue the fellowship of the taste , yet are they differenced in this , that the species of those things , that are to be seene , heard , and smelt , are to passe by the medium , or meanes of another kinde of transparent body , as is the ayre . whereas those that are to be tasted , are to touch immediatly vpon the tongue , and to haue their dwelling and abiding in the palate , that it may the better relish & distinguish the seuerall sorts of tastes . and it is worthy our obseruation , that in that part of the head , which is the mouth , where principally the taste hath it's seate , though it's iurisdiction be so short , and so curtall'd , that it scaree occupieth the least space of the tongue , and that it's delight is so short , that it indureth but for a moment , yet it should come to be of that power and force , that it forced the wise man to say ; that it was insatiable . and though it alwayes hath , and doth still shew it's rule and empire ouer all mortall men , yet does it make it's greatest oftentation in kings , in princes , and your great and principall persons , who are most subiect to it's command . some compare it to the fire , whereinto the more fuell you fling , the more infinite is it's power , and rests neuer satisfied . in like manner , such a tyrant is the taste , that be our riches , rents and patrimonies neuer so great , like fire , it wastes and consumes them , though it selfe remaine still whole and intire , without being lessened or diminished . nor will i heere cite the examples of prophane kings and emperours giuen ouer to the pleasure of their palate and sensuall delights , to the losse of great estates and kingdomes , and the scandall of their suiects ; because my purpose is to quote some places of the sacred scripture , dictated by the holy ghost , the author of truth . it is reported of king salomon , that being so wise , so rich , and so powerfull a prince , that hee did in such sort let loose the reines to his vnbridled appetite , as if there were not the least footing of wisedome , or reason to be found in him . hee himselfe says as much in ecclesiastes , where ( as one that saw at last his owne errour ) hee expresseth his minde in this manner ; dixiin corde meo : vadam & affluam delicijs , & sruar bonis : i sayd in mine heart , goe to now , ( for so the vulgar renders it ) i will proue thee with mirth , therefore inioy pleasure . i sayd so , and as i sayd , so i did . vadam ; i will goe ; that is to say , after my appetite , i will abound in wealth , i will inioy the good things of this world , by which are vnderstood all sortes of delights , and pleasures , as eating , drinking , intertainments , recreations , sportes , and pastimes , and whatsoeuer in that kinde may be conceiued or imagined . omnia quae desiderauerunt oculi mei non negaui eis ; &c. whatsoeuer mine eyes desired , i kept not from them ; i with-held not my heart from any ioy . for my heart reioyced in all ; &c. and at last , hee conclndeth with this saying ; quis it à deuorauit , & delicijs affluit , vt ego : who , of all the kings that euer were in the world , could eate more then i ? or who could hasten more thereunto then i , hauing the world so much at will , and more then all they had ? was it not a thousand pities ( thinke you ) to see so wise a king to become tributary and subiect to so vile a slaue as is the belly ? i haue often times mused and wondred with my selfe at the blindnesse of our noble men of these times , who making it such a point of honour , and standing so strictly vpon it , not to pay any taxe , or tribute , though it amount not to aboue a blanke , and that they will sooner loose their liues , then acknowledge themselues tributaries , and yet that these the more noble and greater lords they are , should the more glory to be tributaries , and render and submit themselues most , to this infamous tribute , and tyrannicall taxe , which is payd to the palate ? what sumptuous tables ? what costly diet ? what dainty dishes ? what exquisite curiosities ? what rich and precious wines ? what regalos ? and what recreations , more befitting heathens , then christians ? and all , for to pay the taste this vnlawfull custome ? which in plaine language , is a greater taske , and a greater tribute , then the poorest labourer , or the meanest hedger and ditcher is seassed at . for , when he pays this tribute , it is onely with a peece of houshold bread , and a dish of small drinke , and other the like poore contentments , denying to his taste those excessiue tributes , which your kings and greater persons pay , being in this particular better gentlemen then they . o the blindnesse of our christian nobilitie ! let me put this question vnto you ; when the collector of subsedyes comes to a poore husbandmans house , to demand so much of him as he is ●eassed at , if hee should pay him more then is due vnto him by the law , or any act ordained in that kinde , or should be earnest with him to take more then hee is set at , would not all men thinke him to be a foole , and a very simple fellow ? the like errour doe they commit , who consume their goods , their lands , and their whole estates in seruing the belly , and satisfying the taste with such diuersitie of delicate viands , and choyse wines , when as they may well pay this tribute with that little , or small modicum , mentioned by the apostle ; habentes alimenta , & quibus tegamur , his contenti simus : hauing foode , and raiment , let vs be therewith contented . and with this , let vs goe dayly redeeming those seassements and tributes , which were imposed vpon vs by sinne , and in particular this sinne of eating and drinking , wherewith so often euery day we make such large payments . and if wee cannot quit the whole score , let vs doe herein , like your bad paymasters , who doe huck and pinch , and pay as little as they can . but this ( the more is the pitie ) is not in vse amongst them . for men , when they are call'd vpon to pay either priuate debts , or publick seassements , they driue the demander off with delayes , and when they should make payment , fall a caffling , and refuse to lay downe what is due . but in eating , and drinking , they will pay much more then is due , and presse the belly to take more , then either it is willing , or able to receiue . when caesars collectors came to demand tribute of our sauiour iesus christ , hee put this question to saint peter ; reges terrae , à quibus accipiunt tributum , velcensum ? a filijs , an ab altenis ? the kings of the earth , of whom doe they receiue tribute ? of the children , or of strangers ? to whom peter answered ; of strangers . thereupon our sauiour persently replyes , ergo liberi sunt filij : therefore the children are free . and if kings and their children are , and ought to be free from this royall tribute ; it standeth with much more reason , that they should be freed ( as much as is possible ) from the tribute of their proper gusts and pleasures , which is much more preiudiciall vnto them , then that can be , should they pay it . for that payment is made but once yeare at most , or from halfe yeare to halfe yeare , and it is payd in money ; but this is daily and howerly , and must be payd with a mans wealth , with his health , with his life , and with his honour . a man cannot lap vp in a little peece of paper the misbehauiours and misdemeanors which princes haue fallen into , by giuing themselues to riotous banqueting , nor the excesses , which they haue beene forced to commit , when they haue broke the bounds of temperance . there are two things ( sayth the wise man ) which disquieteth the world , and turneth it topsie-turuy ; to see a slaue when he reigneth ; and a foole , when hee is filled with meate . and therefore the sayd wiseman forbiddeth wine vnto kings . and seneca doth much reproue alexander the great , and marcus antonius , for their distemper in their diet ; a thing so vnworthy the royall dignitie , that cicero did affirme , that cruditie of the stomack in princes , was a great indignitie , and altogether vnbeseeming them . for , by delighting in drinking , they dull their spirits , enfeeble their strength , and discouer a thousand weakness●s to the world , the concealing whereof did import them very much , and neerely concerne them . king salomon sayth in his prouerbs , much more strong is that man , which ouercomes himselfe , and subdues his owne affections , then hee that getteth great victories ouer his enemies : suting with that vulgar saying ; fortior est quise , quàm qui fortissima vincit moe●a . and therefore , it not so much importeth kings , to conquer others , and to make themselues lords of new prouinces and kingdomes , as not to become perpetuall slaues to their proper gustes & appetites . for this doth not fit and sute so well with the greatnesse of their office , nor is eating in it selfe so generous an act , that they ought so much to prize and esteeme it . in the booke of the iudges , we finde a parable of the trees , who hauing resolued with themselues to choose a king , to whom all the rest should owe homage , they came first to the oliue , afterwards to the fig-tree , and lastly to the vine , intreating them that they would be pleased to take the crowne vpon them , and to raigne ouer them . the first answered ; that he could not leaue his fatnesse , to goe to be promoted ouer the trees ; the fig-tree , hee excused himselfe in the like manner , saying ; hee could not forsake his sweetnesse , and his good fruite , for the inioying of a crowne ; and the vine , he plainly told them , that he would not leaue his wine , which cheereth god , and man , to become a king. the purpose and intent of parables , ( according to the doctrine of glorious s. austin , and other holy doctors ) is , to infold in them the truth . and in this is it giuen kings to vnderstand , that excesse in their tastes and delicious meates , is not compatible with their estate , nor doth it become a crowne royall , ( that wee may say all we can , though we somewhat exceede from the obiect of the tast ) to loose it's time in pleasures , and pastimes , but that in that very instant , wherin kings take them , they should as sodainly leaue them ; in regard , that they haue so many and so great businesses committed to their charge , wherein if they should bestow all their time , they haue scarce time enough . which requiring ( so much as it doth ) the assistance , and obseruation of kings , if they should mis-spend this time in sports and intertainements , they must of necessitie want time for that which is more necessary ; & be driuen ( considering that there is not any thing , that doth cause a greater relaxation , and distraction in the vnderstanding , and that more abateth the edge and vigor of graue and weighty consideration , then sports , pastimes , and pleasing of their owne gustes and palates ) to neglect state-businesses , vnlesse they will be pleased to vse them seldome , and with moderation . insomuch , that they being to repart and diuide the time betweene themselues and the common-wealth , they should so employ it , that it might not be wanting vnto them for their businesses , nor super-abound vnto them for their vices . yet for all this doe not i pretend ( it being the least part of my meaning ) to take from kings their intertainments , but rather much desire that they would take them with moderation , and without neglecting businesses of state , and after that they shall haue fully cumply'de with the common-wealths affayres . to the end , that all the world may see , that these their pleasures , are not as principall , but accessary , and as an ayuda de costa , an ayde and helpe , the better to beare their trouble , & to wade through that wearisomenesse , which the continuall assist●nce on graue and weighty occasions , causeth . intertainments and sports must be like vnto salt , wherewith if ●our me●te be sprinckled but a little , and in a moderate kinde of manner , it makes them sauoury , and seasons them in that good sort , that they doe not onely relish , but digest the better and breede better nutriment . but if your hand be too heauy , and that you lay on loade ( as they say ) without measure , or moderation , it marrs your meate , and makes it sower and vnsauory . and for mine owne part , i am of opinion● , th●t there was neuer any time , wherein kings had more cause , or greater obligation to moderate their pleasure , then at this present , it being the onely thing that is now in request amongst your great persons , and the onely talke that passeth amongst them , how they shall passe the time . my thinkes , that time is here represented vnto me , which the apostle saint paul , inspired by the holy ghost , did prophecie , & foretell vnto vs ; that in the last dayes , perillous times shall come ( which are now wholly and truly ours ) wherein men shall be louers of their owne selues , and their pleasures , more then louers of god ; and shall regard more their owne particular then either their neighbour , ●ustice , or the cōmon good . in a word , they shall take more care to fulfill their lusts and their delights , then to please god , and therefore shall fall into innumerable sinnes . the apostle saint peter and saint iude , doe much indeare the great euills which vsually arise from corporall pleasures , & the terrible chasticements which are reserued for those , that giue themselues over vnto them . the vniust ( sayth saint peter ) the lord will reserue vnto the day of iudgement to be punished ; but cheifly them , that walke after the flesh in the lust of vncleannesse , that are presumptuous , selfe willed , &c. and iude hee pronounces condemnation against those vngodly men , that turne the grace of god into lasciuiousnesse , &c. and this hath , and doth still increase dayly in such sort , that the madnesse and dotage of those wicked times seemeth to be againe renewed in the world , mentioned in the booke of wisedome , where a companie of gallants , and boone-companions , banketting and making merry amongst themselues , vttred this epicuraean ; exiguum , & cum taedio est tempus vitae nostrae : our life is short and tedious , and in the death of man there is no remedy , neither was there any knowen to haue returned from the graue , &c. venite ●rgò , & fruamur bonis quaesunt : come on therefore , let vs inioy the good things that are present . let vs eate and drinke , quaffe and carowse , and be merry , and let vs speedily vse the creatures like as in youth . vin● pretioso , & vnguentis nos impleamus . let vs fill our selues with costly wines , and oyntments . let vs be puruayours and caterers to our owne bodies , let vs prouide the pleasingest obiects for our eyes , the sauourest meates for our tastes , the sweetest musicke for our eares , the softest silkes for our feeling , and the daintiest perfumes for our smelling . coronemus nos rosis , antequam marcescant , nullum pratum sit , quod non pertranseat luxuri● nostra . let vs crowne our selues with rose-budds , before they bee withered . and let no flower of the spring passe by vs. let none of vs goe with out his part of voluptuousnesse ; and let vs leaue tokens of our ioyfullnesse in euery place . let god doe what hee list in heauen , and let vs laugh and be merry here on earth . we haue but a little time to liue , let vs therefore take our pleasures , while wee may . this is all the care , the wantons of this world take , who do not thinke , that there in an eternitie , onely they study how they may best inioy themselues and their pleasures , not once dreaming , that there is a god , or a iudgement to come to make them stand in awe of him , but as men , that make a scoffe and iest of that other world , and that other life , they wholly wed themselues to this . making that good which salomon sayd ; quod non esset homini bonum sub sole , nisi quod comederet , & biberet , atque gauderet : man , hath no better thing vnder the sunne , then to eate and to drink , and to be merry ; a language onely beseeming such men , as are to be carbonadoed for hel , and made a dish for the diuell ; for their disseruice towards god , and their seruice to their belly . which kind of men saint paul lamenteth with teares flowing from his heart , as being enemies to the crosse of christ , and abhorred of god , and his saints . chap. xxviii . when , and at what time , sports and pastimes , are worthyest reprehension in kings . to euery thing , there is a season ( saith the wiseman ) . there is a time to weepe , and a time to laugh . a time for recreation , and a time for labour . tempus plangendi , & tempus saltandi ; tempus amplexandi , & tempus longe fieri ab amplexibus : a time to mourne and a time to dance . a time to imbrace , and a time to refraine from imbracing . the chalde paraphrase reades ; opportunitas omni rei : there is an opportunitie , or fit season for euery thing . and this opportunitie is a great matter in all whatsoeuer wee doe , for it teacheth vs to take our due time and season . to weepe , when we should laugh , is a ridiculous thing ; and to laugh when wee should shed teares , is no lesse . for kings to play away so many thousand ducatts , and to spend , i know not what , meerely for their owne pleasure , whilest their souldiers are ready to perish through hunger for want of pay , and their house-hold seruants runne in debt , because they cannot receiue , their wages in due time , this sorteth not with that rule , which the wise man would haue vs to obserue . and is it not i pray you a disproportionable and vnseasonable thing , to spend the time in intertainments , and sports , which is due vnto publicke causes , and businesses of state ? in the second booke of the kings is set downe a notable case , wherewith god was highly offended . and the case was this ; factum est autem , vertente anno , eo tempore , quo solent reges ad bella procedere , misit dauid ioab , & seruos suos cum eo , et vniuersum israel , et vastauerunt filios ammon , et obsederunt rab●a . dauid autem remansit in hierusalem . dum haec agerentur , accidit , vt surgeret dauid de strato suo post meridiem , et deambularet in solario domus regiae , viditque mulieremse lauantem ex aduerso super solarium suum &c. and it came to passe , that after the yeare was expired , at the time , when kings goe forth to battel , that dauid sent ioab , and his seruants with him , and all israel , and they destroyed the children of ammon , and besieged rabbah . but dauid tarryed still at ierusalem . and it came to passe in an euening tyde , that dauid arose from his bed , and walked vpon the roofe of the kings house , and from the roofe hee saw a woman washing her selfe , and the woman was very beautifull to looke vpon &c. what a companie of aggrauating circumstances did heere precede the sinne of dauid ? it fell out about that time of the yeare when kings vsed to goe into the field against their enemies , and to muster vp their souldiars . but instead of going himselfe in person , hee sent forth his captaine ioab , with all the choyse men of israel , himselfe remaining in the meane while sporting and recreating himselfe in his princely pallace . and not thinking on those cares , which so dangerous a warre did at that time require , hee rose one day after dinner from his table , and went to walke in a gallerie or tarras , that lay open to the sunne , and from thence it was his chance to espie vriahs wife washing and bathing of her selfe in a place of the like nature , right ouer against him , who likewise on her part gaue occasion to this sinne , for that her husband being abroad in the warres , and exposing himselfe to so many troubles and perills , she should take pleasure in washing her hayre , and in the curious decking and dressing her person in a place , from whence shee might be so easily seene . whom he no sooner saw but coueted , and no soner made loue vnto , but he inioyed her . and that he might possesse her with the more safety , and cloake the adulterie the better , and the childe wherewithall shee went , hee gaue order for the making away of her husband , vpon the neck whereof an infinite number of other euills did insue . when kings wage warre , and their subiects fight their battailes , hazarding therein their liues , or when any other common calamities happen , as of famine , or pestilence , in their kingdomes , they are not then to follow their pleasures and intertainments , but to abstaine from them , and to shew and make knowen to the world , that they haue a fellow-feeling of these common euills , and generall afflictions ; for so did the king of niniue , as soone as hee was informed what the prophet ionas had preached in his court , threatning them with the punishment which god would send vpon that citie . and the holy scripture saith ; that the king himselfe was the first man that forsooke his pleasures , layd his roabe from him , and couered him with sack-cloath , and sate in ashes , and caused it to be proclaimed through nineue , saying , let neither man , nor beast , heard nor flocke tast any thing ; let them not feede , nor drinke water . but let man and beast be couered with sack-cloath , and cry mightily vnto god ; yea let them turne euery one from his euill way , and from the violence that is in their hands , &c. and this was the course , that hee tooke for to appease gods anger . when king dauid heard of the great slaughter which the pestilence had wrought in his kingdome , sorrowing exceedingly , that the plague was so hot amongst his people , and shewing , that it grieued his very heart and soule , hee cryed out vnto the lord , and sayd , ego sum , qui peccaui , ego qui iniquè egi &c. vertatur ( obsecro ) manus tua contra me , et contra domum patris mei : i haue sinned and i haue done wickedly , but these sheepe what haue they done ? let thine hand ( i pray ) be against me , and against my fathers house . king ioram reigning in israel , there was so great a famine , and so fore a death in that kingdome , that two women by consent did agree to kill their children , and to eate them by turnes . which the king had no sooner heard of , but that he was so inwardly grieued therewith , that in expression of his sorrow he rent his garments , ( according to the custome of the hebrewes on such like sad occasions ) and put on sack-cloath within vpon his flesh ; because prince ionathan did but dip the tippe of his rod in the hony-combe , when as his father king saul , and all his men of warre , were fighting against the philistins , god was much offended with it . thereby , teaching kings , that on the like occasions , they ought to be the first that should abstaine from their pleasures and delightes , signified by the hony-combe : that valiant captaine vrias , was a good master of this doctrine , who being returned from the armie to the court , called thither by the king , would by no meanes be perswaded to goe home to his owne house , to refresh himselfe , and make merry with his wife , though his maiestie willed him so to doe ; and the reason which he rendred , why he would not doe it , was this ; arca dei , et iuda habitant in papilionibus &c. the arke , and israel and iudah , abiding in tents , and my lord ioab with the whole army lying incamped in the open fields , without any other shelter , and being in that great danger that they are : shall i then goe into mine house to eate , and to drinke , and to lye with my wise ? per salutem tuam , et per salutem animae , tuae , non faciam rem hanc : as thou liuest , and as thy soule liueth , i will not doe this thing . and not only in the common calamities of a whole common-wealth , but also in those particular ones of great persons , that haue beene seruiceable to the state , it is fit and requisit , and well will it become kings , that they make shew of their sorrow , by laying aside their feastings , and all other kinde of solacings and mirthfull intertainments . when king dauid vnderstood of the death of that braue commander abner , he wept bitterly before the people , and commanded , that none should taste bread , or ought else , till the sunne were downe : saying vnto his seruants ; num ignoratis , quoniam princeps , et maximus cecidit hodiè in israel ? know yee not , that there is a prince , and a great man fallen this day in israel ? but some will say , that we do not well in aduising kings or the common people , on sad occasions , to forbeare their sports and pastimes , it seeming vnto them , that they ought rather then to seeke after them for the diuerting of melancholy , and banishing of sorrow ; vrging plutarkes authoritie , who reprehendeth those men , who when they are already merrily disposed , hunt after intertainments and pastimes , wishing them to doe that , when they finde themselues sad and heauie , for then they haue most neede of it . here vnto , i first of all answer , that the reason is not alike in a particular person , as in a king , and a common-wealth , which ( as wee sayd before ) are to be considered and vnderstood , as a body , with it 's head. and as in a mans body , the head doth naturally feele the paine of the arme , the foote , or any other member ; so kings , which are the heads of the people , are to haue a feeling of their subiects miseries , & to pittie the ill case , wherein they at any time are , as if it were their owne . and this was that , which moued the apostle s paul to say ; quando patitur vnum membrum , compatiuntur omnia membra . when one member suffreth , all the members suffer with it . this is that trauazon , or coupling peece of timber in a common-wealth , and this , both humane policie , and mans naturall disposition , doth require , that when we see others suffer we should suffer with them in our common cōpassion towards them . and the law of charitie , goes some what farther and would stretch this obligation to a greater and higher perfection , as was to be seene in the sayd apostle . quis infirmatur , et ego non infirmor ? quis scandalizatur , et ego non vror ? who is weake , and i am not weake ? who is offended , and i burne not ? and in that which the prophet ieremie sayd , who crossing the kings humour , and opposing his vaine pleasures and delights , and representing the truth of things vnto him , and what was fitting for him to doe , his heart was all on a flame , a burning fire was shut vp in his bones , and hee was weary with bearing , and could not holde , so farre was he transported , and so mightily inflamed with the zeale of the kings , and the common-wealthes good . secondly i say ; that ( as before hath beene deliuered by mee ) i do not pretend , to debarre kings and common-wealths of their pleasures and recreations ; but my desire is ( which i wish with all my heart ) that they may be such as may be harmelesse and vn-offensiue , with out remordment and sting of conscience , and without the murmuration and notice of the people . and this may easily be done , by doing of that which the glorious s. ierome aduiseth vs to doe , ex necessitate virtutem : making a vertue of necessitie ; but i doe not say ex necessitate , but ex voluptate , virtutem : that is to say ; i would haue them to place their delight and content in that , which is true vertue and godlinesse , in cumplying with the obligations of their office and calling , in giuing free and frequent audience , in hearing those that are wronged and oppressed , in disposing of offices , in dispatching of businesses , or in causing them to be dispatcht , and to spend their time , or the most part thereof in these , and the like , cumplying with that of that royall prophet : in virtute tua laetabitur rex , & super salutare tuum exultabit vehementer : the king shall ioy in thy strength , o lord ; and in thy saluation , how greatly shall hee reioyce ? and from thence will follow that , which presently followeth in the next verse ; desiderium cordis eius tribuisti ei , et voluntate babiorum eius non fraudastieum : thou hast giuen him his hearts desire , and hast not with-holden the request of his lips . king salomon sayes of himselfe , that he gaue his desires as much as they could desire , & that he gaue himself ouer to his delights & contents with that freedome and libertie , as suted with the greatnes of so powerful a king . but that which he got therby , was not the content which he sought after , but distaste , irkesomnes , wearines , griefe , & vexatiō of spirit ; which he himself hath left firmed & signed with his own name , for an example not only to all kings , but to all the whole world . vidi inomnibus vanitatem , et afflictionem animi , et nihil permanere sib sole : behold , all was vanitie , & vexation of spirit , and there was no profit vnder the sunne . who could more giue themselues to their delightes , and pleasures , then those , whom the booke of wisedome speaketh of , who with such a deale of care and greedinesse did runne after all the content , that the world could afford ? yet they say and confesse , that they were so vaine and so false , and such a wearisomnesse vnto them , that they were quite tyred out with them , and are now in hell for their labour , and shall continue there for euer . thirdly , i say ; that to the end our sports and intertainments may be the more pleasing vnto vs , it is fit that they should be vsed with much moderation , and very seldome . feastings and banquetings , when they are too frequent and too ordinary , they cause a wearinesse , and loathing ; and as the glorious s. ambrose wisely saith , gratiores post famem epule fiunt , quae assiduitate viluerant : feastings please most after fasting , which by affiduitie and continuance grow into contempt . and here by the way occasion may be taken , to aduise kings of the remedy which they ought to apply in matter of playes & interludes , as wel in the quality of that which is represented , as in the requency wherewith they are vsed ; comedies being now as common as our meate & drinke . but i see , that that succeedeth now , which did in those more ancient times ; which though they were often banished out of rome , yet the times altering , they came to be introduced and brought in again . and king philip the second who is now in glory , in the latter yeares of his raigne did wholy prohibite them , and for the better furthering of this his determination , he had many , and those very effectuall reasons for it . and that which of late hath beene obserued , is , that neuer in any time , hath there beene seene so much loosenesse and shamelesnesse in youth , as since the time , they haue beene dayly permitted to be playd and represented on the stage , and in those places , where is the greatest audience , there is the greatest dissolutenesse of manners , especially among your younger sort of people ; for those their words , accents , tunes , songs , wanton carriage of the body , idle gestures , and actions , performed with so much artifice and cunning , is no other thing ( as the prophet sayd ) but to sow tares , and vicious weedes in good ground , whence they ought with much care to be rooted out . and very blinde is that man , which doth not see the danger that there is , in prouoking and stirting vp wanton blood , with such lasciuious behauiour , being able enough of it selfe to awaken the appetite of sensualitie . euen those dishonest pictures , which neither speake , nor moue , doe catch and lay hold on our eyes , and dragge the soule after them , especially , if they be drawen to the life , and haue the true postures and expressions of a wanton woman . questionlesse , they cannot choose but leaue a liuely impression in the soule . and i know not ( i confesse ) what worke of pietie , or of charitable almes for hospitalls , ( to which vse a great part of the stage-players gaynes goe ) can recompence this harme . for of more weight and moment , is one sinne of theirs , which is there committed ; then all the almes that are giuen throughout the whole world . and we know , it is the apostles rule , that we are not either to doe , or permit an euill , that good may come thereof . and that which i know is ; that they which enter in there , doe not come thither to giue an almes , but for those ends and purposes , which haue beene sufficiently deliuered and reprehended , by many holy doctours , and famous preachers . nor doth it boote them to say ; that the people , that spend their time in seing of comedies , are there met together to see a harmelesse interlude . which were they not shut vp in that open assembly , would perhaps be wandring abroad , committing worse sinnes , which by this intercourse are excused ; for in this one particular , in this very thing , is it plainely to be perceiued , how bad playes be , since for their defence , they haue neede of the fauour of avoyding a greater euill . and in realitie of truth , they doe not excuse , or diuert sinnes , but sinnes are there rather learned , the spectators carrying them away with them conceiued in their minds , by the ones vaine apprehension , and the others fowle and wanton representation , and anon after , bring forth monstrous birthes . and in very truth , the troubles , and temporall scourges , of warre , famine , and pestilence ; the many cities that are battred and beaten downe ●o the ground , and destroyed ; the persecution and the continuall wants and necessities of these kingdomes , doe not require so many , and such contents , and reioycings ; musica in luctu , importuna narratio , saith the holy ghost ; musick in mourning , is as a tale out of season . besides , we are to vnderstand , that god sendeth these his scourges , that wee may feele his stripes , and repent , and amend our sinfull liues . and therefore the prophet esay , representeth the wrath which god had conceiued against his people , because they were not sensible of his chasticements . et non est reuersus ad percutientem se , et dominum non inquisierunt : the people turneth not vnto him that smiteth them , neither doe they seeke the lord of hostes. haue yee seene the like dullnesse in any nation ? that god chastising them , they wi●l not so much as turne backe their eyes , and craue pardon and forgiuenes of him , that is whipping of them , and goes increasing their punishment ? there is no demonstration of 〈◊〉 wi●● them , but they goe on st●ll in their pleasures and del●ghts 〈◊〉 dominus deu● , ad fletum , & ad planctum , ad caluitiem , & ad cingulum sacci , et eccè gaudium , et laetiria , occidere vitulos , et iugulare arietes , comedere carnes , et bibere vinum . comedamus et bibamus , cras enim mor●emur : the lord god of hostes calls to weeping and to mourning , and to baldnesse , and to girding with sack-cloth ; and behold ioy and gladnesse slaying oxen , and killing sheepe , eating flesh , and drinking wine ; let vs eate and drinke , for to morrow we shall dye . god hauing called them to repentance with a desire to pardon them , they answer him with quite contrary exercises , and in stead of weeping , fal into extraordinary laughing ; and in stead of sack-cloath , put on rich and glorious apparrel ; and in stead of fasting , betake themselues to feasting ; & in stead of sobbs , and sighes , to sports and pleasures . which preposterous kinde of course did offend god in that high degree , that he threatned to shut the gate of mercy against those that shut the doore of their hearts against sorrow , and repentance et reuelata est in auribus meis vox domini ; non dimittetur iniquitas haec vobis , donec moriamur , dicit dominus : and it was reuealed in mine eares by the lord of hosts ; surely this iniquitie shall not be purged from you , till yee dye , saith the lord of hosts . in the book of the prouerbs , god sheweth the like risentment , in these words ; quia vocaui , et renuistis , extendi manum meam , et non fuit qui aspiceret ; despexistis omne consilium meum , et increpationes meas neglexistis , ego quoque in interitu vestro ridebo , et subsannabo , cùm vobis id , quod timebatis , adu●nerit : because i haue called and yee refused ; i also stretched out my hand , and no man regarded ; but yee haue set at nought all my counsayle , and would none of my reproofe ; i also will laugh at your calamitie . i will mock , when your feare commeth . those , whom neither faire words , kind vsage , louing inspirations , nor the powerful hand of god , stretched out to punishment , cannot worke vpon , nor moue to mourne , nor to leaue off their sports and pleasures & their discomposed mirth & laughter ; the lord saith , that this their dis●espectfullnesse of him , and shamel●ssenes of their sins shal neuer be forgiuen them . and in stead of mourning , and grieuing for them , hee will laugh them to scorne , and make a mocke of them , when he shall see them fallen into the anguishment , and vexation of their perdition , because they would not correspond with his gentle admonitions , nor be reclaymed by those his fatherly chasticements , which were for the calling of them home , and to make them to returne from their euill waies . and if ( besides all that hitherto hath been sayd ) wee shall but consider how deceitfull and vaine are these pastimes and delights , we shall therewith likewise see , what little reason kings and men that are , ( or at least ought to be in regard of the grauitie and greatnesse of their places ) of a constant and settled disposition , to be carryed away with such idle toyes which presently dis-appeare , and do not only not giue that fullnesse & satisfaction , which they promise ; but rather , as vicious thirst & hunger , which ariseth from a corrupt and euil humour , increaseth the more , the more we either eate , or drinke ; so these temporall delights , the more we vse them , the more in seeking after them doe we finde our selues mocked and deluded , and the lesse satisfied . let vs conclude this point with the testimonie of our sauiour iesus christ , and of that most wise king , salomon , and of saint gregorie the great who citing both the other , speakes thus . voluptatum , nos fallaciae nulla decipiat , nulla vana laetitia seducat , in proximo namque est iudex , qui dixit ; vae vobis qui ridetis nunc , quia lugebitis , et flebitis hinc enim salomon ●it , risus dolore miscebitur , et extrema gaudijs luctus occupat . hinc iterum dicit ; risum reputaui errorem , et gaudio dixi ; quid frustrà deciperis ? hinc rursus ait . cor sapientium vbi tristitia est , et cor stultorum , vbi laetitia : let not the falsehood of pleasures deceiue vs , nor vaine ioy seduce vs ; for there is a iudge at hand , that pronounceth this wofull sentence ; woe vnto you that laugh now , for yee shall mourne and weepe . and hence is it that salomon sayth ; euen in laughter the heart is sorrowfull , and the end of that mirth is heauinesse . hence againe , hee that saith ; i sayd of laughter it is mad : and of mirth , what doth it ? and that hee sayth yet once againe ; the heart of the wise is in the house of mourning , but the heart of fooles , is in the house of mirth . but continuing our discourse concerning kings , and things so generally receiued and intertained , as sports , pastimes , and temporall delights ; rigorous is that qualification , which the greatest , and most approued qualifiers of heauen and earth , haue left firmed & signed vnto vs with their owne handes and names . that mirrour of wisdome , king salomon , or ( to say better ) the holy ghost speaking by him ; our sauiour iesus christ , the true wisedom of his father , and that great bishop and doctor of the church , s. gregorie , plainely tell vs , that those delights and merriments , which are so well receiued in the world , are but lyes , and mocks , and prognostications of euils to come ; and that they haue their reception and residence in the hearts of fooles , and that they remaine banished from those , that are truly wise . these authenticall persons haue sayd it , and all the saints of god haue confirmed the same , both by example , and doctrine . and i , whilest i am now writing of this subiect ( though the meanest of a thousand ) am verily perswaded , that my pen cannot doe better seruice , then to iustifie gods cause , and to make the faults of kings the more without excuse , and to let the mighty know , that they shall be mightily punished . and since that i cannot take away the vse of these things , giue me leaue to aduise you of the abuse , and if it shall not be of force to worke an amendment , yet let it so farre preuaile with you as to put you out of your error ; and to take it into your consideration , that in the way to heauen you are to meete and incounter with many dangers , and that the diuell is wonderfull busie and carefu●l in setting of his gynn's and his s●ares , without our laying in the way these new stumbling blocks , to breake our own necks , and to make the way more dangerous , and to adde new occasions of sinning , whereby to put the businesse of our saluation in the more contingencie and hazard . here , might i take occasion to say something of that temperance , which should temper and moderate the excesses of the tast . whereof we will speake , when we come to treate of the sence of touching . and now let vs passe to another ministrie , which likewise belongs vnto the tast , from the office and function of the tongue , it being one of it's principall properties , to speake , deuided by these insuing paragrahpes . §. i. of the language and truth , which kings , and wherewith kings , are to treate , and to be treated with . the braine , as minister to all the rest of the sences , sends to the tongue two sorts of members , the one soft , and smooth , for to tast our meates withall , and to know and distinguish ( as already hath beene sayd ) the seuerall sorts of sauours and relishes , which the taste intertaineth : the other somewhat more stiffe and strong , for to turne and winde the tongue , and to moue it with that nimble motion , as wee see , as likewise to hold backe the spring , and to restraine and lock it fast , when it is not fitting for the tongue to speake . this is the master-key , ( as we may tearme it ) and the ordinary mistresse of nature , which by the helpe of one onely instrument performeth diuerse offices ; as of the ayre , to refrigerate and coole the heart , to refresh and comfort it , and to make it breathe the better and with the more ease , and likewise , to forme our words , for without it , it is as impossible to speake , as without breath to winde a horne , or blow to play vpon the fi●e ; the tongue serues vs for our taste , it serues to turne and roll our meate vp and downe in our mouth ; it serues to cleanse the roofe thereof , gumm●s and teeth , it serues vs to talke withall , and to vtter those conceits , which are hatched in the braine , which is it's most proper office ; and though it be written of some , that they haue spoken without a tongue , yet this is the vsuall meanes of vtterance , and the ordinary instrument wherwith we pronounce our words , which are the thoughts interpreters . i omit here to treate , of good , or better language , or whether this , or that , ought to be in greatest request , since the master himselfe of eloquence saith ; that in euery part , and place , wee are to speake with those words , which are there vnderstood ; and that such a people , or such a nation , is lord of a language , and may by a kinde of prerogatiue power , either coyne new , or call in old words . it being like vnto money of seuerall kingdomes , and prouinces , that being currant in one countrie , which will not passe in another . and therefore that language , ought to be spoken by vs , which is generally approued , and commonly vsed and receiued . and therefore many times men alter the fashion of their language , as they do of their cloathes . and wee our selues finde , that in this our spanish tongue , wee haue made almost as many changes and alterations , as we haue of our garments , and are able to make two such different languages , that the one should not vnderstand the other . for , wee make such hast to inuent new words , and to take them vpon loane from other languages , that thinking thereby to inrich it , we come to loose and forget our own naturall language . so different is it ( to some mens seeming ) in these , from what it was informer times . for the spanish tongue in it selfe , is an humble and lowly language , if they had not painted it ouer and adulterated it with new words ; not considering in the meane while with themselues , that the best language ( according vnto tully ) is that , which wee haue beene taught by our mothers , and which chaste matrones , and those that haue beene well bred , speake familiarly at home in their owne houses . and the reason of it , is , for that they hauing not gone abroad out of their owne countrie , to forraine nations , nor treated and conuersed with strangers , they conserue the naturall phrase and speech of their own towne , or country , without sophisticating their language with new words , or those that are not of ordinary vse . and therefore it is fitting , that wee should speake in that , which is most passable , and which is best vnderstood , vsing sober , proper , and plaine words ; for words were ordayned to that end , that they might be well vnderstood . he speakes best , and in the best language , that is best vnderstood ; not hee , that shall speake in an vnco●th stile , and in words that are neither in vse , nor easie to be vnderstood . it is a common saying with vs ; delos antiquos , auemos de imitar las virtudes , y delos modernos , el lenguaje : wee are to imitate the ancient in their vertues : and the moderne , in their language . and quintilian tells vs , loquendum , vt vulgus ; sentiendum , vt pauci . we must speake , with the many ; but thinke , with the fewest . many moe therebe , which speak much in matter of tongues , and languages , vsed throughout the world . but i will onely treate of those , which imports kings , and kingdomes . such as is that truth and sinceritie , wherewith they are to treate , that faith and word , which they are to cumply withall , and that secret , which they are to keepe . two things ( sayth pythagoras ) did the moderate men of the earth , receiue from heauen , well worthy our consideration , in regard of the great fauour done them therein ; the one , that they should haue the power to be able to doe good vnto others ; and the other , to treat truth . and that in them they should hold competition with the gods. properties , both of them well befitting kings . of the power , that kings haue , to doe good vnto their friends , and to defend themselues from their enemies , wee haue already signified vnto you , how proper it is to the greatnesse of a king , and how like therein hee is vnto god. but the sayd philosopher being demanded , wherein man was likest vnto god , made answer ; quandò veritatem sciuerit : when hee shall know the truth . for god is truth it selfe : and that man that treates truth , resembles him in nothing more ; and it is so proper to our vnderstanding , that it intertaines it for it's obiect , and still goes in search thereof ; the contrary whereof , is repugnant to the nature , as likewise to the essence and greatnesse of kings , from whom wee are euer to expect the iudgement of truth . non decet principem labium mentiens : lying lipps , becometh not a prince . it is the saying of a king ; and of a king , that was a salomon , who spake with the tongue of the holy ghost ; and it is an avouched and ratified conclusion , that the pen and the tongue of a king , should alwayes tell the truth . though it were against himselfe : as likewise for to teach , and instruct his subiects that they doe the like ; as also all others , that shall treate with them . for in vaine doth hee desire to heare truth , that will not deale truly ; and perhapps for this cause , the shortest of all other your words in allmost all languages , are your yea , and nay . there can be no shifting , or doubling in them ; no going about the bush . these words will admit no other construction but a bare affirmation , or negation . in the fewest words are the least falsehood ; and the least quarrell to be pick't against them . men cannot expatiate their excuses , as they may where larger language is vsed . and therefore the other , as it is the shortest , so it is the surest way . wherefore kings ought all wayes , and in all , and with all , to treate truth ; being that it may be vttred with so much ease and facility , and to suffer himselfe to be plainely vnderstood ; contrary to the tenent of a sort of vp-start hereticks , which these times tearme politicians , who for to make good their policie , and tyrannic●ll gouernment , affirme ; that a king may , for reason of state , if hee see it may make for the conseruation thereof , dissemble , deceiue , breake his word , and plight his faith , without any purpose or meaning to keepe it ; fraud , dissimulation , and deceit , of what condition soeuer it be , being contrary vnto truth , and contrary to the law of nature , which in all that it treates , requireth truth ; and contrary to the diuine law , which condemneth him , that speakes not the truth , but goes about to deceiue . and our sauiour christ , calls king herod foxe , reprouing his wily shifts , and deepe dissimulations , and more particularly , in putting on a face of sorrow before his guestes that he feasted , when he commanded iohn baptist's head to be smitten off , it being the onely thing that hee most defired . and hee likewise condemneth those pharisaicall hypocrites , who by exteriour showes , would haue that to be supposed of them , which they neuer interained in their heart . and the angelicall docter renders the reason of this truth . to dissemble ( saith he ) is to lye in the deed , or thing it selfe . for a lye , doth not cease to be a lye , nor to alter it's nature , be it either in workes , or in words . so that a lye may be found in the behauiour , gesture or semblance , that one maketh , wherewith to deceiue , and to giue vs to vnderstand that , which is not ; as also in the manner of the word spoken , or some circumstance to be gathered out of it . now that which makes it culpable is the doublenesse in the heart . which s. austen subtlely considereth in that incounter of a mans meaning , with his wordes ; wherein there ought to be all equalitie and consonancie ; which is not truly kept , when in our words , wee shall say the contrary to that , which is in our mindes . therefore a christian king , or his minister may silence some things , cast a cloake ouer them , and not suffer themselues to be vnderstood , and cunningly to dissemble that , which they know of them , as long as they shall thinke it necessary to be kept close and secrete , for the good expedition of that which is in treaty ; but a king , or his minister may not faigne , deceiue , dissemble , or to giue that to be vnderstood by any open act of his , which he had not in his heart and bosome to doe . all which hath no place in that , which appertaineth vnto faith , wherein , by the law of god , we haue obligation , not onely to beleeue , but also to confesse , with all truth and plainnesse , that which we beleeue , without giuing to vnderstand , by the least word , or gesture , ought to the contrary ; nor for the least moment of time , though thereby we might saue our liues . whereby , kings , and christian ministers are admonished , how they may vse dissimulation , how farre , and for what time , without treading in the path of their priuate profit , through which your politicians pretend to leade them , leauing the high way of truth , wherewith accordeth whatsoeuer is iust and right , & shunneth all manner of lying , which truth and time will at last bring to light . it was the saying of king theopompus ; that kingdomes , and great estates , were conserued by kings speaking truth , and by suffring others to speake the truth vnto them . for , they being those , whom it most importeth to heare truths , none heare lesse . king antiochus , all the time of his raigne , sayd ; that he did not remember , that euer hee had heard any more then one only truth . it being the plague of kings and princes to haue that verified in their pallaces and courtes , which was deliuered by democritus , quod veritas in profundo puteo demersa latet : that truth l●es buryed in a deepe pit . you shall scarce meete with one in an age , that dare tell kings the truth , there being so many about them , that sooth them vp with lyes and flatteries . seneca saith ; that of ten hundred thousand souldiers , which artaxerxes had in his army , there was but one onely that told him the truth in a case wherein all the rest did lye . and amongst innumerable prophets , which concealed the truth from the king , only michah made bold to tell it him . and only solon did the like with king croesus . seldom times doth the truth enter into the kings priuy-chamber , and when it enters , they scare expresse it in that bare and naked maner as did iohn baptist. and for this cause , did demetrius the philosopher wish king ptolomie , to reade bookes & histories , which treated of precepts for kings , and captaines , for they would tell him that which none durst deliuer vnto him . socrates sayd ; that there was not any one , that made open protestation to speake the truth , that attained ( as he did ) to the age of . yeares . and certaine it is , that kings cannot indure to heare those plaine and naked truths , which the common people , and other their subiects are able to tel them , and proue vnto them ; nor must they that are in place presume to vtter them , for feare of indangering their authoritie , and reputation ; and therefore it is fit , that they should haue some such persons about them , which should both heare , and vnderstand them , and take their time to informe them of them . and this is a rul'd , case , taken out of those great instructions , and wise aphorismes , which mecaenas gaue to augustus , worthy to be taken notice of , and to be kept and obserued , as coming from so great a counsailour , and proposed to a prince , who was so wise in this kinde . to wit ; that kings , ought to giue libertie and way , that their subiects vpon occasion might be admitted to tell them the truth , assuring them on their part , that they will not bee offended with that which they shall say vnto them . for , it is permitted vnto a physician to prescribe corrasiues , and to cut away the dead flesh till it come to the quicke ; and it may as well be lawfull for a good subiect , a faithfull minister and counseller of state , to speake freely vnto his king with respect and reuerence to their royall dignitie ) the truth of that they thinke , and to condemne him in his iudgement , or otherwise , when he shall goe about to doe any thing contrary to iustice , and reason . nor ought this to seeme oftensiue to any man , nor to the king himselfe , who ( if he haue a christian feeling ) will approue in his minde & vnderstanding the reasons that they shall represent vnto him ; so that if he be willing to heare the truths they shall tel him , it may turne much to his profit . and if he like not well of it there is no harme done , neither doth he receiue any preiudice by it . and if he shall thinke it fit for the furthering of his ends to follow the counsaile of any , let him cōmend , & honour that person : for by that plot , which he shall haue deuised , & inuented , he shall gaine honour and greatnesse by it . and it is meete & conuenient , that he should incourage both him , and others with thankes , and rewards . because this is the sunne , which giues life , and the hea●e , which warmes good wits , and makes them actiue , & nimble . and in case he shall not admit of his aduise , let him not disgrace him , nor finde fault with him for his good will , and the desire that he hath to do him seruice . but like a great prince ( wherein he shall shew his goodnesse ) let his eye rather looke on the good desire and affection wherewith he doth it , then on the effect thereof ; as likewise , because others may not be disheartned , for there is not any the poorest plante , that hath not some vertue in it ; nor any brayne so barrene , whence at one time or other some fruite may not be gathered for the publickegood . i conclude then this first point of that plaine and sincere truth , which kings are to treate , and wherewith they are to be treated , in signifying vnto them , that their own and the kingdomes safety relyes on searching out the truth , and in hauing those about them which will freely speake it ( a thing so necessarie for to gouerne vprightly ) and to reward him ( though it cost him well ) that shall tell him . for kings shall meete with few , that will tell it them ( as they say ) for a song . for , considering the danger whereinto they put themselues by speaking the truth , it costes them much . and it is an old and ancient kinde of cosenage and deceit , which kings and princes suffer in not hearing truthes , contenting themselues with applause and adulation of that only which pleaseth their humour , though it be in thing● of much importance , and such as neerely concerne them . a notable example whereof , we haue in the tri-partite historie , ( reported by sozomenus ) of the emperour constantine the great , who being one day desirous of make tria●l of the integritie , and truth of those that seru'd him , hee called them all before him , and to●d them ; my good friends , it is now many yeares , that i haue liued vnder the obseruance of the christian law , but now i grow weary of it , for it is a very painefull and troublesome thing to submit our necke to the yoake of the gospell and to submit ou● selfe to a law , that will not allow vs so much libertie , as to swarue one tittle from it . i pray you , let me haue your opinions in it , for we , for our part , are reso●ued what we will doe . when the emperour had thus exprest himselfe , those that were flatterers & sycophants , and time pleasers , sayd vnto him ; wee thinke your maiestie shall doe well in so doing , and wee shall be obedient to what you shall ordaine therein . but those good and faithfull seruants , which desired the good and prosperous estate of their prince both in soule and body , humbly besought him on their knees , saying ; sir for gods honour , and your own , doe not doe so vile a thing , for it is neither fitting nor lawfull , nor shall wee follow you therein , or serue you one day longer . then did the emperour know by this , which were good seruants , and of greatest trust , and presently dismi●sed the other ; credens , nunquam eos , circa principem suum fore d●bitos , qui suerunt dei sui sic paratissimi proditores : perswading himselfe , that they would neuer be faithfull to their prince , that would so soone turne traytours vnto god. and if kings would know how true this is , and the errour wherein they liue , by hauing the truth kept from them , let them at some one time or other ( when they see fit ) make shew to affect the contrary to that , which before they were hot vpon , and did earnestly desire ; and then shall they see , that those very men , which approued the one , will likewise make good the other , and then will they know how in the one , or in the other , nay in all , they are deceiued by them ; or at least , that they dare not plainely and simply tell him that truth , which their hearts thinke . if they be ministers and counsellours of state , if they once finde out their kings homour , and the ayre that most delightes his eare , they play vpon that string : if they be bed-chamber men , or the like familiar attendants about his person , they haue naturally a seruile inclination , and make it their common custome to intertaine him with matters of mirth , or iollitie , and intertaynment : if they be his freinds , or his fauourites , they also are not without their applauding and adulation , and by so much the more to be suspected , by how much the greter it is . but what if all these shall ioyne to abuse a good king ? then this miserie likewise comes of it . that what a few of them shall begin to say , all the rest will approue it . and if kings ( as they cannot without being knowen ) could but heare their talke and conuersation , they might heare and know many truths , they should know the mindes of many , and the desires of all , and they would reioyce in knowing the truth of that , which none durst tell them . for some , nay many of them , will report what they heare , and amongst themselues speake plainely the truth one to another , so as they be sure that the king cannot heare them . this would be somewhat , if not much remedyed , if kings would but doe that , which we but euen now deliuered of the emperour constantine the great , who would not suffer that minister or fauourit that hee had once caught in a lye euer to see his face any more , but wholly dismist him from his seruices : for both in wisedome and christianitie , it is to be presumed , that in all or alwayes that hee can , at least as oft as it toucheth his owne particular , hee will not make him a faithfull relation , and liuing in this iust iealousie and suspicion of his truth , and plaine dealing , with much scruple of conscience , and in great danger , doth that king liue which giues him his eare , or vpholds him in his office . but let vs pause heere , and passe to that second point , which is the faith and word , which kings ought to keepe . §. ii. that kings ought to keepe their faith , and word . this word faith , in our common language , signifies credit ; and sometimes faith , is taken for that beliefe , which wee giue vnto that , which others tell vs. and other whiles , for that , which others giue vnto that , which we tell them . and to say , that a man is such a one , is hombre de fee , a man of faith , is all one , as if we should say , that he is a man of credit , and that wee giue saith and credit to that he saith . marcus tullius , who knew better then all the latinists besides , the proper signification and elegancie of the latin words , saith : that fides , is so called , quasi fiat , quod dictum est , that faith , hath it's denomination , from not fayling in our word . and hence it is , that men hauing shewen themselues honest in doing that which they had past their word they would doe , we grew in the end , to giue faith and credit vnto them . and this humane faith , being taken in this sence , is so necessary , that people were not able to liue , nor conuerse together , or hold any commerce or traffick , if they shou●d not giue faith and credit one to another . for the conseruation whereof , it is very fitting , that euery one should make good his word , by his workes , and to see that faithfully performed and indeede , for which hee hath past his honest word and promise . and by how much the more noble a man is , so much the more obligation hee hath , to keepe this his faith and word . and if not , see the offence which is taken at it , when men are taxed with this faulte , who are satisfied with no lesse , then with taking away that mans life , that goes about to take away another mans faith and credit , by telling him , hee lyes . and it is a thing much to be laughed at , ( or to say better much to be lamented ) to see the great folly and rash proceeding which passeth in this kinde , and concerning this matter for they acknowledging in these their lawes , and duels , what a great obligation they haue to maintaine this their faith , reputation , and credit , by alwayes saying , and treating truth , vpon the very least a●persion , shadowe , or note of falshood , they risent it so much , that they sticke not to fall into a worse sinne such as is a very lye it selfe , a loude lye , by lying so easily , and ordinarily , as some doe . i aske the question ; which is worse , to bee lame , or crooked , or to say such a one is so , when as there is no such thing ? certainly , it is much worse to be so , then to be sayd , to be so . and to him , that is not so , me thinkes he should make but little reckoning of what they say in that kinde ; and should rather indeauour to flye from any default in himselfe , then from the bare opinion and shadowe thereof . now a lye , being a greater ill , and a farre fouler default then all these , m●n fall so easily thereinto , and make so little scruple of lying , and more lying , vying lye vpon lye ; yea euen those , that will lay downe their life , rather then indure that men should tell them they lye , though themselues know they lye , and that they lye not , who tell them they lye , being onely offended with them , that they will not take a lye , for a truth ; or at least let them goe away with it , without the lest reproofe or contradiction , which ingenious natures can hardly indure , especially when they know that they are in the right , and the other in the wrong . certainely , of all other vices , lying , is the most vnworthy noble and gentle blood . and it is such a labrinth , that the more a man seekes to get out of it , the more he findes himselfe out of the way . so that a man striuing to get out of one lye , falls into another , and from that to a third , and all of them worse then the former . heere i will aduertise by the way , that it is a common and vsuall language with your courtiers , which may seeme to carrye a shew of truth , but indeede is full of lyes and falsehood . and this it is : when they will cumply in words , with them who recommend themselues or their suites vnto them , they say ; sir vse you your best diligences , for i will doe my part , and god knowes , that i haue , and doe that , which belongs to mee ; and true it is ; for god knowes , that his part , is to lye , and onely to compliment with this poore pretender , and to doe nothing at all in that , which he pretendeth . i apply my selfe , to that olde and ancient language of the noblemen of castile , ingrauen on the sword , of cid rui diaz . si , si , no , no , yea yea nay , nay , which is a lesson , that is taught vs by our sauiour christ in his holy gospell . this is that , which befitteth all men , but more especially kings ; for , to indeare this or that mans truth , we vsually say , que tiene palabra de rey : that a king cannot keepe his word , better then hee doth , or is more precise of his promise , and therefore i hold for certaine , that that which plato yeelds vnto kings and magistrates concerning this point , if it bee well vnderstood , is not to lye , but to vse stratagemes and politicke deuises , for to defeate and deceiue the enemies spyes , and intelligencers . and i very well remember that my selfe communicating this conceit , vpon occasion , with one of the learnedst men , and greatest platonists , that this age afforded , he approued of it , and did much commend it ; for , as concerning that truth , and faith , whereof we now treate , plato himselfe , and all other the good philosophers , teach the rigour and strictnesse , wherewith men ought to keepe their word . in the booke of iosua , is recounted the craft , wherwith the ghibeonites , mooued the princes of israel to plight them their faith , that they would doe them no harme . and though afterwards this their cunning dealing was discouered and brought to light , and that all the people were willing , that this promise should not be kept ; yet the princes of the people made answer thereunto , that they could not but cumply with their word , especially hauing confirmed it with an oath . iurauimus eis in nomine domini dei israel , & idcircò non possumus eos contingere . we haue sworne vnto them by the lord god of israel , and therefore wee may not hurt them . and because many yeares after , king saul ( out of a zeale to the good of his people ) broake that their word and promise , there fell vpon him and his people a great famine , which continued for the space of three yeares . king don sancho , whom they slew by treason , confessed ; that that death , lighted worthily vpon him , because hee had broaken his word , giuen to his father king don fernando , to passe the partition made with his brethren ; and the constancie of dauid is knowen to all , in keeping that his word , which all the while he liued hee gaue to shimei , that hee would not put him to death , according to the desert of his irreuerent language , and disrespect to his person . and both diuine , and humane letters are full of the seuere chasticements , which god hath inflicted vpon those , who haue not beene faithfull in the keeping of their faith and word . for , being that he himselfe is most faithfull , and doth boast himselfe to bee so , he will likewise that men should be so one towards another . s. isidore , with a great number of words , affirmeth ; that we ought not to deceiue any man : and that all infidelitie , is sinne ; that no man ought to faile in that which he hath promised ; that it is requisite in all men , that their workes concurre with their words , without admitting any exception more then in two cases ; as when that which is promised , cannot be performed without sinne ; or when the businesses , or the persons , admit some notable change . and hee citeth the example of saint paul ▪ who promised to go to corinth , but could not be as good as his word , for those lawfull impediments , which hindred this his intended iourney . whence , it followeth ; that things continuing in the same estate , a man may not , for the conueniences of his priuate profit , be wanting to his promise : and to maintaine the contrarie , is to lay trapps against the truth of faith , and to arme policie against the religion of an oath . in a word , all doe resolue , that all promises are to be kept , and that no deceite or faithlesse dealing ought to be tolerated . and the reason , whereupon they ground it , is common ; for that fidelitas est fundamentum iustitiae ; faithfullnesse is the foundation of iustice , and all contractation ; and that this being taken away , all commerce amongst men , must expire with it , without the which the world cannot be conserued . for they , not resting assured , that that which is promised , shall be performed , they will not trust one another . marcus tullius , sayth very well , that this humane faith is so necessary amongst men , that , euen thieues and pyrates could not liue , if they were not true amongst themselues , and kept their word one with another . and though all , euen the meanest , ought to keepe their word , yet much more carefully ought kings , and princes ; for there is nothing more vnworthy them , then to fayle in their faith , and word , which aboue all earthly things they ought to keepe , and cumply with all , because they are as gods vpon earth , and the head of their people . wherefore , their single word ought to be as an oracle , and to be more firme , sure , and of greater credit , then any bond or obligation whatsoeuer that is sealed and signed with an oath . let the politicians say what they please , and that it is good and sound aduise , that a prince , for to conserue his state , may do an act contrary to fa●th & religion , and neither keepe his word , nor oath ; yet must i be bold to tell them , that this is wicked , vngodly , and beastly counsaile , and contrary to the whole schoole of learned doctors , and holy fathers ; who affirme : that a prince is bound to keepe his word , though hee take not an oath for the performance thereof , but much more if he shall sweare , and binde it by an oath . and if they will not yeeld to this , let these politicians plucke off their maske , and let those that be their sectuaries , speake plaine language , and tell mee what they thinke of those princes , ( as of sigism●nd , and others ) who made no reckoning of that they promise and sweare , when as by the breach thereof , they haue beene vtterly ouerthrowne , when they most assured themselues of victorie . i doubt not but they will hold it for a foolish reason of state. for by this falsifying , princes shall presently loose all their credit and reputation , and all their cunning shall not profit them , for they will neuer afterwards be beleeued . as it is in one of the lawes of the partida . no le creerian los homes , que le oyessen maguer que dixessen verdad . men will not beleeue , what they heare from them , though they speake truth . titus liutus , holdes it a barbarous act , that princes should tye their faithfullnesse to fortune , to runne along with the times , and to shift sayles with euery winde . for by this meanes the word of a prince will come to be like vnto the lesbian rule , which changeth and altereth it selfe , according to the building , and is crooked , and streight , short , or long , sutable to the bignesse or proportion of the stone , or timber which the carpenter , or mason , heweth , or cutteth . but let vs conclude this second point , with this ; that realitie , and sinceritie both in words and deedes , is very necessary for all sortes of persons , but more particularly , for kings and princes , who should rather see heauen and earth to fayle , then that they should faile in their promises . let them first well weigh and consider with themselues , what they either say , or promise , that it be agreeable to the law of god , and to the precepts of the church , but afterwards , let them infallibly obserue and keepe the same . for in this , consisteth the conseruation , and augmentation of great states ; and is that true reason of state , which makes kings more powerfull , more rich , more esteemed , and more obeyed . for hee that keepes his faith , and his word , holdes the hearts of men in his hand , is master of all their wealth , and all because they rest assured , that they may confidently relye vpon his faith and word . wheras , by the contrary , hath insued the destruction of common-wealths , the distrustfullnesse of their subiects , the scorne and contempt of their enemies , and the iealousie of their friends and confederates , who all hang and depend vpon the truth of his words , and the performance of his contracts . and this being once lost , with it hee looseth his credit , and after that all goes to wracke with it . for malignitas ( saith the wise man ) enertet sedes potentium : malignitie or ill-mindednesse , ( which is nothing else , but a lye or deceit ) shall ouerthrowe the seates of the mighty . and cicero saith ; that it is a most wicked and abhominable thing , to breake that word , which conserueth a sociable life betwixt man and man. for ( as aristotle affirmeth ) pacts and couenants , being broaken & violated , there is taken away from amongst men , the vse , trading , and commerce of things . these , and the like effects , cause in a king , either the keeping , or loosing of his credit . but of no lesse importance is that third point , which followeth in the next place , concerning secrecie . § iii. of that secrecie which kings , and their ministers ought to keepe . it is likewise the tongues office , to holde it's peace . and as it is not of the least difficultie , so in nothing more doth mans wisedome and prudence shew it selfe . plato , will not haue him held to be a wise man , that knowes not how to hold his peace . diogenes laertius ; that there is no greater token of a foole , then to be loose-tongued , and lauish of talke ; n●minem stultum tacere posse : it is impossible for a foole , to hold his peace . the ancient , esteem'd him a god vpon earth , that was a friend to silence , representing him in a creature of that region , which hath no tongue . implying thereby , that that man is the liuely image and true picture of god , whose discretion teacheth him , how , when , and where , to holde his peace : alluding happily vnto that of dauid , who finding eyes , eares , and hands in god , seemeth not to finde that hee had a tongue . for , as hee is god , he neuer spake but once . semel locutus est deus : god hath spoaken once . and the spouse speaketh much of all the parts of her beloued , but of his tongue , as if hee had no such thing . and he , that shall not speake a word out of season , nor say any more then what is fitting , it may bee sayd of that man , that hee hath no tongue . and therefore did that holy king dauid so often beg of god , that hee would open his mouth with his owne hand , and so order his tongue that he might not speake , but when he would haue him , and that he would teach him what , and how to speake . illius labia aperit ( saith s. austen ) qui non solum , quod loqu●tur , sed etiam quandò , & vbi , & cuiloquatur , attendit : god opens that mans lips , who attendeth not onely what he speaketh , but also when , where , and to whom he speaketh . merito igitur sapiens est ( addeth the same holy father ) qui accipit a domino , quo tempore loquendum sit : deseruedly therefore is he to be held a wise man , which receiueth instruction from the lord , when he ought to speake . and the scripture saith ; vir sapiens tacebit vsque ad tempus : a wise man will holde his peace till hee see his time . nay christ himselfe , that king of kings saith of himselfe by the prophet esay ; that his eternall father gaue him an exceeding wise and prudent tongue . dedit mihi dominus linguam eruditam : the lord god , hath giuen me a learned tongue ; or , as the hebrew renders it , eruditiorum ; the tongue of the learned ; not an ordinary tongue , but such a tongue , wherin was to be found the wisedome , and prudence of all the wise men of the world , and from whence all might learne . vt sciam sustentare eum , qui lapsus est verbo : that i may know how to vphold him , that hath slipt in his word ; or ( as the . translate it ) vt sciam quando oporteat loqui verbum : that i should know how to speake a word in season to him that is weary . so that a wise , discreete , and prudent tongue , and such a one as is giuen by god , is that , which knowes when to speake , and when to hold it's peace . teaching kings , who are in a manner gods , at least gods liuetenants , should in this particular imitate him . that they should haue a wise tongue , to know when to open the doore of the lips , and when to shut them , what to vtter , and what to conceale . for , this is the learning and wisedome of the tongue , either to speake , or be silent , as shall sute best with time , and occasion . tempus tacendi , & tempus loquendi : it is salomons ; a time to keepe silence , and a time to speake . and in kings , this is so much the more important , by how much the more graue and weighty are those businesses , which are treated with them . for , it doth not onely benefit them , in not hauing their purposes preuented , nor their designes ouerthrowne , but likewise winn's them much authoritie and credit . for the world will stand as it were astonished and amazed , and men will wonder at that , which they both doe , and say , and out of euery kinde of gesture , or word of theirs , will make a mystery , deliuer their iudgements , and draw thence a thousand discourses , all which are but cranes and pullyes to make them mount higher in opinion , and reputation . likewise , when ministers shall take notice , that their king knowes how to heare , and how to hold his peace , and in it's due time , to execute his intentions , they liue in a great deale the more awe and feare , lest such and such things ( wherein they doe amisse ) might come to his knowledge : and when they see , that he knowes how to conceale a secret , till it 's fit time and season , it keepes them within their compasse , and is the only bridle , that restraines them from doing ill , either by way of oppression ( whereunto great ministers are too much subiect ) or otherwise . and therefore , it shall much concerne a king , not onely to be secret in those things , which might cause some inconuenience , if he should speake of them , and make them knowen , but also in those things , which bring no profit by their publication . for , if they shall once perceiue , that their king cannot conceale , what is deliuered vnto him vnder the seale of silence , in preiudice of this , or that particular party , no man will dare to informe , and aduise him of that , which may redound to gods seruice , and the good of the common-wealth . and so like bad gamesters , they will for want of keeping close their cardes , let their contrary winne the game , by discouering their hand . a kings h●art , should be so deepe and profound , that none should be able to pry into it , nor to know what is hidden there . and therefore he must haue such a secret heart , as s. austen speakes of ; coraltum : that is , cor secretum : or ( as others reade it ) profund●m , an inscrutable heart ; or so deepe , that none shall be able to diue into it . and some compare a kings heart vnto punctum , a little point or pricke , which to diuide , or to draw any thing out of it , is ( if not impossible at least very difficult . the heart of a king , must be closed and shut vp , like this punctum , whence there shal be an impossibility , or at least a great deale of difficulty , in extracting any one word or secret , recōmended vnto him . salomon sayth ; that the hearts of kings , are in the hands of god ; and are guided & directed by him . and that therfore their secretes & mysteries , are not to be divulged , and made common , no not to his neerest minions and fauourites ; & when at most , but to some one particular priuado , and that vpon very good & iust cause . our sauiour christ , once , ( vpon necessary occasiō ) discouered a secret to his great priuado , or fauourite , s. iohn , but it was with these circumstances ; that thee told it him in his eare , forbidding him to speake therof vnto any . and because , neither by signes , or any other outward demonstration , he might make it knowen , he bound vp all his senses in a deepe and profound sleepe , to the end , that by none of them , he might expresse that , which it behooued him to conceale . great is the importancie of secrecie , & the authoritie which it giues to the iudgements , & motiues of those that gouerne . for , if all might know the causes , which moue a prince to make this or that prouision , to giue , this this or iudgement , to pardon , or to punish , to craue , or to giue , many censures wold passe vpō it , & it might cause many scandalls & alterations in a cōmon-wealth . and therfore it much concerneth so supreme a maiesty not to suffer the secret which is shut vp in his bosome , to be published to the world . and in some cases , it may come to be a mor●al sin , when such things as are aduertised a king , & such memorials as are giuen him firmed & signed with this or that mans hand , he shal shew them to the parties , whom they touch and concerne , be they sters , or fauourites , in regard of the great hurt , opposition , and dissention , which there-fro may arise . but hee may doe this , in case it may well sort with the secret it selfe , to take out the pithe and substance of it , and without shewing any firme , or vttring any word whereby the author may be knowen , and shew it to the delinquent ( if so he thinke fit ) for his correction , and amendment . and when hee findes that to be true which hath beene told him , and that it cannot be denyed , let him apply a due and fitting remedy . for many times dissimulation in the prince ( not seeming to take notice of a fault ) causeth but the more dissolutenesse in the subiect . this is so farre forth , as concerneth kings , for whom may suffice , that aduice of caelius rodiginus , who tells them more at large , how considerate they ought to be in this particular . for many cities and kingdomes haue beene lost and ouerthrowen for want of secrecie . but let vs now begin to speake of ministers , and secretaries of state , in whom vsually lyes the greater fault . and to whom , by their office , secrecie more properly belongs . the name it selfe expresing as much . for , out of that obligation which they haue to be secret , they are called secretaries , and are the archiues and cabinets of the secrets of the king , and the kingdom . though this name through the soothing and flattery of your suitors , hath falsely extended it selfe to those , which neither keepe secret , nor treate of such businesses as require secrecie . and it is fit , that these names should not be thus confounded , or that that honor and title should be giuen to him , to whom by office it not appertaineth . secretaryes i say , shut vp with that secrecie , as was that booke of those secret mysteries which saint iohn found sealed with seuen seales , which none , but the king himselfe could open . sacramentum regis bonum est ( sayd the angel raphael to toby ) opera autem dei reuelare , honorificum est : it is good to keepe close the secret of a king , but it is honourable to reueale the worke of god. which is as much to say , as that the determinations of a king should be kept secret , but that the effects and execution of them should be published and made manifest , when it is fitting for the seruice of god , and the kingdome . for a kings secret , is his heart , and till that god shall ▪ moue him to expresse it by some outward worke , there is no reason that any one else should discouer it . to reueale a secret , is by the lawes of god , and nature , and by all men generally condemned , and all lawes , and nations , doe seuerely punish the same , for the great hurt , and many inconueniences , that may follow thereupon . the lawes , they are defrauded , the resolutions of kings , they are hindred ; their enemies , they are aduertised ; their friends they are offended ; mens mindes , they are perturbed ; kingdomes , they are altered ; peace ; that is lost ; the delinquents , they are not punished ; and lastly all publicke and priuate businesses are ouerthrowen . and there is not any thing , that goes crosse , or amisse in a state , or that miscarryes or is lost , but by the reuealing of the secrets of kings , and of their counsells . as that great chancellour gerson told the king of france , touching the ill successe of some things in his time , for that some of his ministers did publish that which was treated and determined at the counsell-table . and the like befell enrique , king of portugall ; who , because hee was deafe , they were faigne to speake so loud vnto him , that all men might heare what they said . valerius maximus much commendeth the secrecie of the romane senate , and says , that for this cause , that consistorie was held in high esteeme , and that it was a great occasion of inlarging their empire . and they , and the persians , did keepe with that faith the secrets of their kings , that there was no feare of plumping them , or being able to draw any thing from them , no not so much as the least word , whereby to discouer the businesse . vse , together with the feare of punishment , and hazard of their liues , had so settled and confirmed this silence in them . for , they did punish no offence with greater rigour , then that of vnfaithfullnesse , in matters of secrecie ; and with a great deale of reason , because it is in so neere a degree vnto treason ; and i thinke , i should not say amisse , if i stiled it in the highest . regis proditor , & patriae euer for aestimandus est ( saith osorius ) such aone , is to be held a traytour to the king , and a subuerter of the state . a law of the partida sayth ; that those counsellours , which reueale their kings secretes , commit treason ; yea , though secrecie be not inionyed them , nor they charged there with . but hee , that takes an oath to be secret , and reuealeth any thing contrary thereunto ; besides that he is a periur'd and infamous person , hee sinnes mortally , and is bound to satisfaction of all the harme , that shall happen thereby , and incurres the punishment of depriuation of his office. for , if hee be sworne to secrecie , or bee made a secretary , and hath silence for the seale of his office , he is iustly depriued thereof , if he vse it amisse . and the law of the recopilation saith , that hee is lyable to that punishment which the king will inflict vpon him , according to the qualitie of the offence , or the hurt thereby receiued . and the imperiall law , ( chapter the first , quibus modis feudum amittit . ) that hee shall loose the fee , which hee holdes of his lord. plutarke reporteth of philipides , that he being in great grace and fauour with lysimachus , king of lacaedemonia , begged no other boone of him but this ; that he would not recommend any secret vnto him ; as one that knew very well that saying of one of the wise men of greece : that there was not any thing of more difficultie , then to be silent in matters of secrecie . as also , for that it being communicated to others , though it come to be discouered by anothers fault , and none of his , yet the imputation is laid as well vpon him , that was silent , as on him that reuealed ; and so must suffer for another mans errour . and in case any man shall incurre any iust suspition thereof , let the king withdraw his fauour from him , dismisse him the court , and put another in his place , that shall be more secret ; for that which they most pretend , is their fidelitie in this point . and howbeit , they haue neuer so many other vertues , and good abilities , yet wanting this , they want all ; and are of no vse , no more then were those vessells in gods house , which had no couers to their mouthes . for such open vessells are they , that cannot keepe close a secret , and altogether vnworthy the seruice of kings . the substance and vertue of your flowres goes out in vapours and exhalations of the lymbecke ; and heate passeth out through the mouth of the fornace : and a secret from betweene the lipps of a foole ; it being a kinde of disease amongst those that know least , to talke most , and to vent through their mouth , whatsoeuer they haue in their heart . in ore fatuorum , cor illorum ( sayth the wise man ) & in corde sapientium , os illorum : the heart of fooles is in their mouth , but the mouth of the wise is in their hearts . cogitauerunt , et locuti sunt . looke what a foole hath in his head , hee will presently out with it . but a wise man , will not speake all that hee knowes . and therefore your naturallists say ; that nature placed two vaines in the tongue ; the one going to the heart , the other to the braine . to the end that that which remaines secret in the heart , the tongue should not vtter , saue what reason and the vnderstanding haue first registred , conformable to that order , which is betweene the faculties of the soule , and of the body , it being fit that the imagination should first conceiue , and the tongue afterwards bring forth : that thinke , the other speake . not like vnto that foole , who vnaduisedly , and without premeditation , went all day long babbling vp and downe . tota die iniustitiam cogitauit lingua tua : thy tongue , all day-long , deuiseth mischiefe . that is , whatsoeuer it imagineth , it easily vttreth , nay sometimes the tongue speaketh without booke , and runnes riot , afore euer it is a ware . but let vs conclude this with that of salomon ; that death , and life , are in the power of the tongue ; a dangerous weapon in the hands of him , that is not master thereof , and knowes not how to rule it . for all mans good , or ill , consisteth in the good , or ill vse of this instrument . the well gouerning whereof , is like a good pilot , that gouerneth a ship ; and the ill guiding of it , like a dangerous rocke whereon men split their honour , and often loose their liues . and therefore the diuell left patient iob , when all the rest of his body was wounded with sores , his tongue whole and sound : not with intent to doe him any kindnesse therein , but because hee knew very well , that that alone was sufficient , if hee were carelesse thereof , for to make him loose his honour , his life , and his soule : for all these lye in the power of the tongue . qui in consideratus est , ad loquendum , sentiet mala : he that openeth wide his lipps , shall haue destruction . and the plagues which shall befall him , will bee so remedilesse , that he shall not meete with any medicine to cure them . nor is there any defence against the carelesse negligences of a babbling tongue which are so many , that the holy ghost stiles such a kinde of tongue , the vniuersitie , or schoole of wickednesse . vniuer sitas iniquitatis : wherein is read a lecture of all the vices . whereas on the contrary , vir prudens secreta non prodit ; tacenda enim tacet , et loquenda loquitur : a wise man will not betray a secret ; but silenceth those things , that are to be silenced , and vttereth those things , that are to be vttered . it is worthy our weighing , how much importeth the warinesse in our words , for gods honour , and the kings credit and authoritie , which is much abused and lessened by futile , and flippant tongues , to the great hurt of a kingdome , and the good gouernment of the common-wealth . and let kings correct this so great a disorder in the disclosing closing of secrets , either out of their respect to such and such persons , or for their particular interests , or out of the weakenesse of a slippery tongue . let priuie-counsellours ( i say ) and secretaries of state , bridle their tongues ; if not , let kings , if they can , restraine them . and if they cannot do it of themselues , let them petition god , as dauid did ; in camo et frae●o maxillas eorum constringe : hold in their mouth with bit and bridle . for i am of saint iames his beliefe ; nullus hominum domare potest : the tongue can no man tame ; it is an vnruly euill . i say moreouer that the harmes which the tongue doth , are so many , and in such a diuerse manner , that the euill consisteth not onely in speaking , but many times likewise in being silent , and saying nothing ; by forbearing to speake the truth in that which is fitting , and when it ought to speake , ( as already hath beene sayd ) and in not reprouing and amending his neighbour , being obliged , thereunto , by the law naturall , diuine ▪ and positiue ; and in not reprehending murmurers , and backbiters ; for then , for a man to hold his peace , and not to checke them for it , is to consent and concurre with them , and to approue that which they say . and s. bernard tells vs , that he cannot determine which of the two is worser ; detrahere , an t detrahentem audire , quid horum damnabilius sit , non facile dixerim : to detract , or to heare him that detracteth , which is the more damnable , i cannot easily define . but more especially in kings & persons of authoritie , who with a blast only of their breath , or with a sower looke , may make them hold their peace . i leaue the charge of this vnto them , and charge their consciencs with it . and for the discharge of mine owne , i will now aduertise them of another sort of people , whom for their tongue and talke none can exceede . §. iiii. of flatterers , and their flatteries . amongst those infinite hurtes , and mischiefes which an euill tongue causeth , one amongst the rest , and not the least , is that of adulation and flattery . which is so much the greater , by how much the more dissembled and feigned it is . the sacred scripture tearmes it absolutely a sinne , and says , that a flatterer , is absolutely a sinner . so some doe paraphrase vpon that verse ; oleum autem peccatoris : the oyle , or balme of a sinner . for in it is included all sortes of sinne whatsoeuer , and aboue all a great neglect and contempt of god : for although this be to be seene in all kinde of sinnes , yet doth it more particularly expresse it selfe in those , which draw not with them any delight , which they doe as it were vnprofitably , and sine pretio ; for it brings them no profit at all , vnlesse ( when most ) a little vanitie , which they more esteeme , then god. these , that they may gaine the kings elbowe , or that they may not bee put from it , speake alwayes vnto him in fauour of that , which hee desireth ; and all their artifice and cunning is , to conceale the truth , and that the doore may be shut against him , that may tell it him , or those that know not ( like themselues ) how to please the kings palate . and being confident , that they will giue eare to euery word which they speake , they lay falsehoods and lyes athwart their way , fathering such actions of prowesse and valour vpon kings , that they haue much adoe to for-beare laughing , that heare their folly . for there are some prayses , that are dis-prayses , and redound much to the disgrace and dishonour of princes . for by those vntruths , wherewith they sooth and flatter them , they breed suspition of that good which is in them . and because they make pleasing the marke whereat they shoote , they neuer looke , whether it be a lye , or a truth , which they deliuer , nor haue an eye more vnto good , then ill ; iuste or vniust , against god , or his neighbour , all is one : cannonizing their king for a saint , though they know the contrary . these ( saith nazianzene ) are like to your sorcerers of egypt , which were about pharaohs person , who with feigned prodigies , did pretend to ease his heart of that griefe which those plagues did cause in him . ambitious and proud men are these , which thus resist the truth , and that they may not fall from their bias , oppose themselues to those that speake the truth , and minde nothing else , but to cast a fayre colour on those things , whereunto they see their prince stands affected . they come of the race of your cameleons , which liue by the ayre , and cloath themselues with the colour of that whereunto they approach neerest . if they see the king troubled , they are troubled ; if merry , they are merry ; if sad , they are sad ; hauing their teares as neere at hand , as their smiles , for to deceiue him ; and the better to content him , they change themselues into a thousand colours : in all they imitate him : in all doe they labour to represent him to the true life . there is not that glasse , which so liuely represents the face , the semblance , and actions of those that looke therein , as the flatterer ( who is that shadow which alwayes followes the body of him hee flattereth ) doth his kings countenance , his motions , his postures , his gestures , his saying , and his doings . for , as they see him either say , or doe , so doe they . being like vnto the echo , which answereth to the last syllable of euery word that is voyced in the ayre . these are the kings echos , which answer him in all , not onely in that which the voyce soundeth ; but in that which they imagine to be to his liking : being herein very like vnto those lying hypocrites which thinke one thing , and make shew of another . but they are presently discouered , and this their second intention soone vnderstood , which is , to lye , and flatter , to make themselues gratious , and to bring their businesses the better about , though it be to the hurt of others . with one single truth , they will dawbe ouer a thousand lyes ; as perfumers doe a great deale of leather , with a little ciuit. and thus soothing and suppling the eares of princes with a subtill softenesse , and deceitful sweetnesse , thy powre lyes into them , and working them with a gentle hand , they passe for truths , whilst these false perswaders falsifie the truth , and are worse members in a common-wealth then those that falsifie the kings coine ; and sinne more grieuously then those that beare false witnesse . for these , by their testification , deceiue onely the iudge , that is to sentence the cause ; but these with their faire and false flatteries , not only cozen and deceiue kings , but corrupt and infect them , & make them to perseuere in their errours . per dulces sermones , & benedictiones , seducunt corda innocentium ( saith s. paul ) by good words , and faire speeches they deceiue the hearts of the simple . and therefore with the greater and more grieuous punishments ought they to be punished . they are not so squezy stomackt , as to make dainty of lying , nor make they any bones to tell an vntruth , if thereby they thinke they may please . and as soone will they lay hold on a lye , as a truth , so as they rest well apayd therewith to whom they vent their flatterie and their leasings . and some are so trayned and bred vp to them , that they take delight to heare them , and doe as verily beleeue them , as they doe their creede . and so close doth this falsehood cleaue vnto them , that without any occasion or cause giuen they leane thereunto , and stedfastly beleeue , that they haue that goodnesse in them , which they want , and not that badnesse , wherein they exceede . for , being sencelesse of their owne defects , they no sooner heare themselues commended but they are presently puffed vp , and conceit themselues to surpasse all other princes . and thus doe they liue all their life long deluded , taking themselues to be othewise , then they are , being abused and vndone , by lyes , and flatteries ; whence it is now growne to be a prouerb ; princeps , qui libenter audit verba mendacij , omnes ministros habet impios : if a ruler hearken to lyes , all his seruants are wicked . for euery man will frame his tongue , according to his eare and feede him with that fruit , which they know best pleaseth his palate . it being a dangerous disease in kings , not to indure the truth ; and as mortall in the subiects , that they know not well , how to acquaint them therewith . the one , because they minde no other things ; the other because they dare not speake their minde . many seekeing to please them , most to flatter them , and some not to contradict them , being loath to distast them , of whose helpe & fauour they may stand in neede , hauing so much the kings eare , and such great power in court. they know that the bread of lyes is sauory , and that flatterers are too well heard , that they buzze into kings eares a thousand fictions and falsehoods , which they themselues inuent , and by their smooth carriage of them , perswade them to be truths . and for that kings ( vsually ) treate with few , they cannot be informed of the truth , and so are forced to beleeue those , who of purpose seeke to deceiue them . and therfore the wise men of athens did set such a watch about their kings , that flatterers should not bee suffred to speake with them . for these their smooth words , their adulations , and flatteries when they are once receiued by the eare , do not slightly passe away , entring in at one eare , and going out at another , but they cleaue vnto the soule , and make their way euen to the innermost part of the heart , and there make their seate , and abode . verba susurronis , quasi simplicia , & ipsa perueniunt ad intima cordis : the words of a tale-bearer , carry a faire shew , but they are as wounds , and they goe downe into the innermost parts of the belly . and albeit they be cast out , and doe not wholy either possesse , or perswade vs , as knowing of what stampe they are , and in what mould they are cast , yet at least they leaue behind them a kinde of guste , and content , and with that wherewith they seeme to please , they kill . as water doth those , that are sicke of a hectick-feuer , which they drinke with so much pleasure , and swallow downe with so much greedinesse : so these men come to tast that , which turnes to their owne hurt . crossing the opinion of iob ; who would haue none to tast that , which being tasted , should occasion his death . of your rich red wine , the wise man saith , that it is pleasant and sweete in the going downe , but afterwards that it biteth and gnaweth in the belly ▪ like a serpent ; in like manner , soothing is very sweete and sauory , and and seemeth least sower , to those , that are most powerfull , and , although they see the poyson that it is mingled with , yet they drinke it downe with a good will , and their seruants will be sure to serue them with the best and the strongest , contrary to that precept of gods , which saith ; noli vinum dare regibus : giue not wine vnto kings , lest they drinke , and forget the law , and peruert the iudgement of any of the afflicted . let kings therefore take heede of these flatterers , and false deceiuers , who pretend no more then to vphold themselues in their place , and grace , and to receiue thankes for doing ill . and the miserie of it is , that they finde this to be a good way for their rising in court , and to grow in fauour with princes ; and the onely sure course , whereby to shape and worke out their aduancement . plutarke sayth , that it is the fashion and language of vile and base people , and besides many other infamous names and foule attributes , that hee giues them , hee declares , them to be of as base condition , as are your slaues , which of necessitie must cumply in all their actions , and their answers with their masters liking , and pleasure . the doing whereof , were there no other slauerie , is slauerie inough of it selfe . but in some cases , it may be somewhat more tollerable , as when their flatteries shall doe little or no hurt , and when as their lyes and vntruths shall tend to no other end , but merriment , and to intertaine , and please him whom they serue . but in the rest it is treason and treacherie . king don alonso ( surnamed the wise ) in a law of the partida , sayth que si alguno , &c. that if any one should speake words of leasing and of flatterie to the king , that hee should not bee suffred to come neere him . for such kinde of men , are like like vnto their tamer sort of bees , that are housed in their hiues , which haue honey in their mouthes , but wound with their stings . they speake sweete words , but their tongues are full of poyson ; venenum aspidum sub labijs eorum : the poyson of aspes is vnder their lipps . sagiita vulnerans , lingua eorum : their tongue is as an arrow shot out . and they bend their tongue , like their bow , for lyes . they are worse ( saith saint ierom ) then scorpions , who wooe vs with their face , and wound vs with their taile . and therefore the prophet ezechiel , discoursing of kings , aduiseth them , saying ; looke well to your se●ues , for you dwell among scorpions . and well was that holy king acquainted with their ill condition , who did cast them off from him , when he said ; depart from me ye wicked . quare persequimini me , & carnibus meis saturamini ? why doe yee persecute me ( saith iob ) and are not satisfied with my flesh ? other creatures , ( though neuer so fierce , and cruell ) content themselues with feeding on dead carkasses ; but these must liue and be sustained by liuing flesh , and like your birdes of rapine , prey vpon the bosomes and hearts of kings . nullum quidem animantium genus ( saith plutarke ) assentatoribus est perniciosius : no creature so dangerous as is the flatterer . diogenes and bias , both great philosophers , were of opinion , that amongst your wilde beastes , the most hurtfull , and which did bite sorest , were the tyrant , and the tale-bearer , but amongst your tame ones , and such as are bred by hand , the flatterer . the scripture tearmes flattering , biting . they are snarling currs ; qui mordent dentibus suis : which bite with their teeth . they come towards you with a fleering countenance , but no sooner haue you in their reach , but they snap at you . and therefore a great monarch , to one that made towards him , with a feigned smile , and fawning looke , when hee came neere him , gaue him , ( as to a dogge ) a kick , saying ; cur me mordes ? why doest thou bite mee ? isocrates affirmeth , that there is not any pestilence more pernicious and praeiudiciall to kings , then the flatterer ; and aduiseth them , that they should shunne them that applaud all that they say , or doe ; but should cherish and make much of those , who in good tearmes tell them their errours ; for these are true friends and loyall subiects ; and those other , kinde enemies and familiar traytours , who with the soft silken scarfe of smooth-tongued flatterie gently strangle them , receiuing , but not perceiuing their death , like little children that insensibly fall asleepe , being lull'd in their nurses lapps . and they are by so much the more dangerous ( saith s. gregory ) by how much the lesse they are knowen and vnderstood . kings carefully guard their royall persons , with many guardes of porters , halbardeers , and soldiars . but there is no guard set , nor no doore shut against these false friends , these domesticke enemies ; for those their soft words , oyled ouer with adulation , are those darts , and brasse ordnance wherewith they kill and slay . molliti sunt sermones eius super ●leum , & ipsi sunt iacula ▪ the words of his mouth were smoother then butter , but warre was in his heart , his words were softer then oyle , yet were they drawen swords . they are men , that carry two faces vnder one hood , they are counterfaite doblones that haue two seuerall stampes , but neither of them golde , which god abhorreth , and throwes them a thousand leagues off from him , such is the hatred hee beares vnto them . spiritus enim sanctus effugiet fictum : for the holy spirit of discipline , will fly deceit , and will not abide , when vnrighteousnesse commeth in . therein , teaching discreete kings , how they ought to avoyde this kinde of vaine men , and dissembling dispositions , whose pills of poyson , are confectioned with sugar , and fairely , but falsely gilded ouer . the emperour tiberius , was such an enemie vnto them , and to whatsoeuer did sauour of flattery , that neuer either in publicke , or in secret , did hee giue way to intertayning any speech with them , and held those hearts to be base and vile , which did vse the like feigned courtesies . and the two seueri , alexander & septimus : did seuerely prosecute these beasts , and pursued them to the death , as most mischeiuous to a common-wealth . theodoricus , stabd one of his seruants , because thinking thereby to please him , and to curry fauour with him , he had changed his religion . and the athenians , beheaded an embassadour of theirs , whom they imployed to the king of persia , because in an insinuating and flattering kinde of fashion , hee made his entrance , when hee came to haue his audience , with great submissions , and thereupon enacted a law , whereby they condemned flatterers to death . and the emperours , arcadius and honorius ordeyned the like in their lawes . and good king dauid did well instruct kings , how they were to deale with these traytors , in that rigorous chasticement , which hee exercised on an amalakite , who thought to winne his fauour by bringing him newes of sauls death ; whom presently there vpon the place in his own presence , hee caused to be slaine . this kingly prophet , did hate them exceedingly , and was much the more wary and heedefull of them , as being the diuells ministers , and being instructed by him , in the trade of counterfeite gilding , and laying oyle colours on rusty yron , wherein hee had so played the cunning merchant with our first parents , & met with such good and rich indyes . and therefore did so earnestly beg of god , that not one drop of that oyle of these traders with hell , might touch his head . oleum autem pe●catoris , non impinguet capu● meum : let not their precious oyle make fatte my head . for that soft and sweete oyntment of theirs , is full of poyson . others , translate it , non srangat : let it not breake my head . for , though their words seeme to be like oyle , or balsamum that is powred forth , yet are they sharpe arrowes , and deadly darts . this oyle , or balsamum ( saith casiodorus ) is flatterie , which is an inuention of the diuells to bereaue men of their sences . he tooke this course with the first of men , and neither hath , nor will giue ouer till hee haue made an end ( if hee can ) with the last . for great is that vngodly gaine which hee maketh by this kinde of merchandise . with this pleasant bath , and mouth-oyntment hee came to our first parents , and began to smooth , and annoynt them with his inticing flatteries , telling them , that they should be no whit inferiour vnto god , if they would but taste of the forbidden fruit . they ( vnfortunate therein ) beleeu'd it , and who is he , that knowes not what a bad bargaine they made of it , and what great losse they sustained ? and what an ill market , they make , and what they loose by their trading , who by these fomentations , suffer the crowne of their head to be annoynted ? the fall of that prince , is very neere at hand , if not very certaine , that lets his eares lye open to the like lyes ; for by listning vnto sycophants and flatterers , good kings haue become bad , and by dancing after their pipe , and gouerning themselues by their aduise , kings and kingdomes haue come to ruine . commodum , iuuenem imperatorem , perdiderunt : ( saith herodian . ) they vndid thereby the young emperour commodus . they likewise ( saith plutarke ) were the cause of the disastrous death of iulius caesar , and of diuerse others . and as some wise and holy saints haue obserued , many more kings and kingdomes haue beene vndone by flatterers , then by the warrs ; for they are the rootes and beginning of all mischiefes , and all the publicke miseries of common-wealths , are to be attributed vnto them . let kings in this particular be well aduised , and not suffer themselues to be deceiued , nor to haue dust throwen in their eyes , that they may not see the hurt , which flattery causeth . s. ierom saith , that it is an vnlucky starre , and an vnfortunat fate , or constellation , that thus leades the soule and heart aside with flatteries , and carries them which way they list . for although by fits , we see the face of our owne shame vn-masked , and know our selues to be vnworthy of what we heare , yet inwardly wee reioyce thereat ; like vnto those , who by fortune-tellers , being told their good fortune , take pleasure in hearing of it , though they finde it afterwards to bee bad . the remedy against this , is that which the holy ghost setteth downe vnto vs. to wit ; that wee should sowe our eares with bushes and thornes , that they may paine and pricke his tongue that shall come to court them with flatteries . let kings haue reprehension and chasticement in readinesse against these plotters and impostors . plus enim persequitur lingua adulatoris , quàm manus interfectoris : for a flatterers tongue does more harme , then a murderers hand . seneca in his epistles , tells vs how exceedingly alexander the great was incensed against his friends , because they tolde him , that hee was the sonne of a god. hee told them they ly'd . and hee was in the right . for all that flatter , lye ; and that is not to be beleeu'd which they say , but that which euery man knowes of himselfe , and what his owne conscience dictates vnto him : and what good doth their commendation doe mee , if that accuse mee ? and in case that they doe not doe this base office , but that they themselues sooth vp themselues , and beleeue that of themselues , which they are not , this , of all other adulation , is the worst , and the most incurable , because it ariseth from selfe-loue , and a proper estimation of our owne worth , which is that inward flatterer which we all beare about vs in our owne bosomes , and are willing to intertane his false perswasions . for hee that is flattered by another , doth sometimes know , that all is lyes and adulation , which they tell him , and makes a game and scoffe of it , which hee doth not doe , when it proceedes from himselfe , but doth rather desire , that all should fauour him in this his opinion ; and it is a strange thing , and much to be wondred at , that without himselfe , and in another , a man should so easily perceiue adulation , and should not see it in himselfe . but the reason of it is ; that some doe rest so well satisfied of themselues , that all whatsoeuer they imagine in their owne conceit , they opinion it to be truly in them , and to be their due . let vs therefore conclude this discourse , with aduising kings , that it is basenesse in a brest and heart that is truly noble and royall , to suffer himselfe to be so lightly led away by men of such vile thoughts , and base pretensions , which follow more a prince his fortune , then his person . they feare not his hurt , nor pittie his paines , for that they are traytours , and easily vary from their faith and loyaltie , and passe ouer to another . they flatter this man , and backbite that : they sooth one , and flout another . their tongues , are like double sawes , which sawe on both sides , which comming and going , cut wheresoeuer they come , and slice and mince all that they light vpon , not sparing any man. there is no trusting of these men , nor can we safely haue ought to doe with them ; for , to serue their turne , they haue still two contrary weapons ready at hand , and with one and the same prince , make vse of them both . one while they lye , and another while speake truth , but flatter in both . their tongue droppeth forth words of hony , and their lips are canded with sugar ; for they know , that in kings houses much sweete meates are spent , and they hold him that shall season things with a contrary relish for their palate , to be offensiue and troublesome , and it will not goe downe with them , so harsh doth it seeme vnto them in the swallowing . king ahab renders no other reason of his hatred towards the prophet micah , but because hee did not speake pleasing things , and such as did agree with his guste and palate ; for hee that is accustomed to this kinde of diet , will hardly be brought to digest any other . quia non prophetat mihi bonum , sed malum ( saith the text . ) there is yet one man , by whom wee may inquire of the lord ; but i hate him , for hee neuer prophesieth good vnto mee , but alwayes euill . hee had signified some truthes vnto him , but hee did not like well of them ; for those eares , that haue beene accustomed to flatteries , will hardly indure to be tolde their owne , and to heare that , which may dis-deceiue them , and put them out of their errour . but this wicked king payd the price of his ●olly , at no lesse a rate then his life . for these his false prophets , and flatterers , led him along into the doores of death , as fooles by faire words are led vnto the stocks . but hee , that is a good king , will not suffer himselfe to be carried away with euery winde , nor be moued with soothing and artificiall words ; and all such , as are of a generous minde , and of a graue and constant disposition , and men of reckoning and authoritie , are enemies to such kinde of lightnesse , and meere strangers to all manner of leasings and adulation . this being so , wee ought not only to keepe the doores of our eares shut against these their accursed tongues , but of our houses against these vaine and lying sycophants , and to desire of god , that he will be pleased to illighten the vnderstanding of kings and princes , that they may get at least out of this blindnesse wherein they liue , and that he will free them from these eare-wiggs , and incroaching flatterers , who onely for to please , and for their particular interest , celebrate their euill actions , and approue for lawfull , all their disordinate appetites . whilest they , out of seelinesse , or willfullnesse , will not see the truth of that saying ; qui te beatum dicunt , ipsi te decipiunt . &c. they , which call thee blessed , cause thee to erre , and destroy the way of thy pathes . lastly , that wee may put an end to this discourse , i say , that there are another sort of flatterers , which they call iesters , and men of pleasure , very hurtfull and preiudiciall both in the common-wealth , and kings courtes ; and by so much the more , by how much the more eare is giuen vnto them . their laughters , their applause , their flatteries , and their fooleries , are all lyes ; one word crossing another , and their last reasons incountring with their first , and by laying hold on all , confound themselues in the end in all . their office is to persecute the truth ; and wheresoeuer they are , there is heard nothing but musicke , songs , and inchantments of lyes and falsehoods , wherewith they deceiue , and fill mens heads with ayre . hee hath small store of braine ( saith a wise man ) which hearkens vnto such kinde of idle companions ; who , for that they finde they haue entrance into the courtes and palaces of kings , loose all shame , and feare , and assume vnto themselues the libertie to runne this large course of life , whereby they thriue so well , and get their bread with so much ease . salomon , amongst those beasts , which represent the actions and gestures of men , which liue by their trickes , and sustaine themselues by their arte and industrie , reckoneth vp the ape . and according to the hebrew truth , and pagninu● his translation , that word stellio signifieth as much . and saith thereof , that it hath it's reception in kings houses . stellio manibus nititur , & moratur in aedibus regis . and thereby vnderstand this linage of mimick men , which liue meerely by their industry , exercising a thousand apish gestures before kings and princes to please them all they can , and to make them to laugh and be merry . they are birdes of rapine , hauing long bills , and double pawes , seazing on what they see , and you must part with something to them either by faire meanes , or by force , vpon paine of putting you in feare , that they will speake that of you , which they doe of others . these ill condition'd birdes ; are vsually bred in high places , although , like lewd women , they stoope to all , admit of all , and take of all , with a pretension to deceiue all , fitting euery one according to his humour , soothing that sinne , whereunto they see the party most affected . they are traytours of their tongue , cogging companions , and lying knaues , who , a man hath no sooner turned his backe , but they scoffe most at him , that giues them most ; and not onely rob him of his money , but his honour , and goe laughing away at their owne folly ; they are rogues by consent , villaines by permission , knaues cum priuilegio , instruments of the diuell , and hawkes-meate for hell ; deseruing to be banished for euer from the presence of kings , and men of authoritie . but the greife of it is ; that the more they lye , the more they are beleeued ; and the more impudently and vnciuilly they talke , they are the better heard . vnhappy are they in themselues , and as vnhappy they that heare them : the one , in their tongues , the other , in their eares . but they shall not remaine without punishment , for their harpes and their ghitterns , their lutes , and their vialls , their singing of new and lasciuious songs , their descanting vpon other mens liues , their lyes , and their flatteries , in that sad and miserable hower of their death , shall be turned into sighes and groanes , into roarings and howlings , and into hideous and fearefull shrikes , as they write of the syrens , to whom esay compares them ; who in their life time sing sweetly , and deceiue the hearing with their sweete notes , and murder the men that listen to them ; but afterwards die themselues , bellowing forth terrible and rauing out-cryes . for then , doth that blood faile and forsake them , which did cheere their heart . in like manner , the sea-beasts , of this sea of the world , when this their naturall heate shall goe decaying , and their blood shall waxe cold and frozen within them , they will depart hence with horrible anguish of soule , terrible gripings of the heart , stinging vexations of conscience , rauing yellings , and shreike vpon shrieke , one ouertaking another tearing the very soule in sunder , caused by their euill conscience , which neuer leaues racking and tormenting them , till it haue brought them downe to the deepe pit of hell , where they shall abide for euer weeping and gnashing their teeth . where i will now leaue them , and passe on to the sense of touching ; which though it be the first in being , yet is it the last , that comes to be handled . chap. xxix . of the sence of touching . of those fiue senses , which nature gaue vnto the creatures , in these two , tasting , and touching , man exceedeth all the rest ; but in those other three , seeing , hearing , and smelling , is exceeded by many . and amongst all the fiue , the most animall , materiall , grosse , and brutall , is the touching , as also all those delightes which by it are inioyed . aristotle saith ; that they are sensuall , beastly , and base , as likewise are those of the tast. it hath , as the rest , the originall and beginning of it's sensation in the braine , and from thence , goes to this , and to all the nerues of sensibilitie , that are either more , or lesse subtill and delicate , according to their seuerall necessities . it is a wonderfull thing , that out of this trunke onely , nay this little chip , ( man ) nature should hew and cut out so many materialls , for instruments for such prime and subtill operations , as those of the sences and so different , that it is impossible for one exteriour sense to doe that , which another doth . and therfore , speaking of the head , whence all , and euery one haue their sensible instrument ; it is fitting , that we should likewise say something of touching , and to set downe it's office ; which is , to haue a sense and feeling of the foure primarie qualities , frigiditie , caliditie , humiditie , and s●ccitie ; and some o●her , which from a mixture with these doe arise , as are hard , soft , rough , plaine , sharpe , flat ; great , little ; and in a word , all that whatsoeuer , that is knowne and discerned by touching . it hath no set place , or determinate situation in the body , but is equally scattred and diffused throughout the whole bulke of man , by vertue of a nerue , which like a fine thine net doth ouer-spread and comprehend the whole lumpe or masse , both within , and without ; by meanes whereof , it hath a feeling in all the parts , but there the more and the better , where the body is more soft and tender , whereunto assisteth the subtiller , and colder blood . aristotle saith ; that it is the first of the sences , and the foundation of all the other foure , and that there is not any creature , but hath it . and as we said of the tast , they say of this , that it is so necessary , that without it , no liuing creature can liue ; but without some of the other may . and in man , in regard of the goodnesse of his complexion , which in him is better then in other creatures , it is more subtill and de●icate , then in any-one , or all of them ; and farre more certaine , and lesse lyable to be deceiued ; and supplieth ( as nissenus affirmeth ) the defects of the other . et videtur datus a natura propter caecos : and it seemes to be giuen by nature , for the good and benefit of blinde men . for when that spiritfull sense of the sight faileth them , which should be their guide , they make vse of this more grosse and materiall sense by groping and feeling the walls . is caecus est , & mann tentans , ( said saint peter ) and s. ambrose ; quod tactu probamus , quae oculis probare non possumus : that wee proue those things by touching , which wee cannot try by the eyes . some of the qualities of this sence , which appertaine to kings , hath already beene handled in those that went before ; all of them , hauing their delight , which wee commonly call guste , or taste . that which remaineth , is to aduise them , to beware thereof , if they will not die by their owne hands ; for it is an ill and vnruly beast , and makes men brutish and beastly . s. basil saith thereof ; that of all the other sences it is the most pernicious , because it trailes and draggs the rest after it , or seemed to haue hired them , to serue it in it's pleasures and delights , making them pay it tribute and custome of all their gaines and commodities . for , that which the eies see , the eares , heare , the nose smells , and the heart desires , is onely there with to serue this sence , letting it share with them , and inuiting it to take part of their best and choysest morsells . the rest haue recourse but to one thing ; this , to all ; nothing comes amisse to it , it lays hand on all . the rest are but as the media , and breues dispositiones . but this is the finis , or end , which all doe pretend . to touch that , which is not lawfull , doth discompose and put the heart out of order and confoundeth mans soule . for thence ( saith s. bernard ) first arise euill thoughts , fowle motions , then consent , next act , and lastly death . it is not fit we should suffer flaxe to come to neere , the flame , nor is it it conuenient , that man should regalar and cocker vp himselfe with this sence ; for that presently such sparkles thence fly forth , as inflame the body , and set the soule on fire . and therefore it is requisite that we carrie a hard hand vpon this sence ▪ & looke well thereunto . for euen in the plainest and euenest way man often times stumbles , how much more where there is apparent danger . and let not kings thinke , because they are kings , that they are free from this tyrant , but in that they are kings , are so daintilie bread , so deliciously fed , and make so much of themselues , they are more subiect thereunto , for that their natural condition , conformes it selfe more to it 's guste , & pleas●re , and is a great friend of regalos , of daint●nesse , and nice vsage , of fine linnen , soft raiment , choice deliacies , and a●● that wh●ch causeth delight , & prouoketh pleasure . and in courts , and kings pallaces , and in the houses of princes and great persons , these things are in greatest request . ecce , qui in veste pretiosa sunt & delicijs , in domibus regum sunt . behold , they which are go●geously apparel ed , and liue delicately , are in kings courts . so says our sauiour christ. and many dangers doe they runne , who measure out all their life by the compasse of contents , and passe times , that goe cloathed in silkes and veluetts and are continually conuersant amidst the sweetest perfumes , the purest holland , the finest damaske , and the richest c'oathes of silke and gold. yet for all this doe not i say , that princes , and great lords , liuing in this state and pompe , cannot ●o nom●ne bee saued , but to shew that in all estates there is a great deale of danger ; but much more in your daintier , and nicer sort of people : nor will i with all my force straine this vnto kings . as well witting , what their estate and greatnesse , doth admit and require . and that as nature did d●fference them from the rest both in blood , and birth so likewise ought there to be a distinction in their diet , raiment , and in the furn●shing and adorning of their houses . but i say that which cannot be denied , that in excuse of this their state and conueniencie , they take vnto themselues heerein too large a licence , and passe to soone from the foote , to the hand ; & from the hand , to the mouth ; making of an inch an ell , and of an , elll an aker . so hard a matter is it for great princes to moderate themselues , and vse a meane . and that heathen was not much wide of the marke , who sayd in the senate , that that is an vnfortunate estate , that obligeth a man to liue alwayes vp to the eyes grazing in his pleasures and delightes : and that it is a very bad omen , for a man , to liue all his life time , according to the sauour and guste of his palate . consuetudinem nullam peiorem esse , quàm vt semper viuat quis ad voluptatem : there is not any custome so bad , as that of a mans liu●ng according to his owne pleasure . such men , are rather to be pittied , then enuied ; for there is not that hower of their contents and de●ightes , which doth not pay it's tribute of teares and sorrow . onely for to please and satisfie this sense , and to recreate that of the sight , haue so many artes beene inuented , so many sorts of trades , and trades-men set a worke , so much varietie of fashions and costly cloathes , such a world of curious silkes , lawnes , cambricks , and hollands , such large beds , rich bedding , sumptuous bed-steds , so sensuall , and so ouer nice and dainty , that it may well be questioned whether is greater , the costlinesse or the curiositie ; the richnesse , or the ryot occasioned by them ? nor ( which is the miserie of it ) is it yet known , whether or how farre this humour will extend it selfe . but sure i am , that thereby houses are disordred , much monyes consumed , ancient inheritances solde away , and a thousand other inconueniences introduced . and ( to say the truth ) this sense hath not neede of so much nicetie , but abuse hath now brought it to that passe , that it hath no sooner a liking to a thing , but it greedily runn's after it , as a beast that is put into a fresh ground , runnes vp and downe , smelling out the choice grasse , and will not bite but at the sweetest . but he that doth regalar , and pamper vp this sense most , doth most of all make it his enemie ; which will neuer giue him ouer till it haue vndone him . this is so large a theame , and so copious a subiect , that if i should heere write and set downe all that , which in this kinde would fairly offer it selfe , i must be driuen much to inlarge my pen. but it is not my intent , to set my cloath on the tenters , nor in this little loome to weaue large histories , and long discourses , but onely to giue a short touch , and away , of the effects , which this sence causeth , and of the miseries and misfortunes , which are incident to touching , and that all the worke , & paines which it does and takes for it's friends , and best well-wishers , is not so freely bestow'd , nor that good assurance giuen thereof , but that this it 's momentary pleasure ▪ makes quick payment , in groanes , in diseases , and in temporall , and eternall death ; the condition of the obligation being drawen and signed by no worse a scriuener then saint paul ; si enim secundum carnem vixeritis , morieimni : for if yee liue after the flesh , yee shall dye . wee haue examples of kings good store , and of ancient and moderne kingdomes , forraine , and domestick . the first shall be of charles the . king of france , in whom voluptuousnesse and delights , wrought so great an alteration in that his most fortunate and happy entrance , which hee made into italy ; where without putting hand to his sword , hee became master of all the whole kingdome of naples , and did so amuze and affright all the world , that the great turke was afraid of being ouer-runne by him , and many of his commaunders , which had the keeping of his fortes on that coast , forsooke them and fled . and if that king had but well followed that enterprize , hee had beene lord of all greece . but being a young gentileman , hee suffered himselfe to be ouercome by the dainties and delicacies of that countrie , spending his time in delightes , banquets , shewes , maskings , dancings , and feastings ; so that hee , who had so soone filled the world with feare , was as soone ouercome by yeelding to the pleasure of this sense . for hee and his did so glut themselues with the fruites of that country , and so followed the delights of the flesh , that hauing entred victorious , they became subiect , and were subdued by that new and loathsome disease , which possesseth the whole body , and to dissemble it's name , they call it corrimiento , which in plaine english , is the french pocks : there , and then it was , where and when it first began to rage , and from thence spred it selfe hither and thither , and now is so generally knowen in all parts of the world , and which by touching onely cleaues close vnto man. and this , had it's roote and beginning in carnall delight , as it was resolued in a consultation of physitians , which king don alonso called together in toledo ( which is another notable example ) who hauing wonne that citie from the moores , and many other places , ioying themselues in the victorie , layd aside their armes , and gaue themselues in that manner to their pleasures and delights , that within a few dayes they were growen so lazye and so weake , that they were not able to fight , nor to beare armes against the enemie ; and being forced to take them vp in a certaine skirmish , which they had neere vnto veles , they were ouerthrowen and shamefully put to flight , leauing dead in the place the sonne of their king. who being very sensible of this so great an infamie , consulted his physicians , what should be the cause of this so great a weakenesse both in the strength and courage of his soldiars , who in the first incounter hauing shew'd themselues as fierce as lyons , in this last conflict seemed as fearefull as hares . who answered him with that , which pliny speakes of the romans , who fell from their ancient greatnesse , because in their meate , drinke , and apparell , and in the delicacies of their bathes , and companie keeping with women , they exceeded all those , whom before they had ouercome . and therefore , vincendo , victi sumus : wee are ouercome , by ouercoming . and thereupon , that good king forthwith commanded the bathes to be destroyed , together with the houses of pleasure , gardens , and other the like places of recreation , wherewith that dammage was in part repayred . in these two things , daintinesse in diet , and wantoning with women , the diuell imploies his vttmost strength and force , that hee may quit those of it , and vtterly dis-inable them , that giue themselues thereunto . and this was that counsaile and aduice , which that member of satan , and false prophet , balaam gaue to the king of moab ; that in those places , through which the children of israel were to passe , hee should appoint certaine of his fayrest women to be there in readinesse , to receiue and intertaine them , to cherish and make much of them , and to inuite them to eate and drinke with them , as the onely meanes to draw them on to their destruction as it afterwards fell out . this is pointed at in numbers but set forth more at large in iosephus . where it is added , that those are not to be feared , which giue themselues to the like gustes and delights , for in waxing weary of the clattering of armour , and taking pleasure in the sound of musicke , in putting off harnesse , and putting on silkes ; in changing a field-tent , for a soft bed ; and forsaking the conuersation of soldiars , and captaines , to follow the companie of women , they stuck a naile in the wheele of their fortunes . these are examples , that cannot be excepted against ; but much lesse that which followes of king salomon , whose pompe , musick , dancings , feastings , huntings , dainties , delights , and passe times , were such , as he himselfe , inspired by the holy ghost , reckons vp . now that , which he got by all these , what was it ? onely this , that these vices , and wanton delights , made him forget himselfe , and to blot out all the good of his felicitie , and that good correspondence , which hee held with god , and in such sort did turne his braines , that hee came to committ idolatrie , and to call his saluation in question . and therefore let euery one command his flesh , as hee would command his slaue , lest it make him a slaue . for to him that yeelds himselfe thereunto , it is a fierce ; to him , that feares it , a cruell ; and to him , that deliuers the keyes of his libertie vp vnto him , a dominering tyrant , which like a haltred beast , it hales after him . there are two remedies found , for the curing of so many dammages and disorders , as we perceiue to be in this sense of touching , and that of the tast. one generall for all ; which is temperance , whereof wee will treate by and by ; the other more particular , drawne from the example of kings , whereof we will discourse hereafter . §. i. of temperance . the office of temperance , is to keepe a man from flying out , and to make him not to incline to a little more , or a little lesse , but to liue alwayes in very good order , not exceeding in any thing the bounds of reason . est moderatio cupiditatum , rationi obediens : it consisteth in a certaine moderation and mediocritie in pleasures and delights , from which a temperate man abstaineth , refrayning from superfluities and excesses , vsing things according to necessitie , and not according to his appetite . and it is that rule and compasse , which doth mete and measure out the desires of man , that they may not passe from their point and center , not suffring the heart , like the rauen , to flesh it selfe on the dead flesh of sensuall delights . s. dionisius saith ; that it serueth to incline a man to all good ; according to the rule of reason ; as well in that which appertaineth to the sense of touching , as of the taste , that it may not , like an vnbridled colte , breake out into those two vnruly appetites , whose operations are so furious and vehement , that in earth , water and ayre , they leaue nothing safe and secure ; and therefore had neede of this great vertue , to restraine their disorders , and concupiscences . these are those that make the cruellest warre against both body and soule ; and this is that , which bridleth , tempreth , and moderateth her in her excesses . temperantia ( saith prosperus ) temperantem facit , abstinentem parcum , sobrium , moderatum , pudicum , tacitum , serium , & verecundum : temperance makes a man temperate , abstemious , sparing , sober , moderate , modest , silent , serious , & yet shamefac't . it is a vertue worthy kings and princes , and much commended by the saints , and many are those vertues which accompany it ; as modestie , shamefastnesse , chastitie , abstinence , faire and comely behauiour , moderation , sobrietie , grauitie , and humilitie . aristotle calls it , conseruatricem prudentiae , & sapientiae , the conservresse of prudence and wisedome . for intemperance in eating and drinking , or in any other kinde of delight , doth ouerthrow the braine , dull the vnderstanding , darken the iudgement , blunt the best and sharpest wit , and makes man , as it were , a beast , as is to be seene by experience . quotidiano experimento probatur ( saith pope leo ) potus satietate , aciem mentis obtundi , & vigorem cordis hebetari : it is made good by daily experience , that sacietie of drinke , dulleth the edge of the minde , and blunteth the vigour of the heart . temperance like wise preserueth the health , and makes mans life more long , more sound , and more pleasing . for , to be princes , and monarkes , and lords of all the world , and whatsoeuer therein is , is not sufficient to content them , if they want their health , which is of more worth then all the world besides . melior est pauper sanus , & fortis viribus quam diues imbecillis ; & corpus validum , quàm census immensus : better is the poore , being sound and strong of constitution , then a rich man , that is afflicted in his body . health , and good state of body , are aboue all gold ; and a strong body , aboue infinite wealth . in distempering the humours , the lotts of mens estates are changed . the sicke man , be hee neuer so great a lord , would be content to change states , to haue a poore plough-mans health . to what vse serue kingdomes , signories , and great treasures , if , day and night , a king leade a more miserable life , then a day-labourer ? to what vse serue his rich bed and downe pillowes , if he can take no rest in them ? to what vse serue his delicate cates , and dainty dishes , if hee no sooner sees them , but loaths them ? to what vse serue his rich and pretious wines , if he must be driuen to drinke barly-water ? or what guste and content can hee take in any thing , whose taste is as bitter as gall ? or how can he haue contentment in these outward things , that hath it not within himselfe ? iulius caesar wearyed out with his want of health , did hate and abhorre his life . for , ( as the wise man saith ) melior est mors , quàm vita amara : better is death , then a bitter life . a sicke life , is no life ; nor is there any happinesse , where health is wanting . and all things without it , are as nothing . for to liue without paine , is more to be prized then all . and this doth temperance effect . this preserued marcus valerius more then a hundred yeares sound in iudgement , and strong in body ; and by this socrates liued all his life time free from sicknesses and diseases . it was the saying of the elder cato , that hee gouerned his house , increased his wealth , preserued his health , and inlarged his life , by temperance . in multis escis erit infirmitas ( saith ecclesiasticus ) qui autem abstinens est , adijciet vitam : excesse of meates bringeth sicknesse ; by surfeiting haue many perished , but hee , that taketh heede , prolongeth his life . king masinoja , was wonderfull temperate , his fare was ordinary and with out curiositie , which made him liue so sound and so healthy , that , at . yeares of age , hee begat a sonne , and at . wanne a battaile , wherein he shewed himselfe a very good soldiar , but a better captaine . and therefore let those dis-deceiue themselues , and acknowledge their errour , who thinke they shall preserue their life , by faring deliciously ▪ pliny saith of grasse ; that , quanto peius tractatur , tanto prouenit melius : the worse it is vsed , the better it proues . as with it , so is it with man. homo sicut faenum : man is but as grasse , or as the flower of the field ; which is no sooner vp , but is cut downe ; no sooner flourisheth , but it fadeth ; and all it's beautie no sooner appeareth , but it perisheth , and withereth away , and is no more to be seene . and the more wee make of much our selues , the lesse while we liue . we are alwayes crazy ; soone downe , but not so soone vp ; quickly fall into a disease , but long ere we can get out of it ; loosing our strength , before we come to it , and waxing olde , before euer wee be aware of it . but if a man will lay aside this cockering and pampering vp of himselfe , and habituate himselfe to labour and trauaile , he shall passe his life the better . for health neuer dwells with delights ; nor strength , ioyne hands with choice fare . nor shall hee euer doe any famous acts , and worthy renowne , that feares to take paines , and is willing to take his ease . the emperour hadrian , was singular herein . frigora enim , & tempestates , ita patienter tulit , vt nunquam caput tegeret : hee did indure colds , and all kinde of fowle weather with that patience , that hee neuer put on his hatt , but alwayes went bare-headed . and alexander the great , would tell his soldiars that it was for lazy companions , and effeminate fellowes , to apply themselues to the pleasures and contentments of this life ; but for noble hearts , and generous spirits , to accustome themselues to labour , and to take paines . in a word , temperance is a vertue very necessarie for all estates ; it will sute well with all : but more particularly with kings , and princes , and great persons ; because it is in it selfe a vertue so gentleman-like , so worthy noble persons , and so proper for royall maiestie . as likewise , for that they liue , as they doe , amidst so many regalos , and delights , so many curious meates , and a thousand other occasions , whereby , if they doe not arme themselues with this vertue , not onely their liues , but their soules , are like to incurre the great danger . for like theeues in a mans owne house , or close traitours lurking in secret corners , some while one , some while another , are neuer from their elbow , till they deliuer them ouer into the hands of death ; or at least hoxe their courage , and cut off their health . which in good kings so much importeth , and which all men desire may be long and prosperous . the want whereof in a particular person importeth little ; but in them it mattereth much , in regard of the great losse which the common-wealth thereby receiueth . for on their welfare , dependeth the generall comfort and gouernment of the whole kingdome , which when it is wanting in them , that want is common to all . let then the conclusion of this discourse be , that kings ought to keepe an orderly and temperate diet , hauing more regard to the law of nature , and vnto christian reason , then to their greatnes of state , and maiestie of empire ; and to carry themselues amidst so many occasions of pleasures and delights with that modestie and moderation , as if they were without them , if they haue a minde to preserue their bodies and their soules healths ; and to giue vnto all a good example ; which is another ( as already hath beene said ) so powerfull a remedy for to perswade other princes and potentates of his kingdome , to the embracing of this vertue . and besides that obseruation of hipocrates , quod plures cecîdit gula , quam gladius : that surfeiting hath killed more then the sword . let those that place all their care in these their delights and pleasures , consider that saying of cato , that our much carefulnesse in this , causeth much forgetfulnesse of god. and there are some that count it an honour and reputation vnto them to eate and to drinke , ( though sanitas est animae & corporis sobrius potus ) and because they are great in estate , they will also be great feeders . which indeed is not greatnesse , nor lordlinesse , but great basenesse , and vnbeseeming their authoritie , to suffer themselues to be giuen to gluttony , and to the excesse of eating and drinking . saint bernard did blesse himselfe , and much wonder , at so much time and wealth as herein was spent ; and at so many cookes , and other officers , herein employed . and that he should be the most commended , and best rewarded , that could inuent any other new kinde of choice dish , then had by gluttonies curious enquiry been as yet found out and all to giue gust to the gust , and to please the palate , with the losse of their honour , the wasting of their wealth , and to their great hurt both of bodies and soules . but these must i inroll in the list of vnfortunate persons , and account that kingdome happy ( as the wise man saith ) where the king and his peeres liue soberly and temperately . beata terra , cuius rex nobilis est , & cuius principes vescuntur in tempore suo , ad reficiendum , & non luxuriandum : blessed art thou ( o land ) when thy king is the sonne of nobles , and thy princes eate in due season , for strength , and not for drunkennesse . §. ii. of another remedie against excesses , and superfluities , depending on the example of kings . a king being ( as hath beene said ) the soule and heart of a kingdome , and like another sunne , which with its light and motion , affoords light and health to the world ; being the true picture and liuely image of god vpon earth ; and he that is most ( being iust ) like vnto him , hath a great and precise obligation lying vpon him , both by his life and example , to giue life vnto his kingdome , and to set himselfe , as a patterne , before his subiects , that , and they , being that mysticall bodie , whereof he is the head . and see what dependencie the members in mans bodie haue on the head ; the same , or little lesse , haue subiects on their kings . and if that be sound and good , it is well with all the members ; but if ill affected , all of them suffer with it . the prouerbe saith , cum caput dolet , caetera membra dolent . when the head aketh , the rest of the members ake with it . and as it is so true , as nothing more , so it it more in common-wealths , then mens bodies . for , as the humours of these are in or out of order , according to those which the head communicateth vnto them . so likewise the composition of a whole kingdome , dependeth on the good or ill composition of their king and head. whence it followeth , that the same necessitie which a body hath of a good head , the very selfesame hath a kingdome of a good king ; being that he as hee is king ( as already hath beene deliuered ) doth therein supply the office of the head. and therefore it was well said of plato , that the inclining of a king to good , or ill , is the inclining of the whole kingdome , according to his scale or ballance ; they bend all the same way , & follow him , as the shadow doth the body . mouetur cū principe mobile vulgus : as the prince moues , so doth the wauering multitude . in vaine do we seeke to rectifie the shadow , if the body be crooked . the waues of the sea , go that way as the winde driues them ; and the vulgar are led along by the example of those their kings , that gouerne them . aquae multae populi sunt : the common people are as many waters . the spirit and winde that moues them , is the king , who with great force carries the mindes of his subiects this way or that way , as best pleaseth him . by onely seeing saint peter abstaine from some meate , and eate of other some , without commanding it , or saying any thing thereof to those new conuerted christians , saint paul saith , that he carried them away , and drew them to doe the like . for , there is neither law , nor precept , nor force , can be compared with that which the example of a king works vpon his subiects , forcing them to imitate and follow him . king manasses ( saith the sacred text ) fecit malum coram domino : he did that which was euill in the sight of the lord ; for he forsooke him to follow strange gods , like vnto the abhomination of the heathen . and anon after drawes thence this consequence or conclusion : igitur manasses seduxit populum , vt faceret malum : so manasses made iudah , and the inhabitants of ierusalem to erre , and doe worse then the heathen , &c. but tell me , i pray , how came it to passe , that this king should cast such a mist before his subiects eyes , that he should thus deceiue them , and make them doe as he did ? for we doe not finde there , that he said any one word vnto them , or induced them thereunto by any other diligences , whereby to perswade them to commit the like sinne . though he did not , yet he did enough , in doing that which he did , as being their king and head. for , as the soueraigne doth , so doth the subiect . king hamor , and prince shechem his sonne , by their bare example onely perswaded their people the shechemites , to leaue that law , wherein they had beene bred and brought vp , and to entertaine that of the hebrewes , though it turned to the losse of all their liues . of kings , saith a romane philosopher , quaecunque vitia ipsi concipiunt , ea infundunt in ciustates ; plus exemplo , quam peccato nocent : whatsoeuer vices they conceiue , they infuse the same into their cities , offending more by their example then by their sinne . by the sinne , they doe but aggrauate and wrong their owne conscience ; but by the example , the consciences of all the common people , which haue no other eyes whereby they see , no other rule or square whereby to rule and gouerne themselues in their actions ; nor is there any other meanes , whereby vices are communicated with more facilitie , and larger licence . and therefore it concernes them very much , not to make any the least breach in good manners , nor to turne ( though neuer so little aside ) from the way of vertue . for they cannot build vp so fast by their good , as they pull downe by their bad example . besides , the vulgar iudge thei● vitious actions , for vertuous ; their bad , for good . and if not so , then will they iustifie their owne loosenesse , by laying the same on their king : hee doth thus and thus , and why should not i ? this same regis ad exemplum , runnes ouer all the world ; and men are willing enough to make their aduantage of it . of dionysius the siracusan , plutarch reporteth , that at first he was very studious , and much giuen to his booke , and whilest hee so continued , all his subiects applied themselues to the exercise of good letters . but growing weary of so good a worke , he left off his learning , and betooke himselfe to the vice of gaming and wantonnesse ; and presently all his subiects , as if they had beene bewitched , began to loath their bookes , and fall to vice . isidorus saith of the ethiopians , that they were such apish counterfeits of their kings , that they held it a kinde of reproach and infamie , that if their king did want a member , or were lame , all his houshold seruants were likewise of that fashion ; and would willingly mayme and dismember themselues that they might be like vnto their king. i say therefore againe ; let kings looke well vnto that which they affect , and whereunto they are inclined ; for the same will his subiects affect , and thereunto will they all be inclined . and therefore isocrates did counsell his king , that hee should loue and esteeme the arts , and such offices as might be most profitable for the commonwealth , and should abhorre the contrary ; for these would bring him augmentation of honour , when those other would bee forgotten , or but ript vp to his shame ; that he should approue good , and reproue bad customes , and euill manners , that these might fall , and those other be in vse . for in regard that the king is censor morum , he that censures our manners and behauiour , and sets downe and determineth , which we are to flie , which to follow : looke which he approueth , and keepeth , are kept and approued by all , and euery one does his best to excell therein . and those which he shall reproue and mislike , all men will shunne and auoide them . and more particularly , these two pernicious ones , which appertaine to tasting and touching , i desire to haue them be condemned and reproued by the example of kings ; such as are excesse in sumptuousnesse of apparell , and in meates and drinkes , and the like publike and common vices . for , by these two abuses , great monarchies haue beene ruined , and ouerthrowne . let vs fall a little vpon the first ; wherein is such excesse and superfluitie in this age , as neuer more . howbeit , as it was not wanting to former times , so was there a great deale of care taken for the reforming thereof . your romanes made lawes , for to moderate the expences and excesses of apparrell and diet . the imperiall lawes of the kingdome , and those of the partida prohibite it , and many other prematicas and statute lawes , which haue beene made thereupon , and confirmed by act of parliament . and the sacred scripture likewise in many places doth condemne it . and therefore a remedie in this kinde ( if possibly it can bee procured ) is very needfull : for excesse , doth not serue so much for sustentation , as for pompe and ostentation , wherewith is fomented ambition , vaineglory , concupiscence , and dishonestie , euen to the falling into those vices , that were neuer before seene , or vsed . their expence , that increaseth , and their substance decreaseth : what wealth can a man haue , that will suffice for the arraying and apparrelling of women , as also for the clothing of men , which is no lesse vicious , and expencefull then theirs ? what doth it benefit vs , that the riches of our times are greater then those of our predecessours , if our expences be more excesssiue ? by running on in this lauish course , great and ancient houses haue beene brought to nothing , and new ones haue started vp in their roome , borne and bred in bad trades , and worse manners , who alwayes haue a smacke with them , or some touch or other of their former meaner fortune . and for this cause onely , are there so many misfortunes and disorders in the houses of many your ordinary and common sort of people , and euen in some of those that are of meaner ranke . for they had rather perish and vndoe themselues , then to be accounted needy and poore . and without doubt , the most of their substance is spent in meate , and clothes . which vice shame would moderate in them . but the feare of seeming to be oflesse abilitie then their neighbours , hath quite altered the case , and serues to helpe them on to their ruine . for euery one counts it a disgrace vnto him , that he shall not go as well clad as his neighbour , and eate as good meate , and drinke as good drinke as he doth , though he pay soundly for it , both in his honour and estate . and hence proceede your briberies , corruptions , subornations , and iniustice . for necessitie , the mother of vice , and that which makes ( as we say ) the old wife trott ; putts them so hard to their shifts , that for to free themselues from want , there is not that wickednesse which they will not giue way vnto ; and all , because they will not lacke these instruments of their gustes , nor want the apparence of maiestie in their houses . and another no lesse mischiefe then the former , is the inequalitie in the estates , and qualities of the persons ; and the equalitie wherewith the said accoutrements both in meate and apparrell is vsed . for ( as plato saith ) in a well ordered commonwealth , all ought to be equall . and yet we see , that meane women , that haue neither meanes nor qualitie , weare kirtles , peticoates , and gownes of cloth of gold , and rich imbroderies , that queenes can scarce weare better . and as for our ordinary sort of men , there are very few of them , but will go in such good clothes , that kings can not bee better clad . of the emperour tiberius caesar , tacitus reporteth , that by a decree of the senate , he did prohibite men the wearing of gownes of silke , saying , that they did disgrace themselues by putting on such an effeminate habite . and of the emperour aurelius it is noted , that hee did not onely not weare silke , but would not so much as suffer any to be in his wardrope , saying , that hee would not buy clothes at the weight of gold . and lampridius saith , that the first emperour that euer had any wardrobe , was that wicked and lux●rious emperour heliogabalus ▪ scipio aphricanus , and alexander magnus , were very singular in this carelesse many weare , whereof others are so curiously carefull . and let vs say no more hereof , then what isocrates said , writing to his king , haue a care ( saith he ) of the things of particular persons , and thinke that those that liue at high and excessiue rates , waste and spend out of thy treasure ; and that those that take paines to scrape vp a little mucke , and to get into some wealth by their thrift , are the onely men that s●ll your coffers , and increase your treasure . for the subiects purse is as the kings owne purse , if he rule and gouerne well . but when men shall not haue meanes sufficient for to supply that excesse in diet , and clothes , which vice and mans foolish pride hath introduced , how is it possible that they should serue and assist their king in the necessary occasions of the kingdome ? it is impossible but that there must be a failing in the one , being that the ends are so opposite . how can they haue any heart or guste for the one , hauing placed all their care and content in the other ? and questionlesse , if these superfluities were taken away , the subiect would haue wealth enough , and then it would neuer grieue them to part with part thereof to their kings , or to spend it in his seruice . but that which is now permitted amongst vs , is the same which the romans permitted , and procured in the nations , they had subdued , for to consume and eate them out , and to keepe them in the better obedience . but in their owne commonwealth they did euermore feare it , and seeke to excuse it . what prince hath there euer beene , either of those that were held to be good or indifferent , that did not treate of this remedie ? not any , yet they did most of them erre in the manner . now , to remedie this excesse , experience hath and doth shew vnto vs , that it is not the penaltie , nor rigour of the lawes and statutes that our ancestours seemed to haue erred in , who by those penalties alone , thought to amend these extrauagancies in their subiects . but the cure of this exorbitancie is that which the ancient did prescribe , and we haue declared , touching the example of kings , and of their imitation . the desire of giuing them content , is more powerfull with them then the feare of punishment . this doctrine tacitus taught , rendering the reason of that temperance and moderation , which was in the emperour vespasian his time in clothes and diet , and in the vitious superfluitie of these vices . and after that he hath gone varying from one reason to another , he saith , that this prince was the principall author of that sparingnesse and thriftinesse amongst the romanes of those times in their wastfull expences ; by exercising himselfe in that their ancient manner of liuing in matter of maintenance , apparell and the like . and hence it succeeded , that all his subiects did the like , conforming themselues according to his fashion , their respect to their prince , and their desire to imitate him , preuailing more with them , then the punishment or feare of the lawes . and this is a sure and sound point of doctrine , and of that great consequence , that it neuer ought to slip out of the memorie and good liking of kings , and their principall ministers , as being the mirrour or looking glasse wherein the subiects see and behold whether their manners be foule or faire , become or not become them , according to the liking which they take from their superiours . of augustus caesar , dion reporteth , that because hee would not weare such clothes , as were prohibited by his lawes , there was not a man in all his empire that did offer to put them on . componitur orbis ( saith claudian ) regis ad exemplar , nec sic inflectere sensus humanos edicta valent , quàm vita regentis . the whole world shapes and fashions it selfe according to the patterne their king sets before them ; nor can edicts and decrees worke so much vpon mens humours , as the life of him that ruleth . of all the reasons whatsoeuer that the wit of man can deuise , there is not any more effectuall to perswade hard and difficult things , then the example of kings . let therefore a prince lay a more hard and cruell punishment vpon them , then either imprisonment , banishment , or some sound fine , or pecuniary mulct , as not to doe them any grace or fauour , or not to affoord a good looke on him , that shall not imitate and follow his fashion . for there is no man such a foole , that will loose the fruite of his hope , for not apparelling himselfe after this or that manner , as he sees the prince himselfe is contented to go . let kings amend this fault in themselues , and then his peeres , and other their inferiours , will not be ashamed to imitate them . i pray tell me , if men of the baser and meaner condition should onely be those , that were vicious in their meate and clothes , who would imitate them therein ? assuredly none . all would be noblemen , or gentlemen , or at least seeme to be so in their fashion and apparrell , howbeit they would bee lesse curious and dainty , if they saw those that were noble , or gentile , go onely plaine and handsome . that ancient romane , pure , neate , cleane , and comely attire of those who conquered the world , did then wholly loose it selfe , when your great and noble persons of that commonwealth left it off . for in all things , but more especially in those that are vicious , men seeke to make a fairer shew then their estate will beare , and thereby procure to content and please their kings vnder whom they liue ; knowing that there is no intercession or fauour like vnto that , as the similiancie of manners , and the kindred which this doth cause . let kings , by their example , cut off the vse of costly clothes and sumptuous banquets , and whatsoeuer in that kinde is vicious and superfluous , and they shall straightway see , how a great part of the greedinesse of gaine , and couetousnesse of money will cease , and many other euils and mischiefes which proceed from thence , which would not be sought after nor esteemed , were it not for the execution of the appetite , and fulfilling of our pleasures . and for this end and purpose , money is kept with such great anxietie and trouble , but procured and sought after with much more ; because it is the master and commander of all pleasures and delights whatsoeuer . for which we will buy and sell , and giue all that we haue . the second point concerning vices and sinnes , common and publike , the hurt that comes thereby is well knowne both to god and man , and is harder to be reformed then the former . that , is moderated either with age or necessitie ; but this , neither necessitie nor time can lessen , but with it increaseth , and shooteth forth new sprigges and suckers , neuer before seene , nor vsed in the world , against which neither suffice lawes nor statutes . and that doctrine of tacitus is now come to bee verified , that there is not any gre●ter signe of corruption of manners , then multiplicitie of lawes . and we now liue in those dangerous times , whereof saint paul speaketh ; and i know not whether i may be so bold as to say , that it is likewise an argument or signe , that the subiect is neare it's end , or at least daily growes decaying , wherein these signes and tokens are to bee seene ; one disorder begetting another , which is the order which nature keepes with things that are to perish , till at last all comes to ruine ; and this vniuersall fabricke sinkes to the bottome , neuer more to be repaired . i wot well , that whilest there be men , there must be vices , and sinnes , and that few or none will cease to bee that which they are , in regard of humane weakenesse , and mans propension and inclination to sinne , and that there are not any remedies which will serue and turne wholly to cure and cut them off , it being a thing impossible , for that their beginning and cause doth proceed from nature it selfe being corrupted . that which the worth and wisedome of kings , and their ministers , may be able to effect , is ; that they may daily proue lesse and lesse preiudiciall to the publike : and that the dissembling of abuses in the beginning , before they take head , be not a cause of seeing our selues brought to that estate , which salust writeth rome was found in in catilines time , there being so good cause for to feare it . as also that they will draw after them gods comminations and chastisements . when a kingdome ( saith hee ) comes to the corruption of manners , that men doe pamper and apparell themselues in curious manner , like women , and make no reckoning of their honestie , but deale therewith as with any other thing that is vendible , or set out to sale ; and that exquisite things , for to please the palate , are diligently sought after both by sea and land ; that they betake themselues to their ease and sleepe , before the due time of their rest and sleepe be come ; that after their bellies be as full as euer they can hold , they neuer cease crauing and cramming till it be noone ; that they doe not forbeare from eating and drinking , till they be either hungry or thirsty ; not that they ease themselues out of wearinesse , or keepe themselues warme against the extremity of the weather : but that they do all these things out of viciousnesse , and before there is neede ; well may that empire be giuen for lost , and that it is drawing neare to its last gaspe . for the people thereof , when their owne meanes shall faile them , for to fulfil their appetites , out of a thirsting and greedy desire of these things , what mischiefes will not they moue , or what villanies will not they attempt ? for the minde that hath beene ill , and long accustomed to delights , can hardly be without them . and , that they may enioy them , by hooke or by crooke , by one meanes or another , though neuer so vniust and vnlawfull , they will make a shift to get themselues into money , though they spend it afterward idly & vainly in that profuse and lauish manner , for which they did intend it . let euery good king begge of god , and let vs all ioyne in the same prayer , that in our times , it may not come to these termes , and that kings will striue and studie to quench these sparkes before they breake forth into a flame , and to put out the fire whilest it is but newly kindled , lest it take hold on the whole building , and helpe come too late . and because there are so many sortes of vices , that it is not possible to procure an vniuersall cure for them all ; that which is likeliest to doe most good , will bee that selfe same medicine mentioned before in dyet and apparrell , to wit , the good example of kings ; and in imitation of them , that of the great lords of the land , and those that are nearest in court about their persons ; ioyning herewith the feare of their disfauour : letting them both see and know , that the vicious fall backward , and the vertuous come forward in honour ; and that onely vertue is the true meanes and surest way to bring men to great place and preferrement in the commonwealth . let kings hate these idle droanes , these honey-suckers of other mens labours , that liue all vpon the waste and spoile . which kinde of people , euen in reason of state , are not good for the quiet of a kingdome , in regard of the euill cogitations and dangerous deuises that are bred in their mindes , and in their time breake out . i would haue this imitation to bee the remedie for this so great an ill ; for neither penalties nor feare of punishment will doe any good vpon them . for hee that will not forbeare to sinne for feare of gods law , will hardly refraine from mans . let kings therefore say and doe those things , that they would haue their subiects say and doe . and let their fauourites , and those that are nearest about them , runne the like course , and let it extend to the better sort , and those that are of ranke and qualitie ; for by this meane it will descend to those likewise that are of meaner condition : and then shall they see , how much more good it will worke , then either lawes or punishment . and this is the more naturall of the two ; for the one is founded vpon imitation , and the other grounded vpon feare . and men doe more easily imitate those better things which they see actually put in execution , then depart from those worser things , which they either heare or know to be prohibited . and when they shall see that their superiours , and those that are in place and authoritie , command one thing and doe another , they neither dread their threatnings , nor obey their commandements . for perceiuing that they doe but imitate their actions , they perswade themselues that none can , without blushing , punish the same sinne in them . salust did aduise caesar in the entrance to his empire , that if he would order his commonwealth aright , he should first of all begin with reformation in himselfe , and his ; ( as pliny saith ) vita principis censura est , eaque perpetua ; ad hanc dirigimur , ad hanc conuertimur . the life of a prince is a perpetuall censure ; and according thereunto doe we guide and gouerne our selues . and let it not seeme vnto any , that this remedie of the imitation of kings is slow , and long , and will aske a great deale of time ; for where there is met together , as it were in it's center , whatsoeuer may corrupt and hurt that , which is capable of being corrupted , when as neither kings nor their lawes are able to hinder it , in vaine is it indeuoured , or to be imagined , that that may bee cured in a few yeares , which hath layen sicke so many . but till such time , as men grow vp like new plants , and haue accustomed themselues to vertue , to the end , that through the tendernesse of their youth they may not grow awry ; being therein likewise holpen , by the example of their betters ; for there is not any artifice , so powerfull and effectuall , as that of imitation , which i now speake of ; for it being a cure so conformable vnto nature , it will worke by degrees ; whereof we shall not know the benefit , till we haue enioyed it . and because there are both diseased persons , and diseases ( as saint chrysostome hath obserued ) which are neither remedied by sweet potions , nor purged away by bitter pills ; a maine reason whereof is , because they themselues are not willing to be cured , nor will admit of the example of kings , nor the feare of their lawes : it is fit this other remedie should be vsed , of punishment and chastisement , without dissimulation . for many times the motiue of sinning is the facilitie of forgiuing . and it is a knowne case , that people by punishment become obedient ; but by pardoning , proud and insolent . the ill and vicious , are so possessed and inabled in their vices , by their long continuance , that if kings should not shew some mettall and courage , they would possesse the world , and carry all things away before them , in that violent manner , that the good should not be able to liue amongst thē . by chastising the bad , ( saith baldus ) the good liue in safety . and for this cause ( and not in vaine ) according to plato , and others , were lawes instituted , and regall power , the stroke of the sword , the discipline of the clergie , and the common hangmans whip , all of them as necessary for mans life , as those . elements , by which we liue & breathe . let kings take this from me , and beleeue it , that that commonwealth is in great danger , where the kings reputation goes decaying ; and the force of iustice looseth it's strength . for thereby vices assume licence vnto themselues ; and their owners perseuere , and go on in them . here a remisse prince is a sharpe sword , and doth neuer more grieuously punish then when hee doth most pardon . punishment and chastisement onely offend the delinquent ; but remission , la ley , al rey , y la grey , the law , king , and people . by remission , lawes and kings grow in contempt , and the whole commonwealth infected . whereas by chastisement the law is obeyed and kept ; the king feared and honoured ; and the kingdome maintained in peace and iustice . i doe not treat here of those cruell and rigorous punishments which some seuere iudges inflict , for remedies and cures of so much rigour , are violent , and do sooner kill , and make an end of their subiects , then heale and recouer them by little and little . wherefore in point of correction , a commonwealth must vse a great deale of caution and prudence . and for that hee who pretends by maine strength to resist the furious current of a swift riuer ; or by roughnesse , to tame a head-strong horse , shall shew himselfe as insolent , as impertinent ; rigour with gentlenesse , and iustice with mercie , will doe well : which if they go not hand in hand , and kisse each other , they are both but the occasion of greater corruption . for it is an erronious discourse in those that thinke , that publike conseruation consisteth in the execution of cruell chastisements , and sharpe and rigorous sentences , bee they of death or otherwise ; for these doe rather dispeople , and desolate , then correct and amend a kingdome . and as it is a signe of bad physitians , or of a corrupt and infectious aire , to see many fall sicke , and dye ; so likewise is it of carelesse ministers , and ill preuention , and of a contagious corruption of vices , and euill manners , when there are many criminall iudgements , many punishments , and cruell chastisements . and who is he that knowes the principall cause thereof ? it may bee this , or it may bee that , or all together , howsoeuer i am sure it is all ill . and in a word , so great , so vniuersall , and so pernicious an ill , that if christian kings carry not a very watchfull eye ouer their subiects manners , in not suffering them to flie out , they shall not , when they would , be able to refraine them , and remedie what is amisse ; for euill custome being once habituated ( according vnto galen , and others ) is an acquired nature , and engendreth an habite , which being mans naturall inclination , carries him along after it ; and so great is his inclination to delights , and so many the prouocations , and ill examples which draw him thereunto , and poure oyle as it were vpon that fire , that if there be not the more diligence and care vsed in the quenching of it , it must necessarily spread it selfe abroad , and extend it selfe daily more and more , and more especially into those cities and countries where there is much commerce and trading in merchandise , and in the courts of kings , where there is such a concourse of diuerse and sundrie nations , there being not any one of them which hath not it's proper and peculiar vertues , as also it 's proper and peculiar vices . their vertues men hardly take hold on ; but their vices , those cleaue easily vnto them of themselues : and by this their commerce and trading , remaine engrauen in their hearts . and what was before but an inclination , being now become a custome , vice engendreth vice ; and one appetite maketh way for another . lycurgus saith , that it more importeth a state to see that it's cities bee not infected with the ill customes and manners of strangers , then to preserue them from the plague , the pestilence , or other the like contagious diseases . for these , time asswageth and consumeth ; but those , are with time increased and augmented . three embassadours of the cretans , each of them being of a different sect , made their ioynt entrance into rome . the senate gaue them audience . and cato being there , whom ( for his great authoritie ) they did much reuerence , and was indeed as an oracle amongst them , gaue his vote , and opinion , that hee would haue them d●spatcht thence with all possible speed , before the corruption of their manners should corrupt the romane common-wealth . this care ought kings to take ; and so much the rather , for that they haue neuer a cato , that will tell them ; neuer a councellour that will aduise them , that in no kinde of manner , nor vpon any occasion whatsoeuer , ought they either in their court , or kingdome , suffer any man ( no though hee be an ambassadour ) to reside there , being different in his religion , manners , and ceremonies . for their treating and conuersing with vs , serues to no other purpose , but to bring in vices , and banish vertues , to worke vpon weake and wauering mindes , and to draw the naturall subiects of another prince , from gods true worship , and due obseruance of his diuine law. and this was the care of the ancients of those times , who would neuer giue consent and allowance , that there should bee any thing intertained or receiued into their commonwealths , whereby mens mindes might grow cold , or be withdrawne in any one point or tittle from the worship and adoration of their gods. and very fit for these times were that law of the persians , which did punish him with death , that should bring in any new vse , or strange custome . and the cretans , did in their ordinarie letanies desire , that no new custome might enter into their city , which is as a contagious disease , and cleaueth as close as the plague or pestilence . nor did the lawes of egypt permit any new tune in their musicke , or any new kinde of song , vnlesse they were first examined by those that were in place of gouernment . for ( as plato affirmeth ) a commonwealth , as well as musicke , admitteth changes ; and that for the auoiding of this mischiefe , it ought not to be permitted , that there should be introduced any new kinde of tunes , or musicke , together wherewith mens mindes receiue some change and alteration . aristotle did aduise those that would bee vertuous , that they should not vse musicke , nor musicall instruments , to incite them to be vicious . for musicke being a diuine gift , and very powerfull to moue the hearts of men , and to perswade the thing that is sung , if they accustome themselues to play and sing holy lessons , & honest songs , they therby accustome themselues to be honest and vertuous . and therefore anciently your kings , as dauid , the prophets , and priests , the better to apply themselues to contemplation , did vse musicke , wherewith they suspended their senses , and remained as it were swallowed vp in god. in a word , many men haue therewith beene robbed of their soules , and of their honours , and daily much hurt doth ensue thereby . for it is able to doe much , and greate is the force and power which it hath ouer mens manners . and if you will not beleeue me , obserue but the hurt , which your new wanton tunes , together with the lasciuious wordes , and gesticulations vsed in them , haue wrought of late amongst not onely the common , but better sort of people . now to shut vp all that hath beene said in three points . first of all i say , that it much importeth , that a prince bee good in himselfe ; for that all men make their imitation after that patterne that hee sets before them . and for this cause , god placed him in so high and eminent a place , to the end that by the resplendour of his vertues , hee should giue light to the whole kingdome ; and that both by his life and example , he should exemplifie and indoctrinate his subiects : for it is not onely included in the name and office of king , to rule and gouerne the kingdome by good and wholsome lawes , but likewise to teach and instruct the people by his vertues . this ought to bee ( say socrates and plato ) the end and ayme of kings , to direct their subiects in the truth , they practising it first themselues , which is the strongest and forciblest argument to perswade it . for the execution of that which is perswaded and commanded , doth secure the passage , doth make the worke sauourie , and doth facilitate the trouble . secondly , to the end that the lawes may bee the better kept , kings must obey , and keepe them ; for it will seeme an vniust thing in them , to establish and ordaine that , which themselues will not keepe and obserue . they must doe as lycurgus did , who neuer enacted any thing which he himselfe did not punctually performe . and it was a romane edict ; vse el rey de la ley , que hiziere para la grey : let the king that law keepe , which he makes for his sheepe . lastly , that they bee very carefull and watchfull ouer the whole kingdome , but more particularly ouer the court ; for from thence is diffused all the good , or ill ; as likewise in curtalling the excesses of apparrell , the superfluities of feasts and banquets , of gaming , of sports , and pastimes , of lightnesse in behauiour , of licentiousnesse in courting of women , and of those wastefull expences which might very well be excused , in weddings , in iewells , and dressings both in the women and the men . then began rome to grow ranke in luxurie , and prophanenesse , when your gilded bed-steds , your costly pauilions , your stately canopies , your ritch hangings , your curious tables , your glorious cupboords of plate , your gybing iesters , and your various instruments of musicke were brought in , which were then in great vse and request , for to prouoke and stirre vp the appetite in those their tedious and sumptuous suppers ; as if , for to go to hell , there were neede of such a wind-lace , or wheeling about , the way being ( as it is ) so easie and direct , that a man may go it blindfold . causes all of them of iust feare , and fore-runners likewise of the ruine and perdition of any monarchy whatsoeuer , as they haue beene heretofore of others that haue been ouerthrowne by the like meanes . but to conclude with this sense , and to shut vp the doore likewise to all the rest ; wee are to presuppose that , which is very common both in diuine and humane letters , that by the hands , wherein particularly consists the touching , are vnderstood workes ; because they are the instruments by which they are done , moses deliuering vnto vs , that the hebrewes did see the wonders which god had wrought in their fauour , saith , viderunt manum magnam , quam exercuerat dominus : they saw that great worke ( which the originall renders , that great hand ) which the lord exercised vpon the aegyptians . and besides this , it hath another signification ( as is obserued by pierius valerianus ) an open hand , being the symbole of eloquence ; expressing that efficacy , and perswasiue power that lies in well couched words . works and words being both very necessary in kings , execution in the one ; and elocution in the other . and because all princes cannot performe these offices of doing and saying , by themselues , they must haue another tongue , and other hands , by which they must speake , and doe ; and the tongue whereby they must speake ; and the hands , whereby they must touch , and handle all things ( for their owne are not able to doe it ) must bee their fauourites . policratus , in his booke directed to traiane , saith , that your great lords in court , and kings fauourites , are the hands of the kingdome . and , as in mans body , they are naturally disposed , and ready prepared for to succour and assist all the other members ; so they should be at hand for to helpe and reliue all the necessities of the kingdome , and to be the formost in all dangers , and a thousand other occasions that will offer themselues , which neither are , nor can bee wanting to kings and kingdomes . and therefore the philosopher said of the hands , that they are the instrument of instruments . for without them nothing can be done ; neither can kings of themselues do all . they haue need of their ministers , and fauourites , which are their feet , and their hands . in the subsequent chapters , we shall discourse somewhat a little of them . god grant , that little , or somewhat , what ere it bee , may worke some good . and first of all we will treate , whether it be fitting to haue fauourites . chap. xxxi . whether it be fit for kings to haue fauourites . fauourites being ( as they are ) the workmanship of kings , receiuing their forme and fashion from their good liking ; which creatures of their making , wee haue mentioned in the former chapter . we shall handsomely fall here vpon that which in this is put to the question . nor is the answer thereunto very easie . for a fauourite being of the same nature , as a particular friend , and friendship being to bee inter aequales , betweene those that are of equall condition , it seemeth that those that are subiects and seruants to their king and master can not hold it with him ; whom they are to behold , and treate with , with a great deale of reuerence , respecting alwayes his royall maiestie , which ( according to that other poet ) no cabe en vn saco con el amor ; is not in one and the same sacke with loue . and without loue , there is no friendship . true it is that aristotle and some other philosophers affirme , that this difference may easily bee reconciled , forasmuch as hee that is in the higher and more eminent place , may stoope so low , and fashion himselfe in that euen measure to his inferiour , that they may both remaine vpon equall tearmes . but this can hardly square and suite well with kings towards their fauourites . for , as it were an indecorum , and vnseemely thing in a humane bodie , that the head should abase it selfe , and become equall with the shoulder ; so , were it prodigious and monstrous , that kings , which are heads , and hold that soueraigntie which god hath giuen them , should stoope so low to their subiects , that the eminencie should not appeare they haue ouer them . and that other meanes which may be vsed in raysing a subiect , or fauorite to that hight that hee may be equall with his king , bringeth with that a great inconuenience . for a crowne & scepter royall , cannot endure any fellowship with equality . and therefore these two meanes may pare and fit well with friends , that hauing professed friendship , when their estates were equall , the one growes inferiour to the other , eyther good fortune , or good diligence , hauing preferred his fellow and friend . but with kings there cannot be held this correspondency and equality . and it is king salomons counsaill , who saith ; that it is not fitting for any man to entertaine friendship and communication , with those that are too mighty . ditiori te , ne socius fueris ; quid communicabit cacabus ad ●llam ? quando enim se colliserint , confringetur : haue no fellowship with one that is mightier and richer then thy selfe . for how agree the kettle and the earthen pot together ? for , if the one bee smitten against the other , it shall be broken . and againe , if you will but diligently obserue the sacred history of the kings which were ouer gods people , you shall there finde little mention of fauorites . on the other side , it will likewise seeme vnreasonable , that kings should be debarr'd that , without which ( to all mens seeming ) mans life cannot bee well past ouer . ●nemo sine amicis , spectet viuere ; ( said the said philosopher ) let no man looke to liue without friends . and the holy scriptures are full of the commoditie , and benefit , which faithfull friends afford , being as necessary for the life of man , as fire , and water ; and for no estate so important , as for that of kings , who for that they haue so many , so weighty , and so secret businesses , their estate were intollerable , and more then they were able to beare , if they might not haue the libertie of hauing friends , with whom they might communicate , and by whom they might receiue some ease , of those troubles , and care , which great offices ( ordinarily ) bring with them . now for to giue satisfaction vnto that which is here pretended to be auerred , we are to consider , that aristotle , and other , both philosophers and diuines teach ( which is no more then what experience plainly prooues vnto vs ) that there are two sorts of loue , or friendship ; the one interessall , or cum foenore , whose end , is its proper profit . the other hath with it a more gentile & noble intent , which is , to loue and wish well to that which deserueth to bee beloued : and this is called amor amicitiae , the loue of friendship . the other , amor concupiscentiae , the loue of concupiscence . and with very good reason , for that therein there is not to be found the face of true friendship . from these two loues , as from two diuerse rootes , spring forth two different sorts of fauorites . the one , who for their great parts and qualities haue deserued to carry after them , not only the good wills and affections of their equals , but euen of kings themselues . and when these abilities are so extraordinary and aduantagious , no man can deeme it inconuenient that kings should more particularly , and in a more extraordinary manner , apply their affection vnto them . nay , it would rather lay a spot and blemish vpon them , if notice should be taken , that they equally entertaine all , or not esteeme and prize them most that merit most to be esteemed . for in all good reason ; there is no greater inequality , then to equall all alike . plato said very well , that there is not any virtue of that force and efficacie , for to catch and steale away mens hearts . nor herein doe we need the testimonies of philosophers , for the holy ghost saith , vt mors , est dilectio , loue is strong as death . the coales thereof are coales of fire , which hath a most vehement flame , it beares all away before it . and in this its force and strength , friendship and loue are much alike . and building on this ground , i say ; that very well there may be said to bee friendship betweene a king and a fauorite ; for that their soules haue in their birth and beginning , or ( as i may say , their first originall ) equall noblenesse . and your noblest friendship proceeds from the soule . very famous and much celebrated was that friendship betwixt prince ionathan ( the onely heire of the kingdome ) and that worthy noble dauid . and so great was the loue that was betweene them , that the sacred scripture saith , that anima ionathae conglutinata erat animae dauid , & dilexit eum ionathas quasi animam suam . the soule of ionathan was knit with the soule of dauid ; and that ionathan loued him , as his owne soule . and i further affirme , that it is very fit and conuenient that kings should loue those with aduantage , that haue the aduantage of others in vertue , wisedome , and learning . and such should be those , that serue and attend the persons of princes ; for ordinarily , out of that nursery are these plants your fauourites drawne . when nabuchadnezzar , king of babilon , besieged and tooke by force of armes the citie of ierusalem , he carried away from thence great spoiles of gold and siluer ; but that , which hee much more prized then all this treasure , were the sonnes of the chiefest noblemen , and such as were lineally descended of the kings of that kingdome ; and gaue especiall order , that they should choose and cull out those that had the best and ablest parts , both of nature and acquisition ; those that were of the best disposition , the most learned , and best taught , to the end that being accompanied with these good qualities , they might merit to attend in the court and chamber of the king. et ait rex asphenez praeposito eunuchorum , vt introduceret de filijs israel , & de semine regio , & tyrannorum pueros , in quibus nulla esset macula , decoros forma , & eruditos omni sapientia , cautos scientia , & doctos disciplina , & qui possent stare in palatio regis : and the king spake vnto ashpenez , the master of his eunuchs , that hee should bring certaine of the children of israel , and of the kings seed , and of the princes ; children in whom was no blemish , but well-fauoured , and skilfull in all wisedome , and cunning in knowledge , and vnderstanding , science , and such as had abilitie in them to stand in the kings palace . and this election fell out so luckily , and proued to be of that profit and benefit , that amongst those which ( indewed with these qualities ) were made choice of , for to serue the king , there were three of them did excell , but one more then all the rest , not onely in vertue , but in the knowledge likewise of secret businesses , and matters of state and gouernment , which was daniel ; who so well deserued to be a fauourite to those kings of babylon , and more especially to darius , that hee did not content himselfe with making him onely a priuie councellour , but the prime man amongst them . for hauing set ouer the kingdome an . princes , which should bee ouer the whole kingdome , and ouer these , three presidents ( of whom , daniell was first ) that the princes might giue account vnto them , that the king might haue no damage ; and as hee was the greatest subiect and fauourite in the world , so was hee superiour in the vertues and qualities of his person . igitur daniel superabat omnes principes & satrapas , quia spiritus domini amplior erat in illo : therefore was daniel preferred before the presidents and princes , because an excellent spirit was in him . the holy scripture likewise tells vs , that ioseph was such a fauourite of king pharaoh , that hee gaue him absolute power ouer all his kingdome , and commanded , that in publike pompe he should ride in the kings owne chariot , and in his owne seate , and haue a crier go before to proclaime the fauour that the king was pleased to doe him . dixit quoque rex aegypti ad ioseph ; ego sum pharaoh , absque tuo imperio non mouebit quisquam manum , aut pedem in omni terra . and pharaoh said vnto ioseph , i am pharaoh , and without thee shall no man lift vp his hand , or foot , in all the land of aegypt . and well did hee deserue this honour , for by his great industrie and wisedome , he freed that king and kingdome from that terrible famine , besides those many other great and troublesome imployments , wherein he was busied for the space of seuen yeares together . in the fourth booke of kings , we reade that naaman , who was captaine of the host of the king of syria , was the onely fauourite of the king ; erat vir magnus apud dominum suum , & honoratus : hee was a great man with his master , and honourable . and rendering the reason of this his great priuacie with his king , and the honour he had done him , it is there specified ; per illumenim dedit dominus salutem syriae ; erat enim vir fortis . because by him the lord had giuen deliuerance vnto syria ; and was also a mighty man in valour . for all the life and soule that kingdome had , came from him , god vsing him as his instrument for his puisance and prudence . and when fauourites are of these aduantagious abilities , those reasons and inconueniences doe cease ( before mentioned ) touching the disequalitie of kings , with their inferiours . for vertue hath this excellence and preheminence ; that from the very dust of the earth it doth lift vp men vnto honour , and doth raise them to that height , that it equalls them , and sets them cheeke by ●ole with the greatest princes in the world . sapientia humiliati , exalta●it caput illius , & in medio magnatum considere illum faciet : wisedome lifteth vp the head of him , that is of low degree , and maketh him to sit among great men . anna , that was mother to that great priest and prophet samuel , amongst other things which shee sung in the praise of god , and his great power , this was one worthy the obseruation , and well befitting the subiect we haue in hand ; dominus suscitat de puluere egenum , & de stercore eleuat pauperem , vt sedeat cum principibus , & solium gloriae teneat : the lord raiseth the poore out of the dust , and lifteth vp the begger from the dunghill , to set him among princes , and to make them inherit the throne of glory . the like note sings that kingly prophet dauid : suscitans à terra inopem , vt collocet eum cum principibus populi sui : he raiseth vp the poore out of the dust , and lifteth the needy out of the dunghill . and king salomon his sonne , seconds this of his father in this short antheme : seruus sapiens , dominabitur filijs stultis : a wise seruant shall haue rule ouer a sonne that causeth shame . so great is the force of wisedome and discretion , that it doth not onely exalt , and raise to greatnesse , men that are free borne ( though in a poore meane cottage ) but brings euen the basest slaues to bee lords ouer their owne masters . a certaine philosopher being taken captiue , was brought forth into the open market to bee sold , and they that were to buy him , demanded of him , what hee could doe ; he told them , that the best thing that he was skild in , was , to command his masters . in many places of scripture , is repeated and confirmed the testimonie of king salomons great power and wisedome ; and amongst other things , which are mentioned of the maiestie of his house and court , it is said ; that therein he had a great many princes , whose names are registred in the third booke of the kings . and amongst them there is but one onely that is made remarkable by the name and title of the kings fauourite and friend . zabud , filius nathan , amicus regis ; and zabud , the sonne of nathan , was principall officer , and the kings friend . some translations in the place of principall officer , put priest. and these two titles of priest , and the kings friend , are therefore thus ioyned together , that they may giue vs to vnderstand , that the friendship and affection towards a fauourite , should take it's growth from that learning and vertue which is annexed to the state and condition of the priest. and in the first booke of the chronicles , in that catalogue , which is there made of those which bare principall offices in king dauids court , it is onely said of hushai the archite , that hee was the kings companion . and in the second booke of the kings , are set downe at large the great and many reasons , why hushai on his part might well deserue this title . our sauiour christ likewise seemed to make shew of his more particular affection to peter , iohn , and iames , making choice of them from among the twelue , to retire himselfe in priuate with them , and to make them witnesses of his glorious transfiguration ; and afterwards of diuers other particular things . whence it seemeth that they might haue the name of fauourites ; but not without great grounds , and those extraordinary vertues , wherein they out-shined others . howbeit the choise and election of this supreme king , is not to bee ruled and measured out by that of the kings of this world ; for they can not by the alone power of their loue better men , nor affoord them necessary parts , whereby to merit to bee their friends . but this true king and lord of all , in placing his good will and affection on those whom hee is pleased to make choice of for his friends , doth likewise indow and adorne them with strong abilities , whereby to bee accounted worthy of his friendship and fauour . whereas with the fauourites of the kings of this world , it fareth cleane contrary . for those , which before they were fauourites , were good and honest , by their priuacie , and great power with their king , haue come to be starke nought ; and the more footing they haue in the kings friendship , they are vsually the lesse worthy of it . whereof we shall more in the chapter following . chap. xxxii . of another sort of fauourites . those most learned bookes , which the glorious saint austen writ , de ciuitate dei , lay before vs two sorts of loue : that loue which man beareth vnto god , euen to the contemning and despising of himselfe ; and from this is the constitution and fabricke of that holy citie of ierusalem ; vnder which name , is vnderstood the good concord and agreement of the christian church and commonwealth , as also of all christian soules . the other loue is that which euery one beareth to himselfe , in that high manner and excesse , that it reacheth euen to the contemning and despising of god. and from this is built that city of babylon , which is as much to say as confusion ; & signifieth that , which euery sinner hath within himself , as also that which is in ill ordered commonwealths . and therefore ( as wee said in the former chapter ) that from those two loues of friendship and concupiscence , did issue forth two sorts of fauourites : the one good and profitable ; the other , bad and couetous : so , considering loue , not in respect of outward things , but in respect of it selfe , it differenceth the vse of fauourites , according to the different meanes and ends , wherewith , and for which they are made choice of : and the vse likewise , which they make thereof , when they see they are thus aduanced , and receiued into fauour . the meanes haue the denomination of their goodnesse , or badnesse , from their end . whence it followeth , that when kings shall make choice of their fauorites by good meanes , not out of a selfe-humour , or womanish kinde of longing , nor for to please his owne proper affection , but that they may comply the better with those obligations , which they haue to the good dispatch of businesse , and to haue one to helpe them to beare the burthen that l●es vpon them ; as this end is good , so of force must the meanes likewise bee . for to obtaine good ends , bad meanes are not taken . and therefore kings shall doe well , in taking such fauourites vnto them , as shall bee sollicitous , and carefull in the dispatching of businesse , faithfull in their seruices , and endowed with such parts afore specified , as were those fauourites , recommended vnto you in the former chapter . for ioseph ( as we told you ) grew in fauour with king pharaoh , for his great wisedome , and for his supernaturall knowledge of things to come , and reuealing such secret mysteries as other his ministers could not tell what to make of them . the like befell daniel , with the caldean , and macedonian kings ; for before euer he became a fauourite , they saw his great wisedome and constancie in the true seruice of his god , his singular prudence , and those other his good gifts , which are recorded in the booke of his prophesies . the extraordinary graces of peter , iohn , and iames , who is he that is ignorant of them ? being that the euangelists say of saint peter , that his extraordinary loue was examined , and proued in those so often repeated questions : petre amas me ? simon iohannis , diligis me plus his ? and againe , simon iohannis , amas me ? and the apostle saint iames was the first of the apostles , that by his bloud and death gaue testimonie of this his loue . and saint iohn shewed no lesse , at his last supper , at his passion , and at the foote of the crosse , hauing followed and accompanied his master euen to his death , when the rest fled and forsooke him . but when kings make not choice of their fauourites for the foresaid ends , and for the publike good , but for their owne particular gusts and humours , and to let loose the reines with more libertie and freedome to their owne delights and pleasures , such kinde of fauourites set vsually before them the same ends , and commonly preferre their owne priuate gustes and interests before those of their kings , or the publike good of the commonwealth , and come to be the firebrands and destruction of states . this lesson the holy scripture doth likewise teach vs , whose mysteries are so high and so deepe , that euen in that which it silenceth , it speaketh vnto vs ; and in saying little , instructeth much . i haue much obserued that which is recounted in the history of esther , touching the priuacie of that proud and vnfortunate haman , whom king assuerus raised from so low a degree , and from so wicked a race , as he came of . for ( according to iosephus ) he descended from that amalakite whom the prophet samuel caused to be hewen in peeces . and for that it is the condition of kings , when they once begin to fauour a man , to make him like froath to rise and swell , this fauourite grew to that heighth through his kings grace and fauour , that all the subiects of that monarch respected him as a god , and kneeled downe in his presence , his person being much more adored , serued , and feared , then the kings ; because the king had put the staffe ( as they say ) into his hands , giuing him the absolute command ouer all his estates ; insomuch that neither in , nor out of court , nor elsewhere , was there ought done , but by the order of haman ; and the king himselfe held him in the place of a father . and for that vanitie is the daughter of pride , all this his great fauour and priuacie with his prince , did but make the more for his owne hurt , as doth the ants wings , for hers ; or like those of icarus , which being of waxe , the nearer they came to the sunne , the sooner they melted , working then his death and downfall , when he was at the highest . for haman came to hang , and dye on that gallowes which he had prouided for mardoche , and for no other offence in the world , but because he would not bowe the knee vnto him , and adore him as the rest did . so that ( if you marke the storie ) hamans owne greatnesse and power was the axe , which did frame and hew out that gallowes , whereon himselfe was hanged . and hauing often thought with my selfe on this mans end , and considering likewise the beginning of this his priuacie , i doe not finde , that it was for the excellencie of his merits , or for any heroicall vertues that were in him ; such as were those which king pharaoh , nabuchadnezzar , and darius did consider in those their fauourites , which they made choice of , but for some particular guste and liking , that his king tooke to him . for the scripture speakes not one word , nor maketh not any the least mention of the merits of this fauourite , nor of any notable thing , that hee had done either for the good of the kingdome , or the seruice of his king ; but rather without any preambles to that purpose , in the very entrance of the third chapter we reade thus . rex assuerus exaltauit aman , filium amadathi , qui erat de stirpe agag , & posuit solium eius super omnes principes quos habebat , cunctique serui regis , qui in foribus palatij versabantur , flectebant genua , et adorabant aman : king assuerus did promote haman the sonne of amedatha , the agagite , and aduanced him , and set his seate aboue all the princes that were with him . and all the kings seruants , that were in the kings gate , bowed , and reuerenced haman . and in this so true a relation , and so fully setting forth the priuacie of this great fauorite , without any foundation or ground of desert ; the scripture thereby hath instructed vs , how inconsiderately this king did proceed in the choice which he made . but he did correct this his errour , by opening his eyes , and inflicting that punishment vpon him which he deserued , and is there set downe . i could wish that fauourites would likewise open their eyes , and consider with themselues , that the happines which they hold , is but borrowed ware , lent vnto them but for a short time , and that they neither vse , nor possesse it as their owne proper good or inheritance . and being that by one meanes or other , it must leaue them , that they would not wholly giue themselues ouer thereunto ; for it forsaketh few without their finall ruine . let them bire vpon this bit , and with the remembrance thereof , bridle their pride and insolencie , lest ( howsoeuer they flatter themselues ) that hand may pull them downe , which raised them vp . for there are some , which will neuer be able to indure this their felicitie and happinesse , but one way or other , will worke their ouerthrow , and make them pay the price of their ambition at too deare a rate : nay the king himselfe will sometimes put to his helping hand , as we see king assuerus did , who after that hee had made haman his onely fauourite , and raised him to that highth of honour , as could not well bee more , turned his face from him , and did so much distaste him , for his sower and insolent behauiour , that for to make him stoope and hang the head , he commanded him to be hanged vpon the same gallowes that he had set vp for another , who had deserued well both of the king and state. the emperour alexander did the like , who waxing wearie of the arrogancie of one of his fauourites , and not being able longer to endure it , caused him to be staked , and the stake to be set on the top of an high hill ; giuing him a death answerable to his vanitie . for , although kings loue them , and in some sort acknowledge a kinde of beholdingnesse , yet they vsually withdraw their fauour quite from them , and are oftentimes ashamed of their choice ; whereunto being added the complaints of the people , and other principall persons , offended with the iniuries offered vnto them , remoue that scandall , by remouing their fauorite , and make them satisfaction by making him be punished , neuer in this case aduising with any , nor so much as hearing what the fauourite in his owne discharge can say for himselfe ; for in such desperate cases , when things are brought to that extremitie , kings vse to take that course as your prot●medici , and skilfuller sort of physitians doe with their inferiours ; who in weightie and vrgent occasions fall speedily to worke themselues , without any further consultation ; but in ordinarie diseases , heare , resolue , and consult with others . againe , let fauourites , for their learning , reade the histories , and peruse the generall booke of time , and they shall there finde a thousand of these examples , and other as many faire warnings , worthy their sight and knowledge , for the admonishing of men , for to feare their priuacie with kings , and to tremble at humane prosperitie , and the securitie wherein they liue . and hee that shall diligently reade these things , will seeke to come fairely off from these his high fortunes and fauours . for ordinarily , from a prosperous and high-raised estate , great disasters haue had their beginning ; as from your highest places come your greatest falls . and peraduenture because this desenganno , and dis-deceiuing of our selues , doth so much import mankinde , and that men might liue in this feare , god hath and doth permit of such like examples , and admonitions . and it may likewise be beleeued , that such violent and sudden accidents haue not onely happened through the default of those that fall , or for want of wisedome , but by a diuine prouidence and permission , for their owne particular sinnes ; or for that god was wi●ling , as being the master workeman , and onely potter of these our earthen vessells , to breake these with a rodde of iron , and to choose others for vessells of honour , through which the holy liquor of his gospell , and other good graces , might be poured forth , and diffused throughout the world . chap. xxxiii . whether it be fit for kings to haue any more then one fauourite . the name wherewith the greekes named god , is deriued from a word , which signifies to see . so that to say god , is to say , hee that sees . for , as the apostle saint paul , and faith teacheth vs ; all is subiect to gods view ; and vnto kings , who are his lieutenants here vpon earth , nothing can conuene so well with them , as to seéme to the world , to haue so quicke and large a sight , that they may see all whatsoeuer mans capacitie is able to reach vnto . and because they cannot doe this alone by themselues , xenophon said very well and wisely , that it was needfull , that they should haue other eyes , whereunto to trust as much , as vnto their owne , and to see as it were by spectacles ; for kings are so vnhappy , that they cannot come to see all without them . and those ( as the same philosopher said ) are those friends and fauourites , who are to see , and know that which passeth in the world , as also what is needfull in common-wealths , and to giue notice thereof vnto their kings , and to helpe them to ordaine , and execute that , which is fitting and conuenient . and fauourites being intertained ( as we said before ) for this end , and for the publike good of the common-wealth , it is requisite that kings should not haue one onely , but many . one day , some about the person of alexander the great , shewed him a maruellous faire pomegranate , which being cut in two , discouered a great company of kernels : and one of them asking him , of what he would wish to haue such store , as of those pomegranate kernels which appeared vnto him ? he answered , that he would wish that hee might haue so many z●piri ; this zopirus being a fauourite of his , and one that was very faithfull vnto him , and of great abilities . for , it is not contrary to royall greatnesse , to haue many , but very necessary for the better dispatch of businesses . for if they should passe onely through the hands of the prince , their dispatch would bee very slow , and subiect likewise to many errours , whereinto they would ordinarily runne , for want of their care and assistance . darius , king of persia , tooke three fauourites vnto him , to whom the rest of the princes rendered an account of all the affaires of the kingdome . and from the beginning of the world , euen to this present time , kings haue had , some more , and others lesse . for this must be regulated and ordered according to the greatnesse of the kingdomes . for by how much the more they are in number and greatnesse , so much the more increase haue those weightie affaires which are necessarily to haue their recourse to their royall persons ; and according to the measure of them , is there an addition to be made of those , that are to assist and attend businesses , to passe through all , to prouide for all , and in all places . the people of israel , when moses gouerned them , were all ioyntly together in one body in forme of an armie ; and all that made not vp so much as a meane kingdome ; and they remaining ( as then they did ) without possessions , incamped in a desart , and being all israelites , it seemeth in all likelihood , that their ordinary businesses could not be either so many , or so great , as those which are incident to a king , who is lord and master of diuers kingdomes and prouinces , and of sundry seuerall nations . and yet notwithstanding , that great gouernour moses , by negotiating from morning vntill night , without diuerting himselfe , could not giue conuenient dispatch vnto all , but was forced ( as is before specified ) to take vnto him no lesse then seuenty assistants , all chosen men , and endewed with those good qualities , whereof we now treate . let kings therefore haue many for to aide and helpe them , and let them be the ministers of his minde , and the conducts whereby to conuay his will and pleasure to his subiects . for in the administration of publike affaires , it is euermore to bee indeauoured , that many beare a part therein ; as well for the common satisfaction , that shall thereby be giuen vnto all ; as also for that they may be able to make the better account of all businesses , bee they neuer so many . and likewise , for that few being instructed and experienced in them , occasion may not bee giuen ; that ( those failing ) the commonwealth and publike gouernment may thereby incurre any danger . this was augustus his conceit , deliuered by suetonius ; which that he might the better execute , and that his bounty might inlarge it selfe towards the more persons ; he inuented new publike offices , wherein to imploy them . but i do not speake this , as inferring thereby , that there should bee so many , but that at least ( for the foresaid reasons ) there should bee some : and in conclusion , more then one , because it will bee more easie to negotiate with them , and lesse costly and troublesome ; and bee a meanes , that the prince may be the better eased , and freed in great part of those cares and troubles , which otherwise must needs weary him out , and worke his vnrest and disquiet . for his body is not made of brasse , nor can he occurre to all occasions ; besides , being more then one , their competition will make them the more both carefull and fearefull : as knowing that in case they shall grow carelesse , there are persons enough besides of sufficiencie to supply their place ; whereas the opinion and conceit of the contrary , puffes him vp with pride , and vndoes it's master . for they fondly and foolishly perswade themselues , that their king and master cannot liue and subsist without the assistance of their wit , and that there is not that fault they commit , but must be forgiuen them , out of the necessitie of their seruice . forgetting in the meane while , that their king may imagine them to bee dead , and how that in such a case , though it grieue him , yet must hee prouide himselfe of others ▪ let kings therefore bee beaten from this their errour , for he that shall otherwise aduise them , and seeke to be the onely man in their fauour and seruice , and take vnto himselfe both the right side and the left , thrusting all others from thence , and gouerning both high and low , letting nothing escape his fingers , which hee pretendeth out of the necessary vse of his person , and so absolutely to become master of their wills , and to haue that hand ouer their kings , that they must not looke vpon any , but with their fauorites eyes ; such a fauourite ( i say ) pretends to tyrannize a kingdome , and by little and little will go crushing the princes of the bloud , the ancient nobilitie , and such as are of power to stand in their way , thrusting this man out of court to day , and that other to morrow , that hee alone may rule all without any contradiction or opposition in the world . let euery man say or thinke as they list , for mine owne part i am perswaded that this is his maine end and drift ; and the cause thereof is his feare of falling ; knowing ( besides his owne consciousnes ) that there are not onely one or two , but many in court , that are able to supply his place , and farre better deseruing then himselfe . your alchymists make gold : but how ? onely in the colour ; they will not let it come to the touch , nor any other reall essay ; neither will they endure to haue it compared with any other minerall gold , for feare lest it should bee discouered , that theirs hath no more but a bare shew and apparence . let princes therefore assure themselues , that those fauourites are but alchimists , that will not admit of any other companie , as being priuie to themselues , that their vnderstanding is not such pure gold , that it can abide the touch , nor any reall essay . but say it should passe for currant , and that their mindes were all made of pure gold , me thinkes they should aduise and consider with themselues , that those that are ingenious and wise men , will therefore the rather desire that there should be many : for , by comparing the one with the other , the true light shineth the more , and makes it selfe knowne whether it be so or no. and onely your fooles , and such as are vnworthy of that they possesse , are iealous of that good , which they feare to loose , when by comparing they shall come to be knowne . god did not in vaine place so many members in mans bodie , and most of them double ; had it not beene thereby to teach vs , that many are needfull in humane actions : and that one is not able to doe all , without an infinite deale of toyle , extraordinary spending of his spirits , and the sudden wasting and consuming of his body . and here will suite very well to this our purpose , that which tiberius affirmed , when feigning not to bee willing to accept of the empire , hee said , ( going about the bush to discouer the mindes of the romane nobilitie , and senate ) that he alone of himselfe , was not sufficient , nor yet with the helpe of another , for so great a gouernment . whereupon , salustius crispus taking his qu , a great fauourite of his , starts mee vp , and makes me a long harenga , or artificiall oration ; shewing that signiorie and empire could not well consist , without being conferred vpon one particular person ( which is the maine foundation and ground-worke of the good and safetie of a monarchicall gouernment ) and that therein himselfe ( if no body else would take the paines ) would bee as it were another ioseph , his faithfull vice●gerent : lest the resolution of things , depending on the will of many , it might cause a distraction in businesses , either by way of competition or of passion . in conclusion , after tiberius had heard this , and had throughly sounded their mindes , he took occasion to tell them , that in such a citie as rome was , sustained and vpheld by so many and such illustrious persons , it was not fit that the businesses of state should be remitted to one man alone , for many would much more easily execute the offices and affaires of the commonwealth by a fellow-bearing of the burthen . for , as vnitie in some degrees is both profitable and pleasing ; so in other some it is hatefull , and preiudiciall . and therefore , ( out of this consideration ) i say , that a king , as the supreme person , and principall head of a kingdome , ought to be one alone . for the couetousnesse of ruling being insatiable , and the nature of power incommunicable , it is not possible that two princes of equall authoritie should continue any long time , but both of them suffer in the end , or at least the businesses that are committed to their charge . but for fauourites , there may bee two , or three , or more , the vnitie remaining reserued for the greater and supremer person . and likewise this pluralitie will not be much amisse ; for if any one of them shall by some accident faile , there be others , whom the king knoweth , and they know him , that are fit for his seruice , and that haue good experience and knowledge of businesses , and all such matters as are current and passable in the commonwealth , without being driuen to seeke out new ministers , or to instruct them what to doe in a time of necessitie , when things go not well , but stand in ill tearmes , laying otherwise hold on the first that offer themselues vnto them , to the ouerthrowing of the businesses in hand , and the proper hurt and dammage of their lord and master ; at whose cost and by meere erring in great matters , they must come to get their learning . let kings ( a gods name ) reserue for themselues those businesses that are of greatest importance ( for in this likewise must there bee a setled course and order ) as is in all well gouerned kingdomes . referring ( as we said before ) to the ordinary councells and tribunalls , ordinary businesses , consulting with their kings those that are of most importance ; and these kings by themselues ( as before mentioned ) ought to dispatch , if therein they be not hindered by default of their health , and not to remit and referre them to their fauourites ; who , in matter of iustice ( were it but distributiue ) should haue no lande of power . for thereby they oppresse those tribunalls and seates of iustice , together with their ministers and officers , who , for that they know , they must haue much dependancy on the fauourite ; if he shall haue a hand in courts of iustice , and distribution of offices , cannot but remaine much oppressed , and debarred of their libertie , and the more , if they haue any pretension for their owne interest , or increasing of their estate and honour . and the reason of all this will plainly appeare , if wee will but weigh those words of the wise man ; per me reges regnant , & legum conditores iusta decernunt : through me kings raigne , through mee councellours make iust lawes . whereby is giuen to vnderstand , the particular fauour which god giues to the lawfull kings and gouernours of their kingdomes and commonwealths , to hit right in that which appertaineth vnto gouernment . and therefore was it well said of that wise king salomon ; diuinatio in labijs regis , in iudicio , non errabit os eius : prophecie is in the lippes of the king ; his mouth shall not go wrong in iudgement . and your diuines are of opinion , that kings haue more helpe and aide from their angels of guard , then other men haue . and besides all this , the publike prayers that are poured forth throughout all their kingdomes and prouinces , are of most great vse for gods illightning of their vnderstanding . and therefore for these reasons aforesaid , although your fauourites and more secret councellours of state may be very learned and wise vnderstanding men , yet is there a great deale of reason , why in graue and weightie causes , they should craue and attend their kings opinion ; esteeming it as the more certaine , being it comes from a head , so much fauoured by god , and so well assisted and strengthened on all sides . which doth not concurre in fauourites ; for god hath not made that promise vnto them , as he hath vnto kings ; nor ( peraduenture ) doe they deserue it . and if he bee the sole and onely fauourite , much lesse can hee presume , that either his opinion or paines can be greater or surer then that of so many learned councellours and councells , that haue met and sate thereupon , and haue spent so much time and studie in state-affaires . nor is it to bee imagined , that when councellours doe consult , and craue their kings opinion and resolution , that they doe it to that end , that they should receiue it from another inferiour person ; whom let kings loue them neuer so much , or conferre all that they can vpon them , they cannot giue them more vnderstanding , or more knowledge , nor a better minde and disposition , then what they haue already ; for this is reserued for god onely , as also it properly belongeth vnto him to giue light vnto kings , that they may giue a fitting and direct answer to that point wherein they are consulted , who alwayes supplyes them with that knowledge which is needfull for them , if they shall but begge it at his hands , and make good vse thereof . hence are two things inferred , which are very sure and true . the first , that kings are bound in conscience to attend in their owne person graue and weightie businesses ; for that this is their principall office ; which is euidently proued by this reason . whosoeuer beares an office , and hath salarie for the same , is thereby obliged to cumply fully therewith , sub poena peccati , vpon penaltie of sinning . and by so much the more grieuous shall the sinne be , by how much the greater is the office , and by how much the more the stipend is augmented . now kings ( you will confesse vnto me ) haue the greater office , and greater stipend in all things , and therefore shall they more grieuously sinne , if they do not cumply therewith . and this is made good in the sixth of wisedome , wherein these very words it is expresly said : potentes potenter tormenta patientur ; & fortioribus fortior instat cruciatio : a sharpe punishment shall be to them that be in high places ; and the mighty shall bee mightily tormented . the second ; that fauourites are obliged , on paine of the said penaltie , to serue their kings in their owne persons well and faithfully in those businesses , which they shall commit to their charge ; and that in taking their pleasure and ease , more then their kings themselues , and substituting others to performe that trust and charge which is put vpon them , they cannot iustly enioy that authoritie , nor those interests and profits which doe result from their priuacie . and let they themselues tell me , what title they haue to enioy so much as they doe , when they take lesse paines then their kings , but pleasure more ? and to conclude with that which is here questioned in this chapter , i say , that admitting fauourites , to bee such as they ought to be , it is fit notwithstanding that there should be more then one , or two . for thereby kings shall haue the more helpe , and out of that emulation and zeale , which is wont to bee amongst them , each of them will striue to bee more considerate and better aduised in commanding others , and in begging and applying things to himselfe , and his owne priuate profit , and more solicitous in doing seruice to the state , lest others might get the start of him in his kings fauour . and howbeit the name of fauourite seemeth not to indure a companion , yet , if they fixe their eyes on that which they ought , which is the common good of the common-wealth , and the seruice of their kings , it would neuer grieue them , that there should bee others to assist for the same end and purpose ; but like that great fauourite and friend of god , moses , they would say , vtinam omnes prophetarent : would to god they did all prophecie . chap. xxxiiii . of the conditions and qualities of fauourites . svpposing that that then which hath beene said in the former chapters , and that kings are to haue such persons about them , who with proprietie may hold the name of friends ( for such qualitie and condition must they be of , who possesse the bosome and soule of their master by the communication of the greatest and most secret affaires ) and performe the office of fauourites ; for , although it be true , that it cannot properly be said , that kings haue friends , for that all ( saue of their owne ranke ) are inferiour vnto them ; yet is it likewise true , that the holy scripture ( as we shewed you before ) stiles fauourites , friends . for the force of loue is of that great power , that it remoueth and lifteth vp things from their point and center , giuing the name of friend to a seruant and subiect . qui diligit cordis munditiam , propter gratiam labiorum suorum , habebit amicum regem : he that loueth purenesse of heart , for the grace of his lippes ; the king shall bee his friend . aristotle doth admit betwixt the king and his subiect , a certaine kinde of friendship , howbeit and disparitie and inequalitie bee very great , your histories doe celebrate the friendships of great princes , held with their particular subiects . and those which with other their equalls are called faithfull friends ; with kings , carry the name of loyall-subiects . which ( for that effect which wee pretend ) importeth little this altering or changing of the name . that which most importeth and conueneth most , is , that we giue you some notice of those qualities which they ought to haue , and of those signes , whereby those may be knowne , that are fittest and best for so great a ministery . there are two qualities amongst the rest , which are precisely necessarie in a fauourite . and first i will set downe the first . first of all then he must loue his king truly , and must not suffer himselfe to be ouercome by couetousnesse , and his owne priuate interest . in the first particular , all doe agree with aristotle and plato . for no man can more faithfully giue counsell , then hee that loues his king more then his gifts . which of all other is the most necessary to make one man trust another , and to beleeue that which hee saith . for who will not credit that man whom he knowes loues him , and in all that he can , seekes to procure his good , without any respect to his owne particular interest ? he ( saith saint gregory ) that is fit to be a fauourite , must haue a loue that is full , and dis-interessed . nullus fidelior tibi ad consulendum esse potest , quam qui non tua , sed te diligit : no man can be more faithfull in aduising thee , then he that loues not thine , but thee . this qualitie of loue and friendship , nazianzene likewise handleth . and a certaine law of the partida maketh mention thereof , saying , que los , que han de aconseiar los reyes , han de ser amigos bien entendidos , y●de buen seso : that those , that are to counsell kings , must bee friends that haue beene throughly knowne and tried , and that are of good vnderstanding and iudgement . salomon saith , that hee is a true fauourite indeed , that studies to walke in cleannesse of heart , and purenesse of tongue ; that is to say , when hee shall place all his care in seruing his king with loue ; and informing him nothing but what is truth , and desiring him to walke in that way , which shall make most for gods seruice , and the good of the kingdome ; qualities sufficient for fauourites to insinuate themselues into the grace and fauour of good princes . saint iohn , in the apocalypse , sets before vs ( though somewhat darkly shadowed ) a picture of good fauourites and councellers . which were certaine old men , clothed in white , wearing crownes on their heads . to bee somewhat ancient , and well stricken in yeares , was a qualitie wont to be required in those that were to aduise kings , and giue them good counsell , in regard of their great experience and mature iudgement , which commonly accompanies such kinde of men . and they are said to be clothed in white , because this colour signifies a pure heart , and a cleare conscience , wherewith they ought to bee as it were apparrelled and adorned . how can he giue good counsell that is not clothed in white ? that hath not cor candidum , a white and vpright heart , pure and cleane from those affections and passions that may smu●t and sullye it ? and it is there likewise set downe , that euery one of them had like a king , a crowne vpon his head . to giue vs thereby to vnderstand , that hee that is to giue counsell vnto kings , for the maintaining and vpholding of a kingdome , and to remedy what is therein amisse , may in some sort conceit himselfe to be a king ; my meaning is , that he is to giue counsell , as if hee himselfe were the king , and to aduise for him , as he would for himselfe , were he in his place . and that hee is to giue his vote and opinion , as if the kingdome were his . and to be so free from expecting or respecting his owne particular interest , as if he were king himselfe . who neither expecteth nor pretendeth any merced , or reward , nor any addition of honour , or otherwise in his kingdome , for that hee hath already attained to the highest and supremest dignitie , which is the crowne . in like manner , kings fauourites , and counsellours should liue as free from pretensions , as if ( hauing already got the crowne ) they had nothing more to pretend . whose breast and bosome must be as white and as pure as whitenesse it selfe and will be the better able to iudge betwixt white and blacke , right and wrong , by reason of their many yeares , and long experience . this kinde of seruants and friends , which must be the life and soule of their actions ; let kings bee very carefull how they make choice of them , and receiue them into fauour . for there is not any one thing , that doth so much manifest a kings minde , as the election which he makes of his fauourites and councellours of state. for by them is his naturall inclination as well knowne , as in a workeman , by his manufactures , is discouered the art and trade whereunto hee is most inclined . and therefore i shall make bold to aduise kings , that they make such their fauourites , that are men of worth , wise , prudent , dis-interessed , and of a noble and generous disposition . for by their choice , men make iudgement of their king accordingly . and likewise when the kings grace and fauour shall fall vpon good subiects , his owne glory will be the greater . let kings ( laying aside all affection ) choose such as are men of knowledge and experience , and that are powerfull in perswading , and disswading . that know how to go in and out , with good satisfaction , amidst those so many , so diuers , and such important businesses , as daily offer themselues ; and to giue good , subtill , and graue answers , both by word of mouth , and by writing , to such ambassadours , and other great persons , that shall come to treate and negociate with them . that haue seene and read much , and haue a generall knowledge in all things , but more particularly in the countries and prouinces that are vnder their kings command . that know what forces they are able to make , and to vnderstand the strength as well of their friends , as of their foes . let them be of a franke and liberall minde . for this vertue the common people much loue and affect , and are wonderfully well satisfied therewith . and on the contrary , couetousnesse is much hated and abhorred by them . let them ( i say ) bee bountifull , and desirous to doe good to all in common , and to euery one in particular . in a word , let them be men well knowne to be faithfull and trusty , and such as loue their kings so well , as that they will preferre their authoritie and reputation before their owne , and studie and endeuour in all , and aboue all , what may make most for their good and aduantage . that they be wise , discreet , experienced , patient , without passion , disinteressed , and more zealous of the publike good , then of their priuate profit . for if they shall regard their owne interest and proper commoditie , they are neither good for the seruice of their kings , nor for the gouernment of the commonwealth . for , in going about to measure out their priuacie by the yard of their particular profit , they will make merchandise of all ; and their doing good to others , shall bee for the benefiting of themselues . nothing comming vnder their hands , whereof ( that they may not be accounted bad cookes ) they will not licke their owne fingers . the clingenst and strongest affection , is that of couetousnesse ; it is like the head●ch , which hindereth the free vse of mans faculties and senses , not suffering him to doe any thing that is good . and though it bee true , that there are other vices , of greater offence to god , and more hurtfull to a mans neighbour , yet this hath i know not what mischiefe in it , and more particularly in publike persons , which doth shew it selfe more openly then all the rest , and doth breede , and nourish other sinnes , as the roote doth the tree . radix omnium malorum cupiditas ; quidam appetentes , errauerunt à fide : couetousnesse of money , is the roote of all euill . which while some lusted after , they erred from the faith , and tangled themselues with many sorrowes . ex auaritia profecto ( saith saint ambrose ) septem nequitiae procreantur : scilicet , proditio , fraus , fallacia , periurium , inquietudo , violentia , & contra misericordiam , obduratio : there are seuen kinde of sinnes that proceed from couetousnesse ▪ viz. treason , fraud , deceit , periury , inquietude , violence , and ( which shuts the doore to all pitie and compassion ) hardnesse of heart . vpon this foundation of couetousnesse , is built whatsoeuer tyrannicall imagination ; and many through it , haue , and doe daily loose the faith , and that loyaltie which is due vnto god , and their kings . auri cupiditas ( saith the same saint ) materia est perfidiae ; the loue of gold is the cause of the losse of faith . when this pulls a fauourite , it easily drawes him aside , and carries him headlong to all these vices ; for it is of more force then the load-ston , and drawes him more after them , then that doth the iron ; and is holpen on the more by the winde of vanitie and ambition . the philosopher her●●litus saith , that those that serue vanity and couetousnesse , suddenly depart from truth and iustice ; and hold that onely for iust and most right , which is directed aright to their owne priuate interest . and this onely doe they make their aime , in all whatsoeuer they aduise their king ; as was to be seene in that so often repeated case of king assuerus , with his great fauourite amann ▪ of whom hee demanded , what grace and fauour should bee showne to that subiect , whom for his good seruices , hee desired to honour . whereupon , the winde of vaine-glory working in the head of him , and thinking this could be no man , but himselfe , shewed himselfe very magnificent and liberall in ordaining the honours and fauours , that were to be done vnto him . the vaine conceit of a couetous man , cuts out for himselfe large thongs out of another mans leather . and when hee growes a little warme in the king his masters bosome ( poore snake as hee was ) with a false and feigned loue , hee goes hunting after his commoditie ; and this failing , his loue also faileth . for his heart stretcheth it selfe no farther to loue , then what his hands c●n come to take hold on . elpan comido , y la compania desecha ( saith the prouerbe ) no longer cake , n● longer company . of such friends , as these , the prophet michah bids vs beware . for no friend , that seeketh his owne gaine , can euer ( according vnto aristotle ) be faithfull and loyall to his king. let kings ( i say ) consider once againe , and haue an especiall care , that those fauourites , whom hee maketh choice of for his friends , be out of his owne proper election , and approued by his owne minde , and by the opinion and fame of their vertue , and not intertaining them at any time by the sole intercession of others , especially such as are great and powerfull , nor let them suffer themselues to be carried away with the secret considerations of those familiar and particular persons which are about them , nor by the insinuating and soothing perswasions of your flatterers and sycophants ; who , as they are men , worke vpon discourse , and corporall meanes , altogether framing them in order to their owne ends ; let them not giue beliefe and credit vnto them , but to the common fame and good report that goes of them ; and thereon , let them place their eares and their vnderstanding . for ( as tacitus saith ) that is it which vsually makes the best choice . for it is not to bee doubted , but that concerning such a ones vertues or goodnesse , we ought rather to giue credit to the generall report , then to the voices of one or two . for one , may easily bee deceiued , and deceiue others by his tricks , and his particular interest ; but neuer yet could one deceiue all ; nor is it possible , that all should in that their approbation , deceiue another . as for those other seruants , which are to attend and waight vpon the kings person , more for dignitie of place , and for outward apparence and ostentation of greatnesse , then for vse and conueniencie , which likewise in their kinde are very necessarie ; let kings a gods name receiue them into their seruice , either vpon the intercession of others , or out of other particular respects . for in this , there is little hazard , and may easily chop and change them , if they proue not good and fit for their turne . but in the choice of the former a great deale of care must be taken , for the chopp●ng and changing of them is very dangerous , and vnlesse there be very great cause for the doing of it , it breeds an opinion of inconstancie ; which as it cannot but be hurtfull vnto all , so is it of great dishonour vnto kings , much weakening their authoritie . but say there be iust cause of remouing them , why it is but as a vomite ; which howbeit it be true , that it remoueth the malignant humour , and expells it from the stomacke , yet withall it carries the good likewise away with it , and makes an end of that subiect it works vpon , if it be too often vsed . for our horses wee seeke bits and bridles , wherewith to make them to go well and handsomely , and if with those they do not raigne , and carry themselues according to our mind , we take others ; and when we finde once that they are fitted as wee would haue them , we neuer chop nor change , but still vse the same . in like manner , it is not good to chop and change either fauourites , or priuie councellours too often , but to seeke out such as are fit for their turne , and to carry such a hand ouer them , as to bridle their insolencie , and to reyne them in hard , if they finde them head-strong . for being that they are those horses which guide the chariot of a monarchie , if they bee not well bridled , of a gentle and tender mouth , and an easie reyne , they will play the iades , and breake both their owne neckes and their masters . in a word , euery king hath , or at least representeth two persons , one publike , the other priuate . and therefore his actions ought likewise to be of two qualities . in those that are particular , let them proceed therein as they will themselues , according to their owne guste and pleasure ; but in those that are publike , as shall make most for the publike good . hauing still an eye to it's conseruation and augmentation ; and to the common approbation of the people . and those qualities , which formerly wee required in councellers of state , wee here likewise conclude , that all of them are necessary for fauourites . and if kings peraduenture ( in regard of humane imperfection ) cannot meete with men so perfect , let them bee as absolute , as they can possibly light vpon ; at least , let them haue these two qualities , of loue , and an vnspotted life ; and let not kings content themselues that they haue them in a mediocritie , but in all perfection . for without these two , there are not any statuas so ●●profitable , as are such men , being not good enough to be slaues , or to serue in the basest and vilest offices about a house , much more vnworthy to be fauourites , and priuie councellours . and because the heart of man , which god hath hid out of sight , to the end that he might reserue it to bee the seate and mansion of his loue , is hard to bee knowne , and the thoughts thereof very secret and hid ; for that by one and the same instruments , it worketh and expresseth it's conceits , be they false , or be they true , it is necessary that by some meanes the truth or deceit of it's words may be knowne , for to difference thereby the true loue from the false . amongst other signes and coniectures whereof kings may make vse , for to know the minde of those that are to hold so great and neare a place about their persons , and to treate and communicate with them as it were the secrets of their soules ; let them consider and obserue very well , in what kinde of manner they do proceed , and haue proceeded with those with whom they haue formerly held friendship , and to whom they stand indebted and obliged for curtesies already done ; if they shall see they carry themselues well towards them , and performe all offices of true loue and friendship , then may they be induced to beleeue , that shewing themselues louing and thankfull to others , they will be so towards them . and he that loueth not him , whom hee ought to loue , out of this or that other respect , will not loue his king , do he neuer so much for him . for this difference of more or lesse altereth not the substance nor condition . the true loue of fauourites ( they being such as they ought to be ) consisteth ( as we said already ) in louing their king dis-interessedly , and to aduertile him of all that , which is fitting and conuenient for him , and that all , or the most desire , that in their workes and actions for their greater perfection , there should be credit and estimation ; and lastly , of all that which ( according to the more common opinion ) requireth reformation and amendment ( for onely the workes of the most high can be wholly inculpable ) and of that which may in some sort withdraw his subiects loue from him , and aduising him thereof , worke so with him for to gratifie them in this or that publike benefit , whereby to wedge the peoples loue the faster vnto their prince and soueraigne . but false and feigned loue , that runnes a contrarie course ; it alwayes hunts after it's owne commoditie , it commendeth all , whatsoeuer his prince doth ; he excuseth it in his presence , and qualifies it for good , iust , and conuenient . which being no other but a tricke of court-cunning , and though they may well march vnder the standard of vnknowne enemies , yet are they esteemed and rewarded as friends . and notwithstanding all this , their kings backe is no sooner turned , but they murmure at him , or set others a worke to doe it for them ; complaining , that in regard of the naturall ill disposition of kings and great princes eares ( facile enough to heare smooth flatteries , but too harsh and hard to hearken to the truth ) they dare not for their liues tell it him , not aduenture to giue him the least distaste , though it concerne him neuer so neare , and that they plainly see , the not doing of it cannot but redound much to his hurt . and the true reason thereof is , for that the former , loue more the person of their prince , then his fortune , and let him take it ill or well , all 's one , they will treate truth , especially in those things that may concerne his safetie , or the good and quiet of his kingdome ; and their good minde , true heart , and plaine-honest meaning , make them bold to speake , without fearing to offend , in that their good aduice , which they shall giue him . but this second sort of fauourites loue not his person , but his fortune ; and these , for their owne proper interest , and that they may not hazard their hopes , dare not speake the truth , though they see the danger before their eyes : as persons that would easily alter their faith and loyaltie , and take part with him whose sword is strongest , and therefore care not though their king fall , so as they may stand . and of such , it may bee suspected that they desire a change , like those which in gaming liue by baratos , who for their owne benefit would haue fortune turne from the one to the other , their good wishes no longer following their first man , as not hoping to haue any more from him , then what they haue already receiued ; not caring to see them blowne vp , one after another , so as they may get by the bargaine . and most certaine it is , that those who so much loue themselues , and their owne proper interest , there is no trusting of them ; for they haue no loue left either for their owne lord and master , or any body else . for such base soules , and vngenerate spirits , drowned and swallowed vp in those muddy materialls of interest , and auarice , cannot loue any other thing with excellencie , and in a noble fashion . and therefore it importeth much , that fauourites bee dis●roabed , and stript quite and cleane of all that , which goes vnder the name of proper or selfe-loue , priuate interest , vsefull friendship , faction or kindred ; and that they should bee clothed with a wise and discreet kinde of goodnesse , which nor knowes , nor can , nor will fauour ought , but vertue , and iustice , and that which is good and honest . it is likewise spoken by way of prouerbe , quien ama à su rey , ama à su grey : he that loues his king , loues his flocke . and he that is in the place of a fauourite , and so neare about his kings person , ought to bee as a common father to all his subiects , treating them as if they were his children , and procuring that not any one of them may depart discontented from his presence , which would be the the onely load-stone to draw all their loue and affection towards him . so did that great fauourite of the king of syria , naaman , whom all the people with a full and open mouth , called father , corresponding with him in the loue of so many sonnes , or children . for those that are seated in so high a place , haue great cause , for many reasons , to procure publike loue ; and , together with the grace of their prince , to haue the good wills and affections of the people ; for this , makes the other to be more durable and firme . for this is the naturall miserie of great and powerfull persons , that enuie and greatnesse go alwayes hand in hand : the one still accompanying the other . and there is not any poyson like vnto it , which moues and stirres vp such violent pangs and passions in the stomacke , and more especially if it worke vpon the priuacie and inwardnesse of fauourites with their kings , as if that it selfe were not a true and sufficient strong poyson . seeing that it is held for certaine , that one word of a king , nay ( which is more ) one angry looke , or bended brow , hath sent many a fauourite to his graue . for ( as salomon saith ) the life of the subiect depends on the countenance of the king. and if we will not beleeue him , let vs see and obserue how many fauourites escape , which doe not dye of that wound , or the feare thereof ; and more particularly with those kings which are of that condition ( as one said ) that there is not two fingers breadth betweene their smile and their sword ; to the end that this their priuacie might bee had in the lesse esteeme . for your best fauourites are but like your better sort of fruits , which are soonest subiect to be worme-eaten . for enuie is a very worme , and hath the same qualities as a worme hath ; and spreads it selfe so farre , that it extends it selfe euen to those that haue beene benefited by the fauourite ; the couetousnesse and risentment of that which they doe not receiue , working more vpon them then the law of thankfulnesse , or of a gratefull acknowledgement for that , which they haue receiued . so that wee may say , that few are they who loue those from whose hand they haue receiued some good , because it was no greater . and those that haue receiued none , that they are therein iniured , and wronged . so , that to qualifie and temper this inconuenience , it shall be wisedome in fauourites ( and it will concerne them to vse all the meanes they can deuise to effect it ) to procure to bee wellbeloued . and no lesse in kings to seeke out such as are modest , louing , affable , vertuous , honest , well beloued , and of a gratefull and thankfull disposition . chap. xxxv . how kings ought to carry themselues towards their fauourites . for to resolue this question , and to giue satisfaction to that which is here proposed in this chapter , it being a matter of so tender and dangerous a touch : i will first lay for my foundation , a true point of doctrine in naturall philosophie , celebrated with that sentence of the glorious saint austen ; amor meus , pondus meum , illo feror , quocunque feror : the plummet which peaseth man , and the wings wherewith the heart makes it's flight , is loue , which doth leade the dance to all the other passions of the soule . and as those that saile in a deepe sea , with full sailes , runne on their course without any danger ; but when they draw neare the shore , they take them downe and ruffle them that they may not runne their ship vpon some shelfe , or split it selfe against some rocke ; so likewise , when the heart is lifted vp vnto the loue of god , which is infinite goodnesse , it may without perill plough the seas of this world , and with full sayles cut the maine , without danger of shelues , quick-sands , or rockes . for ( according to that saying of the glorious saint bernard ) as the cause of our louing god , is god himselfe : so , the measure of louing him , is to loue him without measure . causa diligendi deum , deus est ; modus dilectionis , sine modo diligere . as the cause of our loue is infinite ; so must it be without taxe or limitation , wherein there can be no excesse . but when the heart drawes but little water , and touches too close vpon these things of the earth , which haue their goodnesse much limited , it will be high time , and very fit and conuenient , to strike the sayles of our loue , and to go on with a great deale of caution and consideration , lest this our vessell should sticke in the sands , neuer to bee gotten out againe , or fall vpon some rocke or other of vnaduisednesse and indiscretion . and this is so certaine a truth , that albeit the loue to our parents be so naturall , and obligatory , and so giuen vs in charge by god , with the promises of so many blessings on those children which shall cumply with this loue , and with so many threatnings on those that shall faile therein ; yet notwithstanding god himselfe will , that therein there should be a limitation and moderation . qui amat patrem , aut matrem , plus quam me , non est me dignus : he that loueth father or mother more then me , is not worthy of me . and the common old adage saith , that friendship must go no further then vsque ad ar as , and stop there . and howbeit some would haue the limit , which is here put to loue , to be death ; i say , that it's limit , is reason , and obedience to gods commandements . for when our loue shall come to encounter with them , it is to make a stand , and go no further . our second ground or foundation whereon we shall build , is this , that in kings , next vnto the loue of god , and his christian religion , no loue ought to be like vnto that , which they ought to beare vnto their kingdomes and common-wealths ; for the end , for which kings were first instituted and ordained , was the common good of their kingdomes . and as children haue a naturall obligation to loue their parents , because from them , they haue receiued their naturall being ; so kings owe the like to their kingdomes , and commonwealths , because next vnder god , they gaue them their being of kings , and that power and authoritie , whereby they were to protect , defend , and augment them . vpon these grounds and foundations must that loue and friendship be laid , which is to be held with fauourites . louing them , and giuing them power and authoritie , conformable to that , which for this end shall be thought most conuenient . for albeit they ( as seneca saith ) keepe the key of their kings heart , and in matters of secresie and benefits , are preferred before the rest ; yet this must be done with a christian kinde of prudence and discretion . hauing euermore an especiall care , that the force of his loue be not so violent , and so boundlesse , that to giue content to one sole fauourite , hee discontent all the rest of his subiects ; and to shew himselfe faithfull and true vnto him , breake that faith and truth , which he owes vnto god , and his diuine law. and that he proceed likewise therein with that freedome and libertie , that his loue may not passe the bounds of reason , nor bee ( like some ships that are runne on ground ) so surely setled , that he cannot get off when hee will , and to turne that loue into hatred , and a full determination and resolution of punishment , when the faults of a fauourite shall deserue his iust displeasure non habitabit in medio domus meae , qui facit superbiam , &c. whoso hath a proud looke , and an high stomacke , i will not suffer him . mine eyes looke vnto such , as be faithfull in the land , that they may dwell with mee . and whoso leadeth a godly life , he shall be my seruant ; but there shall no deceitfull person dwell in my house . and he that telleth lies shall not tarry in my sight . as likewise it is iust and meete , that on the contrary , hatred , punishment , and chastisement , should be turned into amitie , loue , and friendship , when the person hated , shall deserue well . and this is the meaning of that ancient prouerbe , ama , tanquam osurus & odio habe , tanquam amaturus . the drift and scope of all which is this ; that when wee shall place our loue and affection vpon humane things , it be done with aduisednesse , considering how subiect they are to change and alteration . so that , that which to day deserues our loue , may to morrow deserue our hate : and on the contrary , that which is disliked and abhorred , may merit our loue , and good esteeme . and we haue hereof a very good example in the foresaid king assuerus , who so soone turned that loue which he bare vnto haman , into that hatred , that hee caused him to be hanged vp ; and mardoche , that was condemned to the gallowes , he raised vnto honour , and put him into that place of priuacie and greatnesse , which proud haman so lately enioyed . nor can fauourites haue cause to complaine , if it be granted vnto them , that their priuacie may reach so farre , that their kings may loue them , as they do their owne royall persons . but it is a doctrine receiued by all the philosophers , that the rule of that true friendship and loue , which one man beareth vnto another , is to be measured and considered by that which euery man beares vnto himselfe . and that which equalls it selfe in this , is very perfect loue . amicitiae lex prescribitur , vt non minus , nec plus quisquam , amicum suum , quàm seipsum diligat . the law of friendship is , that a man should not loue his friend lesse , or more , then himselfe . nem● ( saith saint paul ) animam suam odio habet , sed nutrit , & fouet eam : no man euer yet hated his owne flesh , but nourisheth and cherisheth it . and yet notwithstanding this selfe-loue ought so to bee ordered by reason , that whensoeuer it shall desire any thing contrarie thereunto , it must sharply be denyed it . a criter reijciendus est ( saith the learned saint chrisostome ) in like manner , when fauourites shall craue or desire any thing contrary to reason , or the publike good of the commonwealth , they must bee denyed , what they demand , and kings vpon those occasions must shew themselues seuere and austere towards them . and this doctrine is so cleare and so plaine , that our sauiour christ left it for a patterne vnto princes , in that answer of his which he gaue vnto his two kinsmen and fauourites , iohn and iames , when hee told them ; nescitis , quid petatis ; potest is bibere calicem ? &c. ye know not what ye aske . can ye drinke of the cup , &c. non est meum dare vobis , sed quibus paratum est à patre meo . to sit on my right hand , and on my left hand , is not mine to giue , but it shall bee giuen vnto them , for whom it is prepared . and how beit the words in this answer haue so many sundry expositions , and diuers constructions , as the interpreters vpon this place doe render ; yet haue i noted three things therein , worthy the consideration , and of much conueniencie for kings . in the first place , i obserue the tartnesse and sharpnesse of the answer , together with the ill-aduised and indiscreete request of those two fauourites , set downe in these three words : nescitis quid petatis : ye know not what ye aske . and when fauourites shall not weigh and consider with themselues , what , and how they aske ; let kings bethinke themselues , what , and how they giue . and let them not giue so much to one , as may giue occasion to all the rest to murmure , and complaine . and let them likewise take into their consideration , that the common condition of your fauourites , is like vnto that of other particular men , still to desire to better themselues in their estate and degree . and therefore it shall bee a great point of wisedome , not to grant vnto them all that they shall aske ; as here our sauiour christ aduiseth kings . wotting well , that though they grant them their request , yet are they not contented therewith , but rather take heart and courage vnto them to craue more and more , and with greater earnestnesse then they did before . for , ambition and couetousnesse are not satisfied , nor slackened with abundance , but are like vnto those that are sicke of the dropsie , who the more they drinke , the more they thirst . and besides this heaping of honour vpon honour , and gift vpon gift , hath a greater danger with it , in regard of those persons that receiue them . for most certaine it is , that the appetite of man is hydropicall , which the more he drinketh , the more he thirsteth ; and the more he getteth , the more he desireth . and princes may giue so much , that like lucifer , they may come at last to couet and desire that , which their kings possesse . what an honorable creature was he , and of what singular parts , yet did he rebell against his creator , out of enuie and pride , and onely occasioned through those many graces and fauours which god had enriched him withall . and for that we are all of vs creatures , the like may be feared from vs ; being that we are not so incapable of this , as was that angell of that which hee desired . and it is fit , that wee should leaue our selues something to giue ; for ordinarily we do all of vs desire ( a qualitie wherewith mans appetite is well acquainted ) and which hath caused the greatest and the foulest falls . for who is he , that would not ( if he could ) haue command , and be a king ? and wee ought likewise to keepe something in our hands to bestow , that we may not grow weary of seruing , being we can expect no further fauours , nor looke for any more rewards . for this also is very naturall , and a fashion of ancient standing with most men , to waxe weary of standing at a stay , not contenting themselues to continue that grace , place , and rewards , which they haue already acquired ; but hold that for an affront , being now growne rich , which before they would haue taken for a great fauour , when they were poore . thus doe we grow vnthankfull ; and thus doe we grow forgetfull , being vainly carried away with the conceit of what we are . and we loose the sight of that low and meane estate , wherein we were , by being raised to that highth and eminencie , wherein wee see our selues to bee seated . a naturall fault in mans eye-sight , which knowes not how to looke downeward ; and as vnwilling to looke backward , but as much forward as you will. but these forward birds , doe well deserue to haue the waxe , wherewith their wings are fastened , to be melted by that very sunne , that gaue them their first warmth and light , and by their fall to be left an example to the world , to terrifie others . and in case , for some especiall respect , kings shall resolue with themselues , that all the beames of their greatnesse shall illighten and giue life to one particular person , let the foundation of their fauours bee layed vpon those qualities , desarts , and seruices , which ought to concurre on those persons on whom they purpose thus to particularize . kings likewise are to consider the petitions of those that sue vnto them ; which is my second obseruation , and taught by christ himselfe : potestis bibere calicem , quem ego bibiturus s●m ? can ye drinke of the cup that i drinke of ? iudging by himselfe , in this demand which hee makes to these his fauourites , who so rashly and vnaduisedly came vnto him to petition him for the two principall places , that for to possesse them , they should haue all sufficient and requisite necessaries ; vpon which point christ examines them ; and the like examination ought kings to make of those qualities , specified by vs , touching both pretenders and fauourites . the third thing which i recommend to your consideration , and which christ teacheth kings , is , the great caution and warinesse which they are to vse , in not being too facile , in granting all that their fauourites shall require of them . which is to bee gathered out of the last words of this his answer : non est meum dare vobis : it is not mine to giue . which , to my seeming , soundeth thus ; it will not stand with my truth and iustice , to giue for kindreds-sake , or other humane respects , that which my eternall father hath prepared for those which deserue best . kings ought to bee very circumspect in promising , and not ouer easie in granting ; for , if he shall be facile in granting what others shall desire , hee may haue cause to repent himselfe ; and if he promiseth , hee looseth his liberty . a great gentleman of qualitie , whom king philip the second much fauoured for his worthy parts , and great abilities , talking one day with him , and walking a good while with his maiestie , after that hee had discoursed with him of diuers things , to the kings so great good content and liking , that hee thought with himselfe , that there was now a faire occasion offered vnto him , to propound vnto him ( as he did ) a businesse of his owne . he told a friend of his , anon after that hee came from him , that in that very instant he proposed it , he cast such a strange and austere looke towards him , as if hee had neuer seene him before . which was no want of affection in the king towards him , for hee had had many sufficient testimonies thereof ; but because it was fitting for so wise and prudent a king to haue that circumspection , lest this his affection might minister occasion vnto him to call his discretion in question , in granting , or not granting that which either is not , or at least shall seeme vnto him , not to be conuenient for him . for kings must haue recourse to these two things ; to haue a good and safe conscience with god , and intire ●●●horitie , and good opinion with men . for with none doth that holy and prudent counsell of saint paul suite more properly , then with them ; prouidemus bona , non solum coram deo , sed etiam coram hominibus : prouiding for honest things , not onely in the sight of the lord , but in the sight of men . which cannot be , when as fauourites either doe all what they list of themselues , or get their kings to doe it for them . when the sensitiue appetite effecteth whatsoeuer it affecteth , the vnderstanding ( which is the soules king ) remaines oppressed and disgraced , and with that soule note , which the kingly prophet dauid giues it ; homo , cum in honore esset , non intellexit , comparatus est iumentis insipientibus & similis factus est illis : man being in honour hath no vnderstanding , he is like the beasts that perish . and therefore when kings out of their particular affection , or for the auoiding of trouble , and the fuller inioying of their ease and pleasure , shall giue absolute power to their fauourites to doe and vndoe , as they please , presently one blot or other ( which they will hardly euer get out ) will bee laid vpon their royall persons . nor need wee here to relate the hurt which comes thereby , and the occasion which it giues vnto the subiects , neither to thnke nor speake of their princes with that respect which is fitting ; especially when the fauourites are none of those which helpe to beare the weight and burthen of businesses , but shake them off from their owne shoulders , and lay them vpon other that are fitted to their hand , and of whom they rest well assured , that they will doe nothing but what they will haue them to doe , working their will and pleasure in all that they are able . and this is not that which kings and commonwealths need : but it much importeth , that their fauourites should bee of that good and quicke dispatch in businesses , that all the people might loue them for it ; for from the contrary great inconueniences are wont to arise . when the shechemites were so vnmannerly and vnciuill in their language against their king abimilech , amongst other things which they vttered and alledged against him , they said this in scorne of him ; nunquid non est filius ierobael , & constituit principem zabul seruum suum super viros hemor patris sichem , cur ergo seruiemus ei ? who is abimelech , that we should serue him ? is not he the sonne of ierubbaal , and zebul his officer ? why should wee serue him ? &c. they tooke it very ill , that the king should raise his seruant zabul to tha● heighth of honour and greatnesse , that he should be made prince , as it were , ouer all the people of hemor and sichem . and howbeit the naturall obligation , which subiects owe to their kings , is so great , that they are bound to obey them in all that which is not against god ; and that it is a token of great noblenes , to suffer with a good courage , whatsoeuer burthens , be they neuer so heauy , which they lay vpon them ; yet notwithstanding they haue no such obligation to their fauorites . for they may , for their pleasure , or their profit , substitute other their fauourites , and oblige the people , that they either negociate with , or buy out their negociation of them . the history of king don iuan the second of castile , doth affoord sufficient examples of the great persecutions that followed , by letting that his fauourite haue so great a hand in businesses . for the people seeing their king so led by the nose , as it were , and to yeeld to all that he would haue him doe , were verily perswaded that he was bewitch't ; for he had such power ouer the will & vnderstanding of the king , that he neither vnderstood what he gaue , nor knew not how , or at least had not the face to deny him any thing , that hee was willing either to aske , or take ; whilst like the vnthankfull yuie , he went sucking away all the iuyce and sappe of the tree , all that good kings wealth and substance , his being , his authoritie , and little lesse then his kingdome . and lost by this meanes so much of his authoritie , that some of the grandes of the kingdome , and the infantes , his brethren , and the kings of aragon , and nauarre , betooke them to their armes , and made warre against him ; he seeing himselfe vpon some occasions disobeyed by his sonne and prince , and forsaken of his wife and queene . whereupon grew many ciuill broyles , and all vnder the title and pretext of recouering their libertie , and of pulling their neckes from vnder the yoke of that slauery and subiection wherein they were , rendering that reason in their excuse , which all the whole kingdome could but take notice of , that all businesses past through his fauourites hands , and that the king did not negociate in his owne person . the prosecution whereof i remit to those histories that make mention thereof . and it cannot bee denyed , that this fauourite notwithstanding had many good things in him , that might very well deserue his kings loue ; for he had serued him valiantly in great and vrgent occasions , and had put his person and life in perill for his sake . but as his priuacie and fauour went increasing , so with it increased his ambition and couetousnesse , and that in that high degree , that he grew hatefull to the whole kingdome ; and in the end no lesse odious to the king himselfe : who comming at length vnto himselfe , fell into the account of those damages and losses , which he had receiued in his kingdome , both in his reputation and authoritie , by putting the reines wholly into his hands , taking thereby too much libertie to himselfe , and ruling the state as he listed . the grandes represented to his maiestie the abuses that insued thereupon , as the ingrossing of the greater offices , and selling of the lesser , and ouerswaying the courts of iustice ; and vsing many other effectuall perswasions , grounded vpon other iust complaints , proposing for remedie and redresse thereof , the interest & profit that might accrew vnto him , by calling him to account , and that he might thereby get into his hands an infinite deale of treasure ; the king liked very well of their propositions , and admitting their reasons , he fell off from his fauourite , waging warre against him with his owne money , wherewith hee thought , if neede should serue , to sustaine and vphold himselfe . this slippery footing haue all those things which haue not their hold-fast in god. for they turne to the hurt of those that put their trust in them . and it is his mercie to mankinde , that they should pay for it in this life , howsoeuer they speed in the life to come ; which we will leaue to gods iustice , and the strict account that will be taken of them . in conclusion , this great fauourite dyed , being fallen from his priuacie with his prince , depriued of all that wealth and treasure which he had so greedily scraped together , ending his life with a great deale of sorrow and discontent , and to the great reioycing of his opposites . though this did not serue for a warning to those that came after him , but without feare of the like terrible and desperate falls , they ranne themselues out of breath in the pursuite of the like priuacie . saint iohn baptist ( we know ) was christs great fauourite ; and the gospell stiles him to be amicus sponsi , the friend of the bridegroome . but his great goodnesse and holinesse of life did the more gloriously shew it selfe in this , that by how much the more christ did in-greaten and authorize him , by so much the more did hee lessen and humiliate himselfe ; and laboured by all possible meanes , by diminishing his owne , to increase the authoritie and credit of his lord and master , saying , illum oportet crescere , me autem minui : he must increase , but i must decrease . and this is that glasse wherein the fauourites of kings are to looke ; taking into their consideration , that by how much the more they seeke to greaten themselues , in making ostentation of their power and authoritie ; by so much the more they lessen and dis-authorise that of their kings , with whom , is so dangerous any whatsoeuer shew , or shadow , of equalitie , or competition , that euen in the highest top of priuacie , the more certaine , and lesse reparable , vsually , is the fall . how iocond , and how well contented went haman out of the palace , when queene esther inuited him to dine with the king and her selfe . when loe , the very next day after they draggd him from that banquet and royall table to the gallowes . and therefore let no man trust or relye on the fauour of kings ▪ be he neuer so rich , or neuer so fortunate ; for in them it is ordinarily seene , that all these faire shewes are commonly conuerted into manifest demonstrations of hatred . out of all this that hitherto hath beene said , let fauourites make vnto themselues this vse and instruction , to know the danger and slipperinesse of the place wherein they stand , euen then when they finde themselues most of all inthronized . for most true is that saying , of , fulmen petit culmen ; the highest towers , and the highest hills are most of all subiect to ioues thunder-bolts , and lightning . and let kings likewise take this into their consideration by way of aduice , that when they shall haue found their fauourites to be furnished with those qualities before specified , and that they are such , that thereby they may merit their grace and fauour , and so great , both place and part in their heart , it stands with very good reason , that they shou●d bee honoured by them with particular mercedes and fauours , because they helpe them to beare the burthen of their cares , and are exposed to great dangers , and greater enuyings ; as it happened to that great fauourite of the king of persia , whom the princes of his kingdome did pretend to remoue from the kings elbow , and to put him in the denne amidst the lions , that by them hee might be there rent in peeces . whereof , no other cause could be found against him , but his kings fauour , bearing enuie to his priuacie ( that common moath to high places ) from which none , be he neuer so good , neuer so honest , can escape . for , it is very naturall in men to risent , that hee should out-strip them , who but yesterday was their fellow and companion . they hold that honour for an iniurie , that is done to their equall , and thinke themselues go backward , and loose of their authoritie and reputation , if another bee preferred before them . which is such an offence , that god presently takes notice of it , and passeth it not ouer without punishment . for this priuacie with kings is a thing of his disposing , and for such ends as hee pretends ; and there is not any subiect , that rises to such great place , but that he must passe through the weights and ballance of his diuine prouidence , who chooseth these , and refuseth those , vsing them as meanes to worke his secret ends . many ( saith salomon ) seeke the rulers fauour , but euery mans iudgement commeth from the lord. the election comes from god , it is not so much the king , that chooseth them , as god , who moues his heart thereunto . and if he do vphold them with his powerfull hand , in vaine is it for others to go about to trippe vp their heeles . for ( as saint cyprian saith ) calamitas sine remedio est , odisse foelicem . to hate an happy and fortunate man , is a misfortune beyo●d all remedie ; it is a torment and putrefaction of the heart , which is euer gnawing and martyring of the soule . chap. xxxvi . whether the kinsfolke and friends of fauourites are to be excluded from offices . this place requireth that we auerre that , which amongst discreet persons , and such as are zealous of the common good , is vsually called in question , and made a doubt : to wit , whether or no , it be inconuenient , that the kinsfolke , friends , and followers of kings fauourites should bee put into places of office and gouernment ? for , it cannot but seeme an vnreasonable thing , that those who haue such parts and qualities as well deserue to bee employed in such places of charge and command , should therefore onely and eo nomine , bee excluded from them , for that they haue alliance and friendship with the said fauourites . being that this , in it selfe , is not ill . besides the loue and affection which kings beare vnto their fauourites , cannot ( like your bad-made-clothes ) so shrinke vpon themselues , or be so straight-laced , that it shall not likewise extend it selfe to the friends and allyes of those , to whom they professe so much loue . againe , a good , if not a greater part of these mens happinesse and content , consisteth in being able to do good , and to raise their friends . but for the better satisfying of this doubt , it is fit that we should first consider and distinguish of the qualitie of the persons of this alliance and friendship with those fauourites , as also of the condition and qualitie of those offices . for in your offices there are some of grace , and some of iustice. in the distribution of the former , we are to looke no further then to grace , and the kings good will and pleasure . in the latter to that distribution which is agreeable to distributiue iustice. there is likewise a great difference in the persons . for some are of better qualities and desarts , then other some . and these are in all prouisions that are made to be first preferred , be they , or be they not , of kinne and acquaintance with the fauourites . and there are many good reasons that make for their part . others there are , that are inferiour in merit , and the foresaid qualities ; and these in no wise , may or ought to be preferred for the kindred or friendship which they hold with fauourites . for it were a sinne of accepting of persons , which is contrary to distributiue iustice. others there are , that are euery way equall with the rest of the pretenders ; and on this hinge , hangs the force of the question . now if they shall stand in this equalitie , and vpon these equall tearmes with the rest , in those qualities that are fitting for office , it seemeth that they should receiue some wrong , in being excluded without any fault of theirs ; for it is no fault , to bee the friend or kinsman of a fauourite . to this doubt , the answer would be made the more difficult , if your fauourites through their too much ambition and couetousnesse had not taught vs the great inconueniences which result in a common-wealth , by opening this doore vnto them , and conferring the said offices on their friends and allyes , vnder colour and pretext that they are as well deseruing as others . first of all , for that kings , as shepherds and common parents of the whole commonwealth , are to make a distribution of honours , and of wealth , equally reparting and diuiding them , in that indifferent manner , that they may reach to all houses and families , or at least to extend t●em as farre as they are able . like a good husbandman , who , that hee may haue a good and plentifull crop , throwes and scatters his seed on this side , and that side , and euery where . secondly , for that it is a very odious thing , and which breedeth bad bloud , and ingendreth ill humours in those who onely in regard of this their kindred and friendship , see themselues depriued and debarred of that , which they might otherwise challenge by desert . and others on the other side , when they see that they can neither come to be kinsmen , nor friends , nor of familiar acquaintance with fauourites ( which are the references that must preferre them ) the first nature hauing denyed it them ; the other their bad fortune , or the fauourites disaffection , seeing themselues hopelesse of all helpe and remedie , either they runne themselues headlong into some desperate attempt , or at least fall to flagge in their vertue ; either of which cannot choose but bee of great inconuenience to the commonwealth . thirdly , for that it is not fitting , that fauourites should come to be very powerfull , either in their owne proper wealth and substance , or in the greatnes and strength of their friends and allies . for the more they increase in these , the more doe their kings decrease ; and sometimes it hath beene seene to grow to that excesse , that powerfull princes haue seene , or at least imagined themselues to be of lesser power then they could haue wisht it , or had beene needfull to haue repressed , and cut short the ambitious wings , and high flowne insolencies of their fauourites . fourthly , for that vnder this colour , occasion might bee giuen to fauourites to dispose in such sort of the gouernment of kingdomes , that kings should not come to the knowledge of ought that passeth in them , be it good or bad , more then shall stand with the good liking of their fauourites , and make most for their owne ends . so that , neither those that are wronged , shall finde meanes to bee righted ; nor those that are zealous of the common good , and of their kings authoritie and reputation , be admitted to aduertise and giue notice vnto him , of that which doth most concerne him . for kings , by reason of their retirednesse , cannot come to the full knowledge of all that passeth . one of the things wherewith they charged that great fauourite of king don iuan , in that sentence which they pronounced against him , was , that hee had put into the offices of the kings house , and without his house , and in places of gouernment , persons that were tyed and wedged to his house , either by see-tayle , or by friendship . i referre my selfe to that , which the sentence saith , speaking in the person of king don iuan the second . and it is not to be doubted , that when fauourites shall wholly apply themselues to seaze vpon all the ports , thereby to know all , and so to stoppe vp all the doores and passages , that none can come to negociate with their kings , but by their hands , it is no other but a binding of their kings hands , and to oppresse them with a palliated and cloaked kinde of tyranny , with relation to their priuate interest . and because from our very first entrance into this our discourse , our purpose was to confirme whatsoeuer we proposed , by the testimonies of holy scripture , to the end that no man vpon any false presupposall , should so much as surmise , or thinke , that we go about to tread too neare vpon the heeles of fauourites , i will likewise remit my selfe in this particular , to that letter registred in the scripture , which that great king artaxerxes wrote to all the dukes and princes , and to all his vassalls of . prouinces of his kingdomes , wherein with indeared reason hee propoundeth the insolencies and tyrannies , exercised by fauourites , who vsing amisse the fauours and mercedes , which their kings doe them , seeke to carry all things before them , with a high hand . and for that the holy ghost would haue all this set down in the sacred history , we may here very well intersert some part thereof , which is well worthy the noting , multi , bonitate principum , & honore , &c. many , the more often they are honoured with the great bounty of their gracious princes , the more proud they are waxen ; and indeauour to hurt not our subiects onely , but not being able to beare abundance , doe take in hand to practise also against those that doe them good . and take not onely thankfulnesse from among men , but also lifted vp with the glorious words of lewd persons , that were neuer good , they thinke to escape the iustice of god , that seeth all things , and hateth euill . oftentimes also , the faire speech of our friends put in trust to mannage the affaires , haue caused many that are in authoritie to bee partakers of innocent bloud , and hath inwrapped them in remedilesse calamities . beguiling with the falsehood and deceit of their lewd disposition , the innocencie and goodnesse of princes , &c. and it oftentimes commeth to passe , that the good actions and intentions of kings are hindered , and the light of their iustice eclipsed , by the interposition of some terrestriall bodie , which doth darken the glory thereof , as the interuention of the earth , obscureth the sunne . and the publike misfortunes which befall the common-wealth , and the particular wrongs and iniustices , which men by this meanes must indure , euen vnder the raigne of a iust and religious king , make his empire hatefull ; for it is a naturall property incident to the vulgar , when any misfortune shall befall a state , to remoue the blame from themselues , and to lay the fault vpon those that are of greater ranke and quality . but to returne to our intended purpose , i say , that in the offices of iustice ( i meane ) wherein distributiue iustice requireth consideration of merit , way is not to bee giuen to the friends and kinsfolke of fauourites , but respect rather to bee bad to the common good , wherein is to bee vsed the fore-specified warinesse and circumspection . and in such sort may the risentment and complaints of the kingdome increase , that howbeit the said friends and kinsmen , should in their abilities haue the aduantage of others , yet ought they to be excluded . for this reason , in point of weale publike , is of more weight and consequence , then any sufficiencie whatsoeuer in those other pretenders . marry , in those other offices which we call offices of grace , ( for that they neither haue the administration of iustice , nor gouernment , the hand may be stretched out in a freer manner vnto those that haue any reference of amitie or alliance vnto fauourites . but these offices are but few , and of no great importance ; and in case an exact consideration should bee had , there being not that office , bee it neuer so small , wherein a man shall not meete with some opposites and pretenders , wee must not be too hasty , but hold the hand awhile , that fitting prouision might be made according to the qualities and merits of the person . one , that was a principall councellour of state , certified a certaine graue and worthy person , that he being alcalde de corte , the common hangmans office fell voide , and that hee was so earnestly sued vnto , and such intercessions therein vsed , that he was faigne to make two , the better to cumply with his owne obligation , and their importunitie . and of the catholicke queene donna isabel , it is said , that when she gouerned the state , together with king don fernando , her husband , there fell by chance a paper from forth her sleeue , wherein shee had written with her owne hand ; let the cryars place of such a citie be bestowed vpon such a one , for that he hath the best voice . and if in so meane an office , these catholicke and prudent princes had such great care and respect to the qualities of the persons ; what care ought there to bee had in those of iustice and gouernment ? what in ecclesiasticall dignities , which are the pillars of our sacred religion ? when the day of that strict and rigorous account shall come , which god shall require at their hands , they will then see how much this did import them . let then the finall resolution of this question be , that supposing that the naturall inclination of fauourites , is to benefit all , and that those that are nearest vnto them , for what respect soeuer it be , are to bee preferred vnto honours and offices , i will not straighten them so much , nor my words , and counsell , and seeme to be too much republike , and intire , in condemning all their actions ; for that it hath been a thing alwayes permitted to those that are put in such high places . but i would not haue it passe for a rule , in the prouision of publike offices , through which haue past such persons as well vnderstood what belonged to state affaires , and the conseruation of kings , and their kingdomes , and that were complete in all kinde of good learning and knowledge ; who witting , that those , who had power with their kings , would fauour those that were theirs , out of that inclination which is common to all men , haue not stickt to say , that this may be done , but with this consideration , that it bee not to the hurt of the commonwealth . for there is not that ground , plant , or man , so barren , but hath some vertue in it , and is good for some ministrie or other . in confirmation whereof , wee are likewise to consider , that in naturall things , there is not any so vile , and so base , which alwayes , and at all times is vnprofitable . and there are some cases , wherein experience hath taught the profit , that may be taken therefro , for the vse and conseruation of mans life . and on the other side , there is nothing so precious , so estimable , and so wholsome , which is alwayes , and at all times , profitable . for there are some , as also some infirmities , which would proue mortall , should they bee applyed vnto them . and therefore mans prudence doth come to consist in this , to know it's qualitie , and to vnderstand aright the estate and complexion of the man , and according thereunto to make vse thereof , and of it's vertue . and therefore hee that hath ( by his kings fauour ) the supreme disposall of all , let him consider and know , either by himselfe , or by others that are his confident friends , ( being as free , as free may bee , from naturall affections ) the dispositions and inclinations of men , and together with this , the qualitie of the offices , and persons , which are to gouerne , and bee gouerned ; and let him imply euery one in that , for which hee shall bee found fit and good . and keeping this course , he shall cumply with his owne inclination , and naturall desires . and shall therein do his king and countrey good seruice . but for a conclusion and vpshot of all that is past , let those aduertisements serue , which follow in the subsequent chapter . chap. xxxvii . the conclusion of the former discourse , with some aduertisements for kings and fauourites . all those that write of the qualities of a good prince , doe agree in this , that he ought to haue his will free , independent , subiect onely to god , and his diuine law ; without subiecting , or submitting it to any other loue . for it booteth little , that he be lord of many kingdomes , if he be a slaue to that which hee extremely loueth . that he ought to bee of a good courage , and of a sound and setled iungement , not suffering a superiour , or equall in his gouernment . for ( as wee said in the beginning of this discourse ) kingdomes are by so much the more sustained , and augmented , by how much the more neare they approach to the gouernment of one . whereas on the contrary , they runne much hazard , when the reynes of the empire are diuided , and put into seuerall hands . the romanes neuer enioyed so much peace and plenty , as after that augustus caesar was declared sole lord of the empire , without dependance on any other . which aduise ( amongst many other good instructions ) the emperour charles the fifth gaue likewise vnto the king his sonne , to wit , that he should be a very precise louer of truth ; that hee should not giue himselfe ouer vnto idlenesse ; and that he should alwayes shew himselfe a free and independant king ; not onely in apparence , but in substance . for it is very proper vnto kings to rule , not to be ruled . and to administer their kingdomes themselues by their owne will , and not by anothers . for he will not be said to be a king , who being to command , and correct all , should easily suffer himselfe to be led away , and gouerned by others . and therefore it is fit , that hee should alwayes stand vpon his owne bottome , and in none of his actions expresse himselfe to depend on the aide and opinion of others . for this were to acknowledge a superiour , or a companion in gouernment , and to discouer his owne weaknesse . infirma enim est potentia ( saith patritius ) quae alienis viribus nititur : that 's but a poore power , that must bee vnder-propt by the strength of others . in stead whereof , i would haue him to fit in councell , and to treate and communicate businesses with such persons to whom it appertaineth , as heretofore i said . saying onely now , that that king is in a miserable and lamentable case , that must depend on anothers helpe . vpon a certaine occasion , alexander the great said ; se malle mori , quam regnarerogando : that he had rather die , then raigne by supplicating and intreating . and no otherwise doth that king raigne , who shewes himselfe a coward , and suffers the excellencie of his courage to bee ouerwhelmed and carried away with the current of hard and difficult things , which many times offer themselues , leauing the resolution of all to the mercie and fauour of others , by whose helping hand it seemeth that he liueth and raigneth . this ( said the emperour vespasian ) is to dye standing . and as that king is dead , which leaues that to another which hee can doe himselfe , and which doth properly appertaine vnto his office ; and as he shall not truly cumply with his obligation , if he should go about to draw solely to himselfe the gouernment of his whole kingdome ; much lesse in like manner shall he cumply therewith , if hee should cast off all care from himselfe , and relye wholly vpon others . for extreames , in all things , are ill . and an extreme thing it were , that hee should take vpon himselfe the whole weight and burthen of businesses , and to haue all things passe through his owne hands ; it being likewise no lesse , if he should shift off all from his owne shoulders , and put his hand to nothing , as did vitellius , and iouinianus , who did in such sort dis-loade themselues of their offices , and ridde their hands of all matter of gouernment , that all was ordered and gouerned by other mens arbitrement , and none of theirs . of the former it is reported , that he forgot that hee was emperour . and of the other , that hee intended nothing but eating and drinking , gaming and whoring . so that both of them came to such miserable ends , as their retchlesse and carelesse kinde of liuing had deserued . childericke , king of france , and third of that name , is ( and not without iust cause ) condemned by the writers of those times , for that hee did wholly quit himselfe of businesses , and led so idle and vnprofitable a life , that he tooke care of nothing , recommending all to his great fauourite pipine , who did rule and gouerne him as hee listed . and there was not any meeting or conuersation throughout the kingdome , wherein men did not mutter and murmure at it . for their nimble and actiue nature could by no meanes indure , that their king should be but the shadow of a king , and stand for a cypher , sheltering himselfe vnder the shade of another . which could not choose ( considering how vsuall a thing it is ) but put spirit into pipine , and adde mettall to his power . for it is very proper to the condition of men , the more high they are in place and dignitie , to desire the more honour , and the more wealth . there are but few of your great and powerfull persons , which are not hydropicall , and doe not thirst after new honours , and new aduancements ; and some haue proceeded so farre in their pretensions , that they haue presumed ( as this fauourite did ) to quit the king of his crowne . willingly hearkening vnto those flatterers about him , which did whisper this in his eare , and egge him on vnto it . it likewise began to bee treated of amongst the great lords of that kingdome , how much better command and rule were in one head , then in two : and how that all kingdomes had euermore a desire to haue but one prince ; and that all prudent and wise men , haue ( in reason of state ) held this gouernment to be the best and surest ; and that it was not fit , that the vniforme body of a commonwealth , or kingdome , should bee subiect and obedient to two heads : to wit , that one should enioy the name and title of king , and the other possesse the power . and that it were better that all should obey one , that had wisedome and experience , and that had beene bred vp in businesses , and the mannaging of state-affaires , whereby to gouerne them in peace and iustice. and sithence , that in pipine these qualities did concurre , and that on him all the businesses of importance did depend , it were good that hee should bee their king , and that childericke should take his ease and pleasure . hereupon they treated with pipine , who though hee gaue eare vnto what they said , yet would not rashly aduenture himselfe to accept of the crowne , vnlesse pope zacharias might first be consulted therein . whereupon they sent their embassadours , who had instruction to render such reasons to the pope , that might moue him to approue thereof , and iudging childericke to bee vnfit for the gouernment , might absolue the french of their oath which they had taken , and that obedience which they ought to their king , and that he should depriue him of the kingdome , and further declare , that since pipine did rule and command all , and had so many good indowments , that hee might likewise be inuested with the title of king. and the archbishop of maguncia was the man , that was nominated to set the crowne on his head , and to declare him to bee king of all france . being thus back't , they summoned a parliament , degraded the poore seely king , and thrust him into a monastery , and pipine was sworne and proclaimed king of those so many kingdomes and signories , as were then subiect to the crowne of france . hence had it's first beginning , and that hand and power giuen vnto popes , in so great a businesse , as the setting vp and pulling downe of kings ; and which is more , of creating new emperours , and depriuing the old ones of their empire . whereof there are many examples . and that which this pope did with that king , who had no more then that vmbratill , and apparent power , other popes afterwards did the like with henries and fredericks , and other tyrants of great puisance and power . the one offend in the more : the other in the lesse . the one , out of the ambition that they haue to bee kings , that they may command , and doe all , loose all , and so go to hell . and the other go the same way , for that they will not bee ( as they should be ) kings , but giue themselues wholly vnto idlenesse . it was the emperour galba's vtter ouerthrow , that he had put the whole gouernment into onely three mens hands , which he brought along with him , possessing them with so much power , that hee was not master of himselfe , depending still vpon their wil , and through that great authoritie which they had , they ouerthrew all whatsoeuer their king did ordaine , thrusting their armes ( as we say ) vp to the elbowes in all affaires , and making vse of their present fortune , and for that this vnfortunate emperour could take notice of no more , then what hee had from them ; for none ( without their permission ) could , or see , or speake with him , they made him to do that , which that other potter did , who going about to make a pot , to boyle meate in , made a larre , to put drinke in . and he thinking to substitute iudges , that should administer iustice , appointed theeues in their place , which robbed the commonwealth . all which was imputed vnto him . and for that vanity is the mother of so many vices , all this their great fauour serued to no other vse , but to cause their soueraigne to commit many actions of iniustice , and indiscretion , and of vnheard of , and vnthought of wrongs , violently breaking through the ordinary course of iustice. by which exorbitant proceedings , this imprudent emperour grew to be hated and abhorred of all , and not being able longer to beare with him , they depriued him at once of his life , and empire . and these kinde of caterpillars ( said the emperour sigismund ) make those kings vnfortunate , that put their affiance in them . at this carelesse ward , liued at first agesilaus , king of the lacedemonians , though afterwards ( like a wise prince ) hee did rectifie this errour . and the case was this ; hee let his friend and fauourite lisander carry a great hand ouer him , and did honour him in all that he could , expressing alwayes much loue vnto him ; lysander puft vp herewith , tooke great state vpon him , being attended with a great traine , and manifesting in his very gate a kinde of extraordinary grauitie and maiestie , and all did so farre forth serue and obey him , that it seemed he had vsurped the dignitie royall , and the empire , leauing good honest agesilaus onely the bare titulary name of king. which his maiestie taking into his consideration , to the end that the people might not say , that hee raigned by lysanders helpe , he withdrew the dispatch of businesses fromforth his hands , and would not remit any thing vnto him , and if he spake to him touching this or that businesse , he made as if he did not heare him , or not well vnderstand him , dispatching all himselfe , to the good contentment of his subiects . hereupon lysander began to cast vp his accounts with himselfe , and forbore from that time forward to conferre fauours , or to promise offices ; and told such suiters as came vnto h●m , that they should go themselues to petition the king , and would by no meanes permit , that they should accompany him to court , as before . and yet notwithstanding all this , he assisted very carefully in all such seruices , as were by his maiesty recommended vnto him , without any the least shew of discontentment . within a while after occasion was offered vnto him to speake with the king ; and talking with him , hee told him ; o king , how well hast thou learned to make thy friends lesse ? yes ( quoth the king ) when they will make themselues too great . the king played his part well , so did the fauourite , and all ought to doe the like . kings must bore a hole in that ship with their owne hand , to stop it's course , when it hoyseth it's sayles too high , and goes with too still a gale . for the taking notice of their fauourites ambition , is that ballast , which doth secure them against those their windes , and puffes of vanitie . let then the first aduice , and which is of greatest importance for kings and christian kingdomes , bee that which ( amongst other ) the catholicke king of spaine , and emperour charles the fifth , left vnto his sonne king philip the second , wherein with many indeared and effectuall words , he recommends vnto him the obseruing , augmenting , and defending of the christian faith , in all his kingdomes , states , and signiories , seuerely punishing with all rig●ur and iustice , without exception of persons , all such as should bee either suspected or found culpable in points of heresies , errours , and depraued sects , contrary to the catholicke saith . for therein consisteth all our good words , all of them , worthie consideration , and worthy so catholicke a prince , esteemed , approued , and perpetually obserued by his most happie sonne ( howbeit to his great cost . ) as one , that knew very well , that in the obseruance of religion , and catholicke faith , all the happinesse that we can hope for in this or that other life , dependeth thereupon , and hath it 's sure ground and foundation . and therefore saint paul calls it substantiam rerum sperandarum , &c. faith is the substance of things hoped for , and the euidence of things not seene , &c. for it is the foundation whereupon is built in our soules all our spirituall good : insomuch that the selfe same apostle said , sine fide , &c. without faith it is impossible to please god. and seeing it is a iewell of such great worth and value , kings are to make that esteeme of it , that they doe not onely retaine it , but maintaine and defend it , especially in their owne kingdomes , and in all other places , where they haue any power . for besides the obligation , which they haue , as christian kings , it concernes them likewise in their owne proper interest . for in giuing way to their subiects , that they be not faithfull vnto god , it will pull that punishment vpon them , that they shall not be loyall vnto them . and most certaine it is , that they who shall not cumply with the greater obligation , shall easily faile in the lesser . and this is made cleare vnto vs in the sacred history of the kings ; where , whosoeuer shall diligently obserue the same , hee shall finde , that after ieroboam , king of israel , had set vp those idolls in dan , and bethel , of purpose to withdraw the people from the true worship of god , were commenced and continued ( as there wee may reade ) the treasons and rebellions of the subiects against their kings . for this vnfortunate prince thought with himselfe , that for to settle and secure himselfe in the kingdome by those ten tribes , which had rebelled , and made choice of him for their king , that it would be a good meanes to induce them to his deuotion , to draw them to forgo the adoration of the true god , which they were wont to performe in the holy citie , and temple of ierusalem , and to humble and prostrate themselues before those idolls . but the iust vengeance of god ouertooke him ; for instantly thereupon he lost his eldest sonne , who dyed a violent death . for baasha , the sonne of ahijah , of the house of issachar , conspired against him , and smote him at gibbethon , and anon after all the house of ieroboam , not leauing vnto him any that breathed . and not onely hee , and his , did miscarry , but the whole kingdome was laid waste and desolate for that sinne , and led away captiue . and as when one man hath receiued from another some extraordinary great wrong , he can hardly forget it : so , vpon all occasions , wherein mention is made of the sinnes of the kings , which afterwards succeeded , and of the punishment which they deserued for them , still is the remembrance reuiued of this most grieuous sinne of ieroboams , and are attributed vnto him , as being the first that opened the gappe vnto them . and all those troubles which are there particularly set downe in those sacred bookes , befell that kingdome for a punishment to them , and a warning to all christian kings , that by how much the greater light they haue for to know the excellencie of faith , and the truth of christian religion , so much the lesse are they to be obeyed , and the more seuerely to bee punished , if they should be wanting to so great and so apparent an obligation . let christian kings therefore know , that if they shall continue firme in the faith , and cause all their subiects to continue constant therein , god will protect both king and people , and will establish their kingdomes , and all shall obey and feare them ; but if they shall faile therein , all runs to wracke , and vtter ruine . so that , as a naile , if you will haue it to hold , must be fastened in some other thing that is firme and strong , lest it , and all that hangs thereon , come tumbling downe to the ground , so in like manner , if a king will vphold himselfe firme and sure in his power , maiestie , and greatnesse , hee must be firmely fixed to the faith , strongly vnited with god , and close wedged to his diuine will : but if he begin once to sinke , or shrinke in this , all his kingdomes , or whatsoeuer depend thereon , come tumbling downe to the ground , with a sudden and fearefull fall . for nothing doth more vphold a sociable life , a monarchie , and kingdome , then religion linked with iustice. noah for his religion and iustice , was after the flood obeyed by all . the romans , for the vpholding and inlarging of their empire , held not any meanes comparable to that of religion and iustice , wherein they surpassed all of those times . the emperour seuerus being at the point of death ( which is a time for men to speake truth ) ended his life with these words , firmum impe●ium filijs meis relinquo , si boni erunt ; imbecille , si mali : a strong empire leaue i to my sonnes , if they proue good ; a weake , if bad . for the greatest force and strength of a kingdome , both for the present , and the future , is the vertue of it's king . so that with no lime and sand are the walls and foundations of states more firme and surely setled for lasting and continuance , then with a kings vertue and goodnesse . which is that recompence and reward which god promised to his most faithfull seruant dauid , for his vertue . firmaboregnum eius , & stabiliam thronum regni eius in sempiternum : i will establish his kingdome , and i will stablish the throne of his kingdome for euer . that is , the title and dignitie of a king should bee continued and confirmed vnto him , tanquam in vsum & proprietatem , for euer and euer . this firmnesse in the faith , and this obseruance of religion and iustice , are those strong pillars and columnes , which being truly cumplyed withall , do not onely vphold for the present , but doe likewise increase and perpetuate kingdomes . if good king iehosaphat had not entred into league and amitie with king ahab the idolater , it had not fallen out with him so ill as it did , nor his life beene put to that danger as it was . iudas machabeus heard tell of the great and famous deeds that the romanes had done in feates of armes , being a stranger-nation to gods people . whereupon he sent his ambassadours vnto them , to make a perpetuall league and confederation with them . wherewith god was much displeased , and so hurtfull vnto them was this amitie and alliance , that many haue obserued , that after this peace was concluded betweene them , iudas neuer after obtained any victory ouer his enemies , but was flaine in the first battell that he fought . and some say , the like succeeded to both his brothers , ionathan and simeon . let vs draw then from this discourse and sound aduice of this catholike emperour , how much it importeth kings to maintaine their faith and religion , and to conserue and vphold the same in all their kingdomes and dominions . now for to conserue the faith , it is likewise requisite , that there be great care had in procuring , that the commonwealth be purged and cleansed of it's vices and sinnes . for ( as the apostle saint paul saith ) when vices grow to that head and ranknesse , that they come to make men to be of a bad and corrupt conscience , they go disposing such to suffer shipwracke in the faith ; as it hath happened in these our times , in many parts of europe . the second aduice that i shall giue vnto kings , is , that they carry themselues so in the dispatch of businesses , that notice may not bee taken , that they are dispatched by any other arbitrement , but their owne . for most certaine it is , that if it come to be knowne , that all the orders that come forth , passe through the fauourites hands , and as hee shall giue direction , they loose much of their force and efficacie ; and the king much of his reputation and credit . his subiects will grow to contemne him ; and strangers will make little reckoning of him ; and many other mischiefes will ensue thereupon . amongst the romanes it was held for a great affront and dishonour , that the emperour should dispatch ( as they say ) porcarta-pacio , by a note booke , or some penn'd thing for him ; or ( like some young practitioner in physicke ) by his masters recipes . and therefore in those generall processions , which they made , they besought god that hee would not punish them , by giuing them princes , which had need to be ruled and guided by gouernours and tutors . for they knew well enough , that when god is angry , offended with the sinnes of the people , he punisheth them , by sending them princes without knowledge and wisedome ; that are not able to gouerne of themselues , but to doe as others shall aduise them . wherein they did confesse and acknowledge , that to be a king , consisteth in being knowne and reuerenced of all ; to be an independant lord , not relying vpon any other ; whose mandates and decrees all should subscribe vnto and obey ; whom all should seeke vnto , with whom all should negociate , that are pretenders ; from whose liberalitie , resolution , and will , they onely should acknowledge all the graces and fauours that are done them , and from no other hand . for if they should giue way thereunto , their subiects will bee induced easily to beleeue , that together with this , they will giue away their greatnesse , and minister occasion to loose that common loue and respect which solely and properly is due vnto them . for subiects vsually honour no other sunne , but that from which they receiue their light . they naturally abhorre that man , that does them hurt ; and loue that person , who does them good , bee he what hee will be , good or bad , all is one . they call god optimum maximum , because he both doth , and is able to do them good . and he himselfe doth glory therein , as being vnwilling that men should acknowledge the good they receiue , from any other . what wisedome then can there bee in that king , that shall suffer a fauourite to haue all the thankes , and all the honour and glory of those fauours and rewards , whereof he is the owner and donor ? reseruing for himselfe nothing but the scorne and contempt of his subiects , then the which there is no miserie can be greater ? god forbid that kings should permit any such lessening of their power and authoritie , which is the necessariest thing that can bee , for the conseruation of their estates and kingdomes . likewise in regard of their owne proper particular , it will be a very good lesson for them ; for if their subiects are beholding for the good they receiue , vnto another , they will loue him more then them ; and when occasion shall serue , will not sticke to shew it , though it bee to their owne hurt . examples hereof , there are good store amongst those ancient kings and kingdomes of elder times , that by this meanes haue beene ouerthrowne and brought to ruine . we finde it storied , that the emperour claudius , at the intercession and instance of agrippina , made such a one generall of his army ; cornelius tacitus toucheth vpon this mysterie , and saith of him , that hee was a man of much fame and renowne , and very expert in militarie discipline ; yet knowing very well withall , by whose good will and furtherance , that command was conferred vpon him , he could not ( when occasion should offer ) bee behinde hand for so great an honour done vnto him , but recompence it to the vtmost of his power . such great places of imployment ought to be bestowed by no hand , but by kings , and that immediately , lest another may go away with the thankes . and he shall doe well , if hee take the like course in all other offices that are in his gift ; for ( if it were possible ) it is fit that all should stand bound and obliged to him . let kings likewise bee aduised , that they carry a watchfull eye ouer those that are ambitious , which are either so naturally , or by conuersing and communicating with others , are made so ( for this is an infectious disease ) and the more , the more it taketh hold on great persons , and men of an extraordinary spirit ; for they are as dangerous as theeues , where there is store of treasure to bee had . for questionlesse such kinde of men do vsually labour to increase their estate . for it is very naturall to this passion , as to those other affections , neuer to giue ouer , till they come to the end and full satisfaction of that which their appetite or desire representeth vnto them : neither the law of god , nor of thankfulnesse , sufficing to moderate their mindes , and to keepe them within the due and lawfull bounds of their dutie . in that houre , and in that very instant of their rising , nay , before they come to that greatnesse , there is little trust to be giuen vnto them ; for nothing workes vpon them , but their proper honour and profit . and all the rest they esteeme as nothing , in comparison of bettring their owne fortune . but if of necessitie some must bee raised to honour ; si quem extollere oporteat ( saith the philosopher ) non tamen eum , qui sit moribus audax . nam huinsmodi homines aptissimi sunt ad inuadendum circa res omnes : let them not be of base and meane condition , nor such as are naturally proud and haughty , for being vainely transported with their fauour and priuacie , they thinke with themselues , that they haue already clapt a nayle in fortunes wheele , and that they cannot fall from the top of their felicitie . and being thus blinded with their ambition , there is not any thing which they dare not aduenture on . let kings therefore well weigh and consider with themselues , what manner of men they put into great places , and neare about their persons , that they may relye more on the goodnesse of their nature and disposition , then on the law of obligation and thankfulnesse ; for these are but weake bonds , and easily broken . and because i know not whether i shall hereafter come to light vpon the like occasion , i will here propose that question , which is disputed and doubted of by some ( and may likewise serue for an auiso vnto kings ) whether it be better that the great lords should be farre off from them , or neare about them ? the emperour charles the fifth ( of famous memory ) amongst other aduertisements which hee gaue to his sonne philip , one was , that he should not let the great offices of the kingdome , nor places of great command rest any long time in one mans hands , nor should put his grandes and great lords into them , but gentlemen of good qualitie , such as were creatures of his owne making . and as for his grandes , hee should honour them with some places and offices neare about his person , which would be a greater grace both to himselfe and his court. others are of a quite contrary opinion , and alledge reasons for the maintenance thereof . great men ( they say ) if they be not like those little ones , which christ speaketh of , are ordinarily of an extraordinary spirit , and endeauour , all they can , increase of honour , till they come to occupie the highest place . and then will it bee seene , of what little esteeme are those great fauours which they haue already receiued . there is not that friendship , that kindred , nor any other bond , be it neuer so strong , which is not broken , through the greedy ambition of ascending to some higher throne . for to bee a king ( saith euripides ) all law is broken . for this appetite is of that force and strength , that it breaketh all lawes , both diuine and humane . for proofe whereof , they cite many examples , which i purposely omit , that i may not offend , and tire out the reader . all of them admonishing kings , that they should throughly weigh and consider where , and in what places they put them . for if they be neare about their royall person , it is the torment of tantalus vnto them , to see the water and the fruit so neare their mouth ( that greatnesse and power i meane ) and not to enioy it ; which will but prouoke a more hungry appetite in those which doe not possesse it , and will breake through hedge and ditch , and runne ( as they say ) through fire and water transported with this so faire and beautifull a prize , as is set before their eyes ; neuer being at quiet till they come to enioy it . for there is not that loue to any thing here vpon earth , which doth so much alter , suspend , and seaze on the minde and h●art of man , as that of ruling and commanding , and to grow great therein . and when they see things succeed not according to their minde , yet at least in satisfaction of their enuie , they will be well content that the waters should be troubled , and the world be turned topsie-turuy , taking pleasure therein , though it be to their owne hurt . and what king can secure himselfe , that such ambitious persons , being neare about him , will not at one time or other attempt their ends . for greatnesse ( say they ) after that it is once possessed , quits the memory of the meanes , whereby it came to bee so great , and findes a thousand excuses for it's weaknesse in offending . and the rather , for that ill vse hath taught all men this lesson ; that the reputation of an honest man is not to be preferred before his proper profit and greatnesse . lastly , they say , that he that ouercommeth , and makes good his clayme by his sword , needeth not to study excuses , and to make apologies ; let those doe that , that haue the worst end of the staffe , and stand at the mercy of the conquerour . in conclusion , they resolue this question thus ; that it is very fit that your great noble-men should rather liue farre from court , then neare about their king. for all of them will be of good vse , for the gouernment of prouinces and armies , whereby both the one and the other will be secured . and when they cannot content them in all that they would haue , they may entertaine them with these , which will be a good meanes to diuert their thoughts , and to bridle those prouinces that are committed to their charge , with whom the maiestie and greatnesse of their gouernours will be able to doe much . and there they are not of that danger . for in kingdomes by succession , and well setled , and where there is no colour of wresting the scepter out of the bloud-royall , there is no feare of trusting the grandes , and great noblemen with these kinde of gouernments , but it is rather requisite that it should be so . for , like vnto starres in heauen , and their influences on earth , they serue for ornament and conuersation in those kingdomes and prouinces , wherein there are ancient and noble houses , for which they are to seeke out men of noble bloud , and good qualitie , and of knowne greatnesse , to bee conuersant amongst them . for the nobilitie of those kingdomes and prouinces will thinke themselues not well dealt withall , if they shall haue but an ordinary man set ouer them to be their gouernour , be he neuer so wise , or neuer so valiant . for being that they are to attend all at the gates of him that holdeth that place , they may esteeme it as an iniurie to see themselues obliged , to acknowledge homage vnto him , whom out of that place they would scarce vouchsafe him their companie . besides , that greatnesse and largenesse of minde and heart , that knowes not how to shrinke , or be deiected with aduerse fortune ( a thing so necessary in him that gouernes ) will sooner bee found in these , then men of meaner ranke . for ( as saint ierome saith ) hee that owes much to his bloud and familie , will alwayes beare that obligation about him , and neuer faile therein . againe , he that is borne to command , will be lesse insolent in his gouernment , as hauing that noble qualitie from his cradle ; and the people on the other side will more willingly obey him , whom they haue alwayes knowne to haue liued in honour and greatnesse : and his example will bee of greater importance , to reforme the disorders and abuses that shall there be offered . ouer and aboue , they further adde , that your grandes and great noblemen , may , and haue obligation to content themselues with their present estate , if they will but weigh the difference of that it was , with that which it is now , did not men that are now in honour grow forgetfull of their former meane condition . that grieuing them more , which falls short of their desire , then that doth please and content them , which fortune hath with so liberall a hand bestowed on them . for no man rests contented with his present estate and condition ; nor doe we esteeme that so much which wee possesse , as the lacke of that we desire , doth torment vs. and therefore doe they say , that they are not so good to be about kings , and more particularly those which are so qualified ; for they are like a lingring kinde of calenture , or aguish feuer , which makes an end of vs before we are aware of it , working it's effect , before wee can looke into the cause . or like vnto the hand in a clocke , or dyall , which tells out the houre , and strikes , without perceiuing how it moues or goes . or like vnto those plants of your tallest trees , which grow to their full height , whilest neither our eyes , nor our vnderstanding can scarce comprehend , how this comes to passe , so insensibly doth it sproute and shoot vp . this is the question , and these , in briefe , the conueniences , which ( for mine owne part ) i know not what they are , vnlesse such conueniences as are proper to euery one in their owne estate . but be it as it may be , and let them say what they list , let kings resolue by the illumination of that light which they haue from heauen , on that which shall be best for them . that which i say , is this , that it will well become them to liue with a great deale of warinesse and circumspection , and not to trust or relye too much vpon fortune . for this lady , howbeit sometimes shee suffers her selfe to bee commanded by them , yet now and then she ouerrules them , as she doth the rest . and therefore it shall bee good discretion and prudence , to feare both her , and her frequent mutabilities and changings , as it behoueth euery man to doe the like . for she , without any respect or distinction of persons , will oftentimes lash out from that way and course wherein she is , and runne a quite contrary bias , and commit the current of those effects to time and nature . let kings likewise take heed , that they doe not put offended persons into such places , where they may reuenge themselues ; for a receiued wrong or iniurie leaues still some roots behinde , which , when occasion is offered , will bud forth most bitter and venemous plants . nor are there any rewards , or benefits , be they neuer so great , that can blot out the print of that impression , which an iniurie stampeth in the minde and heart of man. courtesies are soone forgotten by them ; for it seemeth a troublesome thing vnto them , to endure the weight and burthen of so great a debt and obligation ; but a receiued wrong or iniurie , that shall euer be remembred , because they hold reuenge to be the character of courage , and the badge of a noble minde and braue spirit . puluere , qui laedit , scribit , sed marmore laesus : he that does a wrong , writes it downe in dust ; but he that receiues it , in marble . tacitus teacheth vs to know this minde of man , and it's passions ; telling vs that the greatest and strongest inclination in man , is to receiue satisfaction of the iniuries done vnto them , for thankfulnesse lyes as a heauy loade vpon them ; whereas they make light of those benefits they receiue . esteeming the latter to be a diminution of their greatnesse ; and the former , to wit , reuenge , to bee a great gaine vnto them ; for they imagine , that they gaine thereby in their authoritie , in their reputation , and in the manifestation of their valour , when the world shall take notice that they haue righted themselues . such as these can neither bee good as they are fauourites , nor as they are councellers . for out of the desire and pleasure they take in reuenge , they will rather aduise that which shall seeme conuenient for the execution thereof , then for the authoritie and profit of the prince , whom they aduise . they will aduise him ( i say ) to venture himselfe vpon some voyage , to enter into a warre , to go himselfe into the field with a royall army , or to vndergo some dangerous enterprise , for the better effecting of their designes , plotting a thousand mischiefes to bring him vnto ruine . and let them say what they will , yet shall they neuer perswade me , that this proceeds out of the loue which they beare vnto their king , and his increase of honour , but out of hatred to his person , & their owne proper satisfaction , thinking that by that meanes they may worke their reuenge . and hereunto i adde , that no man can bee found of so perfect a minde , of so temperate a nature , and so vertuous , but that in the first place he will treate of his owne businesse ; and that treating of this particular , the eye of his thought still ayming to hit this white , will not sticke to aduenture any danger in hope of reuenge . and therefore i shall aduise kings , that of necessitie must sometimes giue eare and credit to these or the like persons , if they chance to bee preferred to great places , that they be very carefull how farre forth they trust them , for they are a dangerous kinde of people , vnsafe , and more couetous of their owne priuate interest , then carefull of the publike perill , or common hurt . for this loue vnto themselues , and hatred vnto others , couered and strewed ouer with the cloud and ashes of iniuries and offences , either receiued or conceiued , doth reuiue and quicken the coales by those blasts of fauour and greatnesse that are blowne on them ; procuring ( though to others cost ) to vphold themselues therein , and to ingage kings in that which they pretend for their reuenge and satisfaction . god shield and protect kings from such persons , as shall with the snake take vp their poyson againe , to vent the venome of their rancour and reuenge vpon an old quarrell ; and let them likewise take heed , how they imploy their forces , and their power , in countenancing and protecting those whom they haue offended and discontented . this ( saith the said emperour charles the fifth ) is an aduice of great importance , for the safetie , quietude , and good gouernment of kingdomes , states , and signiories ; which for that they are so many , so great , and so farre distant one from another , it is impossible that they should be visited by your selfe in person , so often as is requisite : and therefore i aduise you , that you haue a great care that your viceroyes and gouernours that shall be sent thither , be such , and of such parts , as shall conuene for such an imployment , men of experience , and conscience , of wisedome , prudence , and discretion , and well seene in matters of state and gouernment : well disposed , and free from couetousnesse , briberie , and corruption ; seeking out rather men for offices , then offices for men . lastly , let them be such persons , from whom you may receiue that good satisfaction , that by their residence there may bee found no misse of their kings presence ; for this is properly to bee vice-royes . moreouer , you must instruct them in that which appertaineth vnto them , for the good gouernment of the commonwealth , and those subiects which are committed to their charge , maintaining them in equall iustice , and good manners , giuing them good example by their owne blamelesse conuersation . there is nothing that doth so much oblige vassals and subiects to keepe the statutes and lawes which are ordained , as to see them well kept and obserued by their betters ; and so it is , that it is vniustly commanded , which hee that commands keepes not himselfe , if that which is commanded be good . and being good , why should it not be good for him to keepe it , that commands it ? for ( as baldus saith ) though the king be not lyable to the law , yet is hee lyable to the rules of reason . this pious emperour goes on , and willeth his sonne , that he should strictly recommend to his vice-roys charge , the protecting , sheltring , and relieuing of the poore , the defending of the fatherlesse and widow , and those that are destitute of friends , and haue none to helpe them . whom some , that are in place and authoritie , are wont ( and i feare is too ordinary amongst them ) to disfauour and disesteeme them , making little or no reckoning at all of them . being ignorant how vile and base a thing it is , and how heroycall the contrary , and how much in imitation of god , to put forth a charitable and pitifull hand to him that is brought low , and fallen into miserie , assisting him in his afflictions and troubles , freeing him from wrongs and iniuries , whose shield and buckler , he that gouernes , ought to be . and he closes vp this aduertisement with wishing him to be very carefull , that his viceroys and gouernours exercise their offices as they ought , and not to exceed the instructions that are giuen them , nor to vsurpe beyond their authoritie , giuing them this prouiso , that in doing the contrary , he shall thinke that he is ill serued by them , and that hee giue order to haue it remedied and amended , by his displeasure , and their punishment . and howbeit it be true , that he ought not to giue credit to all the complaints which are made against such his ministers ( which are seldome wanting ) yet in no hand that he should refuse to heare them , and vnderstand them , in forming himselfe fully of the truth . for the not doing of it , will but minister occasion vnto them , to be more absolute , and to the subiects to grow desperate , seeing themselues oppressed by iniustice and vnconscionable dealing . likewise when kings send an embassadour to another prince , they must looke well into the qualitie of the person whom they send . for in such an embassage he doth not onely treate of the businesses for which hee goes , but likewise of the honour and authoritie of the king , which sends him . and therefore it is necessary that the persons that are nominated and declared to go on embassage , haue many of those qualities , which we haue mentioned in vice-roys and councellours of state. for if they shall not fill that place with the greatnesse of their good abilities , it will be a great lessening to the credit and reputation of the king , and the businesses will receiue much hinderance , if not vtterly bee ouerthrowne . the romanes did make a mocke of the teutones , counting them no better then fooles , for sending an embassadour vnto them that was a block-head , and of little or no experience . kings and great princes , all that , from which glory and greatnesse resulteth vnto them , they ought to doe it without any the least shew of vanitie , accompanying it with such circumstances and consequencies , that it may seeme onely to bee done for the common good , the exaltation of the commonwealth , and the reputation of their crowne . in all times and places they must represent much authoritie , grauitie , and maiestie in their persons , and in their treaties , mixing it with affabilitie and courtesie . to the end , that by the one they may cause feare and respect , and by the other quit and remoue that feare . it is reported of octauian the emperour , that all the embassadours that appeared in his presence , stood astonished betwixt feare and admiration ; but no sooner spake he vnto them , but they were wonderfully taken with his words , and did not then so much feare , as affect him . for albeit the maiestie wherewith hee receiued them , was exceeding great , yet was his carriage towards them very affable , and very courteous . in these two vertues , did excell that catholicke king of spaine , don philip the second , whom for the representing of maiestie , and regall authoritie , none did excell , and few equall . and in the carriage and composition of his person , there was no defect to bee found . vpon any accident that befell him , were it good or bad , fortunate or vnfortunate , there was neuer any man that could perceiue in him so much as a discomposed countenance , or any other the least alteration . and hee may be truly said to be a man , who is not proud in prosperitie , nor impatient in aduersitie . for it is a great signe of noblenesse , and the vndoubted marke of a royall minde , and princely courage , not to loose himselfe in his aduerser fortunes , but to sh●w himselfe constant against fortune , and to raise vp his spirits , as this king did , being neuer deiected with any outward crosse or misfortune , tha befell him . he did neuer ( being therein like vnto xenophons cyrus ) shew an ill countenance , or speake an ill word vnto any man. hee was not so affable and familiar with his fauourites , that any of them all durst presume to petitio● him in any thing that was vniust ; nor yet so austere and feuere towards others as to make them to forbeare to preferre a iust suite vnto him . to his owne subiects he was kinde , to strangers noble ; but withall , reseruing still his authoritie and greatnesse . for kings ought not to bee so harsh and intractable , as to make themselues to bee abhorred ; nor so kinde and courteous , as to cause themselues to be contemned . indeauouring all they can , not to fall into the extreames , by shewing too much loue to some , and little or none at all to other some . for too much seueritie ingendreth hatred , and too much familiaritie breedeth contempt . let them generally beare themselues in that respectiue manner towards all , that they honour the better , loue the meaner sort , and despise not the rest ; but as farre as they are able , extend their grace and fauour vnto all . for that being but little , which they haue to giue , in comparison of the many that are sutors , and the great rewards which they pretend , they rest better satisfied with those good words , and mannerly answers , that are giuen them , then with those fauours that are done them . for the generous hearts , modest countenances , and ingenious dispositions of those noble spirits which follow princes courts , much more risent the disfauour that is done them in receiuing courtesies with disgrace , then if they were denyed them . and therefore it is good wholesome counsell , and much importing kings , to returne a faire and equall answer vnto all , according to each mans qualitie and merit , and that they carry the same euen hand in the conferting of their fauours , and in the manifestation of their loue . and if they shall in a more particular manner , expresse the same to some one particular person , let him likewise more particularly deserue it . for neuer shall that loue be stedfast , where deserts are wanting in the partie beloued . i shall likewise aduertise kings , that they doe not make such vse of this their great both office and power , as to assume vnto themselues to be absolute , and to cumply in all things with their affections and desires , nor to exercise any other personall passion . for the vse and custome of absolute power is dangerous for kings , odious to the subiect , and offensiue both to god and nature . and for that the last kings of the romanes vsed this power , the name of king grew so hatefull , that those that afterwards succeeded in the romane gouernment , durst not take vpon them the name of kings , but that of emperours . which is by so much the more absolute , by how much imperare doth differ from regere . yet notwithstanding the people of rome did not so much feare this name of emperour , as that of king , because those , that last bore that name , exercised on them this their absolute power . so that it is not the name , nor the office , but the ill vsing thereof that makes it odious . for it is neither the title , nor the man , that moueth or altereth the honest meaning minde of the plaine downe right subiect , but deeds and actions , that are done contrary to all right and reason . whereas on the contrary , good vsage , and good treatment keepes them in loue and peace , and drawes them after him as it were in a string , and to offer vp for his sake a voluntary sacrifice of their liues . let kings consider that the crowne speakes as much , which they weare on their heads in forme of a sphericall round figure , which signifies limitem , or terminum , a limit or bound , or rather that circle , out of which it is not lawfull for them to go , no not one steppe . the crownes ( i say ) that they weare , are circles and limits , seruing to put them in minde , that their power is limited and measured out vnto them , that they may not passe the bounds of reason , nor doe any thing , but what is iust and lawfull . let the great kings and potentates of the earth moderate themselues , and refraine from making themselues gods , by exercising this their absolute power ; let them acknowledge ouer them a god , as well on earth , as in heauen . that hee may not grow wearie of their monarchies and their gouernments , as he did of that of the ancient romanes , and vtterly ouerthrow them , prouoked and incited thereunto by the abuse of humane power . for ( as seneca saith ) quod non potest , vult posse , qui nimium potest . but the god of heauen is very nice and tender in admitting companions in any kinde of manner whatsoeuer , but much more daintie in matter of iurisdiction and absolute power , punishing the same with grieuous chastisements , and many demonstrations of his fearefull anger and displeasure . aristotle saith , that through the gouernment of those that are too absolute in their rule and command , the gouernment is changed , kingdomes altered , and petty princes rise vp against them , who in such sort abate and bring downe their pride , that they come to serue those , whom before they did command . tully tearmes them , of all other , the most miserable , which make their will a law , and thinke that they may doe all that they can . nero did then leaue off to be cruell , when he vnderstood that he was permitted to doe what hee listed ; and that many did approue all his actions for good . it is the ancient language of adulation , to speake absolute power vnto princes , and to perswade them to follow their owne free will. but this is a very dangerous thing , if they once giue way thereunto , and l●t such flatteries dwell in their eares ; for the resolutions of such a power , will not suffer themselues to be so subiect , as they ought , to the iudgement of reason , nor humane discourse . in such a case , a power from heauen is more needfull . and this errour is now come to be in such request , that to agree in all things with the will and pleasure of kings , is now made in the minds of some , not onely a meanes of hope , but esteemed as a great seruice , and pledge of merit , to receiue honours and rewards . but this deceitfull meanes , whereby they thinke to thriue , shall ( when god shall see it fit ) be the onely knife to cut their throates ; for such kinde of men neuer escape punishment , and most commonly receiue it from their kings owne hand . in strange and extraordinary cases , and vpon iust occasions , and iustifiable meanes , kings may somewhat inlarge the limits of their power , so as they doe not go beyond that which reason and christian prudence permitteth . plato saith , that prudence and power are to embrace each other , and to walke hand in hand . qualities which ought to concurre in a good king , signified in that scepter with eyes , which ieremy saw , power being in the one , and wisdome in the other . and in that other old ancient portraiture of a good king , being a lion placed on the top of mercuries mace , which is a scepter with two snakes twining about it ; this , signifying prudence , and wisedome , and that fortitude ; which should neuer be separated from a king. by his power , he is feared , respected , and obeyed ; he commands , prohibites , and executes . by his wisedome , he auerreth the truth of his actions , and doth nothing , but what is lawfull . wisedome tempereth power ; and both together vphold the world . but if power forsake the fellowship of wisedome , it growes to be absolute , and runnes into a thousand indiscretions , and commits as many wrongs and iniuries , wherewith it desolateth and destroyeth euen the greatest states . for , there is not that ill , wherein power doth not exceed , if it haue not wisedome for it's bridle . and for that a powerfull hand is so dangerous a thing , nature hath ordained , and so ordered the businesse , that the braine where wisedome hath it's residence , should bee placed ouer it . which those ancient doctors amongst the gentiles did point at , when they placed minerua , the goddesse of wisedome , vpon iupiters head , who , of all the gods , is the most powerfull . and therefore it was well said of him , whosoeuer hee were that said , que vale mas saber , que auer , y poder : wealth and power are not comparable to wisedome . which saying is confirmed by the holy ghost , melior est sapientia , quam vires . et diuitias , nihil esse duxi in comparatione illius . wisedome is better then strength . i set more by her , then by kingdomes , and royall seates , and count riches nothing in comparison of her . the aduantage whereof , is signified in that hierogliffe of the cocke , who with his crowing , makes the lion to flie . as saint ambrose , and aelian haue well obserued . and that wise and iust man iob , doth much commend him for his knowledge and vnderstanding . and saint gregory declareth , that by him , is to bee vnderstood a wise , and prudent man , who taketh hold on a fit and conuenient time for businesses , and not onely aduiseth of , but preuenteth all dangers , and whatsoeuer hurt may befall . the particular and generall experience which we haue of histories , teacheth vs , how much it importeth for the conseruation and augmentation of a great empire and monarchie , that he , that is lord and master thereof ( if it lye diuided through diuers parts of the world , by seas , and enemies , in the midst thereof ) should striue and indeauour by all possible meanes to make himselfe likewise lord and master of the sea : for thereby shall he come to bee lord and master of the land. and an absolute dispenser of those things , wherewith we sustaine our selues , and liue . for by the helpe of nauigation , we passe from one part to another , and communicate of what they haue by way of commerce or otherwise . and by this meanes is made of many prouinces and kingdomes , yea , euen of the whole world , one sole citie and commonwealth . this was the counsell of themistocles , and plutarch makes it good , saying , let no man deceiue himselfe , in imagining with himselfe , that armies will suffice for to conserue himselfe , and to make himselfe lord of those kingdomes and prouinces , that haue the sea to friend . for if he be not likewise prouided , and well furnished with a strong fleete at sea , howbeit hee may with a land-armie ouercome the naturalls of those kingdomes or prouinces ; yet it is impossible for him , without the other , to make an intire conquest , and to go through with that which hee pretendeth . that disposeth the land to his will , and giueth lawes thereunto . the carthaginians ( saith polibius ) were not ignorant of what great consequence this was , for all kinde of businesses , and therefore aduiseth , that that which a prince ought to procure , whereby to come to be a great monarch , is , by a strong nauy , to make himselfe lord of the sea. for there are not any forces that worke such strange and great effects , or so much import , as these . and all your ancients held it for a maxime , that without the command at sea , there was nothing safe or secure on the land. archidamus a great captaine , and king of the lacedemonians , was wont to say ; that those that are to deale with a strong enemie , being powerfull at sea , need not to put themselues vpon the ficklenesse of fortune , but to place all their care in maintaining their nauie ; for with this alone , will they be able to wearie out the enemie , to quit him of the succour of their friends , to debarre him of nauigation , and of the commodities thereof , and vtterly by this to vndoe him . and ( which may seeme a thing impossible ) be able to beleaguer and girt in a whole kingdome , and to take it ( forcing it by famine and other wants ) as if it were onely one single citie that were besieged . for that ( as tacitus saith ) a strong fleete at sea , is the castle and magasine of victualls . and therefore the empire and signiorie of the sea , by a powerfull and commanding nauy , is held to bee of much more power and safetie , then your land-armies or citie-garisons , which of force must in the end yeeld vnto him , which shall become master of their ports , and thereby hinder them of all commerce and traffique , and humane communicat●on . and this was the aduice which that great monarch and emperour charles the fifth gaue likewise vnto his sonne , to whom hee left so many and such great kingdomes , so farre distant and diuided one from another , with such large and deepe seas . hee ( saith he ) that is or will bee master of them , must haue his fleetes still in a readinesse , well fitted and furnished , as well with good tall ships , well rigg'd and mann'd , and all other necessary prouision , as with store of gallies , for the safeguard and defence of his subiects , as also to resist and offend turkes , moores , and pyrats , because he cannot repose any confidence or assurance in those leagues and truces which he shall make with them . with this shall hee keepe them all in awe , when they shall see his great forces at sea , by which he may ( as it were in an instant ) from all parts send succours and reliefe , and whatsoeuer else shall bee needfull . and it will bee no lesse then a hard rayne , and cruell strong curbe , for to bridle and restraine the sinister intents and vaine pretensions of such as shall plot strange proiects , dangerous designes , and scandalous attempts . and vtterly to discourage them from vndergoing any enterprise , or to vndertake any action of aduenture , with hope of recouering such townes or prouinces as they haue lost , or by landing of their men to encroach vpon new . and say they should serue for no other vse , saue to hinder the excursions of pyrats , and sea-rouers , in these our seas , onely in regard of that , it could not choose but bee a matter of mighty consequence , and of wonderfull great importance , considering the daily incursions , losses , flaughters , the continuall captiuatings , and robberies , which they vsually commit vpon these our coasts ; so that if there were not a fitting preparation , and sufficient defence of ships and gallies , it were impossible for vs to occurre against those necessities , and to bee prouided against those new and strange accidents which may offer themselues in those estates , kingdomes , and signiories , seas , coasts , frontiers , ports , promontories , castles , and forts , which we hold in them . which by this our continuall nauigation , and prouision of good shipping , are well man'd and victualled , and sufficiently prouided of armes , munition , and whatsoeuer else is necessarie , in fit and conuenient both time and manner against all occasions . whereby the enemie perceiuing how well they are prouided for them , dare not approach those places , nor touch vpon them . besides this easie and short aduice , there are many other causes that may moue vs not to be wanting herein . in a word , it will put the enemy into a continuall care , and driue him to take a different resolution in those his ill-grounded motiues and pretensions : and howbeit it be true , that the charge is great , so likewise great losses are thereby excused , and some such sometimes as can neuer bee repaired . so that , there is no passing to and fro without nauigation , and the vsing and maintaining of these fleetes . they are the words of that victorious emperour , which no king for want of experience should dis-esteeme . and for the better and fuller prouision in this kinde , it is very fit that these fleetes should haue their particular rent approprietated vnto them , and that it should not , vpon no occasion whatsoeuer , be spent or laid out in any other thing . for a set and deputed treasure for this purpose , or the like , is that which most importeth for the good dispatch of businesses , and that they may bee done in their due time , and with lesse charge , and more profit . this course did the grecians take ; and after them , the romanes . and of augustus caesar , both suetonius and dyon report , that he was the first inuenter of a perpetuall militarie treasure , raised out of a certaine kind of tributes , which out of his owne curiositie he had sought and found out . for souldiers and warlike prouisions , in your great empires , require a particular treasure , wherewith to be payed ; which must not in any hand be otherwise imployed , nor go intermixed with those other expences . hauing persons of much experience and honestie , appointed for the good managing and ordering of it , vsing their best care and helpe , that it may bee preserued and continued , and that it may not be exhausted , and drawne dry . and more particularly kings themselues , the grandes and peeres of the kingdome , as also the commonwealths , and your cities , should carefully looke hereunto . being that they do most participate of the profits which issue from a warre . and most certaine it is , that nothing is more necessarie in a monarchie , then this particular treasure , or that causeth more respect in our friends , or feare in our enemies . or that with more commoditie and conueniencie , puts in execution all plots and proiects , in this , or that other enterprise , of what qualitie or condition soeuer they bee . and to this aduice i shall adde that which followeth . all wise and prudent princes in empires , that are runne out to waste , and decrease of wealth , haue euermore held it for the onely remedie of their reparation and conseruation , to excuse vnnecessarie expences ; and that their ministers take this businesse into consultation , and to cast vp all accounts , and to see what the kings rents and in-comes are for the defraying of the charge he is at , and by comparing one with the other , and seeing how they will answer each other , if they finde the expence to exceed the in-come , to cast about which way it may be best spared ; and to husband the businesse so , that there may be some ouerplus still remaining for the publike treasurie . for if by disorder & ill gouernment , the kings coffers shall come to be emptie , it will bee ( if not impossible ) at least very hard to fill them againe . for if there be daily more spent , then is to be , or can be had , that stocke will in a short time decay and come to nothing ; as wee see it fareth in euery other humane subiect , that hath not fresh supply . which lauish and vnproportionable spending , not liuing according to the rate of their rents , hath been the vndoing of many particular houses & families , as also the impouerishing and ouerthrowing of empires & kingdomes . and therefore to auoide this inconuenience , was that booke of accounts , or memoriall made , which the ancient called breuiarium imperij , a briefe abridgement of the empire , which augustus caesar left to his successours ; written with his owne hand : wherein was particularly set downe in a true and iust account , the full number of all the kingdomes and prouinces of the whole romane empire ; as likewise the number of all the citizens and souldiers which were in euery one of them , together with their forces and strength , and to what quantitie came all the rents and tributes that hee had , what aide-money and other helpes hee receiued from his confederates , and the whole charge he was at . as also his councels ordained by him , either for the inlarging or shortning of his hand in these his expences . so that hauing still before his eyes the wealth and substance of his empire , he might alwayes see how the world went , and how to make his best benefit thereof , for the conseruing and vpholding of his empire . such a register or rent-roll as this , much importeth kings . it is said of that wise and prudent king , don philip the second , that in his time he had such another as was this ; and the like ought all kings to haue , and at all times , but more especially when their power is lessened , their rents diminished , their forces wasted , and those of their enemies augmented . for we see the like care to bee taken in particular houses , and therefore ought much more to bee looked into in monarchies , which are composed of all those houses and families ; amongst which , that which spends beyond it's meanes , consumes it selfe : for supposing such a one hath an . v. ducats of rent , or set reuenue , and that euery yeare ten thousand more is spent , then the rent comes to , in a few yeares all will come to nothing , and by running still on in debt , and taking no course to come out of it , by liuing still at the same height , he must bee inforced in the end to sell and deliuer ouer the luster , maiestie , and greatnesse of his house to other families , which were before little better then dust taken out of the dunghill . and most certaine it is , that they that will not cast vp their accounts , and looke throughly into their estates , and see in what state they are , must bee either men that are willing to vndoe themselues , and their whole posteritie ; and must bee either atheists , or almost as bad ( if not worse ) meere epicures ; who carry in their mouths , and in their hearts those words of your vnthriftie gallants : comedamus is , that nothing is more necessarie in a monarchie , then this particular treasure , or that causeth more respect in our friends , or feare in our enemies . or that with more commoditie and co●ueniencie , puts in execution all plots and proiects , in this , or that other enterprise , of what qualitie or condition soeuer they bee . and to this aduice i shall adde that which followeth . all wise and prudent princes in empires , that are runne out to waste , and decrease of wealth , haue euermore held it for the onely remedie of their reparation and conseruation , to excuse vnnecessarie expences ; and that their ministers take this businesse into consultation , and to cast vp all accounts , and to see what the kings rents and in-comes are for the defraying of the charge he is at , and by comparing one with the other , and seeing how they will answer each other , if they finde the expence to exceed the in-come , to cast about which way it may be best spared ; and to husband the businesse so , that there may be some ouerplus still remaining for the publike treasurie . for if by disorder & ill gouernment , the kings coffers shall come to be emptie , it will bee ( if not impossible ) at least very hard to fill them againe . for if there be daily more spent , then is to be , or can be had , that stocke will in a short time decay and come to nothing ; as wee see it fareth in euery other humane subiect , that hath not fresh supply . which lauish and vnproportionable spending , not liuing according to the rate of their rents , hath been the vndoing of many particular houses & families , as also the impouerishing and ouerthrowing of empires & kingdomes . and therefore to auoide this inconuenience , was that booke of accounts , or memoriall made , which the ancient called breuiarium imperij , a briefe abridgement of the empire , which augustus caesar left to his successours ; written with his owne hand : wherein was particularly set downe in a true and iust account , the full number of all the kingdomes and prouinces of the whole romane empire ; as likewise the number of all the citizens and souldiers which were in euery one of them , together with their forces and strength , and to what quantitie came all the rents and tributes that hee had , what aide-money and other helpes hee receiued from his confederates , and the whole charge he was at . as also his councels ordained by him , either for the inlarging or shortning of his hand in these his expences . so that hauing still before his eyes the wealth and substance of his empire , he might alwayes see how the world went , and how to make his best benefit thereof , for the conseruing and vpholding of his empire . such a register or rent-rol● as this , much importeth kings . it is said of that wise and prudent king , don philip the second , that in his time he had such another as was this ; and the like ought all kings to haue , and at all times , but more especially when their power is lessened , their rents diminished , their forces wasted , and those of their enemies augmented . for we see the like care to bee taken in particular houses , and therefore ought much more to bee looked into in monarchies , which are composed of all those houses and families ; amongst which , that which spends beyonds it's meanes , consumes it selfe : for supposing such a one hath an . v. ducats of rent , or set reuenue , and that euery yeare ten thousand more is spent , then the rent comes to , in a few yeares all will come to nothing , and by running still on in debt , and taking no course to come out of it , by liuing still at the same height , he must bee inforced in the end to sell and deliuer ouer the luster , maiestie , and greatnesse of his house to other families , which were before little better then dust taken out of the dunghill . and most certaine it is , that they that will not cast vp their accounts , and looke throughly into their estates , and see in what state they are , must bee either men that are willing to vndoe themselues , and their whole posteritie ; and must bee either atheists , or almost as bad ( if not worse ) meere epicures ; who carry in their mouths , and in their hearts those words of your vnthriftie gallants : comedamus & bibamus , cras enim moriemur : let vs eate and drinke , for to morrow we shall dye . your atheists , they propose an end vnto themselues , thinking by this their prodigalitie to procure vnto themselues an immortalitie of fame ; but these and the like , who so inconsiderately runne out of all , are carelesse and negligent euen of this , taking care onely to eate , and to drinke , and to feast one another , without so much as thinking that there is another world , or any honour , or fame in this : and spending their whole life in belly cheare , and bezeling , they are neuer satisfied , but call in still for more , till their crawes be ready to cracke . and notwithstanding the excessiue rents , which some kings haue , and the great store of treasure that comes to their coffers , besides the tributes , taxes , imposts , and subsedies that are duely payed them , they are neuer out of debt , the crowne-land lying impawned for the payment thereof , and that for no small summes of money . ordinary expences are ill husbanded ; extraordinary , worse payed . the cities , they are consumed ; trading decayed ; the subiects out of breath and purse , and by hauing too much imposed vpon them , are growne ( like ouer-laboured oxen ) so poore , and so weake , that they are no longer able to beare so great a burthen . and yet all this to them ( though the subiect infinitely suffer ) is no more then a drop of water throwne into the sea , nor makes no more shew . which sea though it swallow vp all the fountaines of the earth , all the brookes , and all the great and principall riuers , and lesser springs , and this daily and hourely , and at all times , yet we see the sea is neuer a whit the more increased , nor growes greater one yeare then another . but what should bee the cause of this , let your naturalists , and your kings , render such reasons as pleaseth them , in their excuse ; for mine owne part , i am of opinion , that the kings exchequer is not well ordered , making him not onely a small , but a bad account ; that there is a great deale of disorder in the laying out of those monies , whereof much might bee saued , if there were some orderly course taken for the dispending of them , and imploying them for their kings best aduantage . and i feare me , ( which i could wish were causelesse ) that a great part of this water which should come directly to the kings owne cisterne , passeth through broken pipes , that is , through the hands of euill ministers , which soake and sucke vnto themselues a great part thereof , and no man the wiser , where the leake is , till it discouer it selfe . but it is now high time to grow to an end , and i will conclude this aduertisement with that common prouerbe , which speaketh thus ; quien mucho abarca , poco aprieta : the ouer-griping hand holds but little ; suting with that of ours , all couet , all loose . or answering to that which that great courtier and fauourite maecenas said , that great treasures and riches are both more and better heaped vp , and receiue a fairer accumulation , by spending little , then by scraping much . chap. xxxviii . aduertisements for fauourites and councellers of state. the aduertisements for fauourites are these , the first , that they doe not priuar too much , who pretend their kings fauour , and that they doe not beare themselues too high thereupon , nor suffer themselues to bee attended with a great traine of followers , thereby to make publike demonstration of their greatnesse . boast not thy selfe too much , nor seeme thou ouer vaine , saith the holy ghost to the fauourite , ne gloriosus appareas coram rege : put not forth thy selfe in the presence of the king. for there is neither that state , nor prince , of that dull patience , that doth not in the end grow iealous , and fearefull of the great power and authoritie of fauourites , and more especially if they once begin to waxe insolent , and abuse this their greatnesse . for kings are companions , and fellow-seruants with vs in their affections , and naturall passions ; nay ( by their leaue bee it spoken ) more subiect then we are vnto them ; saue that they suppresse them more in outward shew , and make not that exteriour demonstration of them , in regard of that diuinitie , which they pretend , and represent . and all of them will be masters of their entire will and absolute power . and that fauourite is fouly deceiued , and in a strange kinde of errour , who in court , by his secret plots , and close conueyance , pretendeth to possesse his kings heart , if hee conceiue by this course to be the more secure . for very dangerous is that fauour and place , which is built vpon such a foundation ; and very ticklish the state of a fauourite , when a king carries such respect vnto him . and the reason of this danger is drawne from mans nature it selfe ( which cannot , but in kings , be of farre greater force and strength ) for there is not that man liuing , which doth not hate and abhorre subiection . and this is so certaine a truth , that i perswade my selfe , that i may truly giue this censure , and that i am no whit mistaken therein ; that the reason , why kings doe more willingly make and raise vp men vnto honour and greatnesse for their owne proper guste and appetire , then for seruices and deserts , is , for that in the former , they shew themselues to be powefull , and to be owners of their owne cloath , which they may cut out to more , or lesse , as it pleaseth them ; but to the second , they are debtors , a thing that is hatefull euen to the best nature and disposition . and fauourites likewise on their part , are not to haue men , like swarmes of bees , to hiue themselues in their portalls , and to hang about them in clusters , lest when that day shall come ( as come it will ) wherein they shall fall , the world take notice that it was his fauour , and not his person that they followed . there are few ephestions , but may crateri , in court ; many that will follow alexanders fortune , but few his particular person . let fauourites likewise receiue this aduice and counsell from the hand of the euangelist saint iohn , which was one of the greatest courtiers and fauourites , which the king of heauen had . the thing that i shall recommend to their consideration , is this ; that when iohn fell downe to worship , before the feet of the angell , which had opened great mysteries vnto him , and showne him the things which were shortly to be fulfilled , the angell said vnto him , vide ●e feceris , conseru●s enim tuus sum , & fratrum t●orum : see thou doe it not , for i am thy fellow seruant , and the fellow-seruant of thy brethren , &c. let euery fauourite apply this counsell to himselfe , and make vse thereof ; so shall he be in grace with king and people , and when men shall go about as it were to adore him , and to make him a little god almighty , in doing him worship and honour , let him by no meanes giue way thereunto , but meekly acknowledge that he is but a creature , as they are , and preuent them with that answer of the angell , vide ne fec●ris , conseruus tu●s sum : doe not offer it , for i am your fellow-seruant . and great is that obligation which they haue , which are raised to great place , to know themselues , and not to shew themselues strangers to those that haue beene their associates and companions in their meaner fortunes , and with whom they haue held priuate familiarity and friendship . and not to be like vnto pharaohs cup-bearer , who when he saw himselfe in that fauour and priuacie , which his fellow-prisoner ioseph had foretold , and prognosticated vnto him , neuer thought no more of it , but quite forgot both in and him , as if there had beene no such matter , or man. it argues extreame lightnesse , and a naughty nature , that a man should hoyse saile and be gone , when he hath a faire winde , and not take him along with him , that hath ruune through all perills and dangers with him , and indured all brunts and stormes whatsoeuer . how shamefull a thing then is it for them , who seeing themselues in prosperitie , turne away their face from him , who ranne along with them in their aduerser fortune . especially considering they are not certaine , how long this calme will endure , and what a comfort it is in a storme , to haue a true friend to sticke close vnto him . for it is a vsuall thing , to see him lowermost to day , that yesterday stood vppermost in fortunes wheele . and the moone , when it is at full , fore-tells a wane ; and therefore that which importeth them most , is , that they carry themselues in a gentile fashion towards all men , and that their dealing be plaine , and dis-interessed ; whereby they shall not onely keepe their old friends , but gaine new , and may very well hope to be holpen by them , when they shall haue occasion to vse them . for they must thinke , that the skie will not alwayes bee cleare , clouds may arise , the sunne withdraw his light ( for kings wills and affections , like other mens , are ambulatorie ) and then in what a poore case is a fauourite , if he be left , like a single proposition , alone to himselfe : he cannot ( if he be wise ) but make this account with himselfe , that the greatest power stirreth vp the greatest enuie ; and if many combine against him ( be he the greatest fauourite that euer was , or can bee supposed ) they will shrewdly put him to his trumpes , and if they be of as noble courage and wit , as they are nobly descended , they will heaue him out of the saddle , when he thinkes he sits surest . for concealed hatred is worse then open enmitie . and therefore let him gaine new friends , keepe his old , and not loose any one , of those he hath gotten . for being left single , and alone , he shall bee like vnto that white crow in the fable , whom the crowes would not come neare , because of his colour ; nor the pigeons keepe him company , in regard of his greatnesse ; so that all will flie from him , and in the time of his greatest need hee shall be left all alone . vae soli : woe bee to him that is alone . and the holy ghost seemeth to take pittie of him that is alone , for that if he fall , he hath no body to helpe him vp . let fauourites likewise consider , that they are not , for that their king hath exprest his affection vnto them , and profest himselfe to bee their friend , to thinke , that ( like a dogge in a slip ) they may leade him whither and which way they list . for there are many things to be done , which hee is to doe without them . for ( as cicero saith ) that friendship which admitteth not exception in some cases , is not so much amicitia , as coniuratio ; amitie , as conspiracie . it is obserued by the learned saint ambrose , that true friendship is grounded vpon that which is iust and honest ; and is so limited , that if it 〈◊〉 those bounds , it doth not onely loose it's name , but affoords iust cause for a man to forgoe his friend . friendship is to be held , but alwayes with this prouiso , that the lawes of iustice and charitie bee duely obserued ; and when ought , contrary thereunto , is pretended , it is not longer said to bee friendship ; though vowes and protestations haue past , for the better strengthening and confirming of it . for if a king shall sweare amisse , and contrary to the rules of charitie , he is not bound to cumply with his oath , nor is there any reason for it in the world , why hee should in such sort make deliuery and reason of his heart to his fauourite , and let him haue so much the hand of him , as to promise to sticke vnto him , or to stand his friend in those things that are vnlawfull and vniust . as those kings . assuerus and tiberius proceeded with haman and seianus ; who , out of the fauour that they bore vnto them , gaue them leaue to reuenge themselues of their enemies , and to execute all the tyrannies and cruelties which they could deuise or imagine , to satisfie their malice . a fault which deserued rather ( and afterwards drew on ) their speedier and greater fall . and well doth that fauourite deserue to be ruined , that shall presume to pretend hazer raga ( as they say ) con suamo . to stand iust in the same streake or line with his master . for if god , who surpasseth in glory , and from whom it is impossible to take the least atome thereof , and is able to turne all that he hath created into dust , will not admit of a companion in matter of adoration and worship ; how much more will kings of the earth bee offended , and how ill must they take it , that any subiect should equall his shoulder , or share with him in his greatnesse , being his honour is so shortned , and his power so limited ? for , if out of their loue to the person of the fauourite , they beare with him for a while , either for to shew themselues thankfull for his good seruices , or haply to make him the instrument to worke their reuenge on others ; yet these affections and proofes ( which i speake of ) being once passed ouer , there enters presently in the place thereof , a natural●●● are and iealousie of their authority and greatnesse ; which doth much more sway with them , then the loue and affection which they beare to the fauourites person . enuie likewise she comes in , and playes her part ( which is a neare neighbour , and still ready at hand in princes courts and pallaces ) as if she were attorney generall of all those great places , and ●omes forth her venome , secretly lying in waite , and watching her time to doe mischiefe , stabbing suddenly , deaths wound being giuen before it be dream't on ; and great is the hurt which this so neare a neighbour to the kings elbow , doth ; and out of an in-bredspleene ) aymeth at nothing more , then the downfall of fauourites . complaints and grieuances , they also make their appearance in court , being the maine witnesses that enuie and passion bring into the court , to make good their plea. next after these , comes in the respect ( not to say the feare ) of those that are discontented in all states ; for no king will be willing , that their subiects vpon this ground should build their rebellion , and cause an alteration in the kingdome ; and will be as loath to bee ball'd on , by grieued and discontented persons , vpon iustly pretended complaints ; nor will he be so vnwise ( for feare of other claps ) to fauour one , to offend many . all of them being shrewd blowes , for to allay , if not quell the courage of the most passionate king towards his dearest fauourite ; and are such fierce and terrible conflicts , that they tosse his iudgement to and fro , with farre greater violence , then a strong raging winde doth the waues of the sea. gouernours and such as sit at the sterne of a common-wealth , and such , vnto whom kings haue deliuered vp the keyes of their heart , and hold the rudder of the monarchie in their hands , to steare and shape their course , as they will themselues , there is no question to bee made of it , but that they are in great danger vpon euery storme th●t shall arise ; for looke what misfortune shall befall the commonwealth , the blame shall be laid vpon them , and the fault imputed either to their ill counsell , or their ignorance , or their passion : for ordinarily ( nay i may say continually ) the misfortunes and ill successes of kings , and kingdomes , i say the cause of them is attributed to those that are nearest and dearest about the kings person , and possesse the highest places . and euery one running along with the common opinion ( and few are they which haue not a smacke or taste thereof ) laboureth to lay the fault on his neighbour , though he be of his owne proper flesh and bloud . and this is an inheritance which wee haue from our father adam . and no man is ashamed thereof : for we are all of vs his heires ; and therefore ought to endeuour ( as much as in them lies ) that the peace and quiet of the kingdome bee not disturbed or troubled in the time of their gouernment . as well for their glorie and reputation , to haue in all their proceedings carried themselues in such sort , that no ill accident hath betided them , or any maine disgrace ; as also for the not subiecting of themselues to the vncertaine chances of fortune , which are ordinary vpon euery alteration , and may serue to worke their ruine and perdition . let therefore those haue an eye ( i say it , and say it againe ) that are priuie-councellours to their king , and more particularly the fauourite , to whom hee shall haue deliuered vp the possession of his heart , that the aduice and counsell which they shall giue vnto him , bee good , pure , and cleare water , issuing from forth a pure , cleane , and disinteressed bosome . such is the water ( saith aristotle ) as is the earth , through which it passeth ; if through mynes of brimstone , it scaldes and burnes , if through craggy rocks , it cooles and stupefies ; and if through salt-pits , it is brinish and brackish . the like iudgement may wee make of counsell ; if it proceed from a breast and heart that is foule and filthy , it teacheth filthinesse ; if from a pure , and cleane , honestie , and cleannesse ; if from a libe●●ll , it doth good vnto all ; if from a couetous , it aduiseth nothing but gripping and wring ng of the subiect . so that counsell is figured forth vnto vs in water : which in it's softnesse , sauour , colour , and sent , is perfectly knowne , whether the myne be good or bad , through which it passeth . and such is their opinion , and that which they aduise , as is the humour that is predominant in their stomacke . euerie one casts his eye vpon his owne particular , approuing and accounting that for iust which tends to his profit , and condemning the contrary . god deliuer kings from such councellours , and let them take heed that they doe not erre in their aduise , and in those medicines and remedies , which ●hey prescribe vnto their kings , for it is as it were a remedi●●●●nd irrecouerable errour ; and theirs must bee the fault , and many times the punishment , but alwayes the note and infamie of their kings erring . nor let those that haue the kings eare , make a mockerie of my words , for it is a very dangerous and ticklish place that they possesse . where , to erre , is an easie thing ; but to hit right , hard ; and euen then , when they least thinke of it , their preciousest iewells , their richest mettalls , and their greatest treasures are turned into coales , and the like trash , like those moneyes of your hobgoblins , fairies , and robin good-fellowes . it is an old thred-bare saying , that ill counsell turnes to the councellours owne hurt . consilium malum , consultori pessimum ( saith plutarch . ) and the holy ghost , that the first , with whom ill counsell meets , is it's authour . facienti nequissimum consilium , super eum deuoluitur . for as he that casteth a stone on high , it shall fall vpon his owne head ; and as hee , that smiteth with guile , woundeth himselfe ; and whoso diggeth a pit , shall fall therein ; and he that layeth a stone in his neighbours way , shall stumble thereon : and he that layeth a snare for another , shall be taken in it himselfe ; so , whoso giueth a wicked noysome counsell , it shall come vpon himselfe , and he shall not know from whence . wicked counsell is like a whirlwinde , which turnes against himselfe , causing a very dangerous tempest against that very place from whence it came . and therefore he that giues counsell , it importeth him much , that he giue good and sound aduice ; for if it bee not good , god doth permit , that it maketh for their owne great hurt and perdition . as it succeeded with those princes of babylon , who so ill aduised their king against iust daniel ; god so ordering the businesse , that the same ill that they intended against him , fell vpon themselues , their wiues , and their children . when god is willing to put his armes athwart , and to crosse wicked purposes , little will auaile all the ill counsell in the world , be the pate , that hatcheth it , as wise and as subtill as achitophels . as it fared with that great fauourite of king assuerus , in that deuillish and malitious plot of his , which he had imagined , and contriued against poore honest mardochee . but this was to him , elsuenno del perro ( as it is in the fable ) like to the dogges dreame . there was a dogge that did dreame , that he was eating a good morsell of flesh , and as he was chopping of it vp , vttered some broken notes in his language , of the great content that he tooke therein . his master seeing him in this manner , takes vp a good cudgell , and soundly lamm's him ; the dogge awakes , findes himselfe deceiued , and runnes whining away . haman , carried away with the like conceit , prepares a gallowes for mardochee , fiftie cubits high , thinking thereon to hang him the next day ; but it was his ill lucke to supply the place himselfe . consilia enim ( saith saint basil ) quae contra bonos more 's dantur , in propria capita eorum , qui consulunt , redundant : those counsels that are giuen contrary to good manners , light vpon their heads , that gaue them . and therefore let councellours bee well aduised , what counsell they giue . aelian reporteth that there was a very ancient law , and duely kept in the kingdome of persia , that if any should aduise the king to any thing that was not beneficiall to his person , and the commonwealth , presently by the common cryer , his ill counsell was published , and himselfe taken and stript , and openly whipt vp and downe the streets . and if there were such a law in force here with vs , and as duely obserued , i assure my selfe , that neither kings would be so often deceiued , as now they are ; nor would there be so many vndertakers and proiectors , who impudently presume to put into their heads , things that are so pernicious to their owne conscience , and the publike good . supreme authoritie , kings neither ought to giue , nor fauourites take it . let them ( as much as they can ) conceale from the world , that great grace and fauour wherein they stand with their king ; but if there shall bee an impossibilitie in that , yet there is none in this , to let pretenders know , that all consisteth in the prince ; and to referre the conferring of all benefits , fauours , and graces vnto him ; and to let him haue all the thankes , in matter of pensions , offices , or rewards ; and to attribute vnto him , all those successes , that fall out well and happily , and all other good and prudent resolutions ; and to free him from the blame of those that shall otherwise succeed . to treate him with much reuerence and respect ; to beare him exceeding great loue ; and together with these , to be wonderfull solicitous and carefull in all that shall concerne his seruice . all of them being notable and necessarie qualities , for to conserue fauourites in their kings grace and good opinion , and to wedge their affection vnto them . for loue must bee the doore , by which the grace of a prince is to enter . for hee must loue , that will bee beloued . and hauing gained it by this meanes , he must keepe and preserue it , by reuerence and humilitie in his carriage , and by being faithfull and diligent in his seruice . all which will be lost by doing the contrary . and not onely ought they to carry themselues thus towards their kings , but are also to esteeme and honour all , of all estates , in a fitting proportion , according to euery mans qualitie and condition . shewing himselfe liberall , solicitous , peaceable , patient , louing , kinde , and courteous towards all . all of them qualities that conserue a kings fauour , and gaine the peoples good will. a fauourite must be modest , affable , and affoord a courteous hearing vnto all men . besides , it is a part of iustice so to doe , and a very necessarie meanes to come to the knowledge of all things , and to be the better prouided against whatsoeuer shall occurre . whereas on the contrary , to looke to be intreated , and sued vnto , and not easie to bee spoken withall , argues a kinde of pride and statelinesse , which all abhorre . this is the doctrine of tacitus , citing the example of seianus , the emperour tiberius his great fauourite ; who being growne into grace with him , the better to conserue himselfe therein , forthwith endeauoured to fauour and pleasure all your principall and noble persons in their pretensions . for in all occurrences , he conceiued , hee might expect more kindnesse from them , then from the baser and meaner sort of people ; whereby he came to bee loued of the one , and feared of the other ; and by all of them , to be serued and obeyed . insomuch that there was not any one who did not seeke vnto him to mediate and make intercession for them , with tiberius . and howbeit he was not ignorant , that hee was superiour to them all , and inferiour to none , yet did he neuer grow neglectfull of his humble carriage , and reuerent respect to his prince , and a due regard vnto all . hitherto hee proceeded fairely , and went on well , and may serue for a patterne and example for fauourites ; but in the rest for a prouiso , and admonition for kings . for after that ambition and couetousnesse entred into his heart , that consuming moath , and deuouring worme of all goodnesse , he presently procured the charge or place of praefectus praetorius , or captainship of the guard ; and within a short time grew to be so absolute therein , that he became as it were lord and master of his prince , and crusht all that stood in his way , or might be of any impediment to his priuacie . he sought alwayes to bee with him , lest others might creepe in betwixt him and home , and possesse his place : still humbly beseeching him , that he would imploy him in businesses of greatest danger and trouble , and such as might redound most to the benefit of the emperours life and state . a maine point , wherewith to oblige his prince vnto him , and to make him the more acceptable in his sight . for those that are nearest about kings , and are in greatest fauour with him , ought in the greatest dangers to set their foot formost , and to be the forwardest aduenturers . he did seeke to ouercome art , by art , inducing tiberius , to retire himselfe to places of pleasure , that were remote and farre from court , to the end that whilest he was recreating himselfe abroad , he might dispose of him , as it pleased him . he told him , that solitude was the best and onely course for the resoluing of the graue and weighty affaires of the empire , which otherwise by diuersion might receiue the same hurt and hinderance , as they were wont to haue heretofore . and what with this , and with giuing him to vnderstand , that he would quit him of all the ordinarie cares and troubles of court ( most men vsually desiring to shunne trouble , and to take their ease and pleasure ) hee perswaded him to go to capri , that hee , in the meane while , might rule and gouerne all . and in the end grew to be so great and powerfull , and to take such state vpon him , that hee would not giue audience to any , reducing them to those tearmes , that they should speake and negociate by writing , to the end that nothing might bee treated or resolued of , without his priuie saying ; that by reducing businesses to papers and memorialls , answer might bee giuen vnto them with more deliberation , and better consideration then by word of mouth . a meere artifice , & cunning trick of his own inuention , to make himselfe absolute master of all , and ( which is more ) of the heart of his prince . god deliuer vs from such ambitious , interessed , and couetous ministers , whose maine care , is their owne particular , and to heape vp riches for himselfe , and his ; and make it their whole study and onely end to keepe and continue themselues in their kings grace and fauour ; and to deale with their prince , as the ante doth with the corne , which that it may not grow againe , and that hee may the better and more conueniently make profit thereof , presently eates out the heart of it . god likewise free kings , from this base subiection , and insensibilitie , and from men of that qualitie and condition , which desire to rule and command all . for the one cannot escape a storme ; and the other must runne great hazard of being drowned therein . let the last aduertisement bee the example of a great fauourite , whose name is aurelius cassidorus , borne in the prouince of calabria , and highly aduanced in magistracies , and gouernments of both empires , rome and constantinople ; who being renowned for his cheualrie , and noble feates of armes , defended the islands of sicily and calabria from many , and those very powerfull enemies . in his younger yeares , he attained to all the liberall arts , in that perfection , that hee made the present and succeeding times , to admire him . and for his great parts and abilities , was entertained by theodoricus , king of the ostro-gothes ; hee was receiued into his seruice , and grew so farre into his fauour , by reason of his vnderstanding , wisedome , and dextrousnesse , in treating businesses , that he first of all made him his secretarie ; in which office , he behaued himselfe so well , that by degrees , he went climbing vp to the high offices and dignities in the state ; which in those dayes were not conferred out of fauour , but meere desert . from being secretary , he came to bee lord chancellour , and senatour in the citie of rauenna , being honoured besides with diuerse offices in the kings court. afterwards he was made viceroy of the prouinces of sicilia and calabria ; and for addition of honour , had the title of patritius giuen him , which in those dayes was in great esteeme . hee was lord treasurer , and master of the palace ; which was as it were a superintendent ouer the palatines , being an order of knights and gentlemen , that had offices , and other preheminences in court. he held the dignitie of praefectus praetorius , being as it were the second person of the king ; to whom , the weightiest businesses of peace and warre were remitted : and what therein he determined and resolued vpon , was receiued as an oracle that could not erre . though now adayes , little credit is giuen to the words of great persons and powerfull ministers , and not without cause ; for that many of them say , and do not ; promise much , and performe little . and your fauourites , which haue great both place and power about their kings , are in such good opinion and credit likewise with the world , that they presently beleeue whatsoeuer they say ; and see what they professe , is approued by them , as if it were a sentence pronounced from the mouth of a most iust iudge : and therefore they ought well and wisely to consider what they speake , and not to inlarge themselues in words , putting those that are pretenders in great good hopes . which if they shall not afterwards take effect , will proue to bee no other then that faire and beautifull fruite , whose sight pleaseth the eye ; but whose taste killeth the body . in conclusion , this fauourite , by round after round , clambred vp to all the honourablest offices , and greatest dignities of the kingdome . he came to bee consull , which charge hee administred with extraordinary integritie and vertue . all the magistracies , offices , and gouernments which he held , were but as so many steps one to the other ; which the princes , vnder whom he serued , went still increasing and augmenting . for he carried himselfe so wisely and discreetly in them , that there was not that office that hee bore , which did not make him the meritour and deseruer of another farre greater and better then it . and all did acknowledge and confesse , that his merits and deserts were farre greater then all the offices put together which hee enioyed and administred . in those whom he represented and recommended to his king , to the end that his maiestie might conferre some one fauour or another vpon them , he euermore had an eye to the necessitie of the office , and the qualitie of the person . things wherein fauourites ought to bee very carefull , when they imploy their fauour in furthering any man ; as whether they be moued thereunto vpon a iust or ill affection , or by the sole vertue and merit of the person , &c. and not to thinke with themselues , that because they are in great grace and fauour with their king , that it is lawfull for them to violate the law of iustice , which ought to bee equall to all , ( which in eyes , not blinded with passion and couetousnesse , she her selfe makes it plainly appeare ) and to thrust the better deseruer besides that dignitie and office which is due vnto him . which is a law that obligeth all , for that it is a naturall obligation , and hath all the lawes of reason on it's side , which are more powerfull then either the will of kings , or their fauourites . the not keeping whereof , is but a large and swift running fountaine of complaints and distasts . the one , to see themselues reiected , and excluded from publike honours : the other , to see them put forward , whom nature hath not adopted , nor learning , nor vertue , but either good or bad diligences . and that these shall haue preferments , and get the start of other men , it is because either loue or interest makes them to be held more worth ; when as the other , onely for that they are not in the like fauour , or not so fit for their ends ( for fauourites fauour few , saue such as will bee instruments of their wills ) though otherwise they bee of better parts , better qualified , and of stronger abilities , are left vnrewarded , and are quite forgotten . and these that are thus made vp in haste , and so suddenly raised from that nothing , which they were , to that greatnesse wherein they are , must of force sometimes with the same haste and speedinesse ( though fore against their wills ) for the auoiding of inconueniences , bee pulled downe from this their high seate , and placed in some other , that may seeme to sute better with them , wherein the like suspition may iustly bee conceiued of their insufficiencie . this great fauourite had likewise so good a head-peece , and knew so well how to gouerne vpon all occasions , and all the accidents of that age , as well the good , as bad , the fortunate and vnfortunate successes of those times , that howbeit many were the changes of those kings , yet was he still in the same height of esteeme , was superiour vnto fortune , being in all those alterations , her lord and master . all the kings of the gothes , whom hee serued , did him very particular fauours . and although king theodoricus was a very fortunate and valiant prince , yet did a great part of his happinesse and felicitie consist in this , in hauing his fauourite cassiodorus alwayes at his elbow , and in receiuing his good proiects , and sound aduice which ( when occasion offered ) were neuer wanting vnto him . that being ( according vnto seneca ) the best part of counsell , which comes in it's due time and season ; whereas that comes too late , and without any fruit , which is not ready at hand . for occasion ( whereunto wee must occurre ) oftentimes betakes her selfe to her wings , and flies out of our reach , if we be not quicke and nimble in laying hold on her foretop . so that all the while that this cassiodorus was in their seruice , their kingdome and signorie continued in a most flourishing estate . so much can a man of such courage and counsell doe in a commonwealth . for with such a ministers presence , all things stand vpright , and go well and handsomely on ; but in his absence , and when he is wanting , all things go backward . for , being that all these things depend next after god , on the worth and wisedome of him that hath the managing of them ; by his death or absence , they runne a great hazard of miscarrying , or suffer some great hurt or detriment ; as was to be seene in those successes of the grecian empire ; which ( no sooner was that great gouernour alexander dead , vnder whose protection it went increasing , and liued in so much peace and securitie ) but it vanished like so much froath . for of how much the more price and esteeme peace is , by so much the more is it hazarded in the losse of those that maintaine and vphold it . now this so excellent and worthy a minister , when as nothing was wanting vnto him , saue the putting on of a kings crowne , refused it , became a friar , and tooke vpon him the habite of the order of san benito . and did so exercise himselfe in continuall prayer and contemplation , that euen whilest he liued here vpon earth , they held him for a saint . and if he were so worthy a man in that age , seruing the kings of the earth , with so much punctualitie and sinceritie ; it is not to be doubted , but that hee was as precise in his sanctitie and holinesse of life , when he rendred himselfe a slaue , and seruant to his lord and master the king of heauen . for your excellent wits , which know how to make aduantage of all things , and that nothing comes amisse vnto them , when they are once resolued to serue god , they do truly humble themselues , and with a strong determination , tread and trample the world vnder their feet , and whatsoeuer therein is , and imbrace and take hold on christ. and being thus occupied in holy exercises , laden with yeares , hee departed out of this life , to that which was eternall , hauing inioyed some yeares of that quietude and abundance of peace , wherewith he did essay to die well , ( which being so dangerous , so difficult , and darke a passage , too little care is commonly had therein ) hee passed from this short stride betwixt life and death , to the eternitie of such an estate , as we yet know not what it shall be , the extreames being ( as we see ) so farre distant . all that hath beene hitherto said both in generall and particular , concerning a monarchie , and kingdome , shall not be fruitlesse , nor the time lost , that hath beene spent in the writing , or shall be spent in the reading of this treatise , if it be well and truly considered . for by the perusall thereof , kings and princes may come to know a thousand seuerall semblances of ministers , and disguised countenances of hypocriticall courtiers , and the diuers dispositions and humours , as well of the ambitious as the couetous ; their affections , conditions , and naturall inclinations , whether they be by nature of great and vnruly spirits , or whether they bee by fortune put into great places . for this , without doubt , changeth man from his first estate , and apparrelleth him with other particular affections ; and in the true knowledge of these , consisteth the augmentation , conseruation , and good gubernation of kingdomes , and commonwealths : as also the reputation , credit , opinion , and authoritie of kings . in a word , they may out of these doctrines , and aduertisements , collect and know how at one time the naturall dispositions , customes , and manners of the vulgar , stand affected , and how at another time those that are not so vulgar , and of so low a ranke , and how at all times to make vse of this knowledge , for the better increasing and inlarging of their power and greatnesse ; and how , and in what manner , they are to carry themselues towards them ; as also those other , that are to aide and assist in gouernment . for there is not any thing of more price , or more to be valued by kings , then this knowledge of the affections , as well for the discerning those of others , as the moderating of their owne . and as it were to make a iudgement , and to prognosticate by them , the end of the actions of those that 〈◊〉 about , and where they intend to make their stop , and set vp their rest , be they foes , or friends . and by the actions of those that are present ( be they confederates , ministers , and dependents ) their ends , designes , and pre●ensions . and particularly in those who cleaue closer to their kings fortune , then his person . points , whereon doth hang the hinge , and wherein are included and shut vp , all both the particular and generall passages of gouernment , and of that art , and science , which they call by the common name of reason of state. and although i know for certaine , that there will not such be wanting , that will laugh and scoffe at these my politicall aduertisements ; some because they would be accounted the onely men seene in this science , and would make themselues the onely admired men amongst the vulgar , and that there is not any one that is a professour in that art , that vnderstandeth their plots and designes : others , lesse malignant , as being ignorant of the secrets of this science , iudging it to be an art , full of impossibilities , will not trouble themselues therewithall , nor looke into the mysteries thereof , as if by the effects , they were not able to iudge of the causes of things ; and by the carriage and successe of former businesses , to diuine of the ends and designes of those which are now on foot . and others , farre worse then these , who although they come to know this truth , deny the same , and seeke many colours both for the disgracing of it , and the author ; and for no other reason in the world , but because they are professed enemies , to whatsoeuer counsell , that is not of their owne hatching , fearing that it might quit something of the glory of their ambition . and for that they will haue nothing thought to be good , but what issues from forth their owne braine , they blaspheme ( saith saint iames ) and speake euill of that which they know not ; and not onely not admit and receiue that good which is propounded vnto them ; but ( as that kingly prophet saith ) because they will neither vnderstand nor heare it , like the adder , they stop their eares with the taile of their ignorance , fearing lest they should be charmed by some superiour wit , and better vnderstanding . yet notwithstanding , fall backe , fall edge , come what will of it , i haue cumplyed with my desire , and ( which is more ) with my obligation . and if it shall proue to be of any vse , profit , and seruice , for king● , and for the great councellours and ministers of their : kingdomes ( which haue most need thereof ) to 〈…〉 goes especially directed , and perhaps may be 〈…〉 which are not in that nature . and though haply it may not bee auaileable for amendment , yet may it serue for a desenganno , and dis-deceiuing of those that are in an errour . and in case it shall not take this effect , there will be no harme done by committing it to the presse , though it bee afterwards buried in the dust , as it hath befallen other farre better things then these ; and time , which couers what is past , and discouers what is to come , will in it's time discouer this , and such other things , as are not yet come to light . and for this cause , they called archimedes the syracusan , the inuenter of new things , and the register of old . and certaine it is , that amongst the ancients , there was a great agreement and artifice in the gouernment of some commonwealths , as was that of the aegyptians , of the athenians , of the allmanes , and aboue all , of the romane commonwealth ; which saint austen did so much admire . and men looking no further then to that which is before them , haue , in a manner , quite forgotten that , and therefore it is fit that there should bee some remembrancer , that by putting them in minde of that which is past , they may the better performe things for the present , and prouide for that which is to come . for ( as plato said , though in another sence ) all our knowledge is but a recordation of things past ; and therein he said well . for a great part of those nouelties , which are daily introduced , are but old things , that haue layen long in obliuion ; and that which is done to day , we finde , is forgotten to morrow . and in the reuolution of time , comes ( in after ages ) to represent it selfe for new . and this ( amongst many others ) was the maine cause which moued me to write this treatise , and which may incourage me to go on further , though i must confesse , that my penne hath out runne my intention , finding that i haue 〈◊〉 my foot deeper into the stirrop , then ● thought to haue 〈◊〉 ; having made a volumne of that , which when i first 〈…〉 , i purposed should haue ended in a short 〈…〉 but who can put a bridle vnto loue , or restraine zeale ? and more especially , when it is so naturall and proper , as that which all , and euery one , doth or ought to beare vnto his owne king and lord adding thereunto mine owne particular respect , in regard of my nearer reference to his maiesties seruice ? and no small spurre hereunto , was my honest true meaning heart , and the assurance of a good conscience , whose whole studie and desire in this my labour hath beene , to hit as right as i could vpon that which might be most conuenient , for the augmentation , conseruation , reputation , authoritie , and greatnesse of kings ; as likewise , what i thought would bee most necessarie for the wellfare and good gouernment of kingdomes and particular commonwealths . for this doth depend on that . though i conceiue there be few that thinke thereon . for most ( i feare me ) treate onely their owne businesse , making that the principall , and all the rest accidentall . howbeit they will not sticke to say , and publish to the world , that they onely attend the conseruation of their kings and commonwealths , would to god that it might not be said of them , which he himselfe said by the mouth of that his prophet , and prince of his people ; they honour mee with their lip , cer aute● 〈◊〉 longè est à me : but their heart is farre from mee . god i beseech thee , of thy infinite mercy , that the hearts of kings and their ministers , may not be farre off from thee ; nor thou from them ; but that thou wilt vouchsafe to bee euermore neare at hand vnto them , and to fauour them , and direct them in all their wayes , to thy honour and glory . amen . laus deo. finis . errata . page . line . a cetar , reade acertar . p. . l . his family , r. it 's family . p. . l. . denotate , r. denotateth . p . l. . though , r. thought . p. . l . woorst , r. wo●'st . p. . l. . men , r. man. p. l. . sapientio rerit , r. sapientior erit . p. . l. . su spasse● , r. sus passos . p. . l . wise , r. the wise . ibid. l. . of force , r. of the force p ▪ . l ▪ . regular , r. reg●lar . p. . l. . goodnesses , r. goodnesse . p. . l. . content to , r. to content . p. . l. . subiect . r. subiects . p. . l. . sa soga , r. la soga . p. . l. . this answer , r. this i answer . p. . l. . caree●se , r. carelesse . p. . l. . seuerietie , r. seueritie . ibid. l. . are that , r. that are . p. . l. . impostoures , r. impostures . ibid. l. ● . nstad , mistad . p. . l. . cabines , r. cabinets . p. . l. . therein , r. there is . p. . l. . requencie , r. frequencie . p. . l. . or iudgement , r. or that iudgement . p. . l. . inionyed , r. inioyned . p. l. , deliaces , r. delicasies . p. . l. . of much , r. much of . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e sen. epist. . i● princip . valer. max. notes for div a -e polit. cap . lib. . cap. . arist. lib. ● . eccl. . . aug. lib. . de ciuil . dei. d. tho. de regim . li. . cap. . arist. pol. . cap. . & . plat. dial. de repub . prou. . . beros lib. . de flor. cald. secundum philon. de antiq. act. . . liv. lib. . eccl. . . aug lib . de 〈◊〉 . dei. cap. ● . lib. . & lib. . tit. . part . . psal. . isai. ● . . . ezech. ▪ . 〈◊〉 ▪ . de post foetantibus accepit eum , pascere iacob servum suum & israel haereditatem suam . iohn . . esay . . greg in iob. esay . . mat. . . ezech. . . gen. . iudg. . cassio . lib. . epist ▪ . homer . rom. . . . . cor. . . chrys. in epist. vlt : ad corin : serm. . plato dion . epist. . d. thom. de ●egi . prin. cap. . nazian : in apologetico . seneca . lib. de clem. . cap. . xenophon . lib. de cyrop . eccl. . re●ran● el beneficio s● da po●●●l oficio . rom . . rom. . . exod. . psal. . . zach. . . apoc. . ● . iob. . . aug. & d. tho. in epis. . ad tim. . ier. . v. . arist. & aly. lib. . de anima . lactan. firm. lib. de opificio dei , cap. . heb. . c. . . h. varro . r●b . steph. in thesau . . plato in tim. seneca . lib. de c●em . regall power was first ordayned for the ease of the people . seneca lib. de consolat ad polib c. . aelian . de varia hist. lib. . ier. . . iob. . . num. . & . num. . . gen. . hierom. in traduc . hebraicis in gen. gregor . lib. . moral . c. . ouid. metam . isidor . lib. . etym. cant. . . , tim. . . sam. . . gen. . . prou. . . wisd. . . iudg. . . psal ▪ . . wisd. . . plat● lib. . de repub. membrin . rosi . c●p . . eccl. . . kings . . cicero in orat. pro lege manil. eccl. . . iames. . . . king. . . chron. . . . chron. . . psal. . . sambuc . in prob . prou. . . zey . . tit. . part. . iob. . . prou. . . 〈…〉 hila● . in psal. . wis . prou. . . prou. . . concil . t●l . plut. in p. aemil arist. c. . mag. moral . eurip. lib. . seniore in prou●nciae congrega , & eos interroga , facilius namque . inuenitur quod ● pluribus senioribus quaeritur . s. aug. ad fratres in erem . ser. . heraclides in politicis . senec . epist. . bald. in cap. . de r●nun . psal. . . prou. . . greg. nyss. lib. de lib. arbitrio . galen decognosc . curand . animi morbis . cap. . wisd. . . numb . . . cicero lib. . epist. fam . epist. v●●●ma . . chron. . . . kings . . . aug. lib. . de ciuit. dei. cap. . plato . in thim . strabo . in 〈◊〉 . lib. . * it passeth so sometimes that kings put the gouernment into those mens handes which are lame , and neyther know nor can command . they require their voyce , who haue nothing but a voice : empty barrells that sound loude , but haue no fulnesse , and craue aduice , of those that are least able to giue it them . and if they themselues pay not for their folly , yet at least the kingdome suffers for it . arist. ethic. lib. . ley. . & . tit. . part . . prou. . . . kings . . . . cor. . . . sam. . . . kings . . . tob. . . eccl. . . psal. . . mat. . luk. . & . luk. . . luk. . . wised . . . prou. . ● . exod. . & . . exod. . . deut. . . . diodor. sic. lib. . rerum antiq cap. . ae●●an de var. hist. lib. . exod. . . plut. lib. . sto●●us serm. exod. . ▪ leuit. . ● . isay. . . eccl. . isay. . . iohn . . . hose . . . eccl. ● . . eccl. . . arist. . pol. cap. . eccl. . . eccl. . . exod. ● . ● . prou. . . eccl. . . paris de put. de sindic . c. . num . . iob. . . luc. de pena in l. iudices . cod. de dignitat . lib. . isay. . . deut. . . psal. . . l. ff . ad l. iul. rep . l. . ff . de recep &c. 〈◊〉 . fin . c. ad legem iul. rep . l. . & . . tit. . lib. . plat. lib. . de legibus . act. . . . num. ● . . ioseph . de antiq. lib. . cap. . bald. in l. . c. de haered : vel actione v●ndit . diseque el fiscotiens accion contra los toles bi●nes . b●l d●●ito ded ●●●cho qualqui●ra pu●de serach●ado durante el of●icio ● despues 〈…〉 . de calum●●●●● . nazian . in o●at . . sene ca. de benefi . in au●h . v● iudices sine quo● § . isa● . ● . . eccl. ● ▪ eccl. . . eccl. . . exod. eccl ▪ . . ber. ser. . in cant. isay. . ● . eccl. . ● . 〈…〉 deut. . . prou. . ● . gen. . . prou , . . heb. . . deut . . chrys. h●m . . in gen●sim . hosc. . . ioh. . . d●us . . . mac. . 〈◊〉 . cant. . . eccl. corn. tacit. 〈◊〉 . offi. lib. . plat dial. . de legibus . . ley. . tit. . part. . aelius lampr. in vita alexan. seu●ri . 〈…〉 〈…〉 ▪ diog , laert. isay . . gen. . iob. . . wisd. . . 〈…〉 iob. . . exod. . . act. . . act. . . luk. . . leuit. . mat. . . act. . . 〈◊〉 . . . arist. . de anim . ●ext . . l ct . & d. tho. vniuersae creaturae homo est praestantissimus vt inter membra oculus . d. chrys. in hom. . in ioan plin. lib. . c. . eccl. . . 〈…〉 . mac. . . eccl. . . 〈…〉 gen. . . 〈…〉 . eccl. . eccl. . . exod. . . ● . . sam. ● . . 〈…〉 iob . . psal. . . psal. . . psal. ● . . isay. . . psal. . . iam. . . prou. . . eccl. . . 〈◊〉 . . prou . ● 〈◊〉 psal. . . ibi . ver . ● . gen. ● . ●● . heb. . . rom. . . 〈…〉 gen. . . rom. . . psal ● ▪ . ● ▪ es●er . 〈◊〉 . plut. in vita public●la . psal. . ● . 〈…〉 plin. natur . hist. lib. ● . psal. . . act. ● . . ● sam. . . cor. . . rom. . . eccl. 〈◊〉 . ● . prou. . . math. . . rom. . . cicero . esay . . ● ierem. . . king. . . king. . ● . greg. lib . epist. ● ▪ di●dor . si●ul . lib. . ● . . plato lib. . delegibus . osor : lib . de reg . iustit . eccl. . . prou. . . psal. . . . . d. tho. . p. q. artic . & . ● . q. . art . . so●o de iustitiae . & iust lib. . arist : . ethic. cap : . . mat. . . & . & . lib. . 〈◊〉 de iust. & i● : esay . . aug. lib. . de ciuit . dei. cap. . isidor . lib. etymol . aug. de doctr. christ. aristeas in hist. ambr. lib. . in lu● . aug. lib. de 〈…〉 . cirero . lib. ● de officijs . plut in moral . lib de doctr. prim . lact. tirm : lib. cap. . & lib. lib . cap . scot lib. . 〈◊〉 . q. . anselm : in prosolog . plutarc . in ag● . 〈◊〉 . arist : . top. cap. . , cicero lib. . de leg ▪ s. tho . . . so. art. . gregor . . qua . tuor modus . . q. . de re iud . in . cap. . patri . de reg. lib. . tit. . ●colastici cum d. tho. . ▪ q art . . arist. . met : tit. . exod. . deut. . ch●on . . . iob. . . apoc. . . wisd. . . chrys. in serm. 〈◊〉 bapt. aug. ad fratres in erem ser. . amos . . deut. . . deut. . . a rayz . is properly the roote of a tree , or any , other plant . metophorictlly rayzes , are inheritance , or possessions , in lands , houses , or immouable goods , because these cannot be rooted out , not remoued from place to place as your moueable goods may be . bienes rayzes del reyno . is crowne land , which neither can not ought to be alienated co●arr . verb. rayzes . b iuro . reales . is a certaine royall rent , raised through out a whole kingdome ; so called ● iure for the obligation subiects haue to maintaine their kings . in consideration whereof they are bound to administer iustice truly , aud to keepe them in peace . ib. verb. iuro . dan. . . amos. . . psal. ▪ . . iames. ● . luk. . ▪ prou. . 〈◊〉 . iohn . 〈◊〉 . gen. . . luke . . malach. . . arist. lib. . eth. cap. . . kings . . ▪ exod. . . act. . . prou. . , ● . . . iohn . . cor. . . august mat. . . iohn ephes. . ▪ iames . . eccl. . ● psal. . . ●am . . ● august . vlpian . l. . versi ▪ quaedam en●m ff . d● varijs & extraor . cognitio . pomp●nius , l. ● . ad fin●m . ff . de orig. ●ur●● . isocrates orat. de pac● . sam. . . ● . sa●● . . . prou. . . ibi. . psal. . . luk. . . cant. . . 〈◊〉 satyr . salust . terentius . psal. king. . . salust : in authem : quomod oportes i●d . lib. . senten . cap. . . reg. ▪ . prou. . . 〈…〉 cap. . chrys●in mas. lib. de ciuis . dei . cap. . seneca . lib. . de clem●nt cap. . eccl. . . num. . . ambr. lib. . offi. cap. . sen ▪ . . ● king. . . mac●h . ● . psal. . ● . m●t. . . psal. . . king. . . hie● . sup. i●r●● . . aug. lib. . de ciuit. cap. . isid lib. . sent. cap. . s. th . . ● . 〈◊〉 . ad . prou. . . king. ▪ eccl. . . esay . . ita ●sido . cla●●us . iob. . . iob. . rex , qui sedet in solio , dissipat omne malum , intuitu suo . 〈…〉 . eccl. . . prou. ● . . iohn . . mat. . . king . bede : in ioh greg. pastor . p . c . ber. in cant. ser. . arist. . polit. c. . arist. lib. ● . rheto● . c. ▪ 〈◊〉 . . ● . isidor . lib. . epist. polyb. eccl. ● . . prou. . . plutar. in pompon . artic. refert . cor. tacit an●al . lib. . luk. ● . pont. . . mark. . . leuit. . . ezech. . . esdras . rom. . . mat. . ambr. lib. . de bene ● . , isidor : eccl. . . eccl. . . lbi . tim. . . prou. . . prou. . . senec. ●pist . . cicero . philip. . orat. . iudg. . . tim. . . pet. . . iude . . wisd. . . ibi. , ibi. . ibi. . eccl. . . king. , . ionah . . . ● king. . . king. . . king. ● , . king. . . ibi. vers . . cor. . . ● cor. . . cor. . . . ierem . ● . psal. . . ibi. . eccl. . . eccl. . . isay . . ibi. ▪ prou. . . greg hom. . luk. . . prou : . . eccl. . . eccl. . . cicero tuse . lib. . refert . hilar de va●ia histor . lib. ● . prou. . d. th. . . q. 〈◊〉 . art . . aug. lib. de mendacio ad consen●●●m . cap. . 〈…〉 lib. . cap. . iosh. . . isidor . lib. . synonimorum . d. th. . . q. . art . . ad . cor. . . l. . tit. . part. . august . i● apolog. wisd. . . diog. laert. de vit. philos. pliny lib. . 〈◊〉 . bis . cap. cocodri●●● . psal. . . is●y . . . eccl. . ● . august . psal. . ve● . . p●ou . . caelius . lib. . lectio antiq . c. ● he means the escri●anos , and notaries of spaine ▪ apoc. . . tobit . . . valer. lib. . mirabi . caepola ; simancus de rep . lib. . cap. . & ▪ cap. . osor. lib. . de regis institutione . ley. . tit. . p. . in fine . ibi. faria traycion . excepto encaso detraycion ● heregia , enlo qual por dottrina de santo thomas se puedes dist . . & dist . . q. . artic . . q. . ad . . l. . tit. lib. . eccl. . . psal. . psa. . . prou. ● . . prou. . ● iam. . . seneca . lib. . ae virtut . psal . iames . . ●ern . lib. . de conside . ad eugen. rom. . . prou ▪ . . prou. . . prou. . . . plut. moral . lib. de amico , & ●ff●ctatore . ● . ● . ti● . . par . . psal. . . ierem. . hieroni. epist. . iob. . . plut. in moral . lib. de educan . tiberis . gregor . in regist . lib. . cap. . psal. . . ● . wisd. . . . kings . . . psal. . . herodia . lib. . plut. in vita , mar. brut. ansel. epist. ad rom. c. . cicero lib. de a●icitia . augustin● tom. . in , psal. 〈◊〉 , . hler. ad sabian . seneca . epist. ● chron. . . esay . . ● . arist . e●hi . . cap. . 〈◊〉 lib. . de 〈◊〉 ▪ c. . & . greg. nis. de bomi . opifici ▪ pe● . ambr. lib. exam c. ● . basil. lib. de vere virgini● . bern. de inter●●● domo . c. . luk. . . rom. . . don alons the sixt of castile and leons . vide fernan perez . lib. . t●● . . cap. . lin . nat . hist. lib. . cap. . num. . . ioseph de antiq. lib. . cap. . ciccro lib. , de sin . aug. lib. de moribus . dionis . s. prosper lib. . de ●i● contemp. cap . arist . ethic. cap. . & . s. leo. serm. de leiun ▪ eccl. . ▪ eccl. ● . . plin. eccl. . . galat. . . chron. . . iulius lib. . de legibus . plin. iun. lib. epist. ad semp . rufum . chrysost. hom ▪ . in gen. bald. in l. prouinoiarum c , d●ferijs . plato dial. . de legibus . exod. . . fier . lib. . tit. opus . . reg. . . dan. ● . . dan. . . gen. . . . reg. . . eccl : . ● . . king. . ● . psal. . . prou. . . ioseph . de antiq . lib . cap. . . reg. . . esther . . prou. . . prou. . . wisd. . , . prou. . . gregor . ●x regist . li. . epist. cap. . part. . tit. . l. . . tim. . ambr. in apolog . cap. . micah . . arist. lib. . ethic. cap. . mat. . ● . senec. lib. . epist. . psal. . . aug. lib. ● . soliloq . ●a . . ephes. 〈…〉 mark. . . mark. . . . cor. ● . . psal. . . iud . ioh. . . ioh. . . prou. . . 〈…〉 esther ● . . patri , ● . . li. . tit. . there remaineth testimony hereof in the decretals . c. alui● . q. aeneas siluester de doct . sig●smund . h●b . . . . king. . . reg. . . mac. . . arist. lib. . polit . c. . bal. in l. . c. . num. . c. de . strui . sen● traged . . wis. . . & . . ambr. . exam. . c. : aelian . lib. : c. . de animalibus . iob . . greg. . moral . c. . prou ● . apec . . . plut. in moral . eccles. . ● . basil in orat . . d● faelicit . & prudentia ▪ sen lib. . epist. . anno regni gulielmi et mariæ, regnis & reginæ angliæ, scotiæ, franciæ, & hiberniæ, secundo. on the fourtheenth day of april, anno dom. . in the second year of their majesties reign, this act passed the royal assent. an act for recognizing king william and queen mary, and for avoiding all questions touching the acts made in the parliament assembled at westminster the thirteenth day of february, . england and wales. parliament. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). b wing e estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. b ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) anno regni gulielmi et mariæ, regnis & reginæ angliæ, scotiæ, franciæ, & hiberniæ, secundo. on the fourtheenth day of april, anno dom. . in the second year of their majesties reign, this act passed the royal assent. an act for recognizing king william and queen mary, and for avoiding all questions touching the acts made in the parliament assembled at westminster the thirteenth day of february, . england and wales. parliament. sheet ([ ] p.) re-printed [s.n.], [edinburgh] : . caption title. place of publication suggested by wing ( nd ed.). reproduction of original in: national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng kings and rulers -- succession -- great britain -- early works to . great britain -- politics and government -- - -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john pas sampled and proofread - john pas text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion anno regni gulielmi et mariae , regis & reginae angliae , scotiae , franciae , & hiberniae , secundo . on the fourteenth day of april , anno dom. . in the second year of their majesties reign , this act passed the royal assent . an act for recognizing king william and queen mary , and for avoiding all questions touching the acts made in the parliament assembled at westminster the thirteenth day of february , . we your majesties most humble and loyal subjects , the lords spiritual and temporal , and commons in this present parliament assembled , do beseech your most excellent majesties , that it may be published and declared in this high court of parliament , and enacted by authority of the same , that we do recognize and acknowledge your majesties were , are , and of right ought to be by the laws of this realm , our soveraign leige lord and lady , king and queen of england , france , and ireland , and the dominions thereunto belonging , in , and to whose princely persons the royal state , crown and dignity of the said realms , with all honours , stiles , titles , regalities , prerogatives , powers , jurisdictions , and authorities to the same belonging and appertaining , are most fully , rightfully , and intirely invested and incorporated , united and annexed . and for the avoiding of all disputes and questions concerning the being and authority of the late parliament assembled at westminster the thirteenth day of february , one thousand six hundred eighty eight , we do most humbly beseech your majesties that it may be enacted , and be it enacted by the king and queens most excellent majesties , by and with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal , and commons in this present parliament assembled , and by authority of the same , that all and singular the acts made and enacted in the said parliament , were , and are laws and statutes of this kingdom , and as such ought to be reputed , taken and obeyed by all the people of this realm . re printed in the year , . nehemiah the tirshatha, or, the character of a good commissioner to which is added grapes in the wilderness / by mr. thomas bell ... bell, thomas, fl. - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b wing b _partial estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) nehemiah the tirshatha, or, the character of a good commissioner to which is added grapes in the wilderness / by mr. thomas bell ... bell, thomas, fl. - . bell, thomas. grapes in the wilderness. [ ], , [ ], p. printed by george mosman, and are to be sold at his shop ..., edinburgh : . "grapes in the wilderness" has special t.p., separate paging, and continuous register. formerly wing b (number cancelled in wing nd.ed.) reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bible. -- o.t. -- hosea ii, -- criticism, interpretation, etc. kings and rulers -- biblical teaching. god -- goodness. sermons, english. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion apud edinburgum . vicesimo primo die aprilis post meridiem . th● whilk day the commission appointed by the late general assembly of this church , having considered . report from a committee of their own number whom the said commission had appointed to revi●● two manuscripts , written by the late reverend mr. thomas bell minister of the gospel , and professor of philology in the colledge 〈…〉 edinburgh , and given in to them by his relick ; the one where 〈…〉 , grapes in the wilderness , the other , nehemiah the 〈…〉 , or the character of a good commissioner ; whereby the 〈…〉 ●ommittee declared that they having perused the saids peices , 〈…〉 them to be solid and edifying discourses ; and that 〈…〉 printing there would be very useful and profitable . and the said commission being well and ripely advised with the said report , they do hereby recommend to the relick of the said mr. thomas bell to get the said two pieces printed and published with all convenient diligence . extractum , &c. nehemiah the tirshatha : or , the character of a good commissioner . to which is added grapes in the wilderness . by mr. thomas bell , minister of the gospel , and professor of philology in the colledge of edinburgh . edinburgh , printed by george mosman , and are to be sold at his shop in the parliament clōss . anno . unto the most noble and illustrious princess the dutchess of hamiltoun . may it please your grace , i have adventured , though not without blushing and some fear , because of the vastdistance , to dedicate and commit the tutelage of these two little orphan treatises of my deceast husband mr thomas bell , grapes in the wilderness , and the character of a commissioner , in the person of none-such nehemiah , to your grace the every way most fit and proper person , under the benign in fluence of whose incouraging countenance , he did for a considerable time preach the gospel at hamiltoun : and indeed if any other in the world could possibly rival it with your grace in my esteem , yet could i not without the highest both injustice and ingratitude dedicate them otherwayes , it having been to my certain knowledge his firm resolution , if ever they saw the light , that they should be dedicated thus , whose will i● 〈◊〉 such things was alwayes , and is still to me as an inviolably obliging law. i am very confident your grace will read them in print after his death , with the same edifying complacency and delight that you had wont to hear him discourse by vive voice , in the noble family , and in the solemne assembly , for really they resemble their father to the very life : that i have therefore sent them abroad into the wide world , under the patronage and protection of your graces noble and renowned name , ( which will sufficiently secure i am against all the censures & cavills of the most malevolent carpers of this ill natured age ) will not be construed impardonable presumption , is the humble hope of , most noble princess , your graces most humble , most obliged , and most devoted servant , l. r. to the reader . christian reader , the discoveries that the majesty of god , hath made of himself , in these latter dayes , are so transcendent and eminently beyond what was informer ages , that it may truly be said , that the men of this generation , shall be signally indebted , either to the grace and mercy , or justice of god. for informer ages , thought was comparatively dark , & the sun but rising in our horizon : but in this age , the light of the moon ( compared with former generations ) is like the light of the sun , & the light of the sun sevenfold , as the light of seven dayes . but alas ! our not walking in the light may justly provoke the lord to cause our sun go down at noon . beza complained in his time that there was multum scientiae much knowledge , but parum conscientiae little conscience ; and how much more is there ground for this complaint now ? for since the primitive and apostolick age , greater light hath not broken forth , and moe stars of the first and greatest magnitude , have not more clearly shined in any age : but oh ! how little walking is there sutable to such great light ? how many eminent christians were there in former ages , who had not so much all their dayes of the riches of free grace discovered , and of the mysteries of the gospel unfolded , as some in this generation have had in a very little time , who have far surpassed us in this generation for eminency in faith , love , holy zeal , prayer , and wrestling with god , patience , meckness , diligence in duty , and a gospel adorning conversation ? and the generality have shut their eyes and will not behold the glory of god , manifested in the 〈◊〉 of jesus christ , in this gospel : for which cause , the holy and jealous god in great anger and holy indignation , hath removed many and eminent candlesticks out of their place and taken away many shining and burning lights : not in their old age , and gray hairs , but even in the flower of their age , and in the prime and flowrishing of their graces and gifts . one of which was the reverend ( now triumphant and glorified ) author of these following treatises . who was eminent for piety and learning , as his writtings do manifest . his roman antiquities , which he published before his death , cannot but command his learning to all knowing persons , and his piety was so eminent to all that knew him , that he needs none of our commendation : and these his works ( which are a specimen of his great knowledge , eloquence , piety and solid judgement ) will praise him in the gate , where he draws a vive picture and patern for all , but especially for rulers and magistrates to look on , and walk after , which i am hopeful will be very acceptable to all the judicious and godly . he i say was taken away in the flower of his age & flowrishing of his gifts : god not accounting the world worthy of him . and having left amongst his papers these two treatises ( one of which was for me established by a privat person , but without the knowledge and advice of the authors friends ) some of his friends , lovers of the publick good , judged it expedient to review and correct these treatises that they might be published for the good and edification of the church , that he by them ( though dead ) might speak . which we hope shall through gods blessing , be very edifying , for over throwing of atheism , discovering of the souls happiness in union and communion with god , directing great persons in their duty , and holding forth the excellency of the scripture , and pointing out to these who are walking in this wilderness the way to the heavenly canaan , with many other edifying purposes ; which that the great god may bless , is the earnest prayer of . thy servant in the work of the gospel . m. c. nehemiah the tirshatha : or , the character of a good commissioner . the scripture casteth such a light of divinity every way , its purpose being the mind of god , its writting the writting of god ; as whole the oracles of god , and every part of it he faithful sayings of god , that it is hid to none ●ut those that perish , whose eyes the god of this world hath blinded : so absurd a thing is atheism , that even those who serve the devil cannot want their god. at the birth of jesus there appeared a star in the east , which guided the wise-men ( by their presents seeming to have been greatmen ) to the place where the was : but the scripture , like the sun , is the great light that ruleth the day of the gospel , circling the world as long as the sun , and continuing while the moon endureth . rom : . . faith cometh by hearing , and hearing by the word of god : but i say , have they not heard ? yes verily , their sound went out into all the earth , and their words unto the worlds end . in the creation the first-born light of the first day , lasting but three dayes concentred and ceased in the enduring luminaries the product of the fourth day : so in the regeneration , the light of christs personal preaching , lasting just as many prophetical dayes , dan. . hath given place to the scripture-light that endureth for ever , and the sure word rf prophecy , to which we do well to take heed , as to a light that shineth in a dark place . this is the light that maketh all things manifest , even the thoughts and intents of the heart , that discovereth all things to men and a man to himself , both what he is , and what he ought to be : and what manner of persons ought we to be ? pet , ● truly this light is sweet and intertaineth u● with variety of delightful objects : amongst which of late , happening to be detained with these last words of nehemiah , and seeing them like a well done portrait , in all stances looking towards me with an eye of instruction , walking and returning , and still more desireously beholding , hardly could i be satisfied with a sixth view . remember me o my god for good . nehem. . last . these words at the very first view do clearly hold forth , that there is a god. and that both by an express testimony of his blessed name , that heard in all the scripture , and seen in all his works : ●e man of wisdom shall see thy name . mic. . . and force of reason , from the inclination and moti●● of the soul , which finding nothing but emptiness home , goeth forth in quest of happiness , and but ●arpening its desires with all that is imperfect , is ●●tisfied only with a perfect good : and that is ●od . so unhappy by necessity is every one that is ungodly . the pythagorean and hermetick method of ●ence is the best instructer of this truth , which euery man may read off his own soul. be still and know at i am god. how shall i know that ? by my own desires and expectations , which can take up with other thing . whom have i in heaven but thee ? and earth what desire i beside thee ? and now lord what ●●t i for ? my hope is in thee . if a raving stoick , or petulant dialogist , shall say that these soul-ardors ●e but the intemperat extravagant heats of a working fancy quickned by the touch of a platonick i●a , rather to be starved to extinction than indul●●d to satisfaction : it is answered seriously , that ●●icile est hominem exuere . or can any of them by an ●ey of fancy quiet an earning stomack , or cure a ●erish body , let be ( without quenching the spirit , ●d starving the soul ) still otherwise than by satisfaction , and enjoyment of the desired object , these soul-longings and desires , which are ever strongest ●●d most eager in the greatest serenity ? with my soul ●●ve i desired thee in the night : by night upon my bed , ●ought him whom my soul loved : and the lord is in ●e still voice : to make good the argument , let it be added , that the sagest , holyest , noblest so● are alwayes the hottest in this pursuit , such as p●● isay , nehemiah , david . now after what is the king of israel come out ? after what doth he pursue ? a●ter a flea ? after a fancy ? or should a wife man ●●ter vain knowledge , and like simon patricks pilgrim fill his belly with the east-wind ? now shall a● man be so unmerciful to conclude all the wor●● unavoidably miserable , that they may be atheist or shall they be so unwise , thus to be abused , to t●● hazarding even of a possibility of happiness ? f●● if there be happiness , there is a god ; and if the● be no god , there can be no happiness . and w● then are all men made in vain ? if there be no men for what do we hunger ? if no drink , what do 〈◊〉 thirst for ? if no glory , saith cicero ) for what 〈◊〉 all men labour ? if no rest way weary we our selves in vain ? if no god , no happiness , what is this o●● souls do so importunately pursue , with a serio●● loathing of all that is seen ? or what hath waken● in them those desires that can never be stilled till th● get what they seek . and what say these soul-longings , thirstings , pantings , breathings , but that 〈◊〉 thou beest an atheist , thou must put out the soul , a● put off the man ? how seasonable may this reflection be in a wo●●● where atheism is acted in so various guises : by some with a fools heart in a fools coat , saying in 〈◊〉 heart , there is no god ; by others in a philosopher garment ; for in the judgement of god , the wor●● by wisdom knew not god ; by some in the dress of hypocrite , in words professing to know god , but ●● works denying him ; by others in the person of amhitryo thinking that god is altogether such a one ●s himself : by some in epicurus his person , complementing god with the kingdom of heaven , ●nd offering to relieve him of the abaseing pensive and expensive charge of these his low countries , saying , he will neither do good nor evil ; but he is a god that judgeth in the earth : by others in the robs of pharaoh the egyptian tyrant , braving and defying god ; who is the lord that i should obey him , or harken to his voice ? by some in the pontificalls of antichrist with a mouth speaking great things against the most high , boasting himself that he is god , exalting himself above all that is called god , or is worshiped : by others in the equipage of a souldier fighting against god with wit and power , pen and sword. but let such as make war against the holy covenant and saints of the most high ; that hate the gospel , and hinder the preaching thereof , take gamaleels counsel , and beware lest they be found even to fight against god : for there is neither counsel nor strength against the lord ; and who ever hardned himself against him and prospered ? the second view of these words presents to us clearly , the immortality of the soul. this is establisht . upon the same ground with the former : for if the souls happinessly in the enjoyment of a perfect , and so necessarly an unchangeable good , sit must undeniably be immortal , both to enjoy and praise its obiect : et miserum est fuisse felicem : there is no happiness not perpetual , else he was a fool who spoiled his mirth with the thoughts of a sword hanging over his head . . it is confirmed clearly by the expectation of a future reward : remember me o my god for good . till i see good ropes twined of the sand , and the sea beaten to powder , i cannot be inclined to think that the world was made of atoms . and if it be ruled by chance , what are counsel and art , wisdom and folly , good and evil , law and justice , but names of fancies , large as ridiculous as he who should command the motes of the sun to dance a measure , or be who scourged the sea for its disorder ? we know that pure chance obtaineth impunity by the law both of god and man. now this matter belongeth to the ruler gravly to consider how inconsistent atheism is with government : for to the atheist treason and robbery is neither plot nor fellony , but simple chance medley , a french aire , or merry jigg of volage atoms : but by this fortuitous act of indemnity , as the atheist can do no wrong , so neither can he complain of injury , if he chance to be baffled , robbed , or dispatched violently . if the world reel ( i cannot say properly be ruled ) by chance is not the atheist , not by scripture only which never speaks good of him , but by his own principle ; also proven a forlorn fool , lyable in all things to unavoidable surprisal ? yea a liar also , who knowing and warned of a continual surprisal , can therefore never be surprised , except into the absurdity of a self-contradiction , whereof his principles of fortuity are a fair essay . but to a wise man ; if the world must be ruled by counsel and law ; how is it that justice is not in this life universally and fully executed , and every man rewarded according to his works ? but that there is a court of referrs , a day of the restitution of all things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of righting all wrongs and settling all disorders . rom. . . to . some are rewarded in this life , to convince us of a divine providence ; others are not rewarded , to warn ●s of a world to come . or what can perswade nehemiah with all the wisest and best of men , deliberat● to chuse willingly to forgo the worlds favour and measures , and undergo all its toil and displeasure , but ●● eye to the recompence of reward , by far more ●●e better than it is the later ? the sence of the souls ●nmortality is the indelible character and solid ●●reats of authentick nature , exactly rendered in ●●ery man's coppy : only it is not illuminated in some ●●rk hereticks and desperate monsters , satyres or ●●ch doleful creatures in humane shape , where you ●● as little of the man as of immortality ; for these ●● all appear equally . yet it is shaddowed in all ●ens practice : for look we backward , what but ●●e aire of immortality maketh men so conceit an ●●cient pedegree ? or foreward , what moveth ●●en to call their children and lands by their own ●ame , and to endeavour to perpetuat all together , it the expectation of immortality ? say it is their ●●●ty ; yet omne malum est in bono ; and there must some reality under that same vanity . and tru●● the souls immortality is the early dictat of na●●re our religious mother . the uncontroverted ●●d universal sentiment of all her posterity of whatever religion jewish , pagan , christian , mahume●● : the sadducees might well be the first deniers , o lord ; o lord , i beseeth thee send now prosperity : yet all that will live goaly in christ jesus must suffer persecution , and through much tribulation we must enter into the kingdom of god. but let no man add affliction to the afflicted , and scornfully with apostate iulian , alledge to christians this doctrine , to make their burdens heavier : god will not be mocked , but he will avenge his own elect , who cry day and night to him , though he bear long with them : i tell you that he will avenge them speedily , luke . , . and men would remember , that there is suffering for evil-doing , as well as for well-doing ; and he who inflicts the one , may be rewarded with the other : for in the hand of the lord there is a cup , and the wine is red , it is full of mixture , and he poureth out of the same ; but the dregs thereof all the wicked of the earth shall wring them out and drink them , psal. . . and it ●● a righteous thing with god , to recompense tribulation to them that trouble you ; and to you who are troubled rest with us , when the lord iesus shall be revealed from heaven with his mighty angels , in flaming fire , taking vengeance , &c. thess. . , , . . the belief of the souls immortality , teacheth men effectually the fear of god : fear not them that kill the body , and when they have done that have no more , that they can do : but fear ye him who can cast both soul and body into hell ; i say fear him , luke . , psal. . . he ought to be feared : and why ? verse . he cutteth off the spirits of princes , he is terrible to the kings of the earth . who would not fear thee , o king of nations ! for to thee doth it appertain , jer. . . . it teacheth moderation in the desire and use of all things worldly : we look not at the things that are seen , which are temporal , but at the things that are not seen , which are eternal . there is indeed the high spirit of christianity courting immortality with so great disdain of all worldly things , that it cannot see them in its way . this is the true nobility of the soul that exempteth it from the egyptian slavery and servil drudgery of loading it self with thick clay for the brick-kilns of worldly projects ; and setteth it far without the reach of this temptation , and woe be to him who buildeth his house by blood , and his city by oppression ; and delivereth it from the s●art of him , who will be rich , till he be peirced with many sorrows and drowned in damnation . but , this i say brethren . the time is short ; even short enough to him who every evening may hear , this night thy soul shall be taken from thee . it remaineth , that they who possess the world be as they possessed it not , they that use it , as if they used it not , and as not abusing it ; for the fashion of this world passeth away , cor. . . and foreward . but alas for pitty that this same moderation and indifferency should be both practised and applauded in the matters of god! and that it is so rare to be seriously and positively holy , that godliness may say , o ye sons of men , how long will ye turn my glory into shame ? how long will ye love vanity , and seek after leasing ? psal. . . it teacheth us the best managry . this age hath learned to be wonderful thrifty : but o that they could study to be rich toward god! and could be perswaded that alms and charity is the best husbandry , and surest art of managry ; and would learn of the unjust steward , to make to them-selves friends of the unrighteous mammon , that when they fail , they may receive them into ever-lasting habitations . mat ; , , lay not up for your selves treasures upon earth &c. but lay up for your selves treasures in heaven . the me● of the world have their portion in this life ▪ but as for me when i awake , i shall be satisfied with thy likness psal. . , . alas ! most me● first have so little desire for heaven , that next the● come to have as little hope of it , and so at last and fain to take up with the world , and for ja●●● blessing , must with esau , be content with the f●●ness of the earth . gen. , . or else what mea● the unhandsome , unhallowed , and unhappy practises of catching , gripping , and inhancing , which have prevailed so far that now mens covetousness hath strengthned it self with pride , lest they should be reputed less witty : for how do they boast o● such exploits ? but such boasting is not good , and the● glory is their shame , for they mind earthly things phi● ▪ , , and they have hearts exercised with covetou● practises , cursed children pet. . . but alas ! i find● one great fault in most mens accounts , that the● never count upon the soul ; they count their thousands , and ten thousands , and hundred thousands and the poor soul sayes , how many count you me●● i stand debter for ten thousand talents upon your score ; yea , i am already destressed , and what will you give in exchange for me ? not a groat , sayes the wretch , while i havelife , though after that he would give ten thousand worlds ; so much there is betwixt market-dayes . . it teacheth patience in well doing ; who by patience in well doing , seek for glory , and honour , and immortality , is eternal life ; to them rom ; , . therefore my beloved brethren be ye stedfast , unmovable , alwayes abounding in the work of the lord , for as much as ye know that your labour is not in vain in the lord cor ; . last . and this is the conclusion of the apostles vindication of the resurrection and the life to come . the saints have a long and sore service in the world , but god is not unrighteous to forget their labour of love ▪ a cup of cold water shall not be forgotten : and for whatsoever any have forsaken , they shall have a hundred fold in this life , and in the world to come life everlasting : and we reckon that the sufferings of this present life are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in the saints . therefore let us not be weary in well doing , for in due season we shall reap , if we faint not galat. , . . it supporteth the christians hope : for if in this life only we have hope in christ , of all men we are most miserable cor. , . it is certainly the interest of every good man to believe the souls immortality , and as much their duty to live so as it may be their interest : for it is not reason and judgement that prompt men to deny it , but fear and and an evil concience that tells them it will be ill for them . the souls immortality is the hope o● israel , that maketh them diligent in well doing patient in tribulation , and desirous of their change : for we that are in this tabernacle do groan being burdened not for that we would be uncloathed , but cloathed upon , that mortality might be swallowed up of life cor. . . the third view of these words giveth this manifest reflection , that communion with god is the souls sanctuary and solace . we have this prayer of nehemiah thrice recorded in this chap. and in the close of the , chap , besides frequent addresses of the like nature , such as that solemn ejaculation chap. . and that chap. , . and another in this same chap. ver . besides his ordinary attendance on publick worship , and solemn and extra-ordinary fasting chap. . by all which it is eviden● how seriously and constantly godly this renounced worthy was like david who could say , what tim● soever i awake i am with thee : and truly the soul is either sleeping or worse when not with god affaires and weight of business quickned their devotion as much as it extinguisheth ours : and the matter is , they were not cool , indifferent latitudinarians in religion , but men of another spirit , serious men. and if that be true which i hilosophers have said , that that is not the man which is seen ; alas what puppyes , what mock-men are we , who can be any thing but good and serious ? this observation proven by the experience of saints in all generations , who sat down under the shaddow of the almighty with great delight , and his fruit was sweet to their taste cant . . will make it self good by the strongest reason , when we have seen a little what communion with god is , and wherin it consists , and . it stands in reconciliation , the immediate result of justification by faith : amos , . ● can two walk together except they be aggreed ? rom. , . being justifyed by faith we have peace with god , and . v. we are reconciled by the death of his son. this giveth access to god , and bringeth us near who sometimes were far off : this of enemies maketh friends ; even as abraham believed , and was called the friend of god. . in a mystical , spiritual and supernatural union , the product of regeneration ; for he that is joyned to the lord is one spirit , and is made partaker of the divine nature this maketh us sons ; and plant●th us in god john , , . to as many as received him , to them gave he power to become the sons of god : which were born , not of blood , nor of the will of the flesh , nor of the will of man , but of god. john , . hereby we know that we dwell in him , and he in us , because he hath given us of his spirit : and v. . god is love , and he that loveth dwelleth in god , and god in him . iohn . . i in them , and thou in me , that they may be made perfect in one . iohn , . i am the vine , ye are the branches . . in likness of natures , compliance of minds , and conformity of manners . cor : , last , he that hath communion with god is changed into the same ●mage : and colos. . . is renewed after the image of him that created him . cor ; . . as we have born the image of the earthy , so must we also of the heavenly . christ is the image of his father , and saints are the image of christ. and how much are they of one humour , pleased in and pleasing one another ▪ the lord is a god to the saints mind : in heaven or earth he sees nothing to him : whom have i in heaven but thee ? or who is a god like unto thee ? nec viget quidquam simile aut secundum and the saint is a david , a man to gods heart what is the book of canticles but one continued proof of this matter ? what exchange of heart● are there ? what concentering of affections ? what returns of love ? what uniting raptures ● what reflections of beauty ? what echo's of invitations and commendations with such likeness of voices that sometimes you shall hardly discern who speaks . moreover we find this complianc● universal in the saint , swaying all that was in him to the lords devotion : his understanding is re-newed in knowledge after the image of him tha● created him : he understands with god , from god , and for god : he can do nothing against the truth but for the truth : he lighteth his torch at the su● and taketh his light from the candlestick of t● sanctuary , the law and the testimony : his fait● hath the image of christ iames . . it is th● faith of our lord jesus christ , the lord of glory ; and christs superscription revel . , ● these things sayeth the amen , the faithful and true witness : and , we have the mind of chris● conformably his will is swayed , whether for acting lord what wilt thou have me to do ? or for suffering not my will but thy will be done : he is an orthodox monothelit . and for his affections , he loveth and hateth as god doth , and because he doth it . and finally , in his conversation , he is holy as god is holy , merciful as he is mercifull , and perfect as his heavenly father is perfect . hence the old philosophers seeing thorow the darkness of nature have said , that good men are visible mortal gods , and the gods are invisible , immortal men : which as it is litterally true of their fictitious fancied gods ; so with respect to the true god , it proveth symbolically that the mystery of the incarnation is no absurdity ; there being such a high affinity betwixt the divine and humane nature in its integrity ; for we are also his off-spring 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 acts . . . in mutual claim to , and interest in the persons and things of one another ; the result of mutual choice , gift , and covenant contract : my beloved is mine and and i am his : i will be their god and they shall be my people : all that is in god is god , and all that is in god is for his people ; he is a god to israel : all that his people are , or have , or can , is for him cor. . . . ye are not your own ; for ye are bought with a price ; therefore glorify god in your body , and in your spirit which are gods. and none of us liveth to himself , neither doth any of us dy unto himself , but whether we live we are the lords , or whether we dy we are the lords . and our communion with god consisteth much in holding up a trade , and keeping a bank with god in getting from him and bestowing for him : and though a man cannot profit god , nor reapeth he where he sowed not , yet he must have his own with the use . hath a man communion with god ; what hath he done ? what hath he given ? or what hath he forsaken that he had , or refused that he might have had , for god ? numb . . . balak could say to balaam , lo the lord hath keept thee back from honour : but we may say to some , the lord hath not keept thee back from honour : for like the apostate jews they love the praise of men better than god or the praise of god ; but moses refused to be called the son of pharaohs daughter , esteeming the reproach of christ greater riches than the treasures of egypt heb. . , the apostles forsook all and followed christ : a good bargain , ( a thing much prized by the spirits of our time ) a hundred fold in this present life , and in the world to come life everlasting . a man may forsake all for god , but he can lose nothing for god. take galeacius caracciolus for a sufficient witness , who proved the matter . italy the garden of the world , naples of italy , vicum of naples , farewell all for christ freely . but now if the son of man should come , shall he find faith in the earth ? who believeth indeed , that he who snared not his own son will with him give us all things freely ? are the consolations of god small with thee ? thinkest thou so meanly of god , and christ the gift of god , all the fulness of god , the treasures of hope , the earnest of the spirit , the riches of saith , the first fruits of the inheritance ? didst thou ever sing psal. , . thou hast put more gladness in my heart than in the time that their corn and their wine increased ? all these things have i given thee , and yet i will do more for thee , if thou canst but for goe a little for me ; poor soul mayst thou not spare it ? . in fellowship of converse ; and therefore in scripture it s called a wal●ing with god , before god , in christ ; a dwelling in his presence , and walking in the light of his countenance . psal. , . i am continually with thee . psal. . . when i awake i am still with thee . cor. . . i will dwell in them and walk in them rev. . . and i heard a great voice out of heaven saying , behold the tabernacle of god is with men , and he will dwell with them , and they shall be his people , and god himself shall be with them , and be their god. men live together for mutual comfort and help of life : his comforts delight the soul , and he is the god of our life . men converse together for counsel ; counsel is mine , sayeth the wonderful counseller , and ●e giveth his people counsel ; and therefore the godly souls desire is to enquire in his temple : men ●onverse together for business , and o how much ●ath the soul to do with god! who doth all things 〈◊〉 it : men pay visits to one another ; and what find visits pass betwixt god and his people ? men ●ast and sup together ; i will sup with him and he with me rev. , . prov. . . wisdom hath killed her beasts , she hath mingled her wine , she hath also furnished her table . psal. , . thou preparest a table for me in the presence of mine enemies . isa , . , a feast of fat things , a feast of wines on the lees , of fat things full of marrow , of wines on the lees well refined , cant. . last . and . . let my beloved come into his garden and eat his pleasant fruits : i am come into my garden , my sister , my spouse , &c , ea● o friend , drink , yea drink abundantly o beloved friends converse in presence , and correspond in absence and at a distance : the godly soul cannot endure absence or distance from god ; for the light of his countenance i● better than life : but if it fall at distance , it keep● up a correspondence ; in my trouble , i sought the lord , and my cry came before him ; ever into his ears . o ye daughters of jerusalem , you see him whom my soul loveth , tell him i am sick of love. when my heart was over whelmed within me , thou knewest my way from the ends of the earth will i cry unto thee o when shall i come and appear before god now for a reason of the observation , pray confider where should a man be , but with his friend where should the soul be , but where it subsist lives , loves , thrives and does well ? when should a man be but at home where he dwelleth and where should a branch be but in the vine where should love be but with its beloved ? when a like but with its like ? where should a man 〈◊〉 but where he hath comfort , liking , and being liked where should a man be but with his interest ? receiver but with a giver ? or a servant entrued but about his masters business ? where should courteour be but with his prince ? a man but with his counseller ? a person invited but at he feast ? and one visited but waiting upon his ●reind ? but how sad is it that men should so far sleight ●s to forfeit , and so justly forfeit as to sleight communion with god ? what lamentations may hereon be written ? or what shall be taken to witness for this ? jer : , , , , . hath any of the nations done such a thing as this to forsake their gods , which yet are no gods ? but my people hath forsaken me for a thing that cannot profit . and will a man forsake the snow of lebanon for the water of the brook ? but if ●et there be hope , let men be exhorted to consider ●f their wayes , by all the serious names of interest , profession , the love of their espousals , the memory of their serious hours , the testimony of their experiences , their appaling fears , their silent , silencing and silenced convictions , their unsatisfied desires , and speaking disappointments giving them ●arkness for light , a scorpion for an egg , a ston or bread , a lie for truth , a cloud for iuno : and ●inally by the misery of their despised soules : for what is the soul destitute of god ? an exile , wandering , wearyed , weighted , wounded , naked , reproached , starved , appaled , sleighted , hopless , helpness , a broken soul , a lost soul ? psal : , . . refuge failed me , no man cared for my soul : i cryed unto thee o lord , i said , thou art my refuge and my portion in the land of the living . this is the rest wherewith they may cause the weary to rest : in returning and rest shall men be saved , in quietness and confidence they shall be established . return unto thy rest o my soul. the th view of this exquisite piece gives us the pattern of a good ruler . for being the epilogue and close of the book , it hath a natural and due relation to what goeth before ; and bearing the answer of a good conscience , casteth a streight reflection on the life and acts of the man ; and being a suit for reward , hath a necessary respect to the work , which also is expressed chap : , . think upon me o my god for good , according to all that i have done for this people : and in this same chap : . ver , remember me o my god concerning this , and wipe not out my good deeds that have done for the house of my god : and ver . ● remember me o my god concerning this also and spare me according to the greatness of th● mercy . many rulers have done worthily , some excelling in one thing , some in another ; yet search histories sacred and common , you shall no readily find in one man so many excellent part● nor so compleat a living , practical pattern of good ruler . the ruler would do himself a favour and god , & his people a great good service , to preserve the authentick of this book in his heart , and copy it exactly in his life and government . h● is a great kings high commissionar : and all thing in such a person being so great , that his sins can not be small , his care had need be so much the greater , and he would look to his copy the oftner behold then and consider , and you see him , like the sun in the zodiack , perfecting his course through all the signes of a ruleing luminary . . he is zealously and eminently godly , a burning and shining light , breathing at once a living compend of faith and obedience , law and gospel : for , faith laying hold on gods covenant , and obedience to the first and great commandment of love , which is the fulfilling of the law , are both angled and pointed in this one word my god : a man much in meditation , given to prayer , duties of so strict affinity , that in scripture the one passeth for the other : a man , the multitude and weight of whose employments awakeneth and quickeneth his devotion : such a riddle is religion that out of the eater it can bring meat , and sweet out of the strong ; but he that would unfold it must plow with samsons heifer and be truely godly . lo every act of the governour shut up with prayer . in the discharge of his employment and exercise of his government , he looks to god for direction , for be did all things as was found written in the law ; for help in his address to the king , he prayed to the god of heaven ; for his reward , remember me o my god for good . and therefore he was neither partial nor indifferent in the law , but zealously he pursued good , and persecuted evil , and that in all whatsoever : neither is his religion recluse , in the large as cold as calm , and full as dark as cold-shaddows of fruitless , lazie , lifeless , cowardly contemplation , but goeth abroad into free , generous , zealous , and heroick acting , retaining the height of spirituality in the midst of secularity , resembling therein the archetype ruler , who in most perfect rest ruleth all things , and moveth all , himself unmoved . it is below the godly ruler to be swayed and abused either by his own lust and interest , or example of others : chap : . , . i and my brethren have not eaten the bread of the governour : but the former governours that had been before me were chargeable to the people , and had taken of them bread and wine , beside fourty shekels of silver , yea even their servants bare rule over the people : but so did not i , because of the fear of god. the fear of god is the star that guides the good ruler sam. , he that ruleth over men must be just , ruling in the fear of god. if religious pretences be made helps to policy , how much better must be it self in reality ? and let politick pretenders beware of their fate and folly who taught others to be captains to their own ruine , that they teach not others to be politicians to the expence of the teacher , when he is served with his own measure . yet as to shun the baseness of hypocrisy a man needs not run to the wickedness of avowed profanity , so can he not pass from the one to the other but over the fair neck of christianity , with greater insolency of impiety then the outrageously barbarous tullia drove her chariot over the belly of her murdered father . levi. lib. . . the good ruler is a reformer , a repairer of breaches , a restorer of paths to dwell in : and it is but a faint encouragment and a desperat complement to a good ruler isay , . be thou our ruler , and let this ruine be under thy hand : nor can he love to have it recorded , that in his dayes such evils prevailed unreformed : it was when there was no king in israel that every man did what was right in his own eyes . if the health of the people be not recovered , it sayeth there is no physician there ier : , . but a good ruler scattereth the wicked and bringeth the wheel over them ; and he may say with david psal : , . the earth and all the inhabitants thereof are dissolved , i bear up the pillars of it : he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 name and thing , a ioseph the ston of israel . such a one was moses the law-giver , such was iosua his successor , such were the judges of israel , such was samuel , such were all the good kings of judah , such was ezra the scribe , and such was nehemiah the tirshatha , an eminent reformer of religion and state , of church and kingdom . for religion : in general , gods holy commandments were broken by all ranks of persons ; prophanity and iniquity prevailed and abounded , that is solemnly confessed and amended chapters . & . . in particular , oppression reigned , that is quashed chap : . and the people relieved : false prophets were hired by the enemy , and bribed to compliance to weaken the rulers hands and hinder the work of reformation , they are discovered and marked chap : . the ordinary worship of god , and his solemn feasts were disused ; these are restored ch : . for advancing and establishing the whole reformation a solemn fast is kept ch : . and a covenant subscribed ch . . the holy seed had mingled themselves and matched with strangers , people of heathen abominations ; they separate themselves , and that is amended ibid. the offerings of the lord were neglected , these are renewed ibid : the sabbaths were horribly prophaned , that is strictly and with certification discharged , and they not suffered to lodge about the walls chap : , . and , . and foreward . the service of god was neglected by non-residence of the priests through calamity and want , that also is helped chap. , , , . ver . . the orders and services of the preists and levits were confused ; these are cleared , and they set to their charges as appointed by david chap ; . , . . and , strangers uncircumcised had entred and defiled the congregation of the lord , these are removed chap : , , profane persons of the princes of the heathen had lodgings in the lords house , they are expelled and the chambers cleansed chap. . . . some of the chief of the preists had defiled the covenant of the preisthood by strange wives , they are branded , and that also is amended . for the state : the city the place of their fathers sepulchres lay waste , and the gates thereof were consumed with fire : first these are repaired . the people and their work are strongly opposed and sore reproached , they are vindicated and their hands strengthened chap. , . when the city is built it is not manned , therefore inhabitants and defendants are appointed chap. . the people suffer sore by morgage , the great sin of the oppressors belonging to the former head , and calamity of the oppressed pertaining to this part ; that is redressed chap : . open and secret enemies correspond and plot against the work and the ruler , these are discovered and disappointed chap. . they are in great reproach and distress ; god is sought and means are used chap. and . they are poor ; husbandry and traffick is practised , only the sabbaths work and markets are discharged ; oppression is born down , and the people relieved of publick burdens ; nehemtah the governour and his brethren neither exacted the bread of the governour , nor bought land , nor refused to work as others : o for such rulers to a nation scattered and peeled , a nation ●me●ted out and troden down , whose land is spoiled ! isay , . our rulers , if they had a mind , have a fair occasion for i bs gloriation chap. . . the blessing of him that was ready to perish came upon me &c. in this time are great decayes , desolations , abuses , and unsufferable corruptions ; let it not be thought an error proceeding from the ruler . and here people would be warned to enencourage and comply with reforming rulers , not , as they were in hezekiahs and josiahs times , inveterate , incureable and obstinate in their corruptions , lest they hear that , hos. , , . a king can do them no good , because they feared not the lord , and spake words swearing falsly in making a covenant . but this pertaineth to the ruler , that whatsoever is commanded by the god of heaven , be diligently done for the house of the god of heaven , lest there be wrath against the realm of the king and his sons ezra . - . and that judgment run like a river , and righteousness like a mighty stream : that he take his pattern from the type , and antitype , who also is the archetype ruler psal. . so shall there be abundance of peace ; and also in judah things shall go well . . the good ruler hath a natural , fatherly and tender care of the people . thus it s said i say . . kings shall be nursing fathers . and in israel they were wont to mourn for good rulers with this expression , ab my brother ier : ● , . yea he is the breath of our nostrils , lament . , . by whom in the publick body we lead a quiet life and peaceable in all godliness and honesty tim. . . he is pater patriae & parens reip. nor can i see what should have moved those dissembling emperours , who in semblance refused the title of lord , to make so nice of the endearing name of father of the countrey , but simply the conscience that they did as little deserve the name as they designed the thing . but surely , as a rich man will never want an heir , a good ruler can never want children ; nor needs he fear coniahs fate , write ye this man childless : for if he have the heart of a father , he shall have the nameth 〈◊〉 better than sons and daughters . we find not that nehemiah was marryed , yet his name flourisheth in the records of his eminent services , more than if his line had continued uninterrupted to this day . the righteous shall be had in everlasting remembrance . four things are proper to the care of a father : affection , instruction , correction , and provision : all which are evident in nehemiah the governour . great is his affection chap. , , . and how sadly taketh he on for the reproach and affliction of his brethren ? he sat down and weept and mourned certain dayes , and fasted and prayed before the god of heaven . he cannot digest their grief chap : . , . when the people weept , he said , go your way , eat the fat , and drink the sweet , and send portions to them for whom nothing is prepared , for this day is holy , neither be ye sad for the joy of the lord is your strength . for instruction , he causeth the priests read to them the book of the law of moses ; so they read in the book , in the law of god distinctly , and gave the sense , and caused them to understand the reading ibid. , ver . nor is he wanting in correction chap. , . i rebuked the nobles and the rulers ; and chap. , . i contended with them , and cursed them , and smot certain of them , and pluckt off their hair : and in the , v. ibid. i contended with the rulers ; and in the . v , again , i contended with the nobles of judah ; and , v. then i testified against them , and saied unto them , why lodge ye about the wall ? if ye do so again i will lay hands on you . and in the matter of provision , he was of the mind of the apostle , that children ought not to lay up for their parents , but the parents for the children ; he will not be chargeable to the people , nor take the bread of the governour , nor buy land ; but keeps a large table for a hundred and fifty of the jews and rulers , beside strangers . and that no man may think this was a frolick , or an ambitious , singular , popular humour , v , . he asserteth expresly , that this he did , because of the fear of god ; and resolveth it into this reason ; that he would not be chargeable to the people : and thus i take the account of the matter , that to be chargeable to a poor exhausted people consisteth not with the fear of god , nor with the fatherly heart of a good ruler . in fine , the ruler should remember , that subjection first founded in a son is ultimatly refounded in the commandment , honour thy father . the good ruler is a person well informed and throughly acquainted with the condition of his people . such was nehemiah . and first , something 's fall under his own eye and observation : such as the prophanation of the sabbath , and the marriages with strangers , in this same chap. i saw ( sayes he ) &c. a ruler can be nought the less a judge that he is a witness . matth. . . what further need have we of witnesses ? behold now ye have heard , was proof sufficient , if the enditement had been relevant . it were good in the first place , that rulers would suppress the enormities whereof themselves are witnesses . histories tell us of many famous persons , who would go through their dominions incognito or in diguise , to get information . our james the fifth is known to have been much of this humour ; and a pitty it is , that his methods and prattiques of information were not committed to more clear and faithful records than dark and slippery tradition . chap ; , . nehemiah goeth out by night to view thè wall . the ancient hieroglyphicks , which painted rulers blind , may here come under correction ; for he that hath not eyes and ears of his own can neither see nor hear with another mans , as is commonly said to be the case of rulers . other things the tirshatha understands by information of others : and here the good ruler will seek information chap. . . ver . and this proceeds from his foresaid affection ; or otherways he rejects not information , and that either by complaint , as in the case of the morgage chap. or simple historical relation , as the condition of ierusalem and the people chap. , , . and the fault of eltashib in giving tobiah a chamber in the house of the lord chap , . . and the withholding of the priests portion ver . . it is the part of all good subjects , in their several stations , to give , and the part of the good ruler to seek and take information of evils and disorders in the peoples condition or manners . princes should have long ears . pharoahs princes said , knowest thou not that egyptis destroyed ? if he knew not , they could tell him it . but sometimes know not is one with care not , and then comes the question of the disciples , master carest thou not that we perish ? and prov. . . would be remembred : if thou sayest , behold , we knew it not : doth not he that pondereth the heart consider it ? and he that keepeth thy soul , doth not he know it ? and shall not he render to every man according to his works ? foreign intelligence is necessary of the counsels and motions of enemies : and nehemiah is not wanting in that either ; yet take it apart from homeward information and acquaintance with our own condition , it is but foris sapere , and none of the greatest wisdom : for what is the difference betwixt a man out of his wits , and him whose wits are without him ? what can a judge say to a cause , or a physician to a disease without information ? and what can a ruler do for a people , unless he be throughly acquainted with their condition ? . the good ruler is a homely , condescending , conversible , and accessible person . this necessarly maketh way for the former in practise , and followeth from it in reason . chap. . . hanani and and the men of judah got access to and audience of nehemtah . chap. , . he talketh with the people ; yea he hears the complaints of the people and their wives that were oppressed chap. . . to . and chap. . god puts it in his heart to gather the noble and the rulers , and the people . chap. , . and , . he encourageth and comforteth the people , and sayeth to them &c. chap. , , when he came to jerusalem he understood what there was done : and how but by converse ? els might he as well have understood elswhere . yea v. , he condescends to be a personal reprover of those of the people whom he saw profaneing the sabbath ; and likwise of the merchants v . and of these v. . who had transgressed by strange marriages . nor is all this popularity , but real duty , which obligeth rulers by many commands in scripture , to hearken the compaint and hearthe cause of the poor and needy . hence isayes complaint , . that judgement is turned away backward , and justice standeth afar off ; that truth is fallen in the street , and equity cannot enter ; it can have no access to , nor hearing of the ruler . an unaccessible ruler is a luminary ecclipsed : the intercepting of the soveraign's beams from shedding their benigne influence upon the subjects and precluding the subject from access to receive them , are by so far more fatal than the most dismal ecclipses ; these but conjecturally and contingently portend , these necessarly and effectually produce and unavoidably infer the fall of a ruler ; and really undo the prince whatever they pretend for the person , and leave him , like a defeated trojan with his royal blood to shift for a kingdom , beside the wrong done to the people . if any should invert the decree dan. , . and establish it with this alteration , that any man may freely ask petitions of any god or man , save of the king , it would be large as unpolitick as the other is ungodly . in such case esthers resolution must carry it : behold i goe in to the king , which is not according to law , and if i perish i perish . a recluse prince is so absurd and inconsistent , that charles the fifth disponed his crowns before he took himself to the cloister : nor should ought but despair make a monk of a ruler . i understand not the mystery of gyges , how a man can see unseen ; nor what but a miserable vanity can move some great princes of the east to shut themselves up in canopyes ; but all the world knows what all the world thinks of achilles with his distaff , and sardanapalus in his gynaeceum and tiberius in his retreat at caprea . but he that ruleth over men must be just , ruling in the fear of god ; and is as the light of th● morning when the sun riset● , even a morning without clouds , as the tender grass springing out of the earth by clear shineing after rain . sam. . his countenance and influence must reach , to visit and refresh the lowest of his people . that homely and accessible prince iames the fifth , called the carl's king of scotland , really was , and was reputed the bravest prince in his time . . if he be a nehemiah , a commissioner deputed by a soveraign ruler , he must be , as diligent to get , so faithful to give true and full information of the peoples condition to his master , and effectually to interpose for his help , and to enlarge the indulgence of his royal concessions to the outmost thus nehemiah told the king all that was told him of ierusalem and his people chap. , . and that in sadness : and sought a commission for help and reparation v , . and foreward ; which he shewed to the governours beyond the river v , . and executed to the full extent throughout the whole book . in the and v. of the chap. his request and the kings grant was only that he might build ierusalem : and we see in the progress of the work , and sequele of the history , how amply he prosecutes that commission to the largest extent of its virtual comprehension : for he not only builds but beautifyes , not only beautifyes , but fortifyes not only repaires but reformes ierusalem , and ye● exceedeth not his commission : for when all this is done ierusalem is but ierusalem , beautiful for situation : a city that is compact together ; whether the tribes go up , the tribes of the lord unto the testimony of israel , to give thanks unto the name of the lord : for there are set throns of iudgement , the throns of the house of david psal , . and , , , . and david by a figure understood no less in his serious us petition psal ; , . do good in thy good pleasure unto zion : build thou the walls of jerusalem ; where one part helpeth to clear another ; to build her walls is figurativly , to do her good properly ; and to do her good in propriety , is in the figure to build her walls ; and psal. , he calleth it more expresly peace and prosperity . the ruler that is thus minded may resolve with nehemiah , to meet with scorn , calumny , opposition , and , which is ordinary , malicious challenges of sedition , and accusations of rebellion ; but affection to the work , adherence to his commission , the gallantry of his person , prayer to and confidence in the god of heaven bear him out against and over all these : chap. . . i said unto them , the god of heaven he will prosper us , therefore we his servants will rise and build ; chap. , . now therefore o god strengthen my hands ; and , v. i said , should such a man as i flee ? and who is there that being as i am would go into the temple to save his life ? i will not go in . how chiefly necessary is this good part in a deputed ruler , where the nation to their great loss wants the desireable influence of their gracious princes presence ? . the good ruler is governed by justice and the law of god , in the whole exercise of his government sam. , . he must be just . before there were kings in israel , it was appointed deut. , , . that the king should have a copy of the law which he should read , and keep , and do , even all the words and statutes . this was davids study psal throughout . this was the care of the good reforming kings of judah , chiefly hezekiah and josiah ; this was the practise of ezra the scribe , and nehemiah the tirshatha . according to the law he hates and refraines from oppression himself , and restraines it in others : according to the law he orders the genealogies of the priests , and appoints their offices and portions : according to the law he restores the ordinary and extraordinary publick worship , and solemn feasts . according to the law he reformes the abuse of marriage with strangers . according to the law , and practise of good rulers in former times , he subscrives a covenant for reformation . according to the law he sanctifies the temple , and cleanses it from the abomination of heathen usurpation , and profanatition of strangers . according to the law , he dichargeth the profanation , and enjoyneth strictly the sanctification of the sabbath . this is that which maketh the difference betwixt a good ruler and a tyrant . but every measure is not the standard ; and humane laws have too much of the man to be perfect , and not so much of the pope as to be ininfallible . other laws are but ruled rules ; but the law of god is the ruling pattern psal. , . the law of the lord is perfect , and his testimony is sure . in a time of restitution , even laws may suffer a reformation : that which hath been may 〈◊〉 ; and a rescissory act is not impossible . but ●●axerxes his decree must stand immovable ezra . whatsoever is commanded by the god of heaven , let it be diligently done for the house of the god heaven : with this inumation , lest there be wrath . moses was faithful in all the house of god , as a servant , but jesus christ as a son ; and the isles shall wait for his laws by . . a voice came from heaven saying , this is my beloved son , hear ye him . be wise ●●e kings , be instructed ye judges of the earth : kiss the son. ps. , . the ruler ought to be a ●ing law , and to remember the noble saying of ●sar to the roman senate , in mexima fortuna min●●● licentia est ; which is true , as he there reckon●● , in as far as the faults of rulers being more no●ur , are otherwayes also aggravated above the ansgressions of others . but herewith consider the law being the mind of the ruler ; a lawless ruler , as a self-contradicter , maketh himself a transgressor : if the law be evil , why did he make it ? it be good , then why should he break it ? . the good ruler is a wise person . it is wisdom that saith prov. . , . by me kings reign ●●d princes decree iustice : by me princes rule , and ●iobles , even all the judges of the earth . you have ●eard of the wisdom of solomon : and david his father was as an angel of god discerning good and evil : and who wiser than daniel ? happy common-wealth where either wise men reign , or kings study wisdom . six things in morality and divinity , in reason and scripture contribut to wisdom knowledge , understanding , invention , counce●● iudgment , and prudence : which , howbeit because of their affinity and mutual concurrence , they b● often used promiscuously ; yet , having natural their distinct proprieties , i shall indeavour , as i ca● to marshall them in their due order , especially a required in the ruler . . knowledge taketh ●● things simply and historically as they are or appear and hath its treasure chiefly in the memory : it purchased and preserved either by observation a●● experience , for a wise mans eyes are in his hea● or by reading ; ahasuerus caused read the chroncles ; and daniel understood by books . the boo● and play are the two things that take up children if the latter be not below the ruler , surely be not above the former : he who will not be as a c●● at book , may happily prove such indeed in co●●ses● ; and he who will not be serious in l●● may readily ludere in re seri● . we know what 〈◊〉 count alexarder had , and what use he made the works of homer , i suppose most of the hist●ry then extant . and in all ages and places wh●● letters were received , what a price have prince put upon learned men and libraryes ? how g●● historians were the bravest emperours ? or knowledge is got by tradition and information others ; before books were used , or where t● were not known , we have heard with our ears , ●● our fathers have told us was the history practise i suppose history was not much known to nation in the dayes of galdus , yet we find h● ●●scourse to his people of the noble acts of their ●ncestors , as exactly as if he had been reading a ●cture of history . . understanding lodged high●● in the upper room of the speculative judgement , and reaching deeper , discovereth things in ●●eir original , and taketh them up in their causes , ●●d how they are . simple knowledge without understanding is like those of whom we read in matth. . . that seeing they see not , and hearing they hear not , neither do they understand . ●he saith well . it is a good memory that remembers a thing and the reason thereof : i add , it is a ●od knowledge that knoweth a thing and the ●●uses thereof ; felix qui potuit &c , are there in a ●●d abuses and corruptions ? are their decays and assolations ? here is the wisdom of the ruler , seriously to consider for what the land perisheth , and is burnt up as a wilderness jer , . and ●he be as willing as concerned to know , the next ●●rse will resolve him ; because they have forsaken my law , which i set before them , and have not obeyed my voice , neither walked therein , but have walked after the imagination of their own heart &c. the philistins when they were afflicted , ●on inquiry found , that it was not a chance , but ●● hand of god that afflicted them , for his ark ●hich they held captive sam. and pharaoh to ●● cost was taught understanding , because be would ●●t let the people goe to serve the lord. genes : ● . and abimilec king of gera● was taught to understand the cause of the barrenness of his house , ●● that he had taken a mans wife . the same is shewed by hosea chap , . . they shall commit whord● and shall not increase . in a word , whatsoever plag●● whatsoever sore is upon a people , it springs from s● the formal cause of corruptions , and meritorious afflictiones and desolations . the crown is fallen fro● our head ; wo unto us for we have sinned . . invention , great affinity with understanding ; this resolving ●●●ects into their causes , and that producing effects fro● their causes , like a latine version of a hebrew line sentence , rendering foreward what was read bac●ward . this is seeded by observation , and conceive by imagination : it 's issues , if weaker and tender ●● called fancys ; if masculine and stronger , engines a●witty inventions . the ruler must be an invent● of fit means to reform the abuses , remove the misery , further and settle the good and wellfare his people : such as nehemiah chap. . . acknowledgeth that god put into his heart for peopling a●● manning of ierusalem : and such as his appointing the priests and levits in their offices for the servi●● of god , and instruction of the people : 〈◊〉 causing shut the gates ordinarly with the sun-●● for defence of the city , and sooner before t●● sabbath , for its sanctification : and that of not eating the bread of the governour , for the ease 〈◊〉 the people : his causing restore their lands mo●● gaged by oppression : his making a covenant and entring the people into a curse with their ow● consent , for advancing reformation . o the that wisdom , be which king reign , would teac● them the knowledge of such witty inventtons ! counsel is an assembly of the witts for advice , an● for the exercise and tryal of inventions , that it may be known what is good , or what is better , and ●hat israel ought to do . chap : , . i consulted with my self ( saith nehemiah ) and i rebuked the nobles and the rulers : and i set a great assembly against them ; ● appointed a high commission for bearing down of oppression : and that was amongst the rest of his noble inventions . . judgment is the chair-man and umpire of counsel , determining , approving , and referring sentences , as bad or good , good or better : and resting in one thing , as a close of the matter ; absalom sayeth , give counsel among you ; they ●y , the counsel of ahithophel is good , but the counsel of ●lusha● the archite is better : for the great counsel● had appointed the one to defeat the other : ●ounsel is good but determination is necessar : els ●e who hath much , is no better than he who hath nothing to say in a matter : and wavering in counsel proves but weakness of judgment . consultation should end in resolution , and resolution in ex●cution ( as we see in nehemiah ) for that whereof ●e are speaking is the practical judgment . . ●rudence that wise and religious matron , who with the gravity of her countenance putteth to ●ame and silence the folly of atheism , and insolen● of impiety , in her whole carriage keepeth such measure and decency as courteth into her devo●●on all that is worshipped : nullum numun ab●st si prudentia ; and guideth her affaires with such ●gh discretion , that by scripture and reason , di●●nes and philosophers she is deservedly preferred the government of manners , and intrusted with the ballance and standard of vertues , which in all things keep that measure quam vir prudens determinaver●● . she relieveth man of the great misery that lyet● upon him , teaching him to know both time and purpose : for to every ●oing there is a season , and a time to every purpose under heaven . she so fitteth resolutions to the exigent of occasions , as maketh them both safe and seasonable , decent and effectual she foreseeth the evil and avoideth it , and taketh the good in its season : she saveth a ma● the expence of apologies , and shame of non putaram and thus nehemiah was wise to know the counsel of his enemies , and conceal his own purposes t● the opportunity . and this is the rulers prudence neither to let the evil approach him , nor the good escape him ; nor ought he to say to the people come again another time , when it is in the power his hand to do them good , lest hind-bald occasion si● him , and his power perish with the opportunity chron. . . the children of isachar we men that had understanding of the times , to know w● israel ought to do . tempu● nosce was the saying pittacus of mitylenae , reckoned the first of t●● greek sager . to day if ye will hear his voice , is 〈◊〉 saying of the only wise god : and , o that to haast known , even thou in this t●●● day ! was the w● and lamentation of the consubstantial wisdom god. be wise now therefore o ve kings : be infirmed ye judges of the earth psal. , . . the good ruler is a person of courage a● valour , a gallant person . in this nehemiah was 〈◊〉 . this is the main and only thing so much culcat by moses upon joshuah his successor , jos. . . only be thou strong and very couragious . this joyned with the former maketh consilio & animis a noble device for a ruler : and he who is born with those induements hath a horoscope more prognosticative of advancement , than he who is born under the most regnant planets . the gallantry of the ruler is evidenced in a resolute and inflexible observance of all god holy commandments , maugre all opposition of his own lust and corruption : he that is slow to anger is better than the mighty , and he that ruleth his spirit than he that taketh a city ; or of the example and insinuations of others , or the scorn , and threats , and plots of enemies , or the eminent degree of transgressors . if morality and righteousness be the true measure of gallantry , surely the world hath many bastard ridiculous gallants , who dare do any thing but what is right and godly . but the courage of nehemiah appeareth particularly . . in his address to the king in behalf of his city that was desolate , and his people that were in reproach and affliction . it is no less unpardonable a reflection upon the justice and royal goodness of a king , to be diffident in requesting of him what is just , than to dare to ask unjustly . nehemiah when he is bid ask , all his asking is for jerusalem chap. . , . . in that he can sustain the greif , disple sure , and scorn of malicious heathen enemies for the work of reformation ibid. , v. . in that he dare atcheive so desperat like a work as was the repairing of jerusalems so vast desolations . v. . . in his unconquered faith and confidence of gods assistance , . v. he was strong in the lord , and in the power of his might . . in the atcheivment of a double employment , building and fighting . chap. , . a coward may build a city in peace , and a slugard may defend himself in a strong city ; but a worthy only can build with one hand and fight with the other . . in his rebuking the nobles and the rulers for their oppression , chap . . an act of native gallantry , and an example for all that deserve to be in eminency ; the matter of holy iobs gloriation chap. . . did i fear a great multitude , or did the contempt of families terrify me , that i kept silence ? . in his rare generosity refusing , because of the fear of god , to eat the bread of the governour , or to bow to the example of those that had been before him , who had been chargeable to the people . the good ruler dare be singular in vertue , and accounts it his honour , not to take evil , but to give good example . what an unexcusable incongruity is it for a man who should be examplary to others in good , to submit to evil example ? and it is the voice of roman gallantry , discant al● potius nostro exemplo recte facere , quam nos illorum peccare . . in his inexorable resistance , even to the fifth time , of his enemies treacherous pretences for accommodation , with a design to do him mischief : . chap. wherein is no less manifest his singular wisdom . . the good ruler is a vigilant , active , and diligent person . we find nehemiah in continual motion , acting himself , and exciting others in their respective orders , like a great superior orb winding the inferior in their subordinate courses . for it is the inseparable , undenyable right of supremacy , to take inspection of all , and put every one to his proper duty . and as the superior orb moves not symmetrically in the place of the inferior , but moves in its place concentrically : just so is the case of the ruler . the slothful and soft ruler is one upon the matter ; and if there be any odds , a waking living dog is better than a sleeping dead lyon. it was nehemiah's honour , that neither the people , nor his own servants , nor the princes and rulers could be evil without a witness , as they were not good without an example . whence . . the good ruler is a person of an examplary conversation : alios quod monet ipse facit : he practiseth the same , that he commandeth : by a leading example he goeth out and in before the people : he walketh with a perfect heart within his house . the world is ruled by example . a good life is as necessar as good laws in a ruler ; and an evil example more hurtfull than evil laws : for that a pernicious law may quickly be repealed ; but bad example is not easily reformed . laws governed by righteousness , and a life ordered by law maketh the perfect ruler . thus we see nehemiah examplary in religion , in refraining and restraining oppression , in wisdom , courage , vigilancy , and all the forementioned vertues : and this he hath left as a pattern to rulers . . the good ruler is a constant person , persevering and abounding in well doing : he is fled fast , unmoveable , abounding alwayés in the work of the lord knowing that his labour is not in vain in the lord. thus we see nehemiah beginning with good designs and intentions , going on with gallant interprises and good actions , and ending conformably with a good conscience , and glorious expectation in the last act of his appearance : remember me o my god for good . he remembreth that better is the end of a thing than the beginning thereof ; and that he who indureth to the end shall be saved ; and that he is crowned who striveth lawfully , and therefore so runneth that he may obtain . he knoweth ezek. . . when the righteous turneth away from his righteousness , and committeth unquity , and doeth according to all the abominations that the wicked man doeth , he shall not live : all his righteousness that he hath done shall not be mentioned , in his trespass that he hath trespassed , and in his sin , that he hath sinned , in them shall he die . he knows the quinquenmum neroms , and the misgiving pretences and appearances of tiberius and others : and he is better acquaint with scripture than to be ignorant of the apostacy , ingratitude , and fate of joash chron. . whereby is manifest that this observation is large as useful as true concerning the ruler . but the path of the iust is as the shining light which groweth brighter and brighter unto the noon-ti●e of the day . and such a one is the good ruler . now from this illustrat character shine forth in so many bright beams . the original , , dignity , , duty , . necessity , . usefulness , and . ●arity of the good ruler . all which ( so rich a piece is scripture ) may be easily deduced from one sentence of psal . i have said , ye are gods , and all of you are children of the most high . and because i know that both is evil manners , to come ●athly into , and go hastily from the presence of a ruler : i shall for a salutation shut up my view with this seasonable exhortation : that in this atheistical age , the ruler would do his author the honour , himself the pleasure , and a discontented , unbelieving world the favour , to shew forth so much of god in his person and administrations , that those who will not believe may see , and those who will not see may feel , that there is a god , that god judgeth in the earth , and that by his vicegerent ; that he be unquestionably good himself , an incourager of those that do well , and a terror of evil doers : that by the shaddow of divinity in the ruler , the world ( if possible ) may be convinced of the body and substance ; and by the sight of the beautiful portrait may be enamoured of the original . and you o christian people consider , christ is not divided , nor contrary to himself . he is by nature and eternal generation lord of the world , and god of policy and order , as well as of the church by pact and dispensation ; and it is more than probable that rulers hold not christ as mediator . christianity received into the policy is not so untoward or unpleasant a guest as to disturb its own quarter : and religion but getteth the medlers blow when it sendeth a sword or occasioneth division : for of it 's own nature it is a harmless peace-pursuer ; and they were sworn enemies and slanderers of our saviour who said he was an enemie to casar ; for he taught his followers to give unto casar the things that are casars , and unto god the things that are gods. learn then of him to pay what we owe unto the ruler . how much are we indebted to so rare and excellent a creature as is the good ruler ? we owe the ruler . honour in heart and behaviour . , subjection , in lawful obedience or in humble submission . . information and assistance in our respective stations . . tribute , and the bread of the governour , . and with all our owing we owe prayer tim. . . . sam. . . as saith the proverb of the ancients , wickedness proceedeth from the wicked : but god forbid that the hand of any that fear god should be upon the lords anointed a tender conscience so far exercised to godliness as to flee from all appearance of evil , cannot digest the least approach to , or appearance of wrong to the ruler : say i this as a man , or sayeth not the scripture the same also ? ibid. , v. davias heart smot him , because he had cut off sauls skirt . the th view of this useful piece presents to us the exit and retreat of the ruler . rulers , like men upon a stage , walk much in a disguise , or like mercury , and aeneas , in a cloud ; but here we have the ruler going off with open face , and with an eye to god , to himself , and to his reward . remember me o my god for good . his eye is upon god. . as a witness : for remembrance is of things known , and gods knowledge is by sight and intuition . he that can say with david psal. . all my wayes are before thee , may save the travel and shun the woe of those that seek deep to hide their counsel from the lord , and their works are in the dark , and they say , who seeth us ? and who knoweth it ? isay . . and their turning of things upside down is as the potters clay : they attempt more than they are able , and presume where they have no power . a proud ruler may say to the lords messengers , who made thee of the kings counsel ? but they would remember , that elisha the prophet could tell the king of israel the words which the syrian king spoke in his bed-chamber : and who told him but god that heard them ? let rulers learn in their time to put god upon their counsels , and make him a witness of their practises ; left when they must goe off , they find with jacob , that god was there , though they knew it not , nor called him to the council . . as a friend : o my god. happy he , ruler or other , who can say with his saviour , i go to my father and my god. he may , in the apostles words , proclaim a bold defiance to all adversity : if god be with us who shall be against us ? he may meditat terrour with the greatest security isay , . though the world should be shaken and suffer sack , he may say with the philosopher , but upon better reason , that he is sure to be no loser : yea though hell were poured upon him , and heaven should seem to have forsaken him , my god , my god even then shall support him , every one seeks the rulers favour ; and the ruler would study to have a friend of his superior . they who court alliance and interest , would be perswaded that this is the highest . bewar of that friend that makes god an enemy , and of that gain where god is losed . luther pronounces him a divine , who can well distinguish the law and gospel : and he is no less a christian , ruler or other , who can reconcile them in , my god. wouldst thou either get or know an interest in god , take the short and sure method of the psalmist , who also himself was a great ruler , in that golden ps. , . o my soul thou hast said unto the lord , thou art my lord. . as a rewarder : for his , remember , being a figure that putteth the antecedent for the consequent , in proper speaking is , reward me . and shall not he render to every man according to his works ? prov. , . ps. , and verily there is a reward for the righteous . fear not abraham , i am thy shield and thy exceeding great reward . i fear the bad reward of some , hath tempted others to do well to themselves in their own time ; but with greater reason i fear that those who are thus tempted , have but a faint respect to the recompense of reward . but god who is not unfaithful , to forget the service and labour of any , will sure be mindful of a good ruler . if iehosaphat be reproved , his faults remembred , and wrath threatned ; yet his good deeds are not forgotten : nevertheless there are good things found in thee chron. . . . most frequently throught the scripture the saints petition for reward is presented in the word , remember , whereby they referr particulars to him who is able to do abundantly above all that they are able either to ask or think . david sayeth , remember me ; ieremiah sayeth , remember me ; hezekiah and nehemiah say , remember me ; and augustine sweetly rendereth psal. . . ver . domine quid est homo nisi quia memor es ejus ? lord , what is man but that thou art mindful of him ? and happy he whose name is written in that book of remembrance that is before the lord mal. . . and when each man comes to be rewarded , malicious opposers of reformation , and profane corrupters of religion and the covenant of the priesthood may readily come to be remembred chap , and . . . in his retreat he goes off with an eye to himself ; remember me &c. the ruler who would make a honourable retreat , and come fair off , would look to things chiefly that concern himself . . his conscience . can he say with nehemiah ? chap. . . remember me o my god for good according to all that i have done for this people : and chap. . . remember me o my god concerning this and wipe not out my good deeds and i have done for the house of my god and for the offices thereof or with hezekiah king . . i beseech thee o lord remember now , how i have walked before thee in truth , and with a perfect heart , and have done that which is good in thy sight ? or with samuel sam. . i have walked before you from my child-hood to this day : behold here i am , witness against me before the lord , and before his anointed : whose ox have i taken ? or whose ass have i taken ? or whom have i defrauded ? whom have i oppressed ? or of whose hand have i received any bribe to blind mine eyes therewith ? and i will restore it you . or if in any thing , as a man , he hath erred , for that he must say to god with nehemiah chap. , . remember me o my god and spare me according to the greatness of thy mercy . a good conscience is a strong comforter : but gods sweet and tender mercies are the sinners last refuge and sure salvation : and it is bellarmines own conclusion . tutius tamen est adherere christs justitiae . and if so , why should unhappy men so voluminously dispute against their own mercy ? psal. . . let thy tender mercys come unto me that i may live , was the suit of the man according to gods heart , the pattern of rulers . and truely this generation would be advised to amend their manners before they change their religion , lest under the gilded large net of popery , by the doctrine of merits , they be involved and held in the inextricable grin of desperation : or if indulgence and pardon in end must do it , what ails them at gods , which is infinitly better than the popes , and incompareably surer , beside that it is manifestly cheaper ? but for the conscience of a ruler , who can say with titus that darling of mankind ? non extare ullum suum factum paeniteneum , excepto duntaxat uno . . his soul : the soul and conscience are of such affinity that he who destroyes the one cannot save the other : and what doth it profit a man though he should gain the whole world , and lose his own soul ? or what is the hope of the hypocrite , though he hath gained , when god taketh away his soul ? the soul is the man , and he hath got his prize who gets that for a prey . the end of our faith is the salvation of our souls psal. . . let my soul live , and it shall praise thee , was the rare and suit of that excellent ruler . and what a pitty is it to see a ruler upon a retreat from the world , and from the body , going off with such a amentable dirgie , as did adrian the emperour , in aelius spartianus . animula vagula , blandula , hospes comesque eorporis , quananc abibis in loca ? pallidula , rigida , nudula : nee ut soles dabis ●ocos . or with such a hideous rage as tiberius in sue●onius , like one speaking out of hell : du me deaeque ejus perdant quam quotidie perire sentio . . his fame and memory , a matter that highly concerneth the ruler , as in the last view shall be showen more fully . ● his posterity natural or politick . . his works , both which are expressed together in that prayer of moses the man of god psal : . , . let thy work appear unto thy servants , and thy glory unto their children : and let the beauty of the lord our god be upon us : and establish thou the work of our hands upon us ; yea the work of our hands establish thou it . the good ruler not like the ostrich , which god hath deprived of wisdom , neither hath he imparted to her understanding ; that is hardned against her young ones as though they were not hers ; her labour is in vain without fear iob . , . this regard to the work of god , and to the good of posterity , made moses record his song deut. , and . and moved him to bless the people chap. . this moved ioshua to make a covenant chap. . this begot in david such a desire to build house unto the lord. this made hezekiah weep bitterly , that the begun reformation was like to cease by his death . this incited paul that great church . ruler so zealously to warn and guard th● believers against what should happen after his departure . this made moses and david before the death so carefully give charge to their successor concerning their duty . this moveth all men naturally at their death to leave their counsel and blesing to their posterity . and finally , this induceth good rulers in their time to establish good ordinances by which being dead they may speak to posterity . . like moses , he makes his retreat with a respect to the recompence of reward , remember me , o my god , for good , and that bo● proposed in the promise sam. . . he hath made with mean everlasting covenant ordered in all things and sure ; for this is all my salvation , and all my desire ; or pledged in the testimony of a good conscience king . . remember o lord how i have walked before the● in truth and with a perfect heart , and have done that which is right in thy sight . he who can say with iob my witness is in heaven , and my record on high , may justly say with isaiah , my work is with the lord , and my reward with my god. for surely there is an end , and the expectation of the righteous shall not be cutt off . now by these last words of the tirshatha , the ruler would be warned , in time to think of his retreat , how he may make it good with honour . for whether slow footed time , which changeth not his pace for fair weather or foul , for summer or winter , advance at the ordinary rate of journey ; or whether death take post , or changes take wing , and calamity come suddenly ; or whether all these hold the ordinary road with a warning , or take the by-way with a suprisal , it is time for the ruler to think of his removal . it is gravely observed by pedro mexia , that there is no death incident to men which hath not happened to emperours : discontent and grief is so ordinar to their rank , that almost it seems to be proper : and how few of them escape a misfortune , even children are taught from iuvenal . ad generum cereris sine caede & sanguine pauci descendunt reges , & sicca morte tyranni . and in this consideration the prayers made for rulers and emperours was a very necessary devotion , sanctifyed by the command of god , and confirmed by the examples of his servants in the scriptures . yet the prayers which would not let pom●ey die in prosperity , could not recieve him of final adversity . the ruler would always e●pect his summonds , give an account of thy stewardship , for thou mayest be no longer steward . the plays which are but too much in fashion , act things that are past ; but the ruler would erect a scene in his soul , and present there the things that may and shall be ; that which hath been is the same that is , and that which is , is the same that shall be ; and there is nothing new : the ruler must have a successor , as he himself succeeded to another . but beyond paticulars dan. . i beheld till the thrones were cast down , were a divertisment worthy of the ruler ; who if he would make a safe retreat , would beware of these things in particular . that he come not short in reality of that which was denyed moses in the type deut ; , . the canaan above , the land that is afar off , the rest that remaineth for the people of god. i have caused thee to see it with thine eyes , but thou shall not go over thither . a sad matter for a ship to perish in the harbour , for a man to go to hell as it were in sight of heaven : for a ruler at once to be robbed of his soul and his authority , who can sufficiently bewail his misery ? i say this happened moses in the type ; for that he is already possest in glory is manifest from heb. . and luke , . . of solomons fate , that by their apostacy and transgression they leave not the world to dispute their salvation ; as papists and armimans make him an instance of the final apostacy of saints ; though they fail in probation and fall short of their enterprise . it were the wisdom of the ruler by his unquestioanble goodness to put to silence evil speakers . . of the fate of joash , who for his apostacy , ingratitude , and trespass , was taken away in a hurry with terrour and misery . chron ; , . and foreward . they who are bold to sport with eternity would bewar that time bear not witness of their folly . . of davids calamity ; that they entail not a judgment to their house and posterity ; the sword shall not depart from thy house . i the lord thy god am a jealous god visiting the iniquities of the fathers upon the children , to the third and fourth generation . manasseh is a witness how much hereditary misery may come upon posterity for the sins of rulers . . of ieroboams memory ; that he bear not the brand of infamy with posterity , who ●ade israel to sin . and this inviteth me to another view . the th view of these words obviously presenteth the memoire of the ruler : and , being recorded as a part of the history , giveth this friendly and pertinent warning to all in authority , that they would really be such as willingly they would suffer themselves by history to be represented to the world and to posterity : and that with iob they may say chap. , . o that mine adversary had written a book ! &c , prov. , . a good name is rather to be chosen than great riches , and loving favour rather than silver and gold : and the apostle recommendeth to all , whatsoever things are honest , whatsoever things are of good report . cicero pro archia excellently saieth : ●rahimur omnes laudis studio : & optimus quisque maxime gloria ducitur . and tiberins in tacitus lib. . annal : bringeth this so near , that in a manner he impropriateth it to the ruler ; ad ea tiberius cateris morta thus in eo stare consilia , quid sibi conducer● putent : principum diversam esse sortem quibus pracipu● rerum ad samam dirigenda . so that all men in their measure , good men more , and rulers who should be the best men , most and chiefly are governed by regard to their fame and memory . and this is their study : though , if so their fate be , to do well and be ill spoken of , is no less princely : according to the saying vented by antisthenes , used by alexander , and imitated by the emperour marcu● aurelius antoninus the philosopher . the ruler would seriously remember , that the world will not die with him : and that there will be men to speak and write when he shall not be found to answer : that fear and flattery the two abusers 〈◊〉 living rulers , like enraged cowards ( nam timidissimum quod que est idem crudelissimum ) turn the most insolent avengers , and sarcastick insulters over the dead that bite not . let the fates of sejanus that great minion , of tiberius his master , of domitian , and generally all wicked emperours and rulers be witnesses with a warning . tacitus that great state historian , and the rulers author , against whom nothing can be excepted , in the entry of his history tells us , that the acts and affairs of tiberius , ca●us , clandius and nero , while they flourished were falsly represented by fear ; but after they fell , were sett off with fresh hatred . if the voice of a flattering , fearful , interessed discontented , changeable multitude be rejected as partial , or sleighted as unsufficient , whose mouths not withstanding it were ●●ter they were stopped ; yet the ruler would ●ell consider what he leaves a tacitus , an imparti●●● author to say , who writes sine ira & s●udio , quo●●m causas procul habet ; who can tell him contemtis ●●mae , contemni virtutes . but lastly the ruler above all ●ould consider . what he deserves at the hands of ●od that cannot lie , who deceiveth not nor is de●ived , the faithfull witness , the soveraign ruler 〈◊〉 fame , unerring giver of names , and just dispen●●● of honours , who hath testified sam ; , . them that honour me , i will honour , and they that despise me shall be lightly esteemed : and ●ov . . . the memory of the just is blessed , but the memory of the wicked shall rot . that ●uler hath given a desirable subject for history , and erected a fair and enduring monument for his memory , who can say with nehemiah , remember ●●e o my god for good , according to all that i have one for this people , and for the house of my god : for ●sal . , . the righteous shall be in everlasting remembrance ; and ver . . his righteousness endureth for ●ver , his horn shall be exalted with honour . finis . grapes in the wilderness : or a discourse fitted to all times , treating of the dispensations of god , and of the pertinent duties and comforts of his people in these times . with a preface of the fulness of scriptur sufficiency for answering all cases . hosea . , i found israel like grapes in the wilderness jer. , . i remember thee , the kindness of thy youth , the love of thine espousals , when thou wantest after me in the wilderness in a land that was not sowen numb . , . these are the journeyes of the children of israel , which went forth out of the land of egypt with their armies under the hand of moses and aaron . verse . and moses wrote their goings out , according to their journeyes by the commandment of the lord , and these are their journeyes according to their goings out . epistle of john that which we have seen and heard , declare we unto you . written in the wilderness . edinburgh , printed by george mosman , and are to be sold at his shop in the parliament-close , anno dom. . the preface , the jews have a tradition of that manna wherewith god fed israel in the wilderness fourtie years , that the taste thereof was such , and so various , that it answered every mans appetit , and tasted to him of whatsoever food his soul desired . and look how uncertain is that jewish tradition of the materiall manna that was gathered off the earth for the space of fourty years in the wilderness of the land of egypt : so certain is this christian truth of the spiritual manna the word of god , that bread of heaven , that angels food , wherewith god feeds his church in all ages successively , and every child of his house the israelite indeed respectively throughout the whole course of their life and travel in the world , which is the great wilderness : that it hath in it a real supply of all their necessities , and hath always in it a word in season to all persons , at all times , and in every condition : to the dead , it is life : to the living , it is health : to the weary , it is refreshment : to the weak , it is strength : to babes , it is milk : to strong men , it is meat : to the hungry , it is bread : to the thirsty , it is waters : to the drooping soul and sorrowful heart , it is wine : to the faint , it is apples and pomegranats , cinnamon , safron , spiknard , calamus and all spices of the merchant . to such who love dainties , it is marrow and fatness , honey of the rock and droping from the honey-comb : to the wounded , it is the balme of gilead : to the blind and weak sighted , it is eye salve and oyntment to annoint the eyes . to such neat souls as love to be all glorious within , and to keep clean garments , it is a crown , chains of the neck , braceless , ear-rings , pendents and ornaments of all sorts : and if they like to be in fashion and to go fyne in the court of a heavenly conversation and communion with god , it presents them a bright large glass whereat they may dayly adorn themselves to purpose . this glass is no falsifying nor multiplying glass , but a just discovering and directing one ; here are also discovered not only all the obliquities of gesture , and faults of feature ; and all spots upon the face or cloaths ; but likwise the very in most thoughts and intents of the heart with the most subtile imaginations of the mind are here manifested . here ye are directed to sit all your soul-ornament in the fynest spiritual fashion , and to compose your gestur and order your motion , so as you may be able to stand in the presence of him who is greater than solomon . this large bright glass doth stand in king solomons bed-chamber in the pook of canticles , and in it you may see your self from head to foot , there ye see the head beautiful with locks . cantic . , there ye see the sweet comly countenance of the saint , which the lord is so much in love with , that he is in continual desire to see it : there you see those eyes that ravish his heart and so throughout even to the feet that are very beautiful with shooes . chap. . . for such as are destitute and unprovided , the word of god is a portion : to the poor , it is riches of treasure of choice silver and fine gold. here is that which dispelleth darkness , cleareth doubts , dissolveth hardness , dissappointeth fears , dischargeth cares , solaceth sorrows , and satisfieth desires . here is counsel and strength for peace and war. here is daily intelligence from heaven . and in a word , here is the best companion that ever a soul did choose . and blessed they who can spiritually tone that short but high note psal. . . thy commandments are ever with me . and that they are not with the soul as a burden of idle attendants are with a man , see what good offices they perform by their presence . prov. . . . they are as hobab to israel , and david to nabal , eyes and a guard to us in the wilderness . in the world , and chiefly in this world we change seats and societies , we shift conditions and habitations , we go thorow the wilderness of baca from troop to troop ; we are driven from temple , altar , and oracle , and we are divided from our relations and dearest acquaintance whom we loved as our own soul , we are spoiled of our companions with whom we took sweet counsel and went into the house of god. but blessed that soul who in all this can say i am not alone , my good old friend the word of god , the bible the guide of my youth hath not yet forsaken me , it is with me , yea it is in me , in the midst of my heart , and i bear about me daily a living coppy of those livly oracles , and they are more near me than my very self : for my heart is within me , and they are within my heart . i may be separated from my self by death that parts the dearest friends , my heart may be pluckt from my breast , and my soul dislodged of my body , but my companion , the word of god and me shall nothing part . prosperity shall not cause me forget it : and adversity will not cause it forget me . i will never forget thy precepts , for with them thou hast quickned me . psal. . . as those who live upon the shoar have a very just diall of the measure and motion of the water , which they can make use of without the sun ; so are the ebbings and flowings of our affections to the word of god , the surest , most universall , and constant witnesses of our daily condition : for albeit the darkness that is upon the face of our souls may pretend that it is night with us ; yet if it be full sea in our affection to the word of god , we may be sure it is noon day : and when it is low water in our affection to the word , sure then , it is mid night : and the sun was never seen at mid night . be sure , it is ill with that soul that is out of conceit with the word of god. now to say nothing of the malignant qualities of gross ignorants , prophane atheists , and obstinate unbelievers who are habitually dissafected to the word of god : nor yet to mention the willful groundless fits of pettish distempers in saints , who often times do even take up at their foot groundless and needless pleaes and discouraging apprehensions which they cannot so easily lay down again psal. , , why art thou cast down o my soul , and why art thou disquieted in me ? psal. . . my sore ran in the night and ceased not , my soul refused to be comforted . to pass these , i say , as bearing no direct impeachment of the abovesaid commendation of the absolute sufficiency of the word of god to answer all cases ; there are three things that in a time of tentation , in an hour and power of darkness do readily concurr to diminish the saints respects to the word of god. the first is , that their case seems odd , unparalleled , and unpracticable in scripture : they find no case equal with theirs in all respects that hath been cured . in their weakness they thereupon conclude that their case is really hopless and irremedable . but the saddest of all is , that they find the word not only silent for them , but to speak directly and aloud against them , as they think , smiting , hewing and hammering them , with sad and heavy threatnings and intimations of determined wrath rejection and ruine to come upon them from the lord. in all these they err , not knowing the scriptures , but that yet for all this there is hope , and that the scriptures are not to be casten out with as unkind and uncomfortable companions in such cases , let these things be considered for vindication of the scriptures to souls thus exercised . and . be it granted as the truth is , that a souls case may be such for circumstances , that the scriptures mention none parallel with it in all points to have been cured ( the same is all along to be understood respectivly of churches and nations as of particular persons ) yet i am confidently perswaded , that there is no case now incident to any whether nation , church , or person , but the scripture holdeth forth some either , as evil or worse , whether for sin or suffering that have been helped . there hath no temptation taken you ( sayes the apostle cor. ) but such as is common to man. is thy case sinful ? behold the scripture tells us , that he obtained mercy who once a day thought himself the chief of sinners . timoth. , . and that as an exquisite and rare piece of mercy is set forth in the gospel , for a pattern to all those who should afterwards believe in christ to life everlasting . christ loves to have sinners change and for that he puteth forth his pattern , as merchants do their samplers of rich wares : and sure he hath since that time put off many such pieces , and yet the pattern stands forth shewing that their is more , abundance to serve all that have need . to say nothing of paul's sin which sure was great enough , nor of many who since his time may have thought themselves the chief of sinners as well as he did ( where i think i see a kind of strife among mercies clients who shall be most beholding to free mercy and free grace ) this pattern makes it fully certain that there is mercy for the chief of sinners be who he will , and that he , whosoever he that supposes himself the chief of sinners , is ●ot thereby warranted to despair of mercy ; but rather to plead the greatest interest of necessity , and to look upon himself as the fittest subject for the lord , wherein to display his glory . is thy case afflicted ? and thy sufferings extraordinary ? see job's desperate case , see heman's distracted case , see that case of the church in the lamentations , in whose case there is hope , though it had not been done under the whole heaven as had ●een done to jerusalem . look to the cloud of witnesses . look to jesus heb. . and . chapters . but here is the great case of the troubled soul , cleanly sufferings for the exercise of my grace , ●● job's , or for the testimony of truth and a ●ood conscience , as those of all the witnesses and martyrs , i could well bear : in these respects , i ●ount it all joy to fall into diverse temptations , and could count it my honour and mercy as well ●● suffer for christ as to believe in him : i could ●o with such sufferings as job would have done with his adversaries books ; i could take them upon my shoulder , and bind them as a crowne to me , and as a prince would i go near unto him ; ●ut alas ! i suffer with an evil conscience , my afflictions are to me the punishment of my ini●uity , and the fruits of my folly . this case indeed , if any , requireth the tongue of the learned , and a word in season to the soul that is weary of ●● ; and if the word of god help me not here , i have lost the cause , and come short of my accounts . but there is hope in israel also concerning this thing . ezra . . . and i find the scripture clear in these particulars concerning this case . i find indeed a great odds betwixt cleanly suffering for righteousness , and suffering meerly for i● doing . the one is a thing thank-worthy , and glorifying of god in the highest manner actively the other is not thank-worthy , but is the mans misery . in the one a man hath a good conscience and joy therefrom : in the other a man hath an i● conscience , with terrour and sorrow proceeding therefrom . the one gives a man good confidence of assistance , and of the spirit of glory and of god to rest upon him : the other makes a man despon● and droop . the one stops , the other opens the mouths of wicked men . therefore sayes peter . pet. , . it is better if the will of god be so , t●● ye suffer for well doing , than for evil doing . ly it is clear that we ought to bear such afflictions with the more patience , micah , . i will be● the indignation of the lord , because i have finned again him . nor ought any living man to complain who suffers meerly for the punishment of his iniquity . la● , . and if he must complain let him complain to god , and bemoan his case in quietness to him ▪ it is far better for men to bear their yoke quieth and sit alone , than to pine away in their iniquity mourning one to another whilst they do not 〈◊〉 to the lord. too much whining and complaining to men will be found labour which profitet not , try it who will. but as a man would complain to god. so he would beware to complain of god : he would leave his complaint upon him self . job , . and lay the blame of his afflictions home upon himself . psal . . my folly makes is so . . it is clear from the whole history of the scriptures , that most of all the saints afflictions , whether conjunctly in the body of a church or nation , or severally in their own persons particularly , have been the chastizments of their iniquities and the rods of men , that is , such corrections as men use upon misdemeaning children : i find this true of publik affliction of a whole church or nation . , it is clear , that the lords rods , whether publick or personal upon his sinful people , ●ow from love in the fountain , are mixed with ●ove in their course , and run forth into love in the ●ssue . if this seem strange to any , let him remember , that he who spareth his rod , hateth his child ●ut he that chasteneth him betimes delivereth his ●oul . gods thoughts concerning his people are thoughts of peace and not of evil , to give them an expected end . jer. . . and in the midst of wrath he will remember mercy , habbac , . . gods love to his people is very consistent with anger , though that be even servent to the degree of wrath , but not with hatred ; and hatred , not anger , is lov 's opposite : an angry love is ofttimes most profitable . heb. . . let none therefore be so weak and child-witted as to eonclude , i am sharply scourged , and sore smitten for my folly , herefore my father hath cast me off and cares not for me . and yet we find affliction , that makth a wise man mad , raising such apprehensions oft●●s in the wise heart of strong david . i do not here speak how the lord causeth his people to pass under the rod , and bringeth them within the bond of the covenant ezek. , . and how he chooses them in the furnace of affliction isai . . and that was an affliction for sin and sadly deserved rod : and yet the lord when he would pick out a piece of the finest mettal , goes neither to coffer nor cup-board , where the glistering of peace and posterity dazle the eyes of undescreet behold ers ; but he goes to the smoak and soot of the furnace , and there he pitcheth upon the rare● saints of the last refine : the lord goeth down to the land of affliction and to the house of bondage to visit his people , and there he falls in love with them , there he wooes them , and there he wedds them in their mourning garments : for the get not the oil of joy nor the garment of praise till the second day of the marriage , and then the● rise from the dust and shine , their light cometh and the glory of the lord ariseth upon them . see isai . . cited , hos. , . and foreward . isai . . and . . in fine , the scripture is full o● rare and satisfactory expressions of gods love to his people , even under sufferings which their own wickedness hath procured , whereof it will apper tain to speak more particularly in the sequel of ou● ensuing discourse . thly it is clear from scripture , that there is difference to be put betwixt sin procuring and bringing on sufferings and bitter afflictions , and sin discovered in and by suffering . let god ca● a holy iob in the furnace , and it will discover scum , that will cause him say , my transgressions are infinit , and yet the lord himself sustains iob's plea , that it was not for sin that he was pursuing him . . it is clear that there is a great difference often times betwixt the righteousness of god , and the righteousness of men afflicting his people : as we see frequently in david's cases . yea i find an excellent , rare , comfortable dispensation of god to his people , that he will sometimes scourge them with the golden rod of martyrdom , and correct their faults in an honourable way , and chastile them soundly , and yet never let the world know , what is betwixt him and them . the lord loves not to proclaim and blaze the bemoaned faults of his people , nor to make them odious to the world which hath a bad enough opinion of them alwayes : but if i must correct my child saith he , i will stay till the world and he fall out in some point of conscience , in faith or manners , wherefore he must suffer , and then in my gracious wisdom , i will shew a rare conjunction or meeting of these three planets in one house . . the correction of my child . . his glory , and . his acceptable duty ; and i will let him earn a reward of thanks and glory in that very suffering wherein i shall visit his iniquities , and he shall give testimony for me . god can go many earauds at once , and sold up many projects in one piece of providence : the lord will finish the whole work and cut it short in righteousness , because a short work will the lord make upon the earth . rom. . . the lord is good at dispatches . if the question be then , whether god will ever honour a man with whom he hath a controversie , to suffer for righteousness ? i answer , yes , and i confess i should hardly have been of that judgment , if i had not found clear divine truth going before me in it , comparing the whole tenor of the psalm with the . verse thereof : where at once the psalmist is suffering from men for that which is good , and from god for his foolishness and iniquity . verses , , and . here it is fit to remember luther's seasonable warning , that when david in his prayers speaketh of his righteousness , we would refer it to its true correlative , to wit , towards men his enemies he was righteous ; but towards god that is his language , be merciful to me o god , be merciful to me , in the multitude of thy tender mercies blot out my iniquities psal. . the accuser of gods children will be ready to carry ill reports betwixt him and them , and to keep up an ill understanding betwixt them , if he can , and in times of suffering for their duty he will not be idle : he will tell them a thousand stories of their own sins , to weaken their hands and cause them believe , that god will never accept service of them , but that they shall come foul off with all their fair essayes . ye have heard of gods gracious wisdom , and now these are the devil 's malicious wyles ; but a syllogism or argument framed of one premise of gods , and another of the devil 's , will never infer a conclusion of faith , and that can claime ●iducial assent . wherefore in such a mixed case , ( which i desire may be remembred to be every caseable ) let a man freely declare his iniquity 〈◊〉 god and be sorry for his sin , psal : . . let him repent and mean himself to god , who ( as i have said ) loves to keep his people's counsel and to keep their faults sub sigillo confessionis and under the rose , that is , he will be to them a good secretary , but ●●t them cleave to that which is good , and incourage themselves in a good matter , and beware of failing in present duty in a discourageing sense of former iniquities : for one fault will never ●end another , and yet that is even the best method that satan useth to offer in such cases : but the lord , that hath chosen ierusalem , rebuke him , for troubling his poor afflicted people , who are as ●rands plukt out of the fire . i have insisted upon his case , because of it self it is a weighty deserving one ; and i have not seen any who hath directly spoken to it , but one who dispatcheth it to good purpose in a word . it is worthy mr. scuder in his christians daily walk , ( this book was by famous mr. alexander henderson recommended and gifted as a vade mecum or pocket piece to his ●riend , at that time a young gentlman going into ●rance ) where , page he speaketh thus . you will say , if you did bear afflictions for christ , then you could think and expect well of it ; but you oftimes suffer affliction justly for your sin . i answer ( saith he , for he had been speaking of that scripture , cor. . , ) though this place principally point at martyrdom and suffering for christs cause ; yet it is all one in your case if you will bear afflictions patiently for his sake a man may suffer afflictions for christ two ways . first when he suffereth for his religion and for his cause . dly when a man suffereth any thing that god layeth on him quietly and for christs will and commands sake . this latter is more general than the former , and the former must be comprehended in this latter : els the former suffering for christs cause , if it be not in love and obedience for christs sake , out of conscience to fulfil his will is nothing : whereas he that endureth patiently endures affliction for christ , though he never be put to it to suffer for profession of christ : and i● such an one were put to it , he would readily suffer for christs cause : and such afflictions as these thus patiently endured , work also this excellent weight of glory as well as the other . by these and the like reasonings of faith , you may world your souls to patience as david and others have done by casting anchor on god and on his word fixing their stay and hope in god. let the issue of your reasoning be this , i will wait on god , and yet for all matter of disquietment will praise him who is the health of my countenance and my god. thus mr. scudder , and truely none could have spoken more , nor to better purpose in so few words . and thus have i spoken to scripture examples of cases parralleling the weightiest of cases , incident to any man now living . only be it remembered that cases are as faces , many agree in some things some in many things , none in all things . there is in every mans case something peculiar , aggravating it beyond that of another man , and ( as the heart knows its own grief ) every man knows best the plague of his own heart ; but he knows not , at least feels not his neighbours sores : hence every one judgeth his own case worst of all , it may be the best is bad enough , and yet the worstis not so bad but it may be better . in the second place , for vindication of the scriptures from the foresaid disheartning prejudices , i shall lay down this very self-ground whereupon the querulous soul doth walk , though with a halting foot . that those cases are hopeful and cureable that are paralleled and practicable in scripture , that is to say , that such whereof the scripture gives account , have been either hopeful and curable , or actually have been cured and helped . and thus i reason , è converso , or by exchange . that case is hopeful and curable which is paralleled and practicable : but such is thy case , it hath a match in scripture , and therefore curable . that is paralleled and hath a match in scripture i prove thus : a case concluded hopeless hath a match in scripture : but such is thy case , thou concludes it hopeless : and therefore it hath a match in scripture . that a case concluded hopeless hath a match in scripture , it is clear , in that the lord finds fault with those in ieremiah , that said their was no hope , and assures them there is hope ; if they will return and repent . it is clear likewise from the churches case in isaiah , who said her judgment was passed over of the lord , and for that is taxed , that she spoke unreasonably . likewise from david's case in the psalms , that said , he was cut off from god's presence , and yet he found heart to look again to god , and to cry to him and was heard , notwithstanding his former peremptoriness : likewise from the case of the church , or ieremiah for the church in the lamentations , who with one breath said , my hope and my strength is perished from the lord , and at the next breath could say , this i call to mind , therefore have i hope . and thereupon hath left a general experimental instruction to all others , that it is good that a man should both hope and quietly wait for the salvation of the lord , lament . . . but in the third place , the soul affected is to be advertised and put in mind , that it is an error and weakness to think that matchless and unparalleled cases , are therefore hopless and uncureable : for it is to be considered , that scripture instances and examples of parallel matching cases , are neither the only , nor compleat , nor principal ground of curing and resolving cases : for some cases were the first of their kind , and so could have no precedent , nor yet practicable example : and yet in that case , according to this crazie principle , that no unparalleled case is curable , the very fixed examples and choice copies of curable cases should themselves have remained uncurable , as having no precedent nor example : but the only square and compleat ground of curing all cases , is the whole scripture , whereof examples are but a small part , and that too , but as the illuminating colours , and not the substantial lineaments thereof : for exempla illustrant , examples do but enlighten things , and all that an example can do , is to show that such a case is practicable , and potentially curable : but it doth not , it cannot actually cure it . wherefore the principal , yea proper ground of resolving and curing all cases , are the universal fundamental truths of the gospel , the knowledge of god and christ , and of god in christ according to the gospel , whereof the covenant of grace is the sum and text ; and this david knew right well sam. . . this covenant will mend all the holes of the believers house , and compleatly fit every case he can be in : till the foundations be destroyed it is never time to ask , what can the righteous do ? psal. . . but so long as there is a god in heaven that doth wonders , so long as christ is all , and in all , and ●o long as gods covenant with his saints endures , which shall be while sun and moon endure , and longer too , for his covenant shall live to lay its hands upon those two shining eyes of this corruptible world that is passing and posting off daily , and which now ( like the first covenant , heb. . . ) decaying and waxing old , is ready to evanish and die ; so long ( i say ) as these foundations stand sure , the righteous , in every case may still know what to do : for upon these shall mercy be built , and faithfulness established in the very heavens , psal. . . i shall illustrate this consideration with the case of relapses , a case right perplexing to exercised spirits , and wherein they find the scripture sparing of examples , at least of frequent relapses into the same fault , which , makes them apprehend there is no hope . these i write , not that any should sin ( and sure for that very cause , the spirit of god in wisdom hath beeen more sparing of such examples ) 〈◊〉 if any man have sinned and relapsed often into sin , let him remember . . christ's seventy times seven times , matth , . and withall , that as far as heaven is above the earth , so far are his wayes above our wayes , and his thoughts above ours . isai. . . let him remember . , the indefinit promises ezek . . and the like , that when and what time soever a sinner shall repent , he shall find mercy , . let him remember chiefly , the blood of christ that cleanseth us from all sin . iohn ; . and thly if he must have examples , let him read the history of israel's relapses in the book of iudges , notwithstanding which , the lord as often as he heard their penitent cryes , returned , and repented , and sent them saviours . and let him read a notable place psalm . . . in the verse , many a time he delivered them , and forgave them : but how many times did he that in the . verse , how many a time did they provoke him ? even as often as they provoked him , a● often he forgave them : and when any man shall tell me precisely how often they provoked him , i shall then tell him peremptorly how often he forgave them . a simple soul may possibly think to prevail with god at a time , by pleading thus after the manner of men : help me o lord this once , and pardon my sin , and i shall never trouble thy majesty again . i apprehend such are sometimes the thoughts of some . but when heaven and earth shall be measured in one line , when god shall be as man or as the son of man , when his ways shall be as our ways , and his thoughts as our thoughts ; when i shall see the man that shall not be beholding to mercy , or the day wherein we ought not to pray , forgive us our debts , or the time when it shall be lawful to limit the holy one of israel , then shall i think that a convenient argument : but if i understand the gospel , it might be more beseeming god and his grace in the gospel , to plead after this manner ; o lord be gracious to me and forgive me this once ; and if ever i need , i shall come to thee again . providing always that the grace of god be not turned into wantonness , nor this our liberty used for an occasion to sin . now for confirmation of what hath been said in this consideration , i shall apply my self briefly to two places of scripture . the first is psal , . where i observe these things from the whole tenor of the psalm . . a saint's case may be right odd , and in many things without a match , but i am a worme and no man , a reproach of men &c. . i see in afflicted saints a strong inclination to aggrege their own case , and to reason themselves out of case , with a sort of pleasure , verse . our fathers trusted in thee , and thou deliveredst them ; but i am not like other men , i am a worme and no man , the very language of dejected spirits to this day . . i see , that when they have reasoned themselves never so far out of account , beyond all example or match of case parrallel , there is yet some further ground , for the faith of the desolate soul to travel upon , in its search for discoveries of light and comfort , for we see how he goes on complaining , searching , believeing , and praying till he arrives at praise , which ever lyes at the far end of the darkest wilderness that a saint can go thorow : for when a saint is in the thickest darkness and under the greatest damps , there is still aliquid ultra , something before them ; and that is , light for the righteous , and joy for the upright in heart . . i see that a humble well tamed soul will stoop right low to lift up such grounds of hope and incouragement , as to a soul that is lifted up might seem but slender and mean : thou tookest me from my mothers belly , and caused me to hope upon the breasts . a humble faith will winn its meat amongst other folks feet , and when all examples fail such , they will find an example in themselves furnishing them with matter of hope . . i see there may be extant signal and manifest evidences of gods kindness to his people in former times , and in cases as pressing as the present , the memory whereof , for a long time may be darkned with the prevailing sense of incumbent pressures . verse . save me from the lyons mouth , for thou hast heard me from the horns of the unicorns . . though all parallels and matching examples of other mens cases fail a saint ; yet to him it is sufficient ground of faith and matter of praise , that his own case hath been helped , when once it hath been as ill as now it is , thou hast heard me from the horns of the unicorns ; and therefore i will declare thy name amongst my brethren , in the midst of the congregation will i praise thee . . if there , must be examples of leading cases , if so i may call them , then some must be the example by being first in that case ? and thus oftentimes , he that finds no parallel before him , leaves one behind him : and indeed we should be as well content , if so the will of god be , to be examples to others of suffering affliction and enduring tentations , as to have examples of others , therefore sayes he , verse . all the ends of the world shall remember this , and in the last verse , they shall declare to the people that shall be to come , that he hath done this . the d place of scripture i direct my thoughts to is iob. . , . iob's case was clearly unparallel'd and absolutly matchless : and sayes eliphaz the temanite , i would seek unto god , and unto god would i commit my cause . and that he might do that upon good ground , he shewes in the verse , for ( sayes he ) god doth great things . why , sayes the soul , mine is a great case , then he doth great things ; why , i know what he doth : no , neither thou nor all the world knows that , nor can find it out for he doth unsearchable things . whether that he is a god that cannot be known , be a greater mercy . or that he is an unknown god be to us a greater misery , is that which i know not : but this i know well , that more of the knowledge of god , and larger thoughts of him would loose many a knot , and answer many a perplexing case , to his people . yea , but sayes the soul , it shall be a wonder , a very miracle if ever my case mend ; why , then sayes eliphaz , he doth marvelous things . yea but god's wonders are not his every-dayes work ; but they are a few rare pieces of his kindness shewed to eminent saints , and great favourities , and we are not obliged to expect wonders : yet , i hope you are obliged to believe gods word , that he doth such things , and those too without number ; and you are obliged to obey gods voice , to seek unto him , and unto him to commit your cause , and you are obliged to give god his own latitude , and as well not to limit him if he will do wonders , as not to tempt him to wait for wonders : and psal. . . wilt thou shew wonders to the dead ? makes it clear , that god will turn the course of nature upside down , and make the world reel as we see psal. . at length , and will do wonders to purpose , that even the dead shall be witnesses of , before that his beloved be not delivered . now to descend into the particular grounds of the cures of saints cases , were to go through all the attributes of god , all the offices of christ , all the promises of the gospel , and articles of the covenant of grace , which are the substantial lincaments of that well contrived piece the word of god , which is so well illumnated with the lively colours of examples sufficient , and those so well mixed and so justly distinguished , one having what another wants , and the other having what it wanted , and wanting what it had , that it speaks the finger of god to have done it , and leaves a defiance to nature and art once to come near it . in the fourth place i offer this to be considered by the soul distempered , that is like to fall unkind with the word of god , thorow an apprehension . that all the threatnings of the word are directly against it . that all the most peremptory and seere threatnings of the word are to be understood and qualified with the exception of repentance . this is clear , . from christs express word . luke . . . except ye repent ye shall all perish , ●● from the account of events wherein we see ●●at the most peremptory threatnings have been ●iverted , and their execution prevented by repentance : witness , with many others , the cases of hezekiah and the ninevits . . from the exhortations and expostulations annexed to ●reatnings , with a solemn declaration of the ●ords gracious dislike of mens misery , whereof ●e scripture is full . in a word , the humble peni●●nt is worse feared , than hurt with threatnings . and even as a plentiful rain quenches thunders , alwayes the violence of storms and tempests , and ●oth tempers and calms the air ; so the tears of ●odly repentance , compose the thunder-and ●eather-beaten soul that is tossed with the tem●ests of thundering threatnings . in the , psalm , ●ere was a great storme in davia's conscience . he ●ared all day long ; &c. but a free work of sincere repentance calmes all , and leavs the soul quiet ●●d serene : david takes a house upon his head , refuges himself in god by faith , and then let it ●t the unhappiest , thou art my hiding place , thou ●●t preserve me from trouble , thou shalt compass ●e about with songs of deliverance selah . verse . by this time , i hope , it doth in some measure ●●pear , that the scriptures are not wanting , in the performance of all offices of kindness , that can rationally be required in the most unpromising cases : and that they are much to be blamed who upon any of the foresaid pretences would pick quarrel against the scriptures . but such deal not fairly neither are their wayes equal : and i may we say to them , is this your kindness to your freind sure the scriptures have not deserved any such service of your hands . now to the soul that would keep up kindness with the scriptures , and so would be mighty in the scriptures i leave these directions in sh●● words . . acquaint thy self with the whole scripture and all scripture both in its letter and meaning for that is to know the scriptures : otherway it is but an unknown tongue to him that is ●●naquainted either with the phrase or meaning of i● the soul that is thus acquainted with all scriptures , if one scripture bind it , another will loose i● if one wound it , another will heal it : if one ca● it down , another will comfort it . . be a careful keeper of the word of god i● practice . david felt , and every soul that had their senses exercised will feel their affection to and proficiency in the scriptures grow according to their practice of the scriptures . psal. : . this i had because i kept thy precepts , and christ teacheth plainly , that he that is a doer of the will of god , is fairest to know the doctrine that is of god. i know no such way to be a good scholar , as to be a good christian. . intertain the spirit of god , if you would ●ave either comfort or profit of the word : isai , . the spirit and the word are promised together : ●ohn . . christ tells us that his words are spirit ●●d life . cor. , . and foreward , it is the spirit that doth all by the word : and . iohn , . ●● is the anointing that teacheth all things . one ●yes well of paul's epistles that no man can understand them without paul's spirit : and so may be ●●id of all scripture . sight is as needful as light , ●s blind men might judge of colours : and if the ●pirit were not as needful as the word of faith , ●en blind sense and hasty unbelief would not and to say that all men are lyars , and that god's truth failes for ever . the material doctrines ●nd objective revelations of the word and spirit ●e ever the same : and a spirit clashing with the word , is surely a ghost and an evil spirit . but ●●e word and spirit in the conveyance and deliver of the self-same revelations , are oftimes sepa●t in their influences : for sometimes the word ●●mes alone without the spirit to those who have ●es and see not . &c. sometimes again the spirit ●●mes with a discovery of the same truth that in the word without the help of the word , as infants , deaf persons , and even others at age ●●d having the use of their ears ; but being not ●ell versed in the scriptures , yet desiring to how and do the will of god , are oftimes , no ●oubt , by a secret immediate instinct of the spirit , god , without the actual remembrance and ●●lp of the word of god , taught and instructed acccording to the word : for god leads the blind by a way that they know not . and the apostle pet : . . tells us , that some men at age , by good example may be won without the word why then may not the spirit of god do , what the example of a christian woman can do ? but that it concerns all that would converse comfortable with the scriptures , to call the spirit of god to their assistance is manifest from this , that ther● are many , and those the most concerning questions , that fall under a christians cognition to be resolved according to the word of god , which are determinable only by the spirit of god : eve● all these that may most desevedly be called to things of a man , which none knows , and therefore cannot competently judge of , but the spirit of god that knoweth all things , and the spirit the man , and that not either without a special presence and assistance of the spirit of god : nay you should conveen about these questions a council or general assembly , of the learnedst doctor or ablest divines in christendome , they could no● define them : such are the questions of a man● personal interest in god , and his state toward god whether a man have the spirit and be born of god and the like . they may give evidences of the● things in the general , and indefinitly , which ma● be as media to conclud upon , and which they ma● frame into universal propositions , that he who ha● these evidences is of god &c. but to subsume those propositions , and from these premisses to conclude particularly , belongs only to the spirit of god witnessing with our spirits that we are ●e children of god : for by the spirit we know ●●e things that are freely given us of god. the ●●ke is to be said of many particular matters of fact ●hat concern a man. i instance in one , but it is a ●ain on . the nature of the sin against the holy ghost , i find the best advised divines very warry as they have reason ) to determine in : and yet ●ore awar of personal application of their determinationss , because of latent circumstances impossible to be infallibly reached and discerned by any ●an in his neighbour . now whether is my sin against the holy ghost ? is a question so puzling and perplexing oftimes ( some know what i ●●y ) even to such as are dear to god , that it passes ●e reach of all created wisdom to ridd their doubt . ●nd let me say only by the way , there is no more compendious method in the world , to draw or ●ther to drive a man to the sin against the holy ●host , than the apprehension that he hath already ●●nned that sin : for that apprehension renders him ●esperat , and what will not a desperat man do ? o cunning devil ! but o wiser god! that gives sub●lty to the simple , and makes them able to stand against the wyles of satan . but how is the question ridd ? i answer , the spirit of god rids it thus , according to the scripture : that surely is not the sin against the holy ghost , whereof a man repenteth . now when the soul is at its wits end , ●nd ready to sink , the spirit of god sendeth such loose , into the soul of the sinner , of godly sorrow unto repentance , for that sin whereof he was so jealous , and the soul of him so joyes in hi● sorrow , and sorrows with his joy ( de peccato 〈◊〉 let , & de dolore gaudet ) that he cannot be satisfyed nor get his fill of that godly sorrow , which is so warme with love , and so wet with tears , tha● except a man that is wet to the skin should de●● that he has gotten the showre , he cannot deny b● he repents of that sin : and than sure he is not ●● sinner against the holy ghost , for it is impossible to renew such an one to repentance . i do no● here mean , that only an overflowing power of repentance , such as i have spoken of , is a cure 〈◊〉 the case : no ; for the very desire of repentance vindicats a man from any fear of this sin , ( because a sinner against the holy ghost , so sins and so delights to sin that sin , that he would not do other wise , if it were in his choise . ) but when the soul's perplexities about this question are over whelming , then it is fit that they be cured wi●● this measure of repentance that is so overflowing i marked before , and i mind it again , as goo● showrs calme and clear the air , so , much repentance it clears many doubts , resolves many cases , ridds the soul from many perplexities , and settles it in a sweet calme and serenity . the fourth direction i give to those th●● would keep so in with the scriptures , as to ma●● use of them with comfort and profit is this , th●● they despise not the discipline of tentations . book learned christians and divines are not the be scholars : but they that would be taught the mysteries and acroamaticks of religion and divinity must be luther's condisciples ; and he was bred at the school of tentations : he confessed , that his tentations had learned him more of the gospel than all his books had done . this school of tentations is of an old erection : and ( not to speak of others ) here our lord jesus took all his degrees . hence he was commenced master of experiences , and doctor universal in all cases : for in that he suffered being tempted , he is able also to help those that are tempted : and in all things he was tempted as we are , that he might succour them that are tempted . heb. . , . and , . and as his temptations accomplished him highly , for the rest of his mediatory work , so particularly and especially for the ministery : these were his tryalls for the ministery , matth. . at the beginning , he is tempted , and in the verse , from that time iesus began to preach . wherefore let ministers remember , that if they be tempted , the lord is giving them the highest point of breeding for their imployment . but blessed is the man that endureth temptation ( or bides out the tryal ) for when he is tryed , he shall receive the crown of life which the lord hath promised to them that love him . james , . now having thus spoken at length to the commendation of scripture what excellent uses it serves to in all cases , and what kind offices it performes to the people of god in every condition , let us for conclusion behold how it shewes to us the kindness of the lord , in that iethro-like it comes to visit ●s in the wilderness ; and let us hearken what it till say to us there : for there we are . text hosea . . therefore behold , i will allure her and bring her into the wilderness , and speak comfortably unto her . introduction . we have in the contexture of this chapter , a solemn confirmation of three great truths , that are noted in the scripture of truth . . that the lord will not cast off his people , nor forsake his inheritance , psal. . . which general assertion it will be fit to clear in these particular propositions . . god will never cast off the universal church , nor leave himself destitute of a people upon the earth , who may owne him and his truth , and may hold forth the word of life , shining ●s lights in the world , being blameless and ●armless in the midst of a crooked and perverse generation . thus in our creed , we believe a church universal , which sometimes is cloathed in scarlet , and sometime again is set upon the dunghill : sometimes is courted of the multitude in the city , and sometimes is persecuted and driven to the wilderness : sometimes is more visible and glorious , in the incorporat societies of national churches , sometimes more latent and obscure in some few single persons scattered up and down in the world ; who , it may be , in their time , are as little observed by the world , as the seven thousand true worshipers were by elias in his time . there is a time , prov. . . when a man is hidden : and the lord in the worst of times hath his hidden ones , psal. . . and when judgement returns unto righteousness , all the upright in heart will follow after it , psal. . . . god may utterly reject and totally cast off the visible body of a particular church : witness the church of the jews at this day , and the seven famous churches of asia . . god may sententially reject his people by threatnings , when he doth it not , nor minds to do it eventually and effectually in his dispensations . god may list up his hand against his people to overthrow them , and he may say by his threatnings , that he will destroy them , as it is psal. . . . when yet they are spared : he may frame a bill of divorse against his church but not give it her into her hand , zeph. . . the decree , or the threatning intimating the decree is one thing , and the bringing forth of the decree , or the execution of that threatning is another thing . repentance will obtain both a suspension and repeal of a sentence of rejection . in a word , god may cast out with his people , and not cast them off for all that : he may censure them within doors , when he minds not to put them to the door : the lord may say ; he cannot owne a whore , and yet he is married to her : and he threatens to cast off a whore , that so he may keep still an honest woman . . god may really and effectually cast out his people , when yet he doth not cast them off : a whore may be put to the door and taken home again , ier. . . a leprous miriam may be put out of the camp and taken in again : god may not only say by his threatnings , but seem to confirm it by his dispensations , that his people are out-casts , and yet he gathers the out-casts of israel , psal. . . the lord hath oft times in his dispensations so shewed himself to his people , testifying his displeasures against them ; that even those who were more than common counsellors with god. and were best acquaint with his wayes have had right sad apprehensions of total off-casting , ier. . , hast thou utterly rejected judah ? psal. , , . wilt thou be angry with us for ever ? wilt thou draw out thine anger to all generations ? wilt thou not revive us again that thy people may rejoyce in thee ? and yet in the th . verse ( and o! if this were the answer for the mourners and inquirers in scotland , ) his salvation is near them that fear him , that glory may dwell in our land . so that these are three very different things , . gods casting out with his people . . his casting out his people . and . his casting his people off . . god may reject one generation of a church or nation , as a generation of his wrath , and yet his covenant stand with the same nation or church : witness that generation with whom the lord's spirit was grieved fourty years , and whose carcases fell in the wilderness . . god may cast off the incorporation of a church or nation , whereof sometimes he reserves a remnant to whom he will be gracious , and with whom he will establish his covenant , paul rom. at the beginning shews , that be with israel as it will , god will not cast off his own elect , such as he himself was . and rom. . : though a number like the sand of the sea be destroyed , yet a remnant shall be saved , as saith isaiah chap. , vers , . and that is the grand consolation , when all goes to all , that of all that the father hath given him , christ will lose none , joh. . . a son of perdition when he meets with a temptation may go from christ's very elbow , both to hell and the halter at once : ' but however such may be lent to christ to make use of in a common service for a time ; yet certain it is , that they have never been given to him for salvation . but yet god is good to israel . psal. . . but here two distinctions are fit to be remembered , the . is paul's distinction rom. , . betwixt israel and those that are of israel . common professors , carnal hypocrites and unbelievers may expect little mercy in a time of publick off-casting of a church or nation . the d distinction is hosea's in this chapter , betwixt the children of a whore and the children of her whoredoms . this whorish church had lawfully begotten children ammi and ruchamah , to whom the prophet , who likwise himself was one , and a brother of those children , is commanded to apply himself , and of these there were few in that time of publick apostacy . but then in the th verse of this chapter there are the ill begotten children of her whoredoms , whose names in the chapter were called loammi and loruchamah , and these were many . the children of whoredoms are those who comply in judgment or practice with the common course of a churches apostacy , whose faith and principles ( if they have any ) are not the fruit of the immortall seed of the incorrupted word of god ; but of the inventions and commandments of men , or the delusions and impostures of satan , which their adulterous mother , the church that so breeds them , ( who is damned for that she hath forsaken her first faith ) is so fond of . if a woman be a gaudy , light person , it may readily render her children suspected : but if she be an arrand notorious whore , then it is too likely , and in the case of religion , it is almost necessary and certain , that si mater meretrix , filia talis erit . if the mother be a whore , the daughter will be such also , and so the proverb shall be fulfilled ezek. . . as is the mother so is the daughter . papists breed their children papists , and other folk breed their children such as they themselves are , and few children make their fathers religion better : and therefore sad is the case of young ones that fall into corrupt times : and sad is the condition of these times wherein young ones are bred corrupt . there is little appearance , if soveraign goodness interpose not , that they shall soon be better : because a person ordinarly persists in those principles wherewith they have been first possessed by education : for solomon tells us that whatsoever way a child is trained up in , he will not depart from it when he is old : and , quo semel est imbutarecens servabit odorem testa diu . a new vessel will keep the first scent long . but moreover there is real ground of fear , that such times shall still grow worse and worse : for evil beginnings have worse proceedings , they proceed ( saith the prophet from evil to worse ; jer. , . and evil men and seducers , saith the apostle , proceed and wax worse and worse , deceiving and being deceived . timoth. . . i hid me and was wroth , saith the lord , isai. , . and he went on frowardly in the way of his heart : and what shall the end be ? and where will they stand ? if the lord say not that also which followes in the . verse , i have seen his wayes , and i will heal him . prelacy will breed popery to which it naturally inclines . profanness will make a straight path to atheism and barbarity . ignorance will nourish superstition . formality , indifferency , loosness , lightness , and luxuriancy of wanton-witted preachers especially ( but god be thanked , their skill is not so good as their will , nor their wit so great as their wantoness , and they are like evil favoured old whores out of case to do worse ; and therefore they must entertain their paramours with painting for beauty , and complement for courtesie ) will foster heresy . ceremonies straight way will learn to say mass ; and then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lord help it . but the other sort of children that are the children of the whore , yet not of her whoredoms , but of her marriage bed , are these whose faith is the off-spring of that first faith of the apostat church , and that unspoted chaste religion which she professed , before she forsook her first faith and brake her covenant of marriage ; and who owne their righteous father , whom their whorish mother hath dishonoured and forsaken , and who with grief and shame make mention of the lewdness of their mother , who mourn for her back-slidings , and plead ( as here in the d verse they are commanded ) for the honour and right of their father : with these it shall not fare worse for their mothers cause , for they are fellow sufferers of reproach with their father , and they bear his name : nor will he deny his interest in them , they are ammi , nor yet will he refuse them fatherly kindness and duty , they are ruhamah to him : and though their base mother by adulterating her faith doth forfeit her dowry of the priviledges of a true church ; yet their righteous father will find himself obliged by their mothers marriage covenant and contract , to give them the inheritance of lawfully begotten children : and they shall be kept and brought up in his house , when she shall be sent off to call her lovers baali , with her adulterous brats at her foot , who cry father to balaam . if i might insist , this consideration would clear the case well betwixt us and the popish church : but to speak to a purpose nearer us , if our mother will debord , let us tell her of it , and plead with her : if that cannot help it , let us be sorry for it : but let us not in any thing be partakers with her adulteries , lest we be thought bastards : let us owne our father , and study to be like him , even to be living pictures of his divine nature , that so it may be out of all question that we are his own lawfully begotten children , when we bear his name upon our foreheads , rev. . . and that is , holiness to the lord , zach. . . now these are they , even these who study sound faith , and sincere holiness , that go the world as it will , and let gods dispensations and their own apprehensions say what they will , shall never be forsaken nor cast off of god , psal . . thou lord hast not forsaken them that seek thee : psal. . . david in his old age who had seen many things in his time ; yet never had he seen the righteous forsaken . joh. . . him that cometh to me , sayes christ , i will in no wise cast out , heb. . . the lord hath said , i will never leave thee , nor forsake thee . ii. the second grand scripture truth that is confirmed so solemnly in the context of this scripture , is , that all the wayes of the lord to his people are mercy and truth , psal. . . we see in the former part of this chapter , in the th . verse , so long as she obeys and serves god , what kindness he shews her , he lets her want for nothing : and though 〈◊〉 most shamefully playes the wanton under all ●●at mercy , yet long he forbears her , and is still ●●ving her , till she begins insolently to reflect up●● the lord , and to speak more kindly of her ●overs than of him : then the lord , as one that cannot endure to be so far disparaged , as to have said that there is any service or fellowship so ●ood as his , finds it now time that she be taught , ●●at she can no where do so well as with her own ●●st husband : and this she must learn in the wilderness , where he remembers mercy in the midst of ●rath , and as it were forgets what he had even ●ow been saying , and from threatning falls a comforting and alluring of her , and there intertains ●●r with the most convincing expressions of love ●●d respects . and we may mark especially in ●●e text proposed , how the lord loves not to tell ●●s people ill news , and that he desires , in a ●anner , to tyne his threatnings in the telling , if ●● could be for his peoples good ; or , at least to ●ll them so cannily and convey them so artificial●● , and as it were , insensibly , and by the by ; and withall to drop them out so sparingly , as that they may neither hinder nor hide his great design ●● love and alluring mercy . i will allure her , and ●●ing her into the wilderness , and speak comfortably ●nto her : and when the lord hath gained his great ●esign and hath once won the heart of her , then followes mercy upon mercy and promise upon promise to the end of the chapter ; where he de●ares that he will betroath her unto himself for ever in faithfulness , and that there shall be ●● thing but inviolable kindness betwixt them in ●● time coming . the lords threatnings , fro●● and chastening rods , are all necessary mercy advancing the great mercy of god's people in ●● nearer injoyment of himself : and that which ●● its own nature , and at sometime is mercy , at ●nother time to such a person were no mercy , or cruel mercy , such as are the tender mercies of ●● wicked . but god will not shew wicked m●n mercies , cruel mercies to his people . i compare the mercy of god to his people , in all ●● wayes , to a white threed in a web , 〈◊〉 ing through many dark colours . a child , or ●● that knows no better , will readily think at eve● disappearing of the white , that there is no wh●● there : but when they look to the inner-side , th●● find the white appearing there that was interrup●● and lost , as they thought on the other side . ev●● so the mercy of the lord , which indureth ●● ever to his people , runneth uninteruptedly alon●● all his dispensations to them ; and if they point● any black part of the web , and ask , where●● your white threed now ? if they pitch upon a●● sad dispensation of providence , and ask , what mercy is here ? i will bid them , look to the inner-si●● for we must not judge by appearance , but we m●● judge righteous iudgment . there is a disappeari●● white threed of mercy on the innerside of all blackest and most afflicting lots of saints , and ●● any have not the faith to believe this in an h●● and power of darkness , yet i shall wish them ●● patience to wait , till they see the white threed ●yth again in its own place , and till they find undenyable mercy , that will not suffer it self to be mistaken , tryst them upon the borders of that dark valley : for mercy follows them all the days of their life psal. . . and sometimes it will compass them round about psal. , . in a word all the very outfallings that are betwixt god and his people , they are amantium irae that is but amoris redintegratio , ●overs cast out and agree again , and they cast not out but that they may agree again : and so are god and his people , mercy shall conclude all that passes betwixt them : and that mercy is joyned with truth : for god hath said it , and he was never yet worse than his word to any ; but to many very oft much better . you see here ( which confirms the point not a little ) what a wilde ●iece she is , to whom the lord does all this , neither minding god nor his covenant nor commandments ; but courting her lovers and following her lightness : and yet the lord pursues her , ●ight and litle worth as she is , courts her , and invites her to come home . all this is strange , and yet all this is but like god , that the holy one of israel should thus like the adullamite judah 's friend gen. . go to seek a harlot by the way side . but consider . . that when the lord married her , he knew all the faults that followed her , and ●ook her with them all . if god had not known before what she would prove , it might be strange that thus he suits her : but if there be any thing to be admired here , it is his first love to her whom he knew to be such an one . but dly consider where will the lord do better ? where is there any in the world that without his own undertaking would serve him otherwayes ? and therefore till the lord find a better match , he thinks ( and with all reason ) even as good hold him at his first choise : especially since . he knows of a way how to gain her : and . sees her already rewing her courses , and saying that she will return to her first husband . and by all this . he will let it be seen that he is not so unstable and light as she is . she could find in her heart to entertain others in his place , and surely she was not ill to please , that could take an idol in his rooms : but yet he will make it manifest to all the world , that he is god and changes not ; and therefore he will mantain his old kindness to her , and will remember the love of her espousals , and the kindness of her youth : for . foolish as she was , he had gotten more love of her in former times , than he had gotten of all the world besides . and thus the very case stands betwixt god and his deboarding children and backsliding people unto this day . iii the third great scripture truth that is here solemnly confirmed is this , that gods way will his people is not the manner of men . sam. , hosea , . they like men transgress the covenant and chap. . . he like god and like himself ( and there is none like unto him : for if any were like him , he were not himself ) will not exe● cut the fierceness of his anger , nor return to destroy them ; because he is god and not man , jer. , . the● say if a man put away his wife , and she go from him and become anothermans , shall be return unto her again ? ●●all not that land be greatly polluted ? but thou hast ●ayed the harlot with many lovers , yet return again ●nto me saith the lord. now that gods way with ●is people , is not the manner of men , warrands them to expect from him things not ordinary : ●or it was the greatness of his extraordinary kindness to david that made him say so of god : yea ●● warrands them to expect above expectation . isai. ● . . thou didst terrible things that we looked not ●●r . yea more , it even warrands them to expect above admiration . zech. . . if it be marvelous ●● the eyes of the remnant of this people in these dayes ; should it also be marvelous in my eyes , saith the lord of hosts ? and the ground of all is isai. , . because as the heavens are higher than the earth , so are ●●e lords ways higher than our ways , and his thoughts than our thoughts . this is solemnly confirmed in ●he text proposed : where we have such a stupendious strange inference , a therefore that ( considering what hath been last said ) all the world cannot ●ell wherefore : a therefore , that if it had been left ●o all the world to supply what follows it , considering what hath immediatly gone before , i doubt it could have entered into any created heart to have once guessed it . she went after her lovers and forgot me saith the lord , and therefore i will allure here and comfort her . to this therefore is well subjoined , behold , which observation teacheth admiration of what we cannot reach to satisfaction : only , from all this , let us consider , whether the great sin of limiting god be not too ordinary , and too litle abhorred an evil amongst us . we frame to our fancy a litle modest god forsooth that must not take too much upon him : and by those fancies we model our prayers , and returnes , and pardons of sin , and accounts of providences , and events of dispensations , and all things . and if that be not to have another god before the true god , i have not read my bible right , nor do i understand the first commandment . but now after that i have wandered so long before , though , i hope , not beside the purpose , i am yet but entering the wilderness . sermon hosea : : therefore behold , i will allure her , and bring her into the wilderness , and speak comfortably unto her : a wilderness is a land of darkness ier. , . and whilst i but look into the wilderness , i am surrounded with the darkness of a mysterious transition in the particle therefore . but when i begin to enter , and while my foot standeth even upon the borders of darkness , i see a light shining out of darkness , psal. . . the enterance of thy words giveth light , it giveth understanding unto the simple . this lights me over the border . where being come , i hear a voice which bids me behold , and beholding i see a strange wherefore , of this strange therefore , and it is this , that by any means the lord must have his peopl's heart , and be sole owner of their love without a rival or partaker . in the close of the former verse , she forgot m● saith the lord : that i cannot suffer , and therefore will allure her , behold i will allure her . she forgot me and could not tell wherefor , except it was for my indulgence , and that i spilt her with too much kindness ; as it is written for my love they are my enemies . and i will pursue her love , and follow her for her heart . i will allure her , and i will tell her wherefore not : not for your sakes do i this saith the lord god , be it known unto you ; be ashamed and be confounded for your own wayes , o house of israel . ezek. , . but i will not tell her wherefore , but so it must be : therefore i will allure her , and if my former kindness and indulgence was a fault ; ( for the prosperity of fools destroyes them , prov. . . ) that shall be mended : i will bring her into the wilderness ; for she is so wild that i must tyne her before i win her : i must kill her , before i make her alive : i must loose her , before i find her : i must cast her down before i comfort her ; and therefore i will bring her into the wilderness ; and i will speak comfortably unto her . all this we are willed to behold . therefore behold . &c. in the words then we have these four things distinctly so be considered . . the note of observation behold . , the intimation of the churches condition , i will bring her into the wilderness . . the lords great design upon his church in this and all his dispensations to her , i will allure her , which rules all the vicissitudes of her divers lots , as means depending in a due subordination upon this high end , whereinto they are ●ll to be resolved , as into the last cause and reason . this great design of god upon his people , is as the principles and fundamental propositions of sciences , which prove all particular conclusions , whilst themselves only remain unproven by infe●ence , as being received by evidence , of all that ●re but acquaint with the terms . for if it be asked , wherefore god will afflict his church and bring her into the wilderness ? the answer is , because he will allure her : and wherefore will he comfort her ? because he will allure her ; he must have her heart as i said before . but if it be asked , and wherefore will he allure her ? what sees he in her , that thus he should court her for her kind ness ? that must answer it self , that is the therefore that hath no wherefore , but. even so lord , for so it pleases thee ! . i shall consider the juncture and coincidency of her afflictions and his consolations ; i will bring her into the wilderness and speak comfortably unto her . therefore behold . from the first thing then , the note of observation we have this doctrine , that it is our duty ( and a weighty one ) well to consider the lords wayes with his people and his works towards them . therefore behold . &c. when god bids us behold , it is sure we shall have something worthy of the seeing . now that this is a concerning duty , seriously to observe the lords works and wayes towards his people , is confirmed by these three things from the scripture . the . is , scripture commands to this purpose , such as the many beholds that the lord either prefixes or annexes to his works , whereof we have one in this place ; and psal. . . we are commanded to mark and behold the end both of the upright and of the transgressours . and to the head of commands ( because i love not to multiply things without great necessity ) i refer all these things that are proper pertinents and pendicles of a command . . exhortations , such as ier. . . o generation see ye the word of the lord. . complaints and expostulations such as isai . . lord when thy hand is lifted up , they will not see . . promises , such as hosea . . . then shall ye know , if ye follow on to know the lord &c. . threatnings , such as psal. . . because they regard not the works of the lord , nor the operation of his hands he shall destroy them and not build them up ; with psal. . . consider this ye that forget god , lest i tear you in pieces and there be none to deliver . . commendations , such as psal. , . whoso is wise and will observe these things &c , hosea . . and he that was a wise man and a great observer tells us eccles. , . that the wise mans eyes are in his head . . we have also discommendations and exprobrations wherewith the lord upbraids such as observe not his works and ways isai . . they are deaf and blind that will not see : yea ieremy , . calls them sottish , and the psalmists call them bruits psal , . so then by the command of god which is the undoubted determiner of duty it is a necessary concerning duty to observe the lords works and ways towards his people . the d . thing that confirmes the point , is this , that the works of god are wrought before his people for that very end , that they may observe them : and he makes his ways known to men , that all men may observe him : take but one pregnant place for this . isai , . that they may see and know and consider and understand together , that the hand of the lord hath done this , and the holy one of israel hath created it . the holy one of israel is no hypocrite , and yet he doth all his works to be seen of men . the third thing that confirmes the point is , the usefulness of the works of god : there is never a work of god , but it hath some excellent instruction to men that will observe them : every work hath a word in its mouth . there is something of use in every one : god speaks no idle words : every word of god is pure , yea his words are like silver tryed in the furnace seven times : there is no dross nor refuse in the bible : the light of israel and his holy one works no unfruitful works , like the works of darkness : gods works of providence are an inlargement and continuation of his first piece of creation ; and if the first edition of his works was all very good , perfect and unreproveable ; how excellent to all admiration must the last edition be , after so many ? but who is wise to understand these things , and prudent to know them ? who hath these two useful volumes of the word and works of god bound in one , and so makes joynt use of them in their dayly reading ? but howbeit many are unlearned , and to many the book be sealed , yet there are rare things in the book . so then since the works of god are so useful , it concerns us to observe them as things tending , even as also they are intended , to our great advantage . and upon this very useful consideration , we will find our selves obliged to observe seriously the lords works and ways to his people ; except we can answer that question , wherefore is there a price in the hand of a fool to get wisdom , seeing he hath no heart to it . prov. , . i shall not here mention that which is , if not a strange confirmation , yet a clear illustration of the doctrine ; and it is the practice of saints in scripture who have been diligent students of all the works of god universally , and particularly of his ways to his people : and some have been such proficient by their observations , that they have been able to leave us a perfect chronicle , with a diurnal account of events in their time , as the scripture-historians ; others have searched so deep , by the special assistance of him that searcheth all things , even the deep things of god , that they have been able to frame us certain and everlasting almanacks of the state of future times ; as the prophets . but to pass these , as being acted and assisted by an extraordinary motion and measure of the spirit of god , look we thorow all the scriptures , how religious observers of the works of god and his ways whether in general to his people , or to themselves in particular , we find even ordinary saints and extraordinary persons in their ordinary conversation to have been . now being convinced that it is our concerning duty to observe diligently the works of god , and his dispensations to his people : two great questions require to be answered for our further satisfaction , and better instruction in this duty . , vvhat are we specially to observe in the works of god and his dispensations to his people ? . how are we to observe the works of god ? to the first question then , be it presupposed , . that there is no work of god , nor any thing in any work of god , how common and ordinary soever , that is not excellent and glorious , and worthy to be searched out , psal. . , , . but . of all the works of god , some are more glorious and observable than others , and of every work of god , some things are more excellent and searchworthy than others . . that we are not able to observe or take up fully any work of god ; far less all his works . eccles. , . whereupon it follows in all reason . that we are to apply our selves to the observation of some things especially in the works of god. otherwise as by a perpetual endless divisibility , of the least continuous body ( according to the principles of peripatetick philosophy ) a midges wing may be extended to a quantity able to cover the outmost heavens : so the observation of the meanest work of god , may abundantly furnish discourse deducable to perpetuity . but then what shall come of short-breathed man , whose days are an hand breadth , in the attempt of an impossibility ? he mustly by the gate , and leave the rest ( as italians do their chess playes ) to be told by his posterity . wherefore i shall but hint compendiously at these four things chiefly , to be observed seriously in the works of god , and his ways towards his people . . we would consider and observe seriously the works themselves with all their circumstances , and this is a part to know the times , to know what the lord is doing to his people in the times none would be such strangers in ierusalem as not to know the things that happen there in their days luke , . david psal. , . can say , i meditat on all thy works , i muse on the work of thy hands . we might think him a bad mariner who being at sea should not be able at any time to tell from what airth the wind did blow ; and we may think him a litle better christian who can give no account of the times , nor of the works of god in the times ; and knows not , it may be cares not , how the wind blows upon the church and people of god. every one that would be worthy of their roome in the time , would study to be acquainted with the accidents of divine dispensations in the time ; not out of athenian curiosity , but christian inquiry ; but if it be asked , how far is it betwixt antioch and athens ? or plainly what difference is there betwixt christian inquiry and athenian curiosity ? it may not be amiss ( as paul inpassing by beheld their devotion act. . . ) by the way to take notice out of act , . . . . of these three properties of athenian curiosity , which difference is from christian inquiry , . it runs all upon new things ; even the ancient truths of the gospel , and the best things in gods dispensations , if once they become old and ordinary , do not relish with curiosity . . curiosity satisfies it self with telling and hearing of those new things ; it hears to tell , and tells what it hears , and tells that it may tell , and nothing els , as the text says ; it is taken up with the report of things more than with the things ; it is an empty airy thing . . it is a time spending thing : they spend their time so , sayes the text : curiosity like nigards can spend well upon another mans purse , and give liberally of that which is none of its own : let no man trust his time to curiosity , which will be sure to give him a short account of all spent . but for further satisfaction in the difference betwixt athenian curiosity and christian inquiry , let all that be considered which rests to be answered to both the questions proponed before , upon a particular survey whereof , we shall be able to give a more distinct judgment in the case of this difference . only as it is kindness not curiosity that makes men inquire , how their friends do : so where there is true kindness to the people of god , it will kyth in a solicitous inquiry concerning their state in all things . but , as the man asked christ , who then is my neighbour ? so may the church and people of god justly ask , but who is my friend ? she sees so many as the levite , pass by on the other side , who never turn aside , so much as once to ask how she does , and to whom all is as nothing that she suffers . lament . . , is it nothing to you all ye that pass by ? &c , let it be remembred then , that the works of god themselves with all their circumstances be duely considered . the d thing to be observed in the works of god , is , the author and hand that worketh these works . this the saints have observed in the works of god , psal. , . this they will that others may observe , psal. . this all may , and ought , and shall in the end see psal. , . isai . . who ever be the amanuensis or what ever be the instrument , gods works , as pauls epistles , are all given under his own hand , with this inscription , all these have my hands done . the scripture hath diverse expressions to this purpose , of the finger of god , the hand of god , the arme of the lord , and god himself appearing in his works , intimating the gradual difference of manifestations of a providence , appearing sometimes more darkly , sometimes more clearly in the works and dispensations of god. and yet even the smallest character of providence , if men had on their spectacles , is sufficiently conspicuous and may be discerned that it is the hand writing of the lord , for that it hath a peculiar stampt of divinity that cannot be counterfited . if god creat but a louse in egypt , that is an original whereof the greatest magicians can give no copy : because it is the finger of god exod. . . and yet many read the epistle without the inscription ; many see the hand work , and not the hand ; the work , and not the worker . not to speak of heathen atheists , of whom some have been darkned with the fancy of a voluble blind fortune : others dammished with the impression of on inflex●●●e inexorable fate : both equally opposed to the ●th of a wisely contrived and freely exercised ●●ovidence . nor to speak of heretical maniche● who attributed all evil events of sin or pain , to ●e daemoniacal influence of a malum principium an dependent unprincipiated principle of evil , in ●ain speech , a devil-god : nor of malicious blas●emous iews , who , albeit that they could not ●ny , that notable works and miracles were ●ought by christ , yet calumniously attributed at , which was the finger of god , to beelzebub ●e prince of devils . i say , not to mention these , ●w many are there in all generations , who have ●gmatically received the true principles of a gene● providence , that , either of neglect , do not , of infirmity and mistake cannot , or of malice ●ill not see , the hand of god in particular events : ●nd therefore we have this frequent conclusion gods dispensations whether of mercy or judg●ent , then shall they know that i am the lord. unbelief of a providence looseth all the pins and ●aketh the whole frame of religion : and the ●●th and actual observation of a providence sixeth that atheisme looseth . upon this pin of an observed providence , the saints do hang many excellent vessels of greater and smaller quantity . ●nd what doth not david build upon this foundation ? the lord reigneth . let us then observe ●rovidence ruling in all dispensations , and in every one of these , let us with old eli , both see , ●d say , it is the lord : and whether dispensations be prosperous or cross , let us remember him th● hath said , i make peace , and i creat evil . on●● let not the observation of providence either slaken our hands in any good duty : this evil i● the lord , wherefore then should i wait any longer 〈◊〉 him , was an ill use of providence . and this is b● like the rest of satans and unbeliev's conclusion nor . let it strengthen our hands in any sin● project or practice . it was the devil that 〈◊〉 cast thy self down from the pinacle because he hath ●●ven his angels charge of thee . let us not take providence . for approbation of our practice : senacherib who could say that he was not come without the lord against ierusalem . it was a wick●● word in david's enemies to say , god hath fors●●● him , let us persecute and destroy him : but david 〈◊〉 of another spirit , when god delivered saul i● his hand : let not my hand ( saith he ) be upon b● for wickedness proceedeth from the wicked , saith the proverb of the ancients . . let dispensations of providence be determining evidences of our state before god : for all things 〈◊〉 alike unto all , and and no man can know either ●● or hatred by all that is before him , eccles. , . ●● a great vanity in a wicked man to think the 〈◊〉 of himself for prosperity . and it a great weak●●●● in a saint , to think the worse of himself for affliction and adversity , albeit all these come from the hand of the lord. and yet none are hereup●● allowed to be stoically or stupidly unconcerned 〈◊〉 the vicissitudes of differing dispensations : for ●●cles . , . there is a time to weep and a time to 〈◊〉 time to mourn and a time to dance . and chap. . . the wise god by the wise mans mouth bids us , in ●he day of prosperity be joyful , but in the day of ad●ersity consider . the d. thing to be observed in the works of god and his ways to his people , is the properties and attributes of those his works : for as omne ●actum refert suum factorem , every thing made re●embles its maker ; so in the works of god generally , and more specially in his ways and dispensations to his own , we have a lively draught and ●elineation of all the attributes of the blessed worker . here is displayed the soveraignity of god which is exalted equally above limited ●oyality and licentious tyranny : for the kings ●●rength loveth judgment , psal. . . the soverignity of god flows from his unlimited indend●nt nature , is founded upon his transcendent un●erived right in his creatures , and runs in this method , . he is over and before all things : . all things are of him : . all things are his : and therefore . . he may do with his own what he will : ●e is the only potentat , and to him belongs the kingdom , the power and the glory for ever , amen . this ●overaignity of the works of god , or of god in ●is works , is a common pass-key that will open all ●he adyta , the secret passages of the most mysterious reserved works of god , in his most surprizing ●ispensations to his people , and gives the only answer to questions about many of his dispensations otherways unanswerable : instance these few . question . why hath the lord elected one to salvation , and appointed another to damnation and that , it may be , of two brethren , as iaca● and easu twins born , where all things are equal in the object ? answer . because the potter hath power over the clay to make of the same lump one vessel to honour and another to dishonour , rom. . . question : why , i● pursuance of the design and accomplishment of the work of our salvation , did the lord bruise his own son and put him to grief ? it pleased the lord isai . . question . why doth the lord shew mercy to one , and harden another ? answer . so he ●● rom , . . question . why to all those that an● really in a state of grace , doth the lord dispens● grace so differently in time , measure , method manner and other circumstances ? answer , th●● is as the spirit of god will cor. , . question . why doth the lord distribute an equal reward of glory to those whose works and service i● very unequal in the world ? answer . because it is lawful for the lord to do what he will with ●● own . math. . . question . why doth the lord vouchafe grace to those most ordinaril● who naturally ly at the greatest disadvantages , ● that the poor , the fools , babes , yea the most desperat forlorn sinners , publicans and harlots , a● called and do receive the mysteries of the kingdom of heaven and enter thereinto , whilst th● wise , the mighty , the righteous , civil , well natured and well bred pharisees are passed by ? wh● should all this be ? answer . even so father for so seemed good in thy sight . math. . , question . why doth the lord choose one people , and ●ation to make them his people , bring them with 〈◊〉 the bond of his covenant , and give them a free ●●spensation of his ordinances , whilst he doth not to others , and loves them that are of themselves , may be , the least lovely ? answer the lord loves and chooses , because he loves and chooses ●eut . . compare the , and . verses . question . ●●w comes it that the lord surprises his saints any times with such unexpected kindness and ●ercies , as distress their wits and dash their mo●sty so , that they are equally ashamed and ignorant of that kindness , wherewith they are so loaded ●d weighted without wearying , that they are ●terly at a loss to express , let be to requite it ? hence is all this , i say ? answer . because gods way with his people , is not the manner of man : and what can david say more to it ? samuel , . question , but how is it that the lord withdrawes his comfortable presence many times ●om his people , when they are most earnest to keep ●m , and solicitous to entertain him ? answer . ●hat is as he pleases , cant. , . it becomes us well to ●ait his dyets , and it as well becomes him to be ●aster of his own dyets . question . why is it ●at the lord gives many of his finest and most ●oly saints , such a sad inward life of desertions , ●ears , tentations , that are able to distract even a ●ise heman from his youth ? and to make them ●iferenters also of such exercises ? answer , i find ●is question made by heman psal. , . but i ●nd no answer to it . and it may be , the lord would have said it is ill speired . the just answer to this and such like questions is , job . . . g●● gives not account of any of his matters . question . ● dispensations how is it that either all things f● alike to all ; or if there be any odds of lots , the worst falls to the saints in this life ? and that som● times men that are singulary holy are strangely afflicted ? as iob. answer . job , , . this ●● one thing , therefore , i said it : he destroyeth th● perfect and the wicked , if the scourge slay suddainly , he will laugh at the tryal of the innocen● o soveraignity becoming him only who doth ● heaven and earth whatsoever he pleaseth ! th● next property and attribute of god observable i● his works , is wisdom : and this sweetly influence the former : for albeit god always will not , yet always he well can , give a good account of his ma●ters : known unto god are all his works , from the beginning , act ● . . yea the lord som● times manifests the wisdom of his works evidentl● and eminently , to his peoples admiration rath●● than satisfaction , and lets them see more wisdom in his dispensations than they can fathom : o th● depth ! rom. . . i dare not cast my self into the depth of this wisdom of god in his dispensations , lest i be not able in haste to recover my self only let us mind that what we know not now ●● god 's mind in his dispensations , it may be w● shall know afterwards to our great satisfaction we should likewise observe in the works of god power , holiness , justice , goodness ( whereo● more in the sequel of our discourse ) and particularly we would observe the truth , for which the psalmist so much commends the judgements and ●nd works of god : we should observe , how every work of god verifies some word of his book , and ●ow all fulfills the whole . we find it frequent in the mouth of christ and his apostles , and sure it was first in their eyes : thus and thus it was done that the scriptures might be fulfilled . the works of god are an enlarged commentary of ● daily new edition upon the word of god. and be sure , this shall not be an orleans gloss that will overturn the text ; nor will the only wise god so far forget himself , in the least to counter work his word . and if thus we observe the correspondency of gods works with his word , our song shall be : as we have heard , so have we seen in the ● city of our god. and that according to his name so is his praise to all the ends of the earth . psal. , , . only let us be sure to have the word on our side , if ever we would expect good of the works of god : for if gods word be for us , himself is on our side ; & if god be for us , who shall be against us ? who is the man , what is the thing ? neither death nor life &c. the fourth thing to be observed in the works of god is the voice of them . gods words have a hand , and are active working words : his works have a tongue , and are speaking works : his words may be seen . ier ; . . o generation see ye the word of the lord : and his works may be heard , mica . . . the lords voice cryeth to the city , and the man of wisdom shall see the thy name , hear ye the rod and him that hath appointed it . there is both a visible voice and name , and an audible rod. men have no ears for gods word or if they hear it , they dally with it , and make i● but what they please , darkening it with the du● of their carnal self-pleasing glosses : but god hath another voice , the heavy voice of a bloody lashing rod : that voice will cause men hear , and i● speaks so distinctly that it will make the meaning of a despised word so plain , that it shall be even visible what god would say to such hearers . as the apostle sayes . cor , , . there are so many kinds of voices in the world , and every voice hath its own signification : so the several works o● god have their several signifying voices to the sons of men. some works of god have a voice o● instruction : some have a voice of lamentation : jesus once weept over the city ierusalem with the proper voice of his body : jesus often weeps over cities , churches , provinces and kingdoms with the metaphoricall voice of his dispensations : some works of god have a voice of gladness and singing psal. . . thou lord hast made me glad through they work some have a voice of victory and triumph and dividing the spoile ; i will triumph in the works of thy hands ibidem , in that same verse : miriam sang exod. , . the lord hath triumphed gloriously ; and psal. . the lord is gone up with a shout , the lord with the sound of a trumpet sing praises to god , sing praises , sing praises to our god , sing praises . some works of god have the voice of a lyon roaring , some of a thunder cracking , some of waters rushing : some works of god have a still whispering voice , some have ● clear speaking voice , some have a loud crying voice . the still voice whispers in the conscience , the plain clear voice speaks in the word , and the loud voice cryes in the rod : the lords voice cryes to the city , hear ye the rod and who hath appointed it . now they hear and observe the voice of god's works that make the true use of every dispensation that it requires , that lament when the lord mournes , that dance when he pipes , that tremble when he roares , that hearken when he teaches , that answer when he calls : and thus every godly soul is an eccho to the voice of god : the spirit says come , and the bride says come : the lord says return , and the sinner says , behod we come : he says , seek ye my face , and the soul says , thy face will i seek o lord. but as christ says , it is only he that hath an ear who will hear , and ( as the prophet micah says ) it is only the man of wisdom that will see gods name and hear the rod. and i take him to have a bad ear , and little skill in discerning voices , that cannot give the tune of god's present dispensations to his people in these nations . but it will appertain to the answer of the next question , to give the particular notes of this tune , and to hold forth the proper uses of present dispensations to the church and saints of god. the d question proponed was , how are we to observe the works and dispensations of god ? to the question i answer , that we are to observe the dispensations of god. . with selfdenyal and humble diffidence of our own wisdom and understanding . there is . so much of mystery in th● dispensations of god. verily thou art a good that h●est thy self o god the saviour of israel , isai , and dly so many even good observers , godly men , have verily mistaken so far in their apprehensions of divine dispensations , ( witness job and his freinds who darkned counsel by words without knowledge ? iob . . and , . whereupon the lord poses ●ob in the former place , and which he freely confesses in the latter ) that it is needful in this point , if in any , to hearken to instruction prov , , . lean not to thine own understanding : be no wise in thine own eyes . humble david though wise david , who for his discerning was as an angel ●● god sam , . . would not exercise himself ●● matter too high for him , psal , . whereof the dispensations of god are a high part , which h● acknowledges to be too hard for him to understand psal. . . and his son solomon whose wisdom is so renowned , taxes all rash and unadvised inquiry into the works of god eccles. , . there is no safe nor true discovery of the works of god but through the prospect of his word psa● . . we must ●o to the sanctuary with gods works the word will let us see , that wicked men are se● upon slippery places , even when they seem to stand surest , psal. . . and when their roots are wrapped about the earth , and they see the place o● stones , while they lean upon their house and holy it fast , while they are in their greenness , they are cut down , and as the rush they wither before any other herb . iob. . . and foreward . yea whilst the saints look not upon their own state and gods dispensations to them , according to the word , they are ready to mistake right far . i said in my prosperity , my mountain stands strong and i shall never be moved : thou didst hide thy face and i was troubled . and upon the other hand , when i said , my foot slippeth , thy mercy , lord , it held me up : wherefore let us ay be ready to hearken to better information , in our apprehensions of divine dispensations and particular events , remembring that all men are lyars . but for the general issue of things , we may be well assured without all fear of mistake , that it shall be well with the righteous , and ill with the wicked : for this is the sure word of prophesie isai . . . yea not only shall it be well with the righteous in the end , but every thing how cross soever in the way shall conduce and concurr to work his wellfare : and this is a truth that shall never fail , and wherein there is no fear of mistake , rom. . . and the scripture abounds with noble instances of this truth . but by the contrary , all things how prosperous soever that fall to the wicked in his way , shall in the end redound to his woe , and turn to his greater misery : of this likewise there are in scripture instances not a few . learn we then to observe dispensations of particular events with humility and submission to a better judgment . dly we must observe the works of god with patience , if we would know the lords going forth we must follow on to know hosea . . in our observation of dispensations we must not conclude at a view nor upon their first appearance . there is i , so much of surprisal in many dispensations , that often they escape our first thoughts : verily , says jacob , god was in this place , and i knew it not genes . , . when the lord brought back the captivity of zion , sayes the church , we were as men that dreame psal. , , when the angel delivered peter , he wist not whether that it was true that was done ; but thought he saw a vision act. , . there is , oft times much error in our first thoughts of things that needs to be corrected by second thoughts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , second thoughts are the wiser . i say ( ays david ) i am cut off from thine eyes ; but i said it over soon , i said it in my haste , i took no leasure throughly to consider the matter : and therefore i will look again toward thy holy temple , i looked , but i must look again ; i said , but i must say again . the scriptures gives many instances , of the saints mistaks and errors in the first thoughts of gods dispensations : and in these pat●untur aliquid humani , they are but like men . somtimes again , the lord goes thorow in his dispensations by a method of contraries : he brings his people into the dark , before he cause light shine out of darkness ; he brings them ( as the text says ) into the driery wilderness , and there he comforts them ; he wounds before he heal ; he kills before he make alive ; he casts down before he raise up . and therefore there is need of patience to observe the whole course of dispensations and their connexion : for if we look upon them by parts , we will readily mistake in our observation . i find likwise . in many dispensations a reserve , the lord keeping up his mind , as it were to bait and allure his people to observe : verily thou art a god that hidest thy self o god the saviour of israel , isai . . o lord we cannot see what thou wouldst be at : what i do thou knowest not now ( sayes christ ) but thou shalt know afterwards . like a man if he see his hearers slack their attention to a serious discourse , he breaks off and pauses a little , to reduce them to a serious attention : so does god in his works to gain us to a diligent observation . threfore in our observation of dispensations , we would be like abraham's godly servant genes . , . he held his peace , to wit whether the lord had made his journey prosperous or not . moreover . in some dispensations the lord uses a holy simulation , and makes as if he would do that which he hath no mind to do . sometimes he makes to take leave of his people before he tell his erand , let me go says he to jacob , when iacob was but yet beginning to know that it was he , and ere ever there was a word of the blessing , which he came to leave with iacob for his encouragement in his encounter with his brother . and christ made as if he would have passed by his disciples at sea : and the like semblance he made luke , . now if we can have the patience to observe , we will sometimes see the issue of dispensations other than it appeared . and for patient observation of dispensations . respice finem a good advice , behold the end . psal. , . it is the end that we are bidden mark and behold , a● i said above . we must not conclude of dispensations neither by appearances nor parts : we must wait till we see every part do its part : for all works together rom. . . and , respice usque finem , behold or observe to the end , is an other direction necessary to the practice of the former : whose would see the end must behold with patience to the end . daniel , . enquires concerning the end of things , and he observes till the time of the end , he looks thorow all interveening times of the accomplishment of these events manifested to him ; so albeit none of us hath a prophetical spirit to lead us thorow future times , yet the faith and patience of saints teaches us to wait all our appointed time . in our patient observation of dispensations we must be like the prophet isai , . where he saith i stand continually upon the watch tower in the day , and i am set in my ward whole nights . my soul waits for the lord sayes david . more than the watch waits for the morning psal. . . i say more than they that wait for the morning , and by such patient observation he had seen many a foul night have a fair morning : sorrow may be at night , but joy comes in the morning . psal , . dly we should observe the lords dispensations with search and secrutiny psal. . . my spirit made diligent search . . we should search the lord's affection in dispensations , and whether they be in mercy or in wrath : many get their will and asking in wrath psal. . . . some are rebuked and chastened , but not in wrath nor displeasure as david prayes for himself psal. , . therefore the question would be ier. . . hast thou rejected ●udah ? hath they soul loathed zion ? dly we would search the reasons and procuring causes of sad dispensations iob , . shew me wherefore thou con●endest with me ? dly we would search and inquire ●nent the event of dispensations , wilt thou not revive us again that thy people may rejoice in thee ? psal. . . we are allowed likwise thy to search and enquire anent the continuance of dispensations : to this purpose we read in scripture many a how long lord ? in sad dispensations likwise ly we should search for solid grounds of comfort , and for this we should remember bygone times , and remember the kindness we have tasted of in them , psal. . . lord where are thy former loving kindnesses psal , . . i will remember the years of the right hand of the most high . but in the observation of dispensations our search would be , ly chiefly about our duty : our main question would be , lord what wilt thou have me to do . act , . and our great petition with david must be , lead me o lord in they righteousnes because of mine enemies , make thy way straight before my face , psal. . . teach me thy way , o lord , and i will walk in thy truth : unite my heart to fear thy name psal. . . . we should observe the dispensations of god with regard , the challenge is isai . , that they regard not the work of the lord. this regard is a due judgment and estimation of the works of god with reverence becoming the majesty , worth and excellency of the worker , and the works , and that leaves an impression of piety and religion upon the heart of the observer : according to that pathetick exclamation rev. , . who shall not not fear thee , o lord , and glorify they name ? for thou art holy : for all nations shall come and worship before thee : for thy judgments are made manifest . due observation of the works of god is a great curb to atheisme and prophanity : and atheisme and prophanity are as great enemies to due observation of divine dispensations . put men in fear o lord that they may seek thy name . ly we should observe the lord dispensations with affection : lament . . mine eye affecteth mine heart : the prophet's observation of dispensations made him cry , my bowels , my bowels , my heart is pained within me ! jer. . . i reckon him a savage person , and one that hath vicera fera & triplex circa pectus robur , the bowels of a tygar or bear , and that his heart is brass , oak , or stones , who is not affected with the dispensations of our times ; who grieves not for the afflictions of joseph amos . . and who cryes not alas for the day , for none is like it . it is the day of jacob's trouble . jer. . . . we should observe the lords works with memory : in our observations of things present , we should reflect upon these that are past in former times . i remember the days of old psal. . . and likwise we would lay up in memory our present observations for the time to come psal. . , . mark ye well that ye may tell it to the generation following . we have both joined together psal , , , . that which we have heard and known and our fathers have told us , we will not hide from their children , ●hewing to the generations to come the praises of the lord , and his strength , and his wonderfull works that he hath ●one . the psalmist says psal. . . the lord hath made his wonderful works to be remembred . o! then ●t not the memory of the lords works go down ●n our days . let us comfort our selves with what ●s remembred : and let us transmit the memory of the lords works to succeeding generations , that they may share of the same comforts . and i believe the people of god in this time have much to ●o with their memory : we hear not what we were wont to hear , nor see what we were wont to see : we are now left to gather up the fragments of former enjoyments by the hand of a sanctified memory . one says , o , i shall still think well of christ ! he shall be to me as the apple tree alongst the trees of the wood : for the day was then i sat down under his shaddow , and his fruit ●as sweet to my taste . cant. . . another says o ●ut i love the house of god well ! and o when shall i come and appear there before god! for the ●ay was when i saw the lords glory and his power in ●● sanctuary . psal. , . and o when shall i see ●e like again ? o how shall that be ? then make ●e of thy memory , and remember that david ●●m the wilderness returned and dwelt in the ●use of the lord all the days of his life . remember likewise isai . . that god did for his people terrible things which they looked not for , ●he came down and the mountains flowed down at his presence ; and this they build their hope upon in their present case . conclude thou then with david sam. . that if thou hast found favour in the eyes of the lord : he will bring thee again , and shew the both his ark and his habitation ! this scripture hath long lodged in my thoughts , and while min● own heart , like sarah behind the tent door laught and says , shall these things be ? in reproach ●● scornful unbelief , i thus both use and please to reason . those who find favour in the eyes of the lord he will bring them again , and shew them both his ark and his habitation : to wit the sanctuary but the many wandering saints and out-cast ministers and people of these nations find favour in the eyes of the lord : therefore they shall be brought back to see the ark of the lord and his habitation . let unbelief answer the first proposition : le● even their enemies answer the second , and the●● who shall deny the conclusion ? . we would observe the works of god and his dispensations with use : the useful observe is the good observer of divine dispensations , an● this is that which before , in scripture phrase w●● called a harkening to the lords voice in his dispensations , and a discerning of their tune . there no work of god , but it hath a voice , and it hath a use ; and the works of god are of so universal ●● that hardly is their any truth in the word of god but we are taught it by some work of god. it ●t pertinent , nor take i pleasure here to enlarge general , of the proper uses of the several ●orks of god ; but having above supposed , as ●e truth is , that to any who hath an ear to discern ; the voice of present dispensations to the ●hurch in these nations is beyond all dispute a ●urnful one . i shall therefore shortly hint at the ●oper uses of such mournful dispensations : and shall direct them all from the third chapter of the lmentations . the first use of present dispensations is , for lamentation . verses , , . mine eye , ●ine eye , mine eye ! mine eye runneth down with ●vers of waters . mine eye trickleth down and ●●seth not , without any intermission : mine eye affect●● mine heart . o call all that are skilful to mourn , and let them raise up a lamentation . but ●hough neither our eyes weep nor our voice la●ent , yet even our condition it self doth weep and mourn to god. jer. . , . many pastors have destroyed my vtneyard , they have troden my portion un●●r foot ; they have made my pleasant portion a desolate wilderness , they have made it desolate , and being deso●●e , it mourneth unto me , the whole land is made de●●ate , and no man layeth it to heart . come then and ●●t up a lamentation together all that are sorrowful for the solemn assemblies . lament smitten ●epherds , lament scattered flocks , lament hungry and thristy souls , lament desolate congregations , lament poor doubting disconsolate christians , lament closed churches , lament empty ●●ulpits , lament silent sabbaths , turn your joy into mourning , o our blessed communion-time lament cities , lament burrows , lament ye d● villages , and my soul shall mourn in secret places , cause the lords flock is carryed away . jer. . . say ! it is a lamentation , and shall be for a lamentation . we never saw the like since popish ●●terdictions , so many glorious lights obscured these nations . and if an enemy had done th● then might we have born it ; if pope , if turk , pagan : but thou o — a friend , a protestant , prince of the covenant ! what thing shall i ta●● to witness for this ? but because the apostle bids us mourn as those th● have hope . the d use of present dispensations sh● be to hope , verse . this i recal to my m●● therefore have i hope . verse . in him will i hope verse . it is good that a man should both hop● and quietly wait for the salvation of the lord isai . . i will wait upon the lord that hides his face from the house of jacob , and i will loo● for him . it is wonderful to see , how contrar● conclusions faith and unbelief will draw from the same premisses . the lord is wroth and hides h●● face , then say believing isai and jeremy we wi●● hope in him and wait for him ; yea but set unbelieving joram to it , and he will tell you shortly why should i wait any longer for him kings 〈◊〉 . and if he must know why ; jeremy ( lament . . ) can tell him , it is good : and if he ask what good is in it ? isai will tell him more particularly chap. . . the lord is a god of iudgment , 〈◊〉 blessed are all they that wait for him psal. , . will wait on thy name , for it is good before thy saints : ●here we see it is the judgment of all the saints , ●at it is still good to wait on god. o then let us ●ait on him that hideth his face from the house 〈◊〉 jacob ; for surely there is hope . but where is ●ur hope ? our hope is in god that saveth the up●●ght : he is the hope of israel , and the saviour there●● in time of trouble jer. , . so long as he is god , 〈◊〉 long is their hope : and to say there were no hope , were to say there were no god , and they ●ob god of his glory and title who fail in their hope . the d use of present dispensations is submission . verses , , , . it is good for a man that he bear the yoke in his youth : he sitteth alone and keepeth silence : because he hath born it upon him : he puteth his mouth in the dust , if so be there may be hope , he gives his cheeks to him that smiteth him , he is filled with reproach , and verse . wherefore doth a living man complain , a man for the punishment of his sins ? what ever be the lords dispensations , is our part to submit . and because submission 〈◊〉 gods dispensations is a hard duty to our rebellious corrupt hearts , i find the lamenting prophet tacitly insisting to perswade submission upon ●hese grounds . . from the mitigation of dispensations : the lord punishes not as we deserve : ●●e are living men and are not consumed , and that ●his mercy renewed every morning . and indeed that is less than hell to a sinner , is mercy un●●served verse , , dly from the good that may be expected of the saddest dispensations verse . it is good that a man bear the yoke in h● youth : there is no lot so ill , but a well exercise soul can make good of it . dly from the hope ● an out-gate in the issue . verses . . the lord will not cast off for ever , but though he can grief , yet will he have compassion according ● the multitude of his mercies . . from the lords unwillingness to afflict . verse . for he doth not afflict willingly nor grieve the children of men . . from the lords soveraignity verse , out of the mouth of the most high proceedeth not evil and good ? . from mens deserving justly the saddest things . verse . wherfore doth a man complain for the punishment● his sins ? and verses . . the lord approv● no unjust dealing . but true submission is not stupid , idle , heartless thing : and if we suffer o● hearts wholly to be idle , they will not fail , like unemployed souldiers , to mutin , and so find themselves both unhappy and unlawful worl● therefore they must be diverted to that which good . take we then the th use of present dispensations to imploy our hearts with all , and that is se●● examination . verse . let us search and try o● ways ; a pertinent and very necessary work for su●● a time . amongst the many things we get leisu●● now to think on , let this be minded as none the least : as the ●yning pot for silver and the furnace for gold ; so is affliction to a sinner , a discovering and purging thing . affliction ( as i not before ) will cause men hear on the deafest side of their head , it will open their ears to discipline , it will cause them see things that before they would not see . let us then set in earnest to the work of ●elf-examination while we have the advantage of ●uch a help . the th use of present dispensations is repentance in that same verse and let us turn again to the lord , what ever by self-examination is discovered to be amiss , ( as hardly any man shall search himself faithfully but many such things will be ●ound with him ) let all that be amended : for if ●ur scum be only discovered and go not out from ●s , we shall be in hazard to be consumed in the furnace . repentance well becomes a sinner at any ●ime ; but especially when god with rebukes is ●hastising man for iniquity , and persuing sin with ● rod : and gods hand will fiul be stretched out , nor will his anger turn away , till the people turn to him that ●nites them , isai , , . if we would freely turn to the lord from all iniquity , we needed neither fear the wrath of men , nor be beholden to their kindness , the lord should then command deliverances for iacob , as it is said psal. . and should cause the best of them be glad to go his erands and serve at his commands , but our iniquities turn away and with hold good things from us ier. . . o if once that sweet word were going thorow the land , hosea . . every one sending it to his neighbour and saying , come and let us return unto the lord. the th use of present dispensations is much prayer , verse . let us lift up our heart with our hands to god in the heavens , and if the people of god set once to prayer in good earnest , it will be high time for their enemies to fear a mischief ; for sure the cloud of the saints prayers will break in a tempest upon their fatal heads . the three last verses of the chapter are dreadful to them . render unto them a recompence o lord , according to the work of their hands : give them sorrow of heart ; thy curse unto them : persecute and destroy them in anger from under the heavens of the lord. and if the destitute people of god were mighty in prayer , wrestling with god , weeping and making supplication to the angel as iacob did , i could tell the church of god good news , that then the lord would build up zion , and would appear in his glory , and tha● he would regard the prayer of the destitute ; and no● despise their prayer psal. , . for the lord is even waiting his peoples call , isai . . the lord waiteth to be gracious , he will be very gracious to thee , at the voice of thy cry when he shall hear it , he will answer thee . and what will he give us ? he will give us our removed teachers with the fulness of the blessing of the gospel , in a plentiful and powerful dispensation of the word isai . , . o then let all that love ierusalem pray , and let us wrestle together by prayer , and each pray with another , and for another , and to anothers hand , and let us all join hands , and see who can give the kindest lift and go nearest to raise up the tabernacle of david that is fallen , that we bear not the shame , that this breach is under our hand . now all these uses of afflicting dispensations , are as pertinent to the cases of particular persons , whose heart knows its own grief , and who know every one the plague of their own heart . and by all the rest prayer by the holy ghost is prescribed , as a chief ingredient in all the cures of an afflicted case jam. , . is any man afflicted let him pray . prayer hath its famous witnesses in the scriptures , of the great things that it hath done ; neither wants it its witnesses in the breasts all the saints . one word of sincere prayer will cause devils , and men , and lusts , and fears , and cares all run , and will burst the strongest bands . one word of sincere prayer from the end of the earth , will at a call bring god to the soul , and with him light , joy , peace , inlargment and soul-solace . but if any be so obstinate , as the jews were in the case of the blind man , that they will not believe famous well qualified witnesses , who know what they speak , and speak that which they have seen ; i say but of prayer to them , as the blind mans parents said to those of him john , , ask him , he shall speak for himself . try but prayer in earnest , and i have no fear to be found a false witness : for its own works shall praise it self best , and then i shall be thought to have spoken within bounds . and thus i have answered the questions proponed for instruction in the observation of divine dispensations : all which may serve ( as i said ) to state a clear difference betwixt athenian curiosity and a christian inquiry into the works of god and his ways towards his people . having already prosecuted the doctrine in a way ( as i hope ) not unuseful , there remains the less to be said to it by way of use distinctly , in the usual way . only be it remembered that we observe the lords dispensations in manner aforesaid : and for incouragment take but one place psal. . , . the righteous shall see it , and rejoyce and all iniquity shall stop her mouth . whoso is wise and will observe these things , even they shall understand the loving kindness of the lord. and so much for the first thing in the text , the note of observation behold . i will bring her into the wilderness . the second thing in the words is , the intimation of the churches condition . i will bring her into the wilderness , and hence the doctrine is , that these to whom the lord minds good , may expect to come to the possession of intended blessedness by the way of a wilderness , behold says the lord i will allure her , and speak comfortably unto her : there is my design upon her , and these are my thoughts of good concerning her , but first i will bring her into the wilderness . in the prosecution of this doctrine , three things are to be considered . . what is this wilderness ? . wherefore doth the lord bring his people into the wilderness ? . what use we are to make of this intimation of such a condition ? , first then , what is the wilderness ? i answer . in general , it is a figurative expression of an afflicted condition , i will bring her into the wilderness ; that is , i will erercise her with such afflictions as men are wont to meet with in a wilderness . and therefore dly i find a wilderness condition importing these things particularly . . it imperteth a condition of want and scarcety both of temporal and spiritual things heb. . . those of whom the world was not worthy were destitute of all things : cor. . . the apostles that made many rich , were themselves as poor : and they that possessed all things were as having nothing . psal. , . they that wander in a wilderness are hungry and thristy ; and their soul fainteth in them . david psal. . . says my soul thristeth for thee , my flesh longeth for thee , in a dry and thusty land where no water is : he had no doubt his own temporal wants , and those great enough , but his greatest want was of the waters of the sanctuary , as is clear from the d verse , to see thy power and thy glory so as i have seen thee in the sanctuary : and the same was his condition in the . and . psalmes , and this is the supposed condition of all the people of god. isai. . . they are poor and needy , seeking water and there is none , and their tongue faileth for thrist . the want of water which is a most common thing , denoteth the extremity of scarcety and want . and this is the first thing in a wilderness-condition . the many hungry bellys , and no fewer hungry souls in these times which are crying , my leanness , my leanness , do plainly say , that we are entred more nor a days journey into the wilderness . the d thing imported in a wilderness-condition is desolation and barrenness , psal. . . and psal. . . a wilderness is a dry land , a thristy land where no water is . jer. , . it is burnt up like a wilderness , and likwise a wilderness is a desolate place : there no foot of man doth come ; there the cities are made heaps ; there nettles grow upon the ruines of glorious temples . this desolation and barrenness is the cause of scarcety and want in a wilderness . and this likwise we have felt in our wilderness ; we want , but we know not where to get it : the wells are stopped , good occasions for our souls are removed , our teachers are removed into corners , the songs of our temples are become howlings . we may sing the verse of the . psalme with a sad note , come behold the works of the lord , what desolations he hath made in the earth : and where desolations end , there beginneth barrenness and dry breasts . as in one place we have the wells of water and the streams from lebanon stopped , in the next place we come to , we find clouds without rain , and pits without water , trees whose fruit is withered , and without fruit , epistle of iude verse , men who either never had any thing , or elss have lost what once they promised . as if christ ( o sad ! ) had come by and said , henceforth never fruit grow upon you ; if we were thristy beside the water , or hungry beside food , or sick beside the physician , or sorrowful beside a comforter , or in darkness beside light , we might the better bear it : but that it is other ways shews we are indeed in the wilderness . dly the wilderness importeth a solitary condition of separation from comfortable , sweet and useful society : david felt this in the wilderness psal. . . when he remembred that he had gone to the house of god with the multitude , with the voice of joy and praise , with the multitude that kept holy day : and for that his soul was poured out in him : heman felt this in his wilderness psal. . . lover and friend hast thou put far from me , and mine acquaintance into darkness , : the afflicted , overwhelmed composer of the , psalm felt this likwise in his wilderness , , and , verses . i am like a pelican in the wilderness , and like on owl of the desart . i watch and am as a sparrow alone upon the house top . isai , . the wilderness is a solitary place . good company and sweet comfortable useful society hath this to prove it a choice mercy , that ( as the rest of that nature ) it is never well known nor prized by us , till we are denyed it , and deprived of it . and now ( with pharoahs butler gen. . . ) i remember my faults this day ; and i fear i have too many fellows in the fault , who either neglect disdainfully , or els abuse good company to the increase of vanity . now begin i to understand more of that text eccl. . , , , . and what a woe is it to him that is alone , and yet i doubt not but the kindness of the lord is shewn to many , even in separating and scattering them one from another : and to confirm me in this judgment , i remember the opinion of some who have been in account for skill in things of that nature : and thus they have thought , that when a family or bairn-time incline to a consumption ( which being a disease hereditary runs much in a blood ) in that case it is good that they part company , and live at a distance one from another , for that the disease is strengthned by their social conversation . i apply , that the evil and hazard of the company of those that are tenderly beloved children of god , may move him even in kindness to send them apart : but they will find it a kindness not so comfortable as needful . as i could like to be hungry beside good meat , or weary beside good lodging : so i would choose to be solitary beside good company , that is , so to enjoy my self by my self , as that i might likwise enjoy the help of christian company at will with conveniency . and as i am sure that god was never the instituter of the monks order ; so , sure i am , none can choose to shun good company , but such as would choose their own affliction , and forsake their own mercy . only i must here mind that good people are not always good company : but a good man or woman are only then good company , when they shew their goodness in company , so that they may do good to the company : and therefore , though it may seem a paradox , yet it is too true ; that we cannot always say we have been in good company , when we have been in the company of good men. let good people keep fellowship and company ; let the evils and vanities of good people be discharged the company , let good people do good in company , and so good people shall be good company . but as often as we miss good company , let it mind us that we are in the wilderness , and be it here added ( because i love not to multiply ) that it is no small part of the saints wilderness to be vexed and intested with evil company . the scripture descrives a wilderness to be the place of owls , ostriches , wolves , lyons , serpents , satyres , devils , dragons and all evil beasts and doleful creatures : and as it is said of christ literally , mark , , . that in the wilderness he was with the wild beasts , so christians are mystically neighboured with the like in their wilderness : their righteous souls are vexed with hearing and seeing daily their doleful and detestable practises , besides their persecutions whereof it follows to speak , particularly . . the wilderness importeth a wandering and unsetled condition , psal. . . they wandered in the wilderness in a solitary way , they found no city to dwell in , heb. . , . those of whom the world was not worthy wandered about in desarts , and in mountains , and in dens and caves of the earth . we read in the history of scripture , how israel wandered , and how many seats they changed in the wilderness of egypt fourty years , we read of the patriarchs psal. , . how as strangers in the land of promise they went from one nation to another , from one kingdome to another people . we read , in the sam. of david's wandering from one wilderness to another , and amongst the rocks of the wilde goats which he ●esents with tears , psal. . . thou tellest my wanderings , sayes he , put thou my tears into thy bottle , are they not in thy book ? and this is even the wilderness-condition of the saints and servants of god this day in these nations . how many driven from station and relations , and put to seek lodging amongst strangers ? what strange unsettlings are there among us ? by outing , confinement , banishment , denouncing fugitive ; and all these by laws and acts so contrived , as if they meant only to grant the lords servants ieremys deploring wish ier. , . o that i had in the wilderness a lodging-place of waysaring men , that i might leave my people and go from them . and all these are beside all the particular wanderings of the lords scattered flocks whose condition we may see ezek , . . and throughout : my sheep wandered through all the mountains and upon every high hill , yea my flock was scattered upon all the face of the earth and none did search nor seek after them . . the wilderness importeth a condition of tentations , matth. , . christ was led into the wilderness to be tempted psal. , . . israels time in the wilderness , is called the day of tentation . i know it is there meant activly of these tentations ; as is clear from the th verse , your fathers tempted me , proved me , and saw my works . ●ut when i look back upon moses , who himself ●as with the church in the wilderness , and well ●ew their case , i find him reckoning it a time ● passive tentations also , such i mean wherewith ●●ey were tryed and tempted deut. . . and thou shalt remember all the way , which the lord thy god led thee these fourty years in the wilderness to humble thee , and to prove thee , to know what was in thine heart , whether thou wouldst keep his commandments or not . it is ●ar . from jam. , . that god tempteth no ●n . . it is a great question whether satan ●●th a hand by tentation in every sin of man. ●t dly i judge , that satan hath not such a hand every sin as some are ready to say and think . ●he devil is not so ill , we say , as he is called , nor ● ugly as he is painted : many men father those ●s upon the devil , that have their own hearts ●th for father and mother : and many sin with●●t a tentation ab extra , or from without . yet the th place , it is manifest from iam. , . . at a man is tempted at least by his own lust , as often the sins . and thus there is no sin without some ●nd of tentation , either from another or from the ●ner himself : and where there is much sin and ●ovocation , ( as was amongst the israelites in the ●ilderness ) there is much tentation . let the ●ords people then expect to find their wilderness place of temptation . and are not tentations ●awed thick in the way of gods people in these ●es ? is there not a ne●t spread upon mount tabor ? may we not say with the psalmist , p● . . in the way wherein i walked have they la●● snare for me ? is not the cass now , you must either do thus or thus as men ( who because they have ●● conscience of their own , therefore care not ● yours ) shall please to command , or els do other wa● upon your perill ? and when things might therways be better ordered and established , a● not laws and acts contrived so as occasions 〈◊〉 be sought against those , against whom , like da● chap. , . there can be found no occasion , except the matters of their god. is not this the hou● temptation ? rev. . . but when enemies h● given over , and done their worst , in come 〈◊〉 friends ( who as peter to christ matth. . ) 〈◊〉 a temptation to us , o , say they , look to your self , and play not the fool. and when all the prevail not yet , in comes carnal , worldly , 〈◊〉 believing , grudging and disquieting though● from our own hearts , and these , as in a refer guard , give the last and most dangerous assault , ● specially if the force of our spirits be any w● daunted or disordered by the foresaid attempt and therefore james . . . ( looking over t● former as it were ) tells us that then a man is tem●ed , when he is led away of his own lust and enti●e and then it is high time to look to our selves , wh● our enemies are those of our own house . ma● have born the force of outward attempts who h● much ado to sustain the impetuous assaults of th● own disquieted and disquieting hearts . psal. , and , . why art thou cast down o my se●● and why art thou disquieted in me ? and therefore iames pronounces him the blessed man chap. . . that endureth tentation . the tentations of an afflicted lot is the great affliction of our lot : and therefore in scripture afflictions are called tentations , and they that escape the tentations of affliction have got above all hazard of affliction otherwise : for tentations being the snare of affliction , when that is once broken , the strength of it is spent , and it's force is over . . the wilderness importeth a condition of fears , and perplexing doubts : for the wilderness being a land of darkness . jer. , . and a place where there is no way , it puts the traveller inevi●ably to many sad fears , and perplexing doubts . the afflicting fears and doubts of saints in the wilderness may be reduced to those three chief ●eads . the , are concerning their spiritual con●ition and state before god. the , are concerning their present incumbent duty and work. the ● , are concerning thee vents of incumbent dispensations . i cannot endure , nor dare i expatiat more ●rgly in a discourse of these particularly , lest either saint in the way , or once turning off but a little ●to those dark mysterious paths , i be not able ●ickly to recover the high way : for if i speak to ●●e purpose , i may readily prognosticat that to ● the fate of my discourses , which is of their case ●ho once are ingaged in the intricacies of these ●●rplexities , that hardly can they quickly ridd themselves . this only i must say , that those ●●uls that have been at their wits end in these things , and have not known in all the world what to do , can best tell what it is , to be brought into the wilderness . and this i observe , that even as men have got a custome to plant wildernesses in the midst of pleasant gardens ; so many me●● in their otherwise good books and sermons , imprudently either starting difficulties unseasonably or pursuing them excessivly , do rather creat that clear perplexities to poor souls , and give them the entertainment of a toilsome divertisment in plac● of solid refreshment . but my project invites m●● if i could be so happy , rather to plant a garden i● a wilderness , than a wilderness in a garden . i fea● there is in the world but too much artificial religion and exercises , like garden-wildernesses , invented rather for pleasure than created by necessity i fear some christians , like some preachers , read more off their book , nor they repeat off their hear● but i doubt the pleasure of an artificial wilderness will either relieve or compense the grief of ● real one. elaborat , fine , accurat discourses o● christians doubts and cases whatever they deserv● in their own place , will be found but physician of no value , and miserable comforters to sou● that are in earnest ; except he that reveals secr●● and looseth the prisoners lighten the doubtin● soul's darkness , with a beam of his own presenc● in the , psal. david had said well to it , but th● says best , . verse , he is the health of my countenam and my god. as gardens are more pleasant f●● men in health , than for sick men ; so , discourses of christian cases , in doubts and perplexties , will readily do better , either before or after the distempter , than in the time . much prayer and communion with god , is the best book of cases that ever a doubting soul read , and is blest with the maniest discoveries and manifestations of god , to those that walk in darkness and have no light . . the wilderness importeth a condition of reproach and persecution : iob . . descrives the reproachful base condition of his adversaries that mocked him from this , that , they fled into the wilderness and were driven forth from among men who cryed after them as after a thief . and rev. . . the woman in travel the persecuted church fled into the wilderness . this was davids wilderness-condition . psal. . . because of the voice of the enemy , because of the oppression of the wicked ; for they cast iniquity upon me , and in wrath they hate me , and in verse & i said , o that i had wings like a dove : for then would i flee away and be at rest . lo then would i wander far off , and be in the wilderness , selah . the scourge and persecution of false tongues , being worse than the venome of asps , the sting of serpents , or poyson of dragons that ●aunt the wilderness , makes often the wilderness a refuge and rest to be desired by the reproached people of god , and the wrath and cruelty of wicked men makes the saints often times find lyons , bears wolves and dragons to be better neighbours . heb. . . cruel mockings is the first item in the account of saints sufferings : and then follows scourging , bonds , killing sawing , tempting , torturing and wandering about . and the apostle timoth. . . warns all that will live godly in christ jesus , that there way lyes thorow this wilderness of persecution , whereof reproach is not the least part : for compare gen. , . with galat. . . that was carnal ishmael's persecution , wherewith he persecuted his brother isaac the son of the promise . and they had tryal , says the apostle , of cruel mockings : and the slandering tongues of wicked men are compared in scripture to the sharpest and most bitter instruments , sharp arrows , coals of juniper , swords , spears and the poyson of serpents : racking and torturing may break a mans bones , but reproach , says the psalmisi , hath broken my heart , and it hath dammished my very spirits , for i am ful of heaviness psal , . and now when the people of god live in a land of trouble and anguish , from whence come the young and old lyon , the viper and fiery fleeing serpent , isa. . . pray , who will not call that a wilderness ? and where are they , think you , whose soul is among lyons ? psal. . . if any shall search the records of our scotish inquisition ( the creature that likes not to be called the high commission ) they may be soon convinced that these are no fictions of fanaticks and disaffected persons . but the question is not demonstrative ; ( for i warrand they have more loyalty than to deny these things that they say are so good service to — ) but juridical ; for jure factum di●u●t , they do all by law forsooth , and so justify all their practises : but are all laws righteous ? or is there such a thing in the world as a throne of ini●ity which frameth mischief by a law. psal. . . they think possibly ( as paul once thought ) that they ought to do these things , and that they do good service ; to god indeed they do not say , but ●● — they cry . but stay till christ examine the bra●est man amongst the examinators , upon that little qvestion , why persecntest thou me ? and then my lord ●nquisitor comes in upon second thoughts with his confession , i was a blasphemer , a persecuter , and in●rtous . timoth. , . and then the fools excuse is alledged by him that thought himself so ●ise ( for sapientis non est dicere , putavi ) i thought that i should have done these things . but what think you now sir ? why now i see that which formerly ● called loyalty , zeal and good service , must change ●ts name without any change in the thing : for it ●●oth was , and is , no other thing but blasphemy , persecution and injury . such a thing as this has been . . the wilderness importeth a melancholi●us , sad and dejected condition . this follows from all the rest . any who ever travelled alone thorow a wilderness , may easily understand this ; and there is reason for it : because a man is there deprived of any thing that may chear his spirit , and of all gladening objects ; besides that he is possessed with fearful apprehensions of evils that may befal him : and his spirit in the very entry is amused with the uncouth and solitary nature of the place . to say no more of this : the very countenances of of the lords people in these times look like a wilderness : and s●d cause why ; we see many things to make us sorry , little to make us glad . we see such things as we nor our fathers have not seen the like . and if there were no more , and albeit for our own particular we had no occasion of grief , and though like nehemiah we were serving the king with wine , and were of as jovial an humor as he who was not wont afore time to be sad : yet if any should ask the kings question . nehemiah , . why is thy countenance sad seing thou art not sick ? this is nothing els but sorrow of heart may we not sadly reply with him in the d verse why should not my countenance be sad when my city , the place of my fathers sepulchres lyeth waste , and the gates thereof are consumed with fire ? that is , when the church of god is laid desolate . but i suspect there are few that truly love god , or are kindly sons of zion but they have their own particular grievances in these times wherein they share of the common lot of the church their mother that sits in the dust : and ●● is good it be so : for wo to them that are at ease ●● zion . amos . . the particular grievances of saints and their pressures , serve well to keep them mindful of the churches common lot : for fellowship in calamity is such a pregnant incentive to sympathy , that even jesus himself was made the more compassionat , for what he himself suffered being in all points tempted as we are , yet without sin , he cannot but be touched with the feeling of our infirmity . heb. . . and does it not well suite all the children to go in mourning when the mother sits desolate and afflicted as a woman forsaken ? e● how could they expect to be comforted with her , if they do not mourn for her ? solomon that great master of religion , nature , and reason , hath determined eccl. . , . that it is better to go to the house of mourning than to the house of feasting . and that sorrow is better than laughter ; for that by the sadness of the countenance the heart is made better : and he who is greater than solomon , who himself often weept , but never ( that we read ) once laughed , pronounceth them blessed that mourn , for that they shall be comforted . matth. . . . this wilderness importeth a condition of weariness and fainting : this yet follows naturally from all that hath been said psal. . . those that wander in a wilderness , their soul fainteth in them ; psal. . . davids wilderness was a thristy , or ( as the original hath it , ) a weary land : and isai , . it is expresly rendered a weary land. the saints case in their wilderness is often like that of the egyptian . sam. . , . who was so outwearyed that he fell off from his company and sunk in the wilderness . david often complaineth that he was weak , that his spirit failled , his soul fainted , this throat was dry , his eyes failed whilst he cryed upon the lord and waited for him . and no wonder it is that the saints so often weary and faint by the way : but a great wonder it is , that any of them should hold up to the end : they have such long stages in the race that is set before them , and those in a thirsty wilderness where hardly they can drink of the brook by the way : and they must run it so oft about with fresh parties whereof possibly the worst comes last upon them , when they are already so much exhausted , that there is great reason , for him that would wager upon their heads , to ask , whether they have so much confidence remaining as to answer that question jer. . . if thou hast run with the footmen and they have wearied thee , then how canst thou contend with horses ? and if in the land of peace wherein thou trustedst they wearyed thee , how wilt thou do in the swelling of jordan . but the lord that makes the question must answer , and one prophet must answer another : and how jeremy could do all that , isaiah can tell chap , . from the verse to the end : the everlasting god , the lord that created the ends of the earth fainteth not , neither is weary , &c. let the people of god in their wilderness expect to have their hands full of it , and as much as shall put them to a strict necessity either to believe or utterly to give it over . psal , . . i had fainted unless i had believed to see the goodness of the lord in the land of the living . now this is the wilderness : and thus is answered the first thing in the point , what is the wilderness . ii. the second thing to be considered in the point is , wherefore doth the lord bring his people into the wilderdess ? the scripture sheweth that for one or more of these five reasons the lord doth this . . he doth it for their sin : and that in these five respects . . to convince them of sin . it is long many a time ere the lords sinful people will see or acknowledge their sin : yea they will say they are innocent when their transgressions are most evident . jer. . and therefore verse . i will plead with thee , because thou sayest i have not sinned . such as are kindly melancholians may know by experience , what effectual impressions the change of places hath to the changing of mens minds : and for this it is necessary often times that men be sent to learn that in the wilderness , which they could not , it may be they would not , see at home in a land inhabited : jer. . , . i spoke unto thee to thy prosperity , but thou saidest i will not hear , and therefore thou shalt go into captivity . affliction is quick-sighted , and necessity is wise and ingenious : affliction according as it is blest , or not blest of god , hath very contrary effects upon men : solomon tells us that affliction makes a wise man mad : and he that is greater than solomon tells us , that affliction sometimes makes a mad man wise luk. , . it brought a distracted prodigal to himself . many men think it a piece of wit and gallantry to mantain their sinful courses in a day of prosperity ; and if he be a beneficed person or one in place , he is ill worthy either place or benefice who is so scant of discourse , that he cannot ( if this our craft be in danger to be set at nought act. . ) make an oration in defence of diana ; and at least , cannot say to his companions with more truth than wit , though yet with more wit than honesty , sirs ye know that by this craft we have our wealth , ib. verse . yea if the lord by his servants plead with some men in prosperity for their iniquities , anon he shall have a reply till he bring forth his rod which is sitted for the back of fools ; and is the only cogent argument with such persons . take two instances shortly , one is isai. . . those people were bent upon idolatry , and when they were reproved and threatned for that by the lord , then they were confident in the assistance of egypt : and when yet they were taxed for that , no doubt , they would tell the prophets , self-defence was not unlawful , and many such witty stories , till the lord concludes the dispute with that , yet he also is wise , and will bring evil , and will not call back his words , but will arise against the house of the evil doers , and against the help of those that work iniquity . and now let those great wits and grand disputers say to it jer. . . what wilt thou say when he shall punish thee ? say to that gallants , or you have said nothing . the next instance is ezek. . from verse to the end ; zedekiah had given an oath of fealty and subjection to the king of babylon , he rebells against the king of babylon and breaks his oath : the lord pleads with him for that , o! might he say ( mark you the language of our times ) it was a forced oath made against his will : yea , may be , it was an unlawful oath for him to subject himself and the lords people to heathens by a bond : and therefore why might not he take his occasions to break it , if once he had but strength to maintain the breach ? and , may be , ( as papists think that faith ought not to be kept to hereticks , so they call protestants ) he thought neither ought it to be kept to heathens : but ● mark from the place . against the popish whimsy that it is called significantly the king of babylons oath , in the verse . i mark . in the same verse against other covenant-breakers . that whatever by zedekiah was or might be alledged , it was all but a prophane despising of the oath : for untill once it be lawful to take gods holy and fearful name in vain ; it shall never be any thing els but prophanity and perjury to break covenant upon interest . i mark . from the verse against all patrons of perjury , and such as teach rebellion against the lord ; the lords great argument , which usually he reserves to the conclusion of such debates : well , says the lord , in the verse , he hath sworn an oath , and hath broken it : but i will let him know what an oath is ; i will swear another and will keep it : as i live saith the lord , surely i will recompense it upon his own head . and in the verse , i will spread my net upon him , and he shall he taken in my snare , and i will bring him to babylon and will plead with him there , for his trespass that he hath trespassed against me . and this was performed kings . , . and chron. . , . prosperity to many is as the day light to owles and batts , it daz'ls their eyes , and blinds them , that they do not see their errors till it be too late . zedekiah saw not his faults till he saw them without his eyes at riblah in the land of hamath . to say no more of this : if other arguments will not convince men that are guilty of perjury , there is a necessity they must go to babylon for instruction . as the lord lives , ( they are the words of god , and it is their meaning ) perjury shall get a convincing stroak . it is a scots proverb , as sore greets the child that is beaten after noon , as he that is beaten before noon : the church of god and his saints in these nations have gotten a forenoons correction ; but wo to them that get the after-noon stroaks . see the parables ier , throughout . to conclude this reason then ; let us not seek conviction of our sin the length of the wilderness , nor at the rate of bitter affliction : but let us all take the councel ier. . . be thou instructed o jerusalem , lest my soul depart from thee , lest i make thee desolate , a land not inhabited : the d . account whereupon the lord brings his people into the wilderness for sin , is , for the vindication of his glorious and holy name from all appearance of connivance at , or partaking with his peoples sins , numb . . . as truly as i live , sayes he , all the earth shall be filled with the glory of the lord ; that is , with the glorious manifestation of his justice against his peoples sins : and he often threatens , that those who profane his name and make it to be blasphemed , he will return their shame upon their own faces . if any of us hath a friend who is leud and dissolute and debauched , we are ashamed of him ; because his faults reflect upon us : and therefore we hold our selves obliged for our own vindication to testify our displeasure against him . and so it is with the holy one of israel and his sinful people . the d. account is to imbitter sin to them , jer. . . know therefore and see , that it is an evil thing and a bitter , that thou hast forsaken the lord thy god , and that his fear is not in thee . as abner said to ioab of the war , so i say to every one of their sin , sam. . . knowest thou not that it will be bitterness in the latter end ? prosperity sweetens sin to sinners , which of it self is sweet enough to their corrupted palate : but the gall and wormwood of affliction gives it its own kindly relish . the th . account is , that he may put a stop to his people in their course of sin. thus hosea . . i will hedge up thy way with thorns , and make a wall , that she shall not find her paths ; and verse she shall not overtake nor find her lovers : many in prosperity are so engaged by custom to courses of iniquity , which nothing but affliction can interrupt and put a stop to ; and they must take their march into the wilderness to divert them off the paths of wickedness . o that all who are in affliction , and in the wilderness , would take this advantage of their impetuous over-hailing lusts and idols ; and had wisdom to improve such a good occasion , of a perpetual divorce and separation , from the sins that were wont easily to beset them , and as easily to prevail with them ! it is not time , when people are in the wilderness , to rush every one to their course , as the horse rusheth into the battel , never once asking what is this i am doing : but it is then seasonable daniel . . to break off our sins and iniquities ; least we go further on , than that we can safely retire our selves . the th . account is , that they may truly repent and throughly return from sin to god. in the verse of this chapter , when by affliction she is put to a stand in her course of sin , it is yet intended further that she return to her first husband , and this is brought to effect , hos : chap. . verse . come , sayes she , and let us return unto the lord : for he hath torn , &c , simple cessation from sin , without true conversion in time of affliction , may put a person or people to pharaoh's expences of multiplyed rods and plagues one after another , with the hazard of utter destruction in the end . learn we then in the wilderness to say as is meet to be said unto god , iob , . , . i have born chasitsement , i will not offend any more : that which i see not teach thou me ; if i have done iniquity i will do no more , let us turn throughly from all iniquity , and that with all our heart . and thus to the first reason and its several respects , why the lord brings his people into the wilderness : it is their sin . . the lord brings his people into the wilderness for their tryal and exercise , deut. . . the lord did all that unto thee , to prove thee , to know what was in thine heart , whether thou wouldest keep his commandments or not . rom. . , , . tribulation sets all graces on work in the saints : thus the lord dealt with the church psal. . from the verse to the , and psal . . thus he dealt with iob. the lord is come to these nations with his fan in his hand , he is winnowing us as wheat , and he will throughly purge his floor matth. . and who may abide the day of his coming ? and who shall stand when he appeareth ? for he is like a refyners fire , and like fullers sope ; and he shall sit as a refiner and as a purifyer of silver : and he shall purify , the sons of levi , and purge them as gold and silver , that they may offer unto the lord an offering in righteousness . malach , , . now the secrets of many hearts are discovered : now we ●ee the ground of mens stomachs , and what corruption and rotten stuffe hath been lurking under ●he beauty of untryed profession . would not some have said , am i a dog ? if that which they have how done had been told them a few years ago . now it is seen daniel . . . that many did cleave to the covenant with flatteries ; but the next verse being the . says further , that some of them of understanding shall fall , to try them , and to purge , and to make them white , even to the time of the end , because it is yet for a time appointed . therefore blessed is he that endureth to the end . and let him that standeth take heed lest he fall . the strange discoveries , the great stumbling , and many off fallings ●f men in these times , afford me the serious and confirmed thoughts , how few there are that shall ●e saved , and how hardly these few . malachie's ●efiners fire comprehends both all the tryals of a present time , and also and specially , the great and solemn last tryal of the judgment of the great day , when many a mans work shall be burnt up , and himself shall be saved , yet so as by fire . cor. . . ●hen shall all the sinners and hypocrits in zion be affraid and surprized : for that they cannot dwell ●●th devouring fire , nor with everlasting burnings . isai. ● , . there will be many amissing that day in the congregation of the righteous , that here ha●● sitten chief in the assembly . in general this is th● verity : but towards the particular persons of ●● ther 's , i must walk with charity , as toward ●● self , with fear and humble jealousie : this o●● all would remember , that they who cannot endu●● the wide sieve of larger tryals in a present time , wi●● never be able to abide the narrow search of a stri●● judgment at the end of time . but as the lord will have his people tryed , so he will have the●● likwise exercised and their graces imployed . idleness is a hateful and unhappy evil in people . we fa● an idle man must always have something to work he , that ceaseth to do well , will soon learn ●● do ill . to prevent that , the lord puts work 〈◊〉 his peoples hand : for he hath not given the● graces and talents , to hide in a napkin under th● earth , but to be imployed and improven to use and therefore he appoints affliction as a ta●● master to call forth all their graces to work● and to receive the tale of every mans work , that it may be known what profit they make . th● time of affliction should be a bussy time , like eating time and harvest , to the people of god. but alas ! to many may be said in truth , that which pharaoh said to the israelites in cruel scorn , ye ●● idle , ye are idle exod. . only his inference and mine run very contrary . ye are idle , says he , and therefore ye say , let us go and do sacrifice to the lord but ye are idle , say i , and therefore ye say no● let us go and do sacrifice to the lord now , if the lord bring his people into affliction for their exercise , hence it is consequentially inferred , that if their afflictions do not exercise them to purpose , they are not like to come out of them in haste . i fear many but play with their afflictions , and look upon all the sad sights they see in the wilderness , but as so many farleyes , fit to entertain their curiosity and to cause them gaze : and i exhort all to be serious with their afflictions . . the lord brings his people to the wilderness , that they may be the more fit to receive the impressions of his will , and communications of his goodness . thus we see throughout this chapter , the lord designes jointly her reformation and consolation by all these bitter threatnings and afflicting dispensations . and chapter , . of this ●ame prophesy of hosea . i will go , says the lord and return to my place , till they acknowledge their offence , and seek my face : in their affliction they will seek ●e early . and ( as the whole have no need of the physician , but the sick ) they now finding the disease of their affliction to purpose , and so being the better fitted for the communications of the lords goodness , in their deliverance , return to him in this confidence , that he who hath torn will heal them &c. and that his coming to them , verse d ; shall be as the rain to the earth , which being parch●d with drought is well ready for a showre . people ●n prosperity readily are not so fit to receive either the impressions of gods will ; for then speak to them , and they will not hear , jer. . . or the communications of his goodness : for then they an say we are lords , and we will not come to thee . jer. . . but affliction fits them better both for the one and for the other . in prosperity , as in the noise of a city , every thing is heard , but nothing is hearkened to : and the common noise swallows up the most distinct and audible voices in a confused insignificant sound . but in affliction , as in a wilderness , the stillest whisper of a voice is soon discerned and seriously attended to . likwise i● prosperity , as in a plentiful city or country , men enjoy all things , and esteem nothing : but in affliction , as in a wilderness , wanting all or many things , they account the more of any thing . in a word , the lord in the wilderness and by affliction is tuneing his people to obedience , that he may bring them forth singing the songs of deliverance . gods commands and his mercies will have another kind of lustre and relish to a soul coming out of a sanctified wilderness . formality in religion , with much vanity and many superfluities wait but too well upon prosperity : but the cold wind of the wilderness bloweth these all away , and strengthens the vital heat of the inward man , and makes solk more religious than formerly with less noise and adoe . prosperity is an unthankful piece : for readily the more it receives , the less it accounts of what it receives ; and ( as a full soul loaths the honey comb ) with a fastidious insolency it thinks , and by falsely thinking truely makes abundance of mercy a very misery : but ( as to the hungry soul every bitter thing is sweet ) the wilderness , and an afflicted lot blessed of god , will give a man a good stomach for a piece of the bread of adversity , and a cup of the cold water of affliction ; and will teach him to say grace to it thus : i am less than the least of all thy mercies genes . , . so said iacob when he was coming from his twenty years travels in the wilderness of his afflictions in padan aram. prosperity extenuates , sanctified adversity aggravates mercies : to it any thing less than hell is a mercy . lament . . . it is of the lords mercies that we are not consumed : to it any mercy is a great mercy : a great mercy is an extraordinary one : and an extraordinary is a marvelous incomprehensible one . prosperity counts its mercies by subtraction , it will take its bill with the unjust steward , and for a hundred it will write fourscore , and for fourscore , it will write fifty : but in the wilderness men learn to cast up their mercies by multiplication with the help of division : in the same place cited lament . . . that we are not consumed , to some might seem but one mercy , and that a poor one too : yea but the lamenting prophet finds mercies in that mercy . and truely the mercies of the lord are homogeneous things , whereof every part hath the nature and denomination of the whole : as every drop of water is water ; so the least piece of any mercy is mercy : and the afflicted , humble , thankful soul loves to anatomize and diffect the lords mercies into parts , as physicians do humane bodies , that they may informe themselves the better of the number and nature of the parts , and of the frame and structure of the whole . the psalme hath this common with those mercies which it recounts , that there is more in it than every one can see : this only to my purpose , everyone may see , how the psalmist tells out the lords mercies by parts , and insists upon one and the same mercy , to shew that every part of it is a mercy ; and that , as all the rest , derived from the underived , uncreated , unexhaustible , and ever runing fountain of the lords mercy that endures for ever . prosperity , like the widow and her sons in the matter of the oil , loses and comes short of many mercies for want of the vessels of faithful accounts and thankful acknowledgments . the saint in the wilderness as the disciples in a desart place , obeys christs frugal command , it gathers up the remaining fragments of mercies that nothing be lost , and with those it fills whole baskets : as by the blessing and miraculous power of christ , the broken meat , after that dinner , whereat so many thousands were well filled , was more than that which at the first was set down whole . o! but it is good holding house with christ ! it is good to have our portion , be otherwise what it will , with his presence and blessing , and to have it coming thorow his hands . and as the power of divine contentment can make 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the half more not the whole ; so the wilderness will teach the people of god , the mystery of improving mercies , to make the increase more than the stock . this , as the rest of divine arts , is best profest in the wilderness : and therefore it is that the lord sends so many of his most hopeful children thither to be bred : and there they are continued till the 〈…〉 past their course and taken their degrees , and then they return masters of the arts able to teach others , and to comfort them with the same comforts wherewith they themselves were comforted of christ. cor. . . . the lord brings his people into the wilderness , that he may lead them by , and deliver them from that which is worse . exod. . , . and it came to pass when pharoah had let the people go , that god led them not thorow the way of the land of the philistins , though that was near : for god said lest peradventure the people repent when they see war and they return to egypt ; but god led the people about thorow the way of the wilderness of the red sea . the lord prepares his people a place in the wilderness from the fury and persecutions of men . rev. . . and albeit before , i called persecution one of the parts of a wilderness-condition ; yet i would have it understood , that every one that comes into the wilderness , is not led thorow all the wilderness , nor made to see all the evils thereof , nor do all afflictions tryst upon every afflicted person : for often times god makes one a mean to prevent and escape another : even as in the case in hand , the lord sends sometimes his people to enjoy davids and ieremys wishes in the wilderness , that so they may be ridd of ill neighbours : for we say in the proverb , better be alone than in ill company . and likwise the lord by bringing his people into the wilderness delivers them from the contagion and vexation of the sins of those with whom they conversed aforetimes . albeit the wilderness , as i before said , be a place of temptation ; yet the lord , by some one tentation which his people can better guide , many times leads them out of the way of some other one or moe which might be of more hazard to them . surely it is no small mercy to be out of the way , when tentations are marching thorow all the land in solemn procession , and they cry before them , bow the knee , and when the wicked walk on every side , who but the viles● men , ( psal. , . ) would covet the preferment of the midst ? and would not any person of a holy breath , prefer a cottage in a well aired wilderness , to the foul winds and corrupt infectious air of these plaguy times ? the plague of a general defection which ( as the pest doth other deseases ) hath engrossed all abominations , is now so common , that except it were with aaron numb . . . to stand between the dead and the living with the incense of much intercession , that , if it be possible , the plague may by stayed , i should think him a person of that stoutness which they call rashness , and of a pretty well confirmed , if not of a much hardned heart , who otherwise could gladly come into the company of , or mix himself with the men of this generation . we say when all freits fail , fire is good for the farsey : if god cure this generation of one plague by another , i shall think it no more than is necessary : for psal. . . generally they are all gone aside , they are altogether become filthy ; there is none that doth good , no not one : and now i think i hear a voice from heaven saying of this generation , as that other rev. . said to iohn , of mystical babylon ; come out of her my people , that ye may not be partakers of her sins , and that ye receive not of her plagues . and there is another great mischief that the lord leads his people out of its way — in bringing them into the wilderness , and it is the plagues that come upon wicked men , and all gods enemies . the people of god want not their own visitations , but they are not like the plagues of the wicked , their enemies . isai. . . hath he smiten him as he smote those that smote him ? or is he slain according to the slaughter of those that are slam by him ? yea the saints afflictions are excellent antidotes and preservatives against the plagues of their enemies , who are not as , but indeed are the ungodly and the wicked . we see the properity of the saints afflictions psal. . , . blessed is the man whom thou chasteness o lord , and teachest him out of thy law , that thou may est give him rest from the days of adversity , till the pit be digged for the wicked . a strange thing a mans motto to be perussem nisi perussem : i had perished , if i had not perished : and that chastisment should hide a man from the day of adversity : but both the history of scripture , and the saints experience from time time in all generations , do yeeld abundance of particular instances in confirmation of this general assertion . it appears by lots slowness to depart , that he took it as a grief to go out of sodom filthy as it was : and yet the lord by that is sending him out of the midst of the overthrow . it is no doubt a grief and great affliction to many of the saints and servants of god , that they are removed from their people and place : but when judgements come upon aplace , better to be away than in place . and in the judgment of judicious and great divines , it prognosticats no good to a place , when the saints and servants of god are driven out thereof . let any read muscuus upon math. . alas then for her that bare me , and whose breasts gave me suck ! for the city the place of my nativity and education , for the word that is past upon her , and the prophesy : when it shall be said to faithful ministers of the gospel , go here or go there ; go to the south , or go to the north , but go not to edinburgh , then wo to thee o edinburgh . these are the words and prophesy of mr. robert rollock which are to be seen in print before the translation of his book upon the colossians , and is not this the time spoken of . . the lord brings his people into the wilderness , to humble them , that they may know of whom they hold mercies , and learn afterwards in prosperity to carry soberly . when israel was upon the entry of a land flowing with milk and honey , moses insists wisely throughout the book of deuteronomy upon the memory of their case in the wilderness , and tells them plainly chap. . verse . the lord did all that to humble thee : to this end it was that the lord commanded the pot of manna to be kept by the ark ; and for this was institute the feast of tabernacles . prosperity is an insolent piece , and will readily cause men forget their maker that hath done all these things for them , and came a free-hold of mercies : we are lords say they , and therefore we will come no more unto thee , jer. . . or els they will give the glory of their mercies unto idols , in this same hosea . . i will go after my lovers , says she , who give me my bread and my water , my wool and my flax , mine oil and my drink : and therefore the lord is concerned for the mantainance of his right , to put them out of possession , till they make a legal entry by a humble acknowledgment to him their righteous superior , and be repossessed by a novo damus , as is clear from this chapter and many other ways the insolency of prosperity is expressed to the dishonour of god , and damnage and hurt of our neighbours , by prophanity , presumtion , carnal confidence , intemperancy , oppression , and the like : and therefore sayeth the lord , zeph. . . . i will leave in the midst of thee on afflicted and poor people , and they shall trust in the name of the lord , and the remnant of israel shall not do iniquity . he that knows how he has gain'd his estate , should know how he imploys it , and they that come to mercies hardly , should use them well and humbly . if ever god bring his church and people again to good days and prosperity , o! let it be remembred that once we were in the wilderness . and thus to the second thing in the point viz. wherefore doth the lord bring his people into the wilderness ? follows the use which is the d thing in the point . the first use is of warning , and i would sound an alarme , and proclame a march into the wilderness to all the people of god. our leader and commander , iesus christ the captain of our salvation hath long since taken the field , and is gone out on our head heb : . , . let us then who have taken the sacrament and military oath of christ , and have given our names unto him , go forth unto him without the camp bearing his reproach . the cloud is now lifted up from over the tabernacle : and therefore it is time for the children of israel to set forth : yea the ark of the lord , his ordinances and his people with the best of their leaders are already in the fields , and are suffering hardship as good souldiers . let us not then for shame lunch at home , let us learn the religious gallantry of uriah the hittite that valiant man , samuel . . and uriah said unto david , the ark and israel and iudah abide in tents , and my lord joab and the servants of my lord are incamped in the open fields ; shall i then go into mine house to eat and to drink , and to ly with my wife ? as thou livest , and as thy soul liveth , i will not do this thing . it is time our loins were girded , our shoes were on our sect , our staff in our hand , and our stuff and provision upon our shoulder : for we must to the wilderness , and what if we go out in haste ? it is good to be in good company : it is better ( if moses had any skill ) to suffer affliction with the people of god , than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season heb. . . they who will not suffer with the people of god may suffer with worse company . they who will not go forth with lot unto the mountains , may possibly sit still till they get brimstone and fire from heaven , and the smoak of sodom about their ears : for he that will save his life unlawfully shall loss it unhappily : and he that will loss his life in resolution , may find it in reality . even as a man doth , in stepping of a ditch , with any thing that is either of weight or worth to him , his clock , his case of letters , or papers of concernment , his heavy purse or the like , lest he loss and indamnage himself and them both , he casts all over before him , and so coming over with the less trouble , he lifts all again upon the other side , and so losses nothing of that which he cast away , but that he might keep it and himself both ; whereas if he had kept all about him , he might have lost himself and all together : but all is not ost that is in peril : let us then with chearfulness turn our face towards the wilderness . the second use shall be for information to all such of the lords people , as are either upon their way to the wilderness , or are already arrived there : they would not think strange of such a condition : it has been , it is , and it will be the lot of the lords children cant. . . the high way to christs mountain of myrrh and hill of frankincense lyes thorow the wilderness , and there he comes forth to meet them , and leads them up in his bosome , leaning upon his own arms . there doth no strange thing befall the saints when the lord brings them into the wilderness : for even as moses exod. . . led his flocks into the backside of the desart ( and was not that a presage of what followed , when he led israel as a flock through the wilderness ? ) so doth the lord oft times with his people : albeit the wilderness is a solitary unfrequented place where no foot of man cometh ; yet in it you may take up and trace the footsteps of the lords flock who through much tribulation have entred into the kingdome of god , and there ye may follow them who through faith and patience have inherited the promises . the saints will find the footsteps of the flock in their greatest wilderness , and may be helped with the light of precedent examples in their greatest darkness . for now that the lord through so many ages , hath led his saints to heaven , by so many different paths of dispensations , ( for there is but one common road of religion , the kings high way ) i doubt there is any untroden path remaining to be discovered by this generation . i only fear one difference , which makes indeed a great odds in lots , be found betwixt our case and the case of those that have gone before us , and it is this ; that they were better men in as ill times , for worse i would none . but in that , i pray whom shall we blame ? and know we not how that should be helped ? see that ye walk circumspectly as wise , and not as fools : redeeming the time ; because the days are evil . eph. . , . if ill times find no good men ; let ill times make good men ; and good men will make good times , or els bad times shall make good men better . but of the parity of cases i said much in the preface . the third use of the point shall be for direction : bsince the people of god may thus expect to be rought into the wilderness , it concerns them to take their directions for the wilderness : for our direction in such a condition , i shall , without insisting , briefly hint at some things i to be avoided . dly some things to be endeavoured things to be avoided by such as are brought into the wilderness , are i unbelief . psal. . , . the israelites believed not god in the wilderness , and therefore he was provoked heb. . , . the apostle tells us expresly , that those who believed not , their carcasses fell in the wilderness , and for their unbelief , they could not exter into the land of promise . , discouragment would be avoided numb . . . the people through discouragment cryed and weept for the report that the spyes gave them : and frequently els-where , they expressed their discouragement upon the emergency of every new difficulty , their cry was always , that they should die in the wilderness : and in that they read their own fortune , numb . . . for the lord was provoked for their unbelief and other sins , to do to them as they had said . beware of unbeliefs bode-words ; for like the devil's responses their accomplishments are always evil to those that take them . in all the world i know no such ready way to apostacy , and utter forsaking of god as discouragment . experience hath said so much to confirme this , that i shall not need to bring reason into the field : but this i must say , have the experience of discouragment who will , they have it to their expences . and if i were to die , i would leave discouragment this testimony that it is dear bought misery . . avoid murmuring , fretting discontentment with the lords dispensations with complaints of his unkindness . numb . . all the children of israel murmured , and chap. . they murmured against moses and aaron : but moses could tell them , what are we , that ye speak against us : nay but your words are against the lord ; yea and numb . . it is expresly said , the people spoke against god and against moses . and still their tune was , w●y have ye brought us up out of egypt ? just like many in our generation , why say they , your re●ormation , your covenant and your ministers have served you well : but verily their words are against the lord : for we owne his name in these , and glorify him whom they dishonour . when the children of israel murmured in the wilderness , they had forgotten how once they groaned because of their oppression in egypt : and in that they may be more excusable than we : for the red sea had ridd perpetual marches betwixt them and their oppressours ; but we get not leave to forget our oppression in the times of our former subjection to them , who derive their power from her who is spiritually called sodom and egypt revel : n. . i mean prelats who are indeed the house of the elder brother , but fallen back , for that they have come short of the blessing ; and now hold of the pope , the younger , who hath supplanted them handsomely and got betiwxt them and the birth-right ; so that now the elder serves the younger : those , i say , pursue even to the wilderness , according as it is prophesied rev. . where john saw the dragon pursue the travelling woman into the wilderness . . we would beware of tempting god. psal. . . they tempted god in the desart , and what that temptation was , see psal. . . . . they limited the lord , and said , can god furnish at able in the wilderness ? can he give bread also ? can be provide flesh for his people ? whatever our temptations be in a wilderness , though we should fast till we be as hungry as christ was in the wilderness , yet let us learn of him , not to tempt the lord , by limiting him to ordinary means , since it is writen that man shall not live by bread alone , but by every word of god , neither let us rashly nor presumptuously cast our selves into any needless difficulty , nor cast our selves down from a pinacle of the temple : for that again it is written , thou shalt not tempt the lord thy god. just thoughts of god , and these are large ones ) would fit the saints with a present help in all imaginable difficulties , psal. . . god is our refuge and strength , a very present help in trouble . . we would beware of unmortified , imperitus , clamorous lusts . psal. . . they lusted exceedingly , in the wilderness , and psal. . . ●hey sought meat for their lust . god had given meat for themselves : but they must have meat for their lasts also . truely he had need have a good rent that would keep a table for his lusts : for lust is so ill to satisfy , that albeit one world serves all the men in the world , yet all the world will not satisfy the lust of one man of the world : witness ●e who weept that there were not moe worlds to conquer . but he who must have his lust as soon served as himself , that man is not for the wilderness . i shall advise all that are brought into the wilderness , to do with their lusts , as moses did with his wife and children when he went with israel into the wilderness , send them back , dismiss them for fear they make more adoe . solomon prefers the wilderness to the company of a clamorous angry woman in a wide house : but how miserable must he be who lives in company with those scolding wretches , his craving clamorous lusts even in the wilderness . . we would be ware of apostacy and turning back unto egypt : numb . . . they said one to another , let u● make a captain , and let us return into egypt : and verse . were it not better for 〈◊〉 ( say they ) to return into egypt ? whatever we me●● with in the wilderness , or whatever may be before us o let us never think of going back into egypt luk. . . remember lots wife , remember heb . . that the just shall live by faith : but if any mo● draw back , my soul shall have no pleasure in him , sa it the lord remember ( as i have said even now we find our egypetan oppression more grievos than ever . now for positive directions and things to b● indeavoured by all , that are brought into the wilderness , take these . . and before all , we would labour for the pardon of sin , and the presence a reconciled god : this was davids great su●● psal. , . o remember not against us former inquities , but let thy tender mercies speedily prevent u● for we are brought very low : and in the verse , he us , o lord , for the honour of thy name , and purge away our sin . and over and again in the psalme , as in many others , his request is , make thy face to shine upon us . moses was very peremptory in this : for exod. . . he says , and now if thou wilt , forgive this sin : if not , blot me i pray thee out of thy book , which thou hast written : and in the . chapter verse he adds , if thy presence go not with me , carry us not up hence . unpardoned guilt and an unreconciled god , will be very uncomfortable company in a wilderness . . as moses in the wilderness numb . . we would spy the good land that is before , of the twelve that were sent , only two , ioshua and caleb were faithful in their report : moses himself trusted their relation , and put them on to pacify the clamorous people . faith and hope are the two only faithful spies , that will be sure to give such a report of their discoveries , as may both confirme believers , and compose the tumults , and quiet the clamours of unbelieving spirits . this was it , that sustained the apostles , without fainting in all their afflictions : this was the star that guided them thorow their wilderness . cor. . . we look not at the things which are seen , but at the things which are not seen . in our way through the wilderness we would raise our estimations of heaven , thither we would direct our expectations , and thence we would derive our sure consolations , we would see if the spies can bring us down , now and then , a branch of the grapes of the land for our refreshment : and if our father will honour us with a present of the first fruits of our inheritance , or a cup of the new wine of the kingdome , that we may ( as we use to speak ) remember him in the wilderness . psal. . . that we may take the cup of salvation and call upon the name of the lord. in the history of israels travesl , exod. , we read , that when they came to the desart and pitched in the wilderness , they encamped before the mount , and moses , in the d verse , went up unto god. we would so order our camp in the wilderness , as that we may be always within sight of the mount : we would labour , in all our wanderings , to keep a clear sight of heaven , and to have our head within the clouds ; as it is said of moses exed . . moses went into the midst of the cloud , and got him up into the mount . . the people of god in the wilderness would remember much , both what god hath done formerly to his people in the like condition , and what he hath promised to do for these that afterwards shall come into it . albeit the scripture generally all over aboundeth with matter to this purpose : yet for the first , what god hath done , recommend specially the four last books of moses which are an exact journal of israels travels in the wilderness : for the latter , what he hath promised to do , read the chapter of isatah throughot with chap. . from verse . to . with , ● with . . . . . with . to the . with . . see ier. . . . . and to the en● with jer. , to thè . see ezek. . throughout . psal. . to the . with this d chap. of 〈◊〉 throughout , all these ( as i said not to exclude other places which may be obvious to those that are better versed in scripture , i do recommend . . in the wilderness , we would be much in intimate and more than ordinary fellowship with god : as i cited of moses before , we would enter the clouds and go up into the mount to god : and we shall be no homlier than welcome . cant , , invites us to this . we never find david higher upon it , than in the wilderness . we owe that sweet psalme to the wilderness of iudah , in the verse where of it is said , my soul followeth hard after thee , thy right hand upholdeth me ; and in the verse , my soul shall be satisfied as with marrow and fatness , and my mouth shall praise thee with joyfal lips . if a soul make a visit to god from the wilderness , they may expect joseph's brethrens entertainment , they may resolve to dine with him at noon . our lord jesus learned this of his father , this is a desart place , says he , and we cannot send the people away fasting lest they faint by the way . yea and after they may have that sweet musick ; my soul shall be satisfied as with marrow and fatness , and my mouth shall praise thee with joyful lips ; and psal , . , . my heart is fixed , o god , my heart is fixed , o lord , says he , i am now well at my heart ; i will sing and give praise : awake up my glory , awake psaltery and harp ; i myself will awake early : and that was also a wilderness psalme . we owe the : psalme to the wilderness likwise , and the whereof more anone . take we then the direction , that the times of our affliction be times of more than ordinary communion with god. . in the wilderness we would be diligent to seek good occasions and means for the relief of our afflictions , and supply of our wants : need must make vertue with us , psal. . . blessea is the man in whose heart is the ways of them , who passing thorow the vally of baca , make it a well . we must not like the unjust steward , refuse in this case both to dig and beg : we must use all means lawful both spiritual and natural , with god and men : we must with nehemiah , both pray to the good god of heaven , and supplicat the king. nehemiah . , . the day has been when the nobles and estates of scotland and our courtiers , would have suted and courted the king for a commission , to build the city of the lord and of their fathers sepulchers , the church owning that faith wherein their fathers died , who have left there to posterity the sepulchers and lasting monuments of their fidelity , zeal and religious gallantry : when a great man would have pleaded for a liberty and protection to a faithful minister . then israel and the lords people in their bounds , in commendation of their zeal and diligence sang that song numb . , . spring up o well , sing ye unto it : the princes digged the well , the nobles of the people digged it by the direction of the law-giver with their staves . but now since our princes and nobles turned herdmen to the philistines , and servants to prelates , their work hath been to stop , and take away , and strive for isaac's wells , to deprive the people of god , moe ways than one , of those occasions of pure and plentiful ordinances , which they had digged and drunk of : had with labour provided and with refreshment enjoyed . see the case in ane allegory gen. . from the . verse to . i fear when this generation is gone ( and if carcasses fall not in the wilderness , if god make not a clean field , if he do not root out , and make a speedy riddance of this evil generation from the face of the earth . wiser men than i are much deceaved ) that nigrum theta or black mark shall be found written upon the sepulchres of most of our nobles , nehemiah . . that the put not their necks to the work of their lord. and when it is come to that , then who knows but the sons and little ones of our nobles may be well-diggers ; and as it was in the case of the drought , ier. . . may come to the waters and to the pitts ; may be such as shall seek out , and labour for the means of their souls refreshment . the lord may bring the little ones of those transgressors . whose carcasses fall in a wilderness , into a land flowing with milk and hony , numb . . , . mean time , let us be digging in the wilderness , let us seek occasions for our souls , and where we do not find them , let us make them . . in the wilderness , we would thankfully receave and improve thriftily all offers of accidentall occasions that providence layes to our hand . psal , . . the rain also filleth the pools , that is , the lord will now and then be giving his out-wearyed people , some unexpected means of present relief and refreshment , which they must acknowledge and use , till they get better and more lasting occasions . rain water in a pool , is neither so good nor so enduring , as a spring or fountain of living water : and yet the former is good , where the latter cannot be had : for to the hungry soul , every bitter thing is sweet , and little will do a poor man good . if god give us an occasion of a good sermon , or a communion , or make any other good means to drop upon our heads , as unexpectedly as the rain falls from the heaven ; or if we have the benefit of the neighbour-hood of a faithful minister for the time , these things , howbeit for their nature and vertue they be fountain water , yet herein the best of them is but like a pool , that they are of an uncertain endurance . for such is the condition of these wilderness-times , that where one day you have a fountain , the next day you have nothing , or an empty cistern : nor is there throughout all the land , so much as one rehoboth gen. . . one well that the philistines do not strive for . therefore we must drink for the drought that is to come , we must hear for the time that is to come ; isai. . . we must make the best we can of every occasion that remaines , or accidentally offers for the time , and we must feed upon the little oyl in the cr●ise and the handful of meal in the barrel , till there be plenty in the land. . in the wilderness we would make use of good company : yea we would make much of it where ever we can have it . psal. . they go from sirength to strength , as our translation reads it , but the original hath it , they go from company to company , or , from troop to troop . indeed solitude and want of good company is not the least of the evils of the wilderness , as i shewed above , in the description of the wilderness : and i believe the people of god in these times will bear me witness in this . but we would seek good company and make use of it . mal. the fearers of god , that were then in the wilderness , spake often one to another . but wandering and unsettlment ( another great mischief of the wilderness ) will not let the saints lodge together : and for that the word of the psalme says , they go from company to company : when they are driven from one company , they must draw in to another . many men never grow good till they are going to die ( and indeed , in this world , he that mindes to be good , may make him for another world ; and blessed be god , we know of another ) even so the saints oft times scarce begin to know the usefulness and sweetness of one anothers company , nor to use it accordingly , till they must want it . nor do they any thing worthy of their society , till they be going to separat . i said in my heart , that this also is vanity and a sore evil . learn we then more timely to make use of good company . . in all our motions and removes in the wilderness , we would follow and be ruled by the cloud of gods presence : thus israel was guided through the wilderness , see numbers . from the ● . verse to the end . the cloud was a visible token and sacrament of gods presence with them . we would so live and so move in the wilderness , as that we keep always in the presence of god , i mean his propitious comforting presence , whither the presence of god directs us , thither let us go , be it east , west , north , or south , be it fore ward backward , to the right hand or left hand and where we cannot abide with gods presence , if the cloud of the lords presence be liftted up to us off a place , be it otherways never so commodious and sweet ; let us not take it evil to leave that place . if god say to us , as to abraham , gen. . . get thee out of thy country and from thy kindred , and from thy fathers house , unto a land that i will shew thee ; let us , with abraham , obey and be gone : let our desire be only with jacob. gen , . . that god may be with us in the way , and then let him take us through fire , through water , through a wilderness , or what he will. if the cloud remove from him a wealthy and pleasant place , where are twelve wells of water and threescore and ten palm-trees , so that we may there encamp by the waters , exod . . to the wilderness of sin , an impleasant and a scant place , where we may be threatned to be even slain with hunger , exod. . . we must march with the cloud . in a word we must so carry our selves in our whole course , as that we may have the lords presence and propitious countenance whatever we do , wherever we be . in this case , let us sing the ● psalme . the earth is the lords and the fu●●ness thereof , the world and they that dwell therein , and psal. . v. , , . must be our song . let men project and pursue for themselves places of pleasure , preferment and profit , ( as most shamfully they do ) let them carve and cut out fortunes and portions for themselves , and let them with noise divide the spoil of a church that is fallen into the hands of her enemies , who are the wicked of the earth ; and of many faithful ministers who like the man in the parable luk : , . have fallen among thieves : but stay till mischief and evil go a hunting , and then their ill come places shall not know them . psal. . evil shall hunt the violent man to overthrow him ; but in the mean time , what comes of the poor outcasts and wanderers ? why , they shall not want a place to go to ; in the . verse of that psal. the upright shall dwell in thy presence : they may travel through places enough ; but be their harbour what will , that is there home . and as it is a hidden place to worldlings , so it is a hiding place to them , psal. . . thou shalt hide them in the secret of thy presence , untill the lord return to build up jerusalem , and then he will gather the out-casts of israel , psal. . . for he that scattered israel will gather him , and keep him as a shepherd doth his flock ; for the lord hath redeemed jacob and ransomed him from the hand of him that was stronger then he : therefore they shall come and sing in the height of zion , and shall flow together to the goodness of the lord , ier. . , , . and foreward to the verse . take we therefore the conduct of gods presence in the wilderness , and let us be thereof so observant , that by the least wink of his eye we be directed ( psal. . . ● will guide thee with mine eye to sit still , or let out , to turn to the right hand or to the left at his pleasure : and be our turnings in the wilderness what they will , be sure we are not out of the way , so long as we enjoy gods presence , and the comfort of the light of his countenance . and that will make us with mose , heb. . . endure all that we meet with , who endured , as seeing him that is invisible . . in the wilderness we would live by faith , and learn to take god for all things , psal. . blessed are they that dwell in thy house , they will be seeing and enjoying many things , that will make them praise thee ; but what if they be put to travel through the valley of baca ? then in the verse , blessed is the man whose strength is in thee . he is the fountain . psal. . . and he it is that makes all the streams of his peoples consolations to flow in their seasons , psal. . . all my springs are in thee . o but it is well lost that is found i god : and all that is happily wanted which is supplyed in him . o for more of the fountain ! o for a larger faith to draw at this deep well! o noble well! a well that in all our journeys will follow us . . cor , . . we read that the israelites drank of a spiritual rock that followed them , and that rock was christ. we may still encamp and ly about these waters , be our marches what they will in the wilderness . this is the only rehoboth , the well of room : the philistines cannot trouble this well : it is of ● higher spring than that enemies can get up to stop it : if the lora make his paths to drop fatness , if they drop upon the pastures of the wilderness , see who can hinder it : for the rain waits not for man , nor stayeth it for the son of man ; therefore blessed is the man ( ier. . , . ) that trusteth in the lord , and whose hope the lord is ; for he shall be as a tree planted by the waters , and that spreadeth out her roots by the river , and shall not see when heat cometh ; but her leaf shall be green , and she shall not be carful in the year of drought , neither shall cease from yeelding fruit . o let us entertain those large thoughts of god that i have now so often recommended , and then without boasting we may say with him , that was as oft in the wilderness as another , psal. my soul shall make her boast in the lord. if they be spiritual , sanctuary mercies that we miss , then remember ezek. . . although i have scattered them among the countreys ; yet will i be to them a little sanctuary in the countreys where they shall come . remember and sing , psal. already cited , with psal. . and . if they be remporal earthly mercies that we desiderat , then remember psal , . above cited with , deut. . , . the lord led thee through the wilderness and humbled thee with hunger , and gave thee manna , that he might make thee know that man doth not live by bread only ; but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of the lord , doth man live . i leave it to every one to try what is in god and in the blessing of god. and in the mean time , let us learn to take more upon trust with god. there is no waste ground in god : meet his people with scant where they will , they will meet with none in him . jer. . . have i been a wilderness unto israel ? sayes god : they could not say he had . even as christ said to his disciples luk. . . when i sent you without purse and scrip , and shoes , lacked ye any thing ? and they said nothing : why ? many truely of the saints and servants of god in these times , who cannot boast of much wealth , yet do not speak of want : many wonder how they live and yet they are both living and life-like , and for one , i shall say that first and last , once and again , god hath cast my lot more to satisfaction , than i could have chosen with most deliberation , hereby teaching me that which i have taken for my lesson , and till i can say it perfectly by his grace , i shall still be learning to choose nothing for my self : and though i shall not say with leah gen. . . god hath given me my hire , yet i may be excused to think that god hath given me a hire ; for albeit moses's respect to the recompence of reward heb. . . and it may be not that either , but rather a free love and respect to the name of god , ( hallowed be that great and precious name ) rev. , , give the chief determination in all an upright mans most serious deliberations ; nor would he ( as he shall not ) be reckoned with those men math. . . who have their reward ; yet my present satisfaction with my condition outvyeth , till it is envyed of , the lot of those who have sought a fortune by moe turnes : let ravens hunt , and catch , and rugg , and prey , and croack over what they have gotten , and cry from more , i judge him happy . — cui deus obtulit farcà quod satis est manu . that hath enough and finds no want tho his allowance be but scant . and i have learned kings . . that this is not a time to receive money , and to receive garments , and olive-yards , and vineyards , and sheep , and oxen , and men servants , and maid servants . i fear something worse than the leprosie of na●nian cleave to the gehazi's of this time . if god will give me my life for a prey , in all places whither i go , by his grace i shall not seek great things for my self : for i fear he will bring evil upon all flesh , and will break down what he hath built , and pluck up what he hath planted , even the whole land . ier. . , . i love tacitus pasci a morsel , be it of green herbs , with quietness : and i hope i have learned philip. . . in whatsoever state i am , therewith to be content . yea and i am the more content , that i find my case somewhat common in the time . to confirme it i give you a story . a vapouring time-divine who hath changed his gang twice already , and possessed two honest mens churches , one after another , seeking a fatter pasture , lately met accidentally with an honest deprived minister of his old acquaintance , and seeing him in case better than wont , asked confidently ; ha sir , how is it that you look so well upon it , in this world ? the other , a notable man , gave him a notable answer : why , thus it comes , said he , we go in god's common . gods common is better pasture than the worlds inclosure : and what wonder if we who go i● gods common , look better on 't than you who go in the devils inclosure . at this the petulant man kept silence , and iniquity stopt her mouth . i remember it is said psal. . the wicked shall see it , ( that which befalls the righteous to his satisfaction and honour ) and be grieved , he shall gnash his teeth and melt away : the desires of the wicked shall perish . now as we would by faith take god for all things els in the wilderness ; so in the case of fainting and weariness , which as i shewed in the description , is the last and not the least evil of a wilderness-condition , we would take him for our strength , psal. . blessed is the man whose strength is in thee psal. . . my flesh and heart faileth : but god is the strength of my heart : cant. . . the church coming up out of the wilderness , l●aneth upon her beloved : isai. , , the lord iehovah is my strength and my song : isai. . . be thou their arm every morning : haback . . . the lord god is my strength , and he will make my feet like hindes feet , and he will make me to walk upon my high places : to the chief singer on my stringed instruments : if strength quite fail , and be exhausted , he makes the weary to renew their strength : if strength be weak , and the soul drives heavily , and comes up with a slow pace in duty ; then he shall run : if when they winn to that , they fear it shall not last , nor they be able to continue at that rate ; then they run and weary not , they walk and do not faint . isai. . . . and lastly , in the wilderness we would long and haste much to be through , and press with importunity for a delivery : this we see in david . psal. . psal. . psal. . and psal. . those who wandered in a wilderness cryed unto the lord in their trouble . and moses who had been long in the wilderness was very earnest to have gone over jordan , to see the good land , though for his fault at meribah it was denyed him . deut , . . . this direction is nothing so strange , as is the disposition of those to whom it is meant : for i begin to observe many who have seen the lords glory and power in the sanctuary , but too modest , not to say worse ( be it from desponcency , or from some worse quality ) in their suits for a restoration of these mercies : either the length of our affliction hath put us so far out of memory , or the deepth of it hath put us so far out of hope of better dayes , that as if there had never been , nor never should be better dayes , we content our selves with the present . truly it astonishes me to see such a spirit of slackness possess many ; as if the lord had said to us , ier. . , , , . build ye houses and dwell in them , &c. for thus saith the lord , that after seventy years be accomplished in babylon , will i visit you , and form my good word towards you , in causing you to return to this place : our disposition looks like those that were to have a seventy years affliction and long continued captivity . and indeed considering daniel . . all this evil is come upon us , yet made we not our prayer before the lora our god , &c. i observe , that security and a slack disposition is the attendent , or rather the presage and fore-runner of a continued affliction : and by the contrary a spirit of restless importunity , is a comfortable prognostick of a speedy delivery : see it confirmed in the instances of daniel , nehemiah , ezra , who upon the very point of the deliverance were stirred up , and with themselves stirred up the people by prayer and fasting to ask mercies of their god. take then the direction isa. . , . ye that make mention of the lord , keep not silence , and give him no rest , till he establish , and till he make jerusalem a praise in the earth . and thus with patience i have got through the wilderness , and considered the intimation of the churches condition , which is the second thing in the words of the verse . in conclusion , be it minded only , that all that hath been said to this point , doth alike concern the church in general and saints in particular : for neither i nor any other , who from this mount of contemplation do view the wilderness at a distance , can expect to have it said to us , as was said to moses of the land beyond iordan , thou shalt not go over into it : but rather as was said to abraham : all the land which thou seest shall be thine : arise and walk through the land , for to thee will i give it . not to speak of what we have had , or at the time have , none of us can promise in the life of our vanity , that we shall not have , if not at once , yet successively , one after another , all the described parts of the wilness for our lot. i will allure her . the third thing in the words is , the lords design , i will allure her . hence the doctrine is , that the lords great design in the vicissitudes of all dispensations to his people , is to gain them to himself ; that he may have more of their kindness and service . the point is confirmed ; . from the account scripture gives of gods various dispensations to his people : take but this chapter for an instance ; he both afflicts her and comforts her , and all that he may have her heart . , from the first and greatest command in the law of god , which is , that we love him with all our heart , &c. as the law is understood to be the mind of the king ; so the greatest command of god is the surest evidence of his will concerning this , that we abide only for him , and do not play the harlot , nor be for another man , chap. . . it is easie courting where we may command : and in this the lord hath he advantage of all other lovers : the soveraignity of his propriety in us , bears him to challenge our heart and service , without once asking our consent , and to resent every repulse and refusal , not simply as a displeasure , but really as a wrong , in defrauding him of what is his own , by a just title of many respects , antecedent to our voluntary consent . . the lords design is so manifest in his kind way with his people , that as it cannot be hidden , so it seems he would have it known that every one may think him a suter : even as when a man frequents the house of his beloved ; presently , by his frequency and other circumstances of his carriage , the meanest servant of the house discovers his design : yea , and the lord is not ashamed here expresly to tell his errand , i will allure her . some men if they intend a match with , and have a design upon a person , they set their designs abroad ; either in policy to further them , and thereby to know how the person intertains such reports , that accordingly they may behave themselves in their intended address ; or else in vain glory to vaunt of them : so the lord causes the report go loud of his blessed purpose , that it may be seen he is both serious in the matter and glorious of it , to have sinners love him . now the lord allures either morally and externally , or internally and effectually . morally and externally , while he courts souls with arguments and motives fit to take with rational and ingenuous spirits . effectually and internally , when by the power of grace he makes such fit motives and arguments have their due weight and work upon hearts . according to this division , for explication of this blessed design of the lords alluring his people , i shall first touch upon some of the chief motives that are fitted to this purpose , ( for to reach them all i presume not ) dly , i shall treat of the inward power of grace , that makes these motives effectual upon the soul. and dly , shall conclude the point with use. . of motives , the first is his own glorious excellency outshining every shadow of likness , let be equality : who is a god like unto thee ? and that i am now upon a love designe , and upon the imployment of eleazer abrahams servant gen. to seek a wife to my masters son , i am concerned as a friend of the bridgroome to express my self in the proper termes of such a subject : and o that my heart could indite good matter , that i might speak the things that i have made concerning the king ! let it then be condescended , what is required , by any but willing to be satisfied , to commend a person to the heart of his beloved , and in him you have it . . for his dignity and descent , he is the king , and the kings son : . for his induements , in him are hidd all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge : yea and he is full of grace and truth : and if you speak of a spirit , a great spirit , isat . . . . the spirit of the lord resteth upon him , the spirit of wisdom and understanding , the spirit of counsel and might , the spirit of knowledge and of the fear of the lord , and shall make him of quick understanding in the fear of the lord &c. . for his beauty , he is white and ruddy , the chief among ten thousand , and fairer than the sons of men . for his disposition and humour , he is tender , compassionat , loving , meek , condescending , kind and gracious : o but the soul may have many a good day , and much sweet contentment in his company ! . for his estate and fortune , he is the possessor of heaven and earth , the heir of all things ; and there is no lack to those that have him , and they have him that love him . . for his use and vertue , he is all , and in all , and in him we are compleat : . for his necessity , he is the person that cannot be wanted , by any that would be happy : deut. . . he is thy life , and the length of thy days . and if any think they may do as well elswhere , let them answer the question john . . lord to whom shall we go ? thou hast the words of eternal life . now this is my beloved , and this is my friend , o daughters of ierusalem . cant. . . the lords second motive and external allurement is his words : words are very charming and enticeing things : and how forceable are right words ? says job . hence the latines wisely give the name of verba dare , to that which the court calls a complement , but the countrey plainly calls a cheat. hence the way of fishing which catcheth by the ear , applauded of the greatest wits , approven and much practised by lovers , the most ingenious because the most serious anglers , who busk their hooks with words , and bait with the artificial flee of complements . hence , as the world goes , he is the finest man that can say fairest to it : and albeit solomon both a wise man and a great preacher and spokes-man hath said proverb . . . even a fool when he holdeth his peace is counted wise ; yet with most men , even a wise man , if he bold his peace , is counted a fool : but the truth is , multum ille assecutus est qui bene didicit loqut , bene qui tacere non minus assecutus est , he hath attained much who hath learned to speak well : and he hath attained no less who hath learned to hold his peace well . but to say no more in general of the allurements of words : how specially excellent are the words of the lord to the purpose of soul-converting and heart-alluring ? zach. . . they are good words and comfortable words , jer. . . thy words were found and i did eat them , and thy word was unto me , the joy and rejoycing of mine heart . gold and treasure is alluring unto any , honey and apples to delicate persons : and if it were even the mortal forbidden fruit of the tree of knowledge of good and evil ; yet if it be good for food , and i leasant to the eyes , and a tree to be desired , it must be had , if the price should be death , gen. . but the words of god are more to be desired than gold ; sweeter also than honey and the honey comb , psal. . . psal. . , . verses . if nature could propine the world with golden apples as a present of her first fruits , sure those would ravish the hearts of the greatest potentates , and would raise wars among princes for the possession and keeping of the tree that bare those , they would be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apples of strife , properly and indeed : and the words of god , which are the flower and first fruits of all fit words , are apples of gold in pictures of silver , prov. , . they nourish solidly , comfort cordially , and inrich mightily . how charming the lords words are , we have famous instances in the gospel , that with his words he catched those , that were sent and intended to catch and entrap him : he sent them back with this report , never man spoke like this man. and here in the ●●xt it self , i will allure her , saith the lord , and i will speak comfortably unto her . the third . chief motive and allurement is , the works of the lord and his doings , he hath done for his people , and is daily doing to them , that which cannot but rationally entice any ingenuous soul to be for him : if god had not loved us , i should have wondered at every thing he does for us : love is the chief of the wayes of god to us . god loved the world. god so loved the world , a wonder indeed ! but after that stupendious portent of his works to us , that he loved us , i shall wonder at nothing he does for us : for what will we not do for those we love ? but again , i must wonder , that he loved us , and in this love to us , he was humbled and emptyed for us : for us he came into the world : for us he took the likeness of sinful flesh , and the form of a servant : for us he suffered temptations , crosses and contradictions in his life , and for us he tasted death ; he gave him ●●s for us : he came under the law , and sin , and the wrath , and curse of god for us : for us he drank the cup of astonishment , which would have made all the elect tremble to eternity . yea and he rose and was victorious over death for us : ●e hath also ascended heaven for us , and there he interceeds for us : he is our friend at court , he stands in the way there , that nothing pass against us : and when there is hazard he warns us , and by his word and spirit he keeps intelligence with our souls , and gives us daily accounts of the true state of our spiritual business : thence he issues daily many favours on our behalf , psal. , and forward . forget not all his benefits , who forgiveth all thine iniquities , &c. and his negative mercies are not the least part of what he doth for us : that he prevents and holds off us so many temptations , suares and evils that otherwise would even over-run us : and that for all these he waiteth to be gracious to us , at the voice of our cry when he shall hear it : and in a word that he is so wholly taken up for us , as if he had nothing else to mind but us . now to a rational ingenuous spirit , and every one that deserves to be called a man , all these will be the coras of a man , and bands of love. hos. . . yea there is some secret alluring , quality , in the saddest and darkest of gods dispensations to the soul of the saint . hence we never find the godly soul more fond so to speak ) of its beloved , and more earnest upon him , than in the time of desertion , which of all dispensations is the most afflicting to such an one . if the lord withdraw , such an one will fall down sick of love to him ; and then go tell him o ye daughters of ierusalem , that i cannot live in his absence : and if he do not come quickly skipping like a young roe or hart ; yea , and if he take not the nearest way over the mountains of bether , he may come too late , to lay his hands upon the eyes of his distressed beloved , psal. . . if thou be silent to me ( sayes david ) i shall be like them that go down into the ●●t : o lord , i cannot live , i value not life , if thou be not the god of my life : i have resolved i shall never be glad , till thou be the health of my countenance , and make me glad with thy works : for i see little difference , betwixt sorrow and joy , if thou be not my chiefest joy . and in our text , the wilderness is the alluring place to this ungracious froward church . the fourth chief motive wherewith the lord allures his people , is , his gifts . gifts and tokens use to pass betwixt lovers , and accordingly in this chapter , the lord allures this whoorish church with gifts : so verse . i will give her her vineyards from thence , and the valley of achor for a door of hope . a gift is a tempting and inticing thing : and therefore the lord hath forbid iudge , the taking of gifts ; for a gift blinds the eyes of the wise , and perverts the words of the righteous : and therefore isai . . he is a rare man , that can shake his hands from holding bribe● . and the more strange it is that men can take so largely from god , and not be thereby enticed after him . solomon sayes , a mans gift make room for him , and whithersoever it turneth it self , it is so prosperous , that every one is a friend to him that giveth gifts , prov. , . and . . but let us consider gods gifts : his gifts are . free gifts : and what is freer than a gift ? for if it were not free , it were not a gift : none of us can earn the east benefit at gods hand ; for who hath given to the lord , and it shall be recompensed to him again ? but of him , and through him , and for him are all things , to whom be glory for ever , rom. . . . . his gifts are good gifts , he is the giver of all good ; and from him every good and perfect gift descendeth , he will with-hold no good from him that walketh uprightly . i confess , that sore evil unde● the sun. eccles. . . may be seen in all other gifts as well as riches , that they are often keepea for the 〈…〉 hereof to their hurt . but god never gave men that gift , ( they have it of the evil one ) by abuse to turn good gifts into evil for themselves . . his gifts are rich and rare gifts , grace and glory , and every good thing : yea himself : for the covenant gift , is , i will be their god : yea our selves and our souls he gives life and breath , act. . . ●er . . he gave us this soul. . his gifts are large gifts , act. . . he gives all things , and cor , . what hast thou that thou didst not receive ? and here i observe , what a great advantage in his alluring us the lord hath of us all by his gifts . if we possess and keep still his gifts , we cannot handsomly refuse his sute for our kindness and service , for no ingenuous woman will possess or retain that man's gift whom she minds not to entertain . but if any should presume disdainfully to return the lords tokens to him , and to send back his gifts ; then he hath yet the greater advantage : for if we send back all his gifts , and return all to him that ever we had of him , then must we needs with all send back and return our selves , and our souls , and all that we are , or have , or can : for he gave all these ; and he requires no more than what he gave . so that of necessity we must either be all for god , or we must be nothing ; or else we must be most base in being anything that we are not for god , and in retaining his tokens , when we have rejected himself . and now let wild ungracious sinners , look how the● shall come handsomly off : and this i would recommend , especially to such as claim to more ● a spirit and breeding than ordinary : if there be any gallantry , here is the opportunity to shew themselves men . . his gifts are frequently renewed or rather continually heaped gifts , he loadeth u● daily with his 〈◊〉 : he is still giving and daily sending variety of ●●● . mercies , and he is still heaping benefits upon us : and these ( if we intertain th● giver , and give him our consent ) we are to take tokens for good , and an earnest of greater things to be enjoyed ; for the valicy of achor is a door of hope . the fifth chief motive , wherewith the lord allures his people , is , his carriage and demeanor towards them . a goodly deportment , a quair behaviour with an obliging carriage is very taking . davia's and daniel's behaviours did much to allay , if not to vanquish the fury and malignit● of their malicious enemies . the carriage of 〈…〉 vespasian the emperour was such , that thereby he was , and was called deliciae generis humani , the darling of mankind . but , o , how transporting is the lords way and carriage towards his people ! secular lovers use to frame their carriage , as well as their cloathes , into the best fashion and dress , and they study to make their entries 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with all their sailes up ; and would seem to be rather what they should be , then what they are , and indeed be : they put on their best behaviour with their best sute , only at shows and solemnities ; for as they do not wear their best cloaths , ●o neither practice they the best manners , always at home . but as the lords carriage to his people , is alluring , at his first appearing , and in his first address to their souls ; so they may expect to have it always the same : for he is god and changes not , and all that is but his ordinary . but behold his carriage , i pray you ; with much patience he waits upon his peoples consent , as if their love were worth the waiting upon ; and indeed it it be not so , it is enough that he account it so ; in much mercy he overlooks many faults in them , and puts the best construction upon many of their unhandsome and unkind actions : in much kindness he makes them many a visit : with much earnestness he invites them , with much respect he intreats them , calling them by all their best names , in discretion fitting their titles to his design . in much condescendence and tenderness he complyes with them , and applyes himself to them , and all this he doth so equally , constantly and faithfully , that they must say , if they be ingenuous , that all his wayes to them are mercy and truth : and for all this he is content so ●ar to condescend , as to submit himself to their reasonable and impartial consure : o israel what iniquity hast thou found in me , and wherein have i wearted thee ? testify against me , micah . . . surely , if ever i did any thing below my self , it was in matching with thee . ●f i had insisted upon particulars in this , and the motives already mentioned , where had my rest been ? but of gods carriage and way with his people this is the sum , that it is not the manner of men. and i think the lords ravishing conversation with his people , would easily pass into admiration with him , who professed ( ●●ov . ) that he could not know matters much more easie . o that the secular courtier might , after many changes o● shapes and fashions at last be turned into a seraphick lover ! and that the ingine and wit which is thrown ( where it evanishes ) into the air of vanity , were employed to court the uncreated beauty of that ever blooming flower of eternity . the sixth chief motive wherewith the lord allures his people , is , the example of others , who have led them the way in loving , choosing and commending him . example is an alluring thing : and the world is more ruled by example than by law. example oft-times usurps upon reason ; sometimes it agrees with her ; but seldom is it subject to her. and thus while men ask rather quid fit , what is done , nor , quid fieri debet , what ought to be done , many follow the broad way that leadeth to destruction , while but few do find the narrow that leadeth to life , many choose rather to go to hell in company , than to go to heaven alone . but in religion and in travel , i would hold the rule , to choose day light rather than company : nor would i willingly wait for any man till night , who in the dark , might lead or mislead me whither he would . if once a man turn his eye off the fixed light of scripture , the wandering star of example may lead him whither he knows not , and lodge him where he would not . now how the lord allures his people by example , see cant. . there the church finds others before her , whom she would gladly follow : the virgins love thee , draw me , we will run after thee ; lord i love good company well , and therefore let us all go together . and as she finds good example before her , she leaves the like after her , that allures others to follow her , as she had followed others , cant. ch , and . whither i● thy beloved gone , o thou fairest among women , ●●hither is thy beloved turned aside ? that we may seek him with thee : and all this by the lords direction , chap. . . go forth by the footsteps of the flock . o that god would raise up many lights of religion in this dark generation ! many who might be exemplary in piety , who might go before others , ●s the hee-goats before the flock , jer. . . o that god would perform more in our days , that which he hath promised of old . zach. . . the inhabitants of one city shall go to another , saying , let ●s go speedily to pray before the lord , and to seek the lord of hosts ; i will go also . mean time , let us follow the examples we have , and that the example of those who have chosen and owned the lord and his way , may be the more alluring to us . consider . that many of them were kings and great men : religion and the strictness of godliness is too far above every man , to be below any man : i fear those who think godliness below them , find it too far above them prov. . . wisdom is too high for a fool . . many of them were wise men . let our sages , senators , and our counsellours remember this : and if they say there are few godly men wise , i can say to them , there are as few wise men gody and chosen to obtain mercy . cor. , . not many wise men after the flesh are called and chosen . but truely , till the cabi●●● councils of secular heads , and the conclaves of the clergy find me amongst them all , four men whom they will undertake to match for wisdom with moses , joseph , solomon , and daniel , i cannot but think , that godliness doth as well become a wise man , as wisdom doth a godly man : withal consider , that godliness and wisdome are one in scripture . . all of them were righteous and truely holy men , strange it is that so many should choose to be wicked , whilst none can en●ure t● seem or to be called such , and who but the worst man takes it worst to be told of his faults ? and as strange it is , that every one should choose to seem and to be called righteous and good , whilst so few do choose indeed to be such . but is it no● as much the glory of true godliness , that hypocrits and prophane persons love to go in its live●y , and to be called by its name , as it is their reproach to have or hold the forme of godliness , whilst they deny the power thereof ? they were impartial and uninteressed men , that ( except upon heaven ) could not with the least colour be suspect of any designe in their doings : yea did they not renounce and go cross to all worldly interests of nature , education , credit , profit , pleasure and the like ? . they were resolute and constant in what they did . indeed if the saints had repented their choice , they might have renounced religion when they pleased , as is said of the patriarchs . heb. . . that if they had been mindful of that countrey , from whence they came out , they might have ●ad opportunity to have returned , but now they desire a better countrey , that is an heavenly . i should think it a poor office to perswade men to that which might repent them : but if they , whose example commend , and whose practise gladly i would perswade , did with constancy and confidence , without relenting go thorow and pass the difficulties of the flatterings and frownings , the fears and hopes , the threats and intreaties of a present world , may i not conclude , that godliness is that which is not to be repented of ? it now follows to treat of the inward power of grace , which maketh these external motives , effectual upon the soul. if any should attempt by ●●rce to storme the soul of man ; it is so sure to be ●●zed to the ground , and brought utterly down ●● nothing before it yeeld ( for voluntas non potest cog● ▪ the will , which is the fort royal of the soul cannot be forced ) that the assailant may resolve to loss it , before he win it , and to win only the expensive loss of all his labour , and to triumph ridiculously over a nothing : for nature and invention have made the soul a strength impregnable and unaccessable to any power without : and all attempts thence , may certainly prove ineffectual , except a ready course be taken , to gain a correspondency with these within . also sinners are naturally very shie and ill to be courted : but the lord as he is good at all that is good , is excellently good a● courting and allureing an untoward heart . others , it may be , have got from her at once , their leave , with a repulse : yea my servants in my name , have possibly been so served : but , wild as she is , i will not leave her so : i will speak to her my self , and i 'le in gage , i shall quickly cause her say yea : therefore behold i will allure her , he can but say to a soul , follow me , and it leaves all and follows him : he can catch a sinners heart from him ere ever he is aware . ier. . . o lord , thou hast deceaved me , and i was deceaved , thou art stronger than i , and hast prevailed . he can mix a love-cup to the soul , that shall cause it speak of him when he is gone , and follow him faster than ever it fled from him , and that even when he seems to flee : we remember thy love more than wine , the virgins love thee ; draw me , we will run after thee cant. . , , . yea more , he can make an ointment , the very savour whereof shall cause sinners love him : because of the savour of thy good ointments , thy name is as ointmen poured out , therefore do the virgins love thee ; yea he ●an give a soul-charming vertue , to the very words of his name ; and cause the very naming of him , kindle a flame of love in the soul , that many waters cannot quench : thy name is as ointment that is powred forth . he can open with his finger the ●stest lock that is upon the heart of any sinner . cant. ● . . my beloved put in his hand by the hole of the ●●or , my bowels were moved for him : and if it ●o not open freely , he can drop a litle mirrhe from is finger upon it , that shall make it easy : ● rose ●● to open to my beloved , and my fingers droped myrrhe , verse and . yea without once asking liberty , he ●an ravish a sinners heart : and when ever he comes ●pon such a design , he coms rideing in king so●●mons chariot , the midst whereof is paved with love , ●● the daughters of ierusalem cant. . . . and after the kings chariot , follows a large train , the chariots of aminadab , waiting to convoy and bring ●p , his willing people , cant. . . and if once the ●●ul is got up into the chariot , the king bids drive , the verse , return , return o shulamite , return , ●urn ; and then farewell thy fathers house . psal. . . forget thine own people and thy fathers house . ●ow the chariots of aminadab , the chariots of the ●ords willing people , run upon these four wheels . ● plain termes , the inward power of grace , where●● the lord allures sinners , and gains them to himself , consisteth and is carryed on of these four. ● . a sound and clear information of the understanding , and illumination of the mind : as it is ●●ten in the prophets , and they shall be all taught of god. john . . out of isai. , . with ier. . . and i will give them an heart to know me . john. . . he hath given us an understanding , that we ma● know him that is true . if a man by nature and study were never so judicious and learned , yet ere he b● converted and effectually allured , to ingage throughly in covenant with god , he hath need to be taught of god , that the eyes of his understanding being opened , he may know that which passes knowledge ; otherways , it may seem a strange saying : but it is that which is noted in the scripture of truth ; and the scripture expressions of opening the eyes , giving an understanding , and the like , make it clear . that the meanest saint and convert hath more knowledge of christ , and seeth somewhat in him , that the most subtile , seraphick , resolute , or angelick doctor unconverted cannot see . so that whatever differences there be betwixt saving and common knowledge , there is certainly a difference even in regard of the intensive degree 〈◊〉 clearness : or if it be not so , let any man tell 〈◊〉 what such expressions mean , cor. . , that god who commandeth the light to shine out of darkness , hat● shined in our hearts , to give the light of the glory of god in the face of jesus christ : and verse , and the gospel is hid from those that perish , for satan hath blinded their mindes ; and no doubt , many of these had more natural judgment , and learning with more of the means also , than some of the● that believed . to conclude , there is greater odd betwixt a saint and a rabbi , than betwixt a ra●●● and an idiot : for the last two ( i now suppo● them unconverted ) are neighboured in nature ; but grace separats the first from them both . . the inward power of grace consisteth in a powerful inflection and bowing of the will. psal. . . thy people shall be willing in the day of thy power : the lord findeth sinners unwilling , he worketh on them not willing and he makes them willing . the will ( as i said before ) is the strongest hold of the soul , and the most wilful piece of the man : command the will and you command the man : the new will ( say divines ) is the new man ; and therefore the lord is concerned to possess the will : and this he doth wherever he savingly allures a soul : for he scorns any should say , that they serve and follow him against their will , all his souldiers are volunteers : his people are a willing people . i find a godly man once saying ( and all such must say it often ) the good which i would that i do not . even as by conversion oft times the greatest sinner becomes the greatest saint ; so the will , before conversion , the most obstinate and unplacable enemy , doth afterward become the most kind and trusty friend to god : for in the midst of many exorbitancies of affections , and irregularities of practice , and conversation , the will retains its loyalty , and persists in its duty to the lord : and when the whole soul is in an uproar , and confusion , like that of the city of ephesus act. . . ( a most lively representation of a soul in perturbation ) wherein some cryed one thing , some another , for the assembly was confused , and the more part knew not wherefore they were come together : all this while the will is at ready to protest for the lord , as the superstitious ephesians were for their diana . and when in a disorder , all plead liberty , i consent unto the law ( says the will ) rom , . and with the mind i serve the law of god. . the inward power of grace consists in a sweet inclination of the affections deut. . . the lord thy god will circumcise thine heart , and the heart of thy seed , to love the lord thy god , with all thine heart , and with all thy soul. the psalmist prayes psal. . . incline mine heart unto thy testimonys , and psal. . . incline not mine heart to any evil thing . the affections are ticklish things : by much working and subduing , with frequent turnings , they become as ductile and formable as the potters clay , whereof he makes a vessel as it pleases him . like those we call good natures , they are sweet companions , but not so sure : and as readily you do not leave them , as you found them ; so you shall hardly find them where you left them ; nor know you when you have them , or when you want them : they are primi oc●upanti● , they can refuse no body : they welcome all comers , follow all counsels , comply with all companies : and in a word they are compleat conformists : and they are courted by so many lovers , that it is much if they turn not common strumpets , to the dishonour and grief of this concerned chaste suter , who is broken with such whorish hearts , ezek. . . again , they are like an instrument with many strings , they make sweet melody in gods service , but with the least wrong touch , you mis-tune them . indeed the saints have their affections frequently to tune , and it requires a time to do it : this causes that the affection of grief , which is the basse of the soul , is oftest in tune , and keeps in tune longest with the saints , psal. . , . when david's heart was fixed , his harp was out of tune : when his faith had got footing , his affections were to seek . the case is common and too well known to the people of god : in preaching , hearing , reading , meditating , praying , praising , or any other duty of our life , the affections oft times do not answer . but grace hath a skilful hand , and is a musician so expert , that if the tenor of the will be but well set , and the base of godly sorrow record well , ordinary failings in the other parts , shall not be much discerned . . the inward power of grace making outward motives effectual , consists in a cheerful , ready motion of the locomotives , and an actual up-stiring of all that is in a man , by an act elicitive of the imperated acts of the understanding , will , and affections : so the schools express it : but to speak plainly , it is grace causing us to perform indeed and with our hand , that which it hath caused us to know , will , and love with our heart : for sayes the apostle , it is god that worketh in us , both to will and to do , of his good pleasure , philip. . . and if grace assist not in this , as well as in the rest , this , to do , may make much adoe , and cause even an apostolick spirit have a hard pull of duty , rom. . . to will is present with me , but how to perform that which is good , i find not . and by this their defectiveness and short coming in the point of doing , the best of saints may be convinced , that of themselves , they fall as far short in the other points ; and that it they cannot go the least step without christs hand holding them up , they could far less have walked the whole length of their duty : the apostle's inference is remarkable to the purpose : i know , sayes he , that in me , that is , in my 〈◊〉 dwelleth no good thing , for to perform that which is good i find not , albeit that to will is present with me . so that he who of himself cannot do , neither of himself can he know , will or love that which is good . fail in one , fail in all . this consideration of it self , may refute the whole and half p●●agian , popish , lutheran , and arminian crot●hets in the point of grace . and this shortly is the method of graces work converting a soul , and alluring a sinners heart . the understanding sayes , gods will is true , the will sayes it is good , the affections say it is sweet , the practice and whole man sayes it is done . thy will he done ; and if it be thy will to save me , and have me to thy self , then lord , i am thine , save me ; for i seek thy precepts , psal. . . but in the natural birth , we know not how the bones do grow in the womb of her that is with child ; far less can we reach to perfection the mystery of regeneration : and if we know not the time when the wild goats of the rock bring forth , nor can mark when the hindes do calve , how shall we be able to cast the nativity of the sons of god ? for iohn . . the wind bloweth where it listeth , and thou hearest the sound thereof , but canst not tell whence it cometh , or whither it goeth : so is every one that is born of the spirit . if we know not the way of a man with a maid , prov. . . how short may we well be judged to have come in our accounts of the lords method of courting and making love to the souls of his people ; and yet we are instructed from the word of god , to give of all these , an account sufficient to salvation , with all necessary instruction and comfort . and the like account the saints are to expect from the spirit of god , which searcheth all things , even the very deep things of god , cor. . . the use of this point i dispatch in these few words of instruction . . we are taught from this , that sinners naturally are very untoward and untractable , to that which is good : they must be allured , enticed , and as it were beguiled and deceased unto that which is equally there duty and mercy ; ier , . , o lord thou hast deceaved me , and i was deceaved . cor. . . the apostle , who was as a deceaver and yet true , being crafty , caught the corinthians with guile . it is indeed a pia fraus a godly beguile , to beguile a soul to heaven and to god. i wish moe were thus beguiled , and that many such deceavers may enter into the world : nor can i say in this deceit , whether the deceiver i● the honester man , or the deceived the happier . . this teacheth ministers the art of preaching , they must be both serious and dexterous : as friends of the bridgroom , and ambassadors for christ , they must be so well acquaint with the laws of love , as to be able ( a divine blessing concurring ) to allure the wildest and most froward soul. a minister would be a seraphick lover , one of the order of peter : peter , lovest thou me ? lord thou knowest all things , thou knowest that i love thee . peter , feed my lambes , feed my sheep . if our way with sinners , be not the most taken way , let it be the most taking way , and so we shall not mistake the way . many ministers are but cold suters for christ , and why ? they are troubled with an error of the first concoction , they erre concerning the end : they seek their own things , and not the things of christ , they serve not our lord jesus , but there own belly : they eat the fat , and cloath themselves with the wooll , but they feed not the flock : put them to tryal , and it will be found they cannot read the bible : they lisp like the men of ephraim , for shibboleth , they say sibboleth ; give them but to read that short text cor. . . they read it , i seek not you , but yours ; and if they read right , i seek not yours but you , they are the greatest of lyars . in a word , they are like many in our days ( and those are even like them ) who court the fortune more than the person : in this age , a rich man needs not want children ; let him make images of his silver , and these shall not want matches , such who for their generosity deserve , as often they get , the reward of a silver crucifix . but as he that findeth a wife , though he find her in her shirt , findeth a good thing , and obtaineth favour of the lord , prov. . . so he that winneth souls , though he win not a penny with them , is wise . prov. . . truely the alluring way of preaching is ars longa , a thing not soon learned , but where god doth give the tongue of the learned . this art hath many precepts , which i am fitter to be taught , than to teach : and till god send the time of teaching , i take this for the time of learning : who are these that come up from the wilderness , both better men and better ministers ? . we see this in the point , that religion is an alluring thing . it deservs to be written in gold : lord write it upon my heart : it hath that in it which may abundantly endear it to any free soul. some who could stand before an armed enemy , have fallen before a naked beauty , let sampson and david be witnesses in the case : sawest thou ever the beauty of the lord ? for how great is his beauty ? and how great is his goodness ? sawest thou ever the beauty of holiness ? a beauty as rare as rich , a singular beauty ! a beauty active and communicative , it makes all those beautiful that enjoy it : it is not so with the richest worldly beauty : an unbeautiful husband may have a beautiful wife , whose beauty cannot make him comly : none truely love and espouse religion but it makes them comly with its beauty . o how would such a beauty be courted in the world ? hast thou not the pourtrait of this beauty in thine heart , the chamber of her that conceaved thee ? i should hold my self everlastingly obliged to him that would give me a well done coppy : and though i did not like it , for him that did it , yet would i love it for them that it is like . and if this my discourse for image and likness could say unto god , thou art my father , and to religion and godliness , thou art my mother and my sister , the piety of my vanity , might excuse the vanity of my piety , to boast of my relation to that lovly family , that brings forth all beauties . i have seen the heathen venus their godess of love and beauty , painted with a flaming heart in her hand , ( a pretty embleme of that scripture hos. . . whoredome taketh a way the heart ) beauty maketh daily triumphs with mens hearts , as the garlands of her victories or the spoiles of her captives , who are no enemies : for amongst the many ( as there are many ) singularities of seminine victories , these are not the least , that men conquer none but enemies , women none but friends . men take captives against their will , womens captives are all consenters to their own bonds , nor do they once desire to make their escape . men punish their captives with pain , women please theirs with torment , and torment them with pleasure . but o canst thou behold the beauty of holiness , and have thy heart at command ? needs must the lively truth of godliness be very desirable , when a lying shew and dead picture of it is so lovely , mark. . . jesus beholding the young man loved him , for the appearance of good he saw in him . how transporting must true godliness be in the abstract ? and is not the profection of piety , the perfection of beauty ? since in the concrete and in its imperfection it is so ravishing cant. . the church with one of her eyes ravishes christs heart , a cheek-view , a glance and half a look of a saint is very alluring . but what if both her eyes be to him ? then as one wounded , he cryes , chap. . turn away thine eyes from me , for they have overcome me . he falls before his friends , who rose over all his enemies : the saints beauty overcoms him that overcame the world , it captivateth him that led captivity captive , it triumpheth over him who triumphed over principalities and powers , it conquers him who conquered death : for love is strong as death : set death in the way of love , it can despise and go over it . if jealousie dispute christs love , he is ready to vindicate himself upon the highest adventure : tell me ( says he ) what token shall i give thee ? what shall i do for thee ? if thou lovest me , thou must die for me . o jealousie cruel as the grave ! i love thee , and will wash thee in mine own blood : i love thee , and will give my self for thee : o love strong as death ! o death-conquering christ ! o christconquering love ! o love-conquering beauty of holiness ! look upon holiness , let thine eyes but observe her wayes : love her , and give unto her a present of what thou hast . but what is thy petition , o queen ? and it shall be granted thee ? what is thy request and it shall be performed ? if i have found favour in thy sight , o friend , and if i please thee , then give me thy heart , prou. , . my son give me thine hears : her authority might command it , her beauty might rob it , but her modesty and love doth friendly desire it . i would not have my discourse fall in the hands of the ungodly : for wickedness proceedeth from the wicked ( as saith the proverb of the antients , sam. . . ) but if i were to speak to ungodly sinners ( o lord open my closed lips , then shall i teach transgressours thy wayes , and sinners shall be converted unto thee . psal. . . ) i would shew them , what i have yet to add , in the behalf of lovely holiness : i would sing to my beloved , a song of my well beloved . but the alluring subject , the kindness i owe to godliness , with the respect i have for all that love & serve her , invite me to speak , what i know : and therefore , beside all the alluring motives to godliness , mentioned in the explication , i add these things to be considered , wherein she excelleth all her companions , her rivals , and all that would partake with her in our affections . and i shall but point at some heads , leaving room for the godly soul , to enlarge in its meditations , upon the particulars in consideration . . godliness bringeth the soul upon the greatest interest : the interest of god , of the soul , of the kingdom that cannot be moved , the crown that fadeth not away , and the things not seen that are eternal ; that which eye hath not seen , nor the ear heard , nor hath it entered into the heart of man to conceive , even that which god hath laid up for those that love him , angustus est animus , quem terrena delectant , they are not ill to please , who can be put off with things wordly . but the saint is the only person of a great spirit , who indeed minds high things , even as he is born to great things . the books de natura , or of nature , are too mean a subject for a saint : all his studies are de anima , de caelo , & de deo : his lessons are of the soul , of heaven , and of god. his ditan is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he minds the things that are above . . only godliness hath that in it , that can maintain and advance his greatest interest . what can all the pomp , pleasures and profits of the world do to a soul ? do these things make a better man ? lay all these to a wounded conscience , and they will be as he that taketh away a garment in cold weather , as vinegar upon nitre , or as he that singeth songs to a heavy heart , prov. . . they may make it worse , they cannot make it better . a mean subjects rent cannot bear the charges of a crown , nor can all the imaginable affluence of worldly sensual pleasures , ( the delights of the sons of men ) fill up the accounts of a mans happiness . are not all things worldly , under an antient curse for mans sake ? and shall that which is cursed , make us blessed ? the wisdom of solomon ( and who shall come after the king ? ) hath tryed the experiment of all things sublunary , that they are but vexation of spirit , and a very vanity : and will a man fill his belly with the east-wind ? the most refined spirits and artificial extracts of natures fullness , hath no more fitness and congruity to satisfy a soul , than chaff or sand hath to nourish a humane body : nor did nebuchadnezar eat grass with the oxen , until his heart was made like the beasts . moreover , the glory of all things transitory hath not the civility to see the soul to its rest : but serve it like wicked companions , who have debauched a man all the day , and leave him to dry a kennel at night . o when the soul shall run out into eternity , and death shall draw the courtain upon all things worldly , then it shall be seen , that the things that are seen , are but temporal : and then if the soul would return to call but for a cup of cold water , of all its sensual pleasures , it cannot have passage : for there is a great gulf fixed betwixt , so that they who would pass from hence to you cannot , neither can they pass to us that would come from thence , luk. . : to close this consideration , remember that the wise god called him a fool , a great fool , a rich fool , who , for that his barns were full , would say to his soul : soul , thou hast much good laid up for many years , take thine ease , eat , drink and be merry , luke . , . but o! the revenue of godliness : god and the light of his countenance , christ and his merits , the holy ghost with his comforts and graces , the justification of faith , the peace of god , the joy of the holy ghost , the hope of glory , are things of great beauty , to please our souls withall . . the consolations , joyes , pleasures , and delights of godliness are the choicest of any : for however ( as the proverb is ) a small thing will make fool fain , and as little makes him sad ; yet the delights of a wise-man , are such as are the things he delighteth in , ps. . . thou ( thorough the light of by countenance ) hast put gladness in my heart , more ●●an in the time , when their corn and their wine in●eased . o lord , i am as far above the envy of the ungodly , as they are below mine . the worlds great prejudice against godliness , is , that they fancy it an unpleasant thing , void of delight : but ●●tum est in organo : and no doubt if men found that delight in holiness , which they do in wickedness , we should quickly have the world a pro●lyte to godliness . o then that my words were weighed ! and that the world would give me a air hearing but in this one consideration ; no doubt , i had then gained . delight is a very alluring thing , and trahit sua quemque voluptas , every one follows whither his i leasure and delight ●ads him . nor is it any wonder that so it be ; ●r delight and pleasure is the very flower and ●ossome of happiness , the accomplishment and ●st act of blessedness , differing from vertue and godliness , as the flourish from the tree , the rose ●●m the bush. the scripture placeth the saints ●lessedness , both in the estate of grace and glory , pleasure and delight . that delight is a mans ●lessedness in the state of grace , see the command , psal. . . the promise isai. . the ●●ints professed practice , of whom christ is the chief , and chiefly meant , psal. . . the motive given by the spirit of god , prov. . . and that delight hath the same place in glory ( if any that have heard of such a thing as heaven , did ever once doubt of it ) it is more than clear from , psal. . , revel . . . with many the like places . if men knew to do the epicureans right in their opinion of felicity , and could speak as philosophers , and not as taunting satyricks , i could rather be , than be called an epicurean : for imperious custom , ( even like diotrephes , who in all things loveth the preheminency ) hath usurped sofar upon the world , that she prevaileth equally in mens words and practices , calling things as she lists . whence a sensual sow wallowing in the mire of lust , must bear the name of an epicurean ; whercas , in truth , an epicurean is no other than a man placeing happiness in rational pleasures and intellectual delights worthy of men : even as i , according to the scripture , have placed it in those delights that are spiritual and becoming a saint . the cutting off of a member deserves not the name of a cure , but is the uncomfortable result of the desperate wits of extremity and necessity , in a deplorable case ; and an expedient intending the preservation of the whole , with the loss of the part : for better it is to go to heaven with one eye , hand or foot , than to be cast into hell with two . the stoical apathetick method ( if the stoick be not as much wronged as the epicurean ) is but a pitiful cutting , at best a curb , no wayes a cure of a corrupt world. a man will suffer much before he suffer the loss of his limbs : and he hath wrought but an undesirable cure , that by cutting off of a member hath made a man creple or maim : the world will want much before they want their pleasures and delights : and indeed who would choose to be miserable ? wherefore the only expedient method in this case , will be diversion , whereby men may save their members ; the world may enjoy delights and pleasures , for measure as much greater as for quality better , than formerly in their courses of iniquity ; only they must not run any more in the channel of sensuality , but in the vein of religion and spirituality . consider then the delights and pleasures of godliness , and then let reason say , who hath the sweetest life , the saint or the bruit . . for their nature , they are unspeakable and full of glory , pet. . . the word is significant in its own language 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a glorifyed ●oy ; a very heaven upon earth : a joy of the same nature , though not to the same degree , with that in heaven . the saints delights in earth , are a cup of the same wine , for kind , which they shall drink in the kingdom of their father , though it be not of so high a colour , nor of so rich a relish to us here in the cellar , as it is to them at the kings table . holiness is much mistaken in the world , and so is heaven and happiness , which is no other , than the top and upper ●nd of holiness , or holiness in its holy-dayes cloathes . if men would consider this , i suppose some should be as afraid of heaven as they are of holiness : yea i am really of the mind , if god should open a door in heaven to a prophane liver , and say , come up hither , that he should not dare to enter : the beauty and light of that glory , so contrary to darkness , would dazle and confound , and utterly undoe him . if a man should be permitted , yea commanded to throw himself into a burning fiery furnace , like that of babylon , durst he yet do it ? yea though he were very cold and never so much needed to be warned . and who among hypocrites or prophane livers shall dwell with devouring fire ? who amongst them shall dwell with everlasting burnings ? isa. . in a word , men must either say that it is a great unhappiness to be in heaven , or that it is their great happiness to be more holy. . the pleasures and delights of holiness are of the highest descent , they spring from the rock of eternity . and o! how pure ? how wholsome ? how pleasant must they be ? the pleasures which god gives his people , have himself for their spring , and life for their vertue . psal. . . . with thee is the fountain of life . . they have the deepest root , and so farrest in upon the soul : as the delights of hypocrites , worldlings and prophane persons are but the dreggs ; so they are but the scruse and pairings of pleasures : their pleasures are but skin-deep : in the midst of all their laughter , the heart is sad : they are as hypocritical in their delights as in their duties . the soul and conscience of a wicked man hath nothing like christ but this , that they are never seen to laugh : they are men of sorrows indeed , and many sorrows are their portion : that is appointed to them of god. psal. . with isai. . , . the consolations , joys , pleasures , and delights of godliness the most strong and efficacious : in the multitude of their frighting , repenting , tempting , doubting and inquiring thoughts , gods comforts delight their soul. psal , . . these turn their mourning into dancing , they make them sing in a prison , and rejoice in tribulation : but affliction maketh a wicked man soon to forget his pleasures , as waters that pass away : yea and the memory of their former delights , is to their present sorrows , as he that singeth songs to a heavy heart , and their song is , miserum est fuisse saelicem : it is the greatest misery to have once been happy . . the delights of godliness are pure and chast delights , they are such as the soul enjoys with gods blessing and approbation , yea with his command . psal. . . delight they self also in the lord ; the pleasures of godliness are our duty . and for their chastity , they are like the pleasures that a man hath in the company of his lawful wife . prov. . let her breasts satisfy thee at all times , and be thou ravisht with her love : the word in its own language is , eire thou always in her love : if a man must play the fool , let him do it lawfully : and if it be an error , it is an innocent one to erre with gods approbation . but the delights of wickedness are impure , whoorish and strange delights such as a man hath in the company of a harlot : and why will thou my son be ravished with a strange woman , and embrace the bosome of a stranger ? prov , . . . the delights of godliness are secure and safe delights . this follows from the former . here the soul is ridd of all fear of going too far : there is no excess in those pleasures : eph. . . in wine there is excess : but be filled with the spirit ; there is no excess in that , the more you drink of that the more sober you are : and also in the delights of godliness , there is no fear of the sad after-claps of sorrow , that conclude sinful pleasures : for the end of that mirth is heaviness . prov. . the ungodly mans sinful pleasures are but a showr-blink that ends in a tempest : their delights are like the pleasures of drunkards , who drink and swill till their head ake , and their heart be sick : and they have their sentence with babylon . ier , . . in their heat i will make their feasts , and i will make them drunken , that they may rejoice , and sleep a perpetual sleep , and not awake , saith the lord . this follows from all that is said , the pleasures and delights of godliness are constant and induring pleasures . john , . your joy no man taketh from you . as the world doth not give the saints joy and delight , so neither can it take these from them . the saints delights in godliness , are like spring waters that will rise as high as they fall in their courses . as they descend first from heaven , so they never cease running till they ascend thither again : they are like living running waters , that make what turnings they will , about mountains or whole countreys , in end they fall into the sea : the river of pure pleasures , that maketh glad the the city of god , hath its outgoing into the sea of that fulness of joy , that is in gods presence , and that ocean of pleasures that are at his right hand for evermore . and now i go forth unto the streets , and stand in the open places and cry : o all ye who love pleasures turn in hither , tast and see that the lord is gracious . i am so litle an enemy to pleasures , and so much an epicurean in opinion ( as you see ) that if any man shall shew me pleasures more pleasant than those of godliness , i am content to change for the better : and that shall be when men and beasts make an exchange of soules ; water and wine of natures and vertues ; and heaven and earth shall change places ; when evil shall be good ; black shall be white ; bitter , sweet ; darkness , light ; crockedness , straight ; heaviness , light ; when cold shall be hot ; and time shall be eternal . , godliness is the only perfect , harmonious , and uniforme of all the soules lovers : what lame and defective pieces are all her companions ? i said as much in the description of the inward power of grace as may shew , how exactly commensurable her perfections are to all the powers , and to the whole capacity of a man : she satisfieth the understanding , will and affections ; and exercises the whole man. but of her defective companions , some want the head as error , superstition , profanness : whatever of the will and affections , and practise be in these , yet they are against the truth of a well informed judgment : some want the heart as hypocrisie and formality , whatever of knowledge , profession or practice be in these ; yet the will and affections do not consent : some want the hands and feet , and are meer trunks ; as all those who pretend to know , will and love their masters will , but do it not . and for their moral qualifications , the first is a fool ; the next is a knave ; and the last is a sluggard . but compleat godliness hath the head , heart hands and feet , with all the parts of a perfect man : and is a wise , trusty and active piece . and as it is compleat and perfect so it is most uniforme and harmonious . ungodhliness is a city of division , a babel of confusion , it parteth chief friends , and putteth a man at variance with those of his own house : the wicked are like the troubled sea : their lusts are continually fighting and warring one against another , and altogether against holiness : whence are wars and fightings , but from your lusts ? iam. . . ungodly mens lusts are like themselves , for extremes they are , and they are like extremes that differ alike from themselves and from the mids : a varice differeth as much from prodigality her sister vice , as from liberality her contrary vertue . but godliness sets a man at one with himself : it is a heart-uniting thing . psal. . . unite my heart to fear thy name . it makes a good understanding betwixt the understanding , the will , the affections , and the whole man. and blessed be the peace-maker , shall she not be called the child of god ? . is it not the great glory of godliness , that as many do sute her , as few do espouse her , and she hath as many pretenders , as few matches ? are not all men , her pretenders ? do not her greatest adversaries pay her the devotion , at least of a complement ? is not their great request to her , like that isai. . . only let us be called by thy name , to take away our reproach ? do not her greatest enemys glory to be called her servants ? call an evil man good , and you cannot please him beeter : for he hateth as much to be called evil , as to be good ; and loveth as much to be evil , as to be called good . and it is yet as much her glory that few do enjoy her . but pray , whom doth she reject ? are they any but the ungodly ? those unworthy persons that were brought in upon her , and came to mock her : nor doth she despise any that have not first despised her : or should she prostitute her self to such as care not for her ? none get a rejection from her , without their own consent : and they take it before they get it : for as none are godly , so neither are any wicked against their will. lastly , beside the promise of the life that now is , and of that which is to come , which makes godliness profitable to all things timoth. . . it is the ready way , even in ordinary probability , to give a man honour , wealth , and pleasure , and to continue these with him , yea even in this world : ( i would these tymes did give a better testimony to this observation : but i hope the observation shall stand when some are fallen ; and shall continue , when these times are past way ) for that these things are as naturally purchased by good and vertuous , as lost by lewd and wicked practices . and how shall a man have honour , who prostitutes himself to courses wherein he hath none , but base and unmanly persons for his companions ? are not pages , grooms , and lackeyes , as good fellows as their lord himself at whoreing , drinking , swearing , carding , where all are fellows ? is not my lord well honoured , when he sends his man to convoy a whore to the chamber , who ( because upon the road he uses to lead the way for his master , thinks he will do him the like service here , and serves him with his own remains ? but who doth not reverence the presence , and honour the face of a really good man ? yea many a time such an one hath more reverence than god himself with evil men , who dare do many things in the eyes of god , that they will be loath to do in presence of such a man ? yea how convincing many a time is the carriage of a godly man to his greatest enemies ? surely thou art more righteous then i ( said saul to david ) and when a mans wayes please the lord , he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him , prov. . . an excellent divine ( i think it is greenhame ) sayes well ; let not a saint be afraid of men ; for that by his prayers , he hath more power of their hearts , than they themselves have : and the scripture sayes the same , pet. . . and who is he that will harm you , if ye be followers of that which is good ? and how well had it been with the profane ruffian , that he had spent that time , strength , estate , and credit for god , in the way of godliness , with the sweet and sure gain of his soul , which he hath wasted in riffling and base living , with the evident hazard of his soul's ruine , if that may be said to be ruined that was never repaired , nor in case . but be it yet that the godly man attaineth not to these advantages temporal ; the peace of righteousness , the contentment of soberness , the considence of faith , and the rejoycing of hope , do more than compense all that is wanting elsewhere , and cause that a good man is satisfied from himself , prov . . now let all that hath been said , be a reproof of the worlds hard opinions of godliness , and give cheque to their unkind dealing with her , as if she were a sorry piece , to be desired by none , but such as would be miserable . i have not yet travelled so far , but that i can remember from whence i set forth : in my entry upon the point , i told my erand was with eleazar abraham's servant genes . . to seek a wife to my master's son , and to espouse and bring home souls to christ : and now to conclude , let me with them , gen. . , . call the damsel , and enquire at her mouth , wilt thou go with the man ? and she said ( so be it said unto me ) i will go . the fourth and last thing we learn from the point , in a word , is , to put a good construction upon all gods dispensations to his people ; for his thoughts towards them are thoughts of peace , and not of evil , to give them an expected end , jer . . and in complyance with the lords great design , in the vicissitudes of all our lots , let us learn to give him more of our hearts : for he brings his people into the wilderness , and there he allures them . if these melancholly times do but make us more tractable , condescending and kind to christ iesus , we may well expect , that he will speak comfortably unto us . i will bring her into the wilness , and will speak comfortably unto her . and thus i am led by the hand into the fourth and last thing proposed to be considered in the text. the juncture and coincidence of the churches affliction and the lords consolations . i will bring her into the wilderness , and i will speak comfortably un to her . hence the doctrine is , that the lord useth to tryst his peoples sadest afflictions with his sweetest consolations . he is a god that comforteth those that art cast down : it is his way and use , the apostle cor. . . abounded in consolations by christ , as their sufferings for christ abounded . and reading through all the scripture , i never find the saints more indulged with the sweet consolations of god and his kind manifestations , than in the greatest afflictions . reasons of this are , . his free love and kindness . so it becomes him with whom the fatherless find mercy : he loveth and preserveth the stranger , he is a father of the fatherless , and a husband to the widow , a judge of the oppressed out of his holy habitation : he will be known in adversity to be a friend . . their necessity : then they need consolations , and then they come in season : prov. . . wine should be given to those that are of heavy hearts : when i said my foot slippeth , thy mercy lord held me up . this was a mercy that came in good season . . their fitness : as then they most need consolations , so then are they fittest to receive and intertain them . the lord will not have his consolations to run by and be spilt , by pouring them out into full vessels : but blessed are they that hunger and thirst , for they shall be filled . i spoke before upon the second part of the text ▪ how afflictions fits for consolations ; and that therefore , god sometimes brings his people into the wilderness , that thus he may fit them . most sweet are the consolations wherewith the lord trysts his people in their afflictions . . he draws forth to them the bowels of ●ost tender compassions . in all their affliction he is afflicted , isa. . . jer. . . since i spoke against him , i do earnestly remember him still , therefore my bowels are troubled for him , zach. . . he that toucheth you , toucheth the apple of his eye . it is a very acceptable consolation to an afflicted person , to mourn with them , and to be touched with their condition : and the lord cryes alas at every touch of affliction that comes upon people : nor need they fear he shall forget them : for whatever is a mans pain , it will not fail to put him in mind . . he ownes them and takes notice of them , when others sight them and care not for them , psal. . . he knows their soul in adversities , psal. . , . i looked on my right hand and beheld , but there was no man that would know me , refuge failed me : no man cared for my soul : i cryed unto thee o lord , i said thou art my refuge , and my portion in the land of the living , jer . , . and forward : the lord promises with great mercies to owne his church , because in the verse , they called her an out-cast , saying , this is zion whom no man seeketh after , lament . . . it was nothing to those that passed by , to see all that she suffered . but her desire is frequently throughout the chapter , behold o lord for i am in distress . yea and he will behold , for his eyes behold the things that are equal , act. . . i have seen , i have seen the affliction of my people , which is in ●gypt , and i have heard their groaning . this is a time , wherein there be few to resent the wrongs done to the church of god and his saints and servants , and fewer there be to right them : and therefore that prayer is good , psal. . . let my sentence come forth from thy presence : let thine eyes behold the things that are equal : and the saints may have justice for the asking : for he beholds mischief and spight , to requite it with his hand , ps. . . . he vouchsafes them a more special presence , ps : . . i will be with him in trouble , psal. . . in the valley of the shaddow of death thou art with me , isai. . . when thou passest through the waters i will be with thee , &c. the lord is ever near to those that fear him : but in affliction he goes very near them . they have alwayes his special presence , ps. , . the upright shall dwell in thy presence . but in trouble they have a more special presence . his presence is either a secret supporting presence , whereby his people are held up , they know not how : for many a time when the saints look back upon those times , wherein they said , their strength and their hope is perished from the lord , and see the way that they have come , they wonder how they have win through : but god was with them whilst they knew it not . or else his presence is a manifest comforting presence , and that the scripture calls his visiting of his people . . then the lord vouchsafes his afflicted people many a kind visit : and in those visits , . he salutes his people with peace : he will speak peace unto his people , and to his saints : in the world ye shall have trouble ( sayes he ) but in me ye shall have peace . . he gives a hearing to all his peoples confessions , complaints and petitions : lord thou hast heard the desire of the humble . . he speaks his mind to his people , both concerning their duty and the issue of their lot . the times of the lords visits to his afflicted people , are the times wherein he communicates most of his secrets to those that fear him . the soul that goes through manyfest afflictions , is ordinarily the wisest and most experienced soul : heman the ezrahit , who was so sore afflicted , even from his youth , was one of the wisest men in his time . speculation speaks of cases like a geographer , experience speaks like a traveller : that sayes that which our ears have heard , this sayes , that which our eyes have seen , declare we unto you . . in his visits , he gives his people tokens for good : he comes never empty-handed to them , but gives them such things , whereof they may say in their straits , when he seems to have forgotten them , lord whose are these : . and further ( as the original hath the words of the text ) he speaks to his peoples heart : he satisfies them concerning his dispensations , and convinceth them of the equity and kindness of his dealing with them . he gives them such rational accounts of his dispensations ; as makes them say , he hath taken the best way with them , and makes them sing , thou hast dealt well with thy servants , ps. . . and by convincing them that good is the word of the lord , isai. . . he makes them say from their heart , that if variety of lots were in their offer , they would choose the present : o but that speaks well : i will speak to her heart : i will even speak as she would have me . thus he comforts by his kind visits . . he comforts his people in affliction , by being all things to them , and doing all things for them . thus we find the saints in their afflictions making applications to god , with titles suted to their condition : and it is god ( faith the psalmist ) that doth all things for me . he is the shepherd of israel : if they be scattered , he gathers them : if they go astray , he leads them ; if they want , he feeds them , and makes them lie in green pastures , by the still waters : if they be in hazard , he is their refuge : are they sad ? he is the health of their countenance : are they weak or weary ? he is their strength , and with him is everlasting strength : are they sinners and guilty : he is the god of their righteousness : is law intended against them ? he pleads their cause ; and stands at their right hand : is the judge an unfriend to them ? he is their judge , and their sentence cometh forth from his presence : do kings or others command them to be afflicted , fined , beaten , imprisoned , confined , banished ? then psal . . thou art my king o god , command deliverances for jacob : have they no friends , nor any to do for them ? he that is the kind lord can cause men shew them the kindness of the lord : that which the scripture calleth the kindness of the lord. sam. . . hath as much in it , as may shew us , that the lord , makes men instruments at his pleasure , to shew kindness , and do a good office to his people . and when the saints and servants of god come to count kindness , i hope there will be found more of the kindness of the lord , than of men , in courtesies that are done them . i am so little a patron of unthankfulness , that i shall thank him kindly , and pray ( as our scots proverb is ) the lord reward him that doth me good , whether with his will , or against it . but truly when from men i meet with less kindness , where i might have expected more ; and more where i might have expected less ; the meditation of this scripture expression , to shew the kindness of the lord , hath taught me the more earnestly to ask mercies of my god , and to leave the expressing and dispensing of it to himself , by means and instruments of his own choosing : he can make a babylonian enemy to 〈…〉 his own servant ieremiah well . . to add no more , for that hath all . the lord comforteth his afflicted people by christ ●esus , cor. . this is the saints unchangeable consolation , in all changes of dispensations : and truly our consolations will come to a poor account , if christ be not the sum of them all . in all cases and conditions : christless comforts will leave us comfortless christians . the use of this point shall be , for strong consolation to the saints in their greatest afflictions . the lord hath laid it straitly upon us , to comfort his people in their afflictions , isai. . . . and here , he takes it upon himself to be their comforter : he hath given this name and o shee to his holy spirit , the comforter ; and shall not the afflicted people of god with these words be comforted , and comfort one another ? but according to the rule of scripture . comforts and duties must be matched together : nor must we expect in the event a separation of those things , that god hath joyned in the intimation . wherefore , if we would have much of the lords heart , let us give him much of ou●s : if we would have him comfortable to us , we must be kind to him : if we would have him speak comfortably to us , we must give our consent to him : if we would have him speak to our heart , we must be to his heart : for so the text runneth , therefore behold i will allure her , i will bring her into the wilderness and i will speak comfortably unto her . now to the god of all consolation , father , son , and holy ghost , be ●ll 〈◊〉 , and dominion , and praise , for ever and ever . amen . written in the wilderness finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e see grenhams directions for reading the scriptures . notes for div a -e see the fulfilling of the scriptures . remark how the plague followed in london , the next year . the royal politician represented in one hundred emblems written in spanish by don diego saavedra faxardo ... ; with a large preface, containing an account of the author, his works, and the usefulness thereof ; done into english from the original, by sir ja. astry. idea de un príncipe político-cristiano. english saavedra fajardo, diego de, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing s estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the royal politician represented in one hundred emblems written in spanish by don diego saavedra faxardo ... ; with a large preface, containing an account of the author, his works, and the usefulness thereof ; done into english from the original, by sir ja. astry. idea de un príncipe político-cristiano. english saavedra fajardo, diego de, - . astry, james, sir. v. ([ ], ; [ ], , [ ] p.) : ill., ports. printed for matt. gylliflower ..., and luke meredith ..., london : . includes bibliographical references. frontispieces, title pages and illustrations are engraved. translation of idea de un príncipe político-cristiano. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng political science. kings and rulers -- duties. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - ben griffin sampled and proofread - ben griffin text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his royal highness william duke of glocester . printed for m. gillyflower and l. meredith . the royal politician represented in one hundred emblems . written in spanish by don diego saavedra faxardo , knight of the order of st. jago , plenipotentiary ambassador to the cantons of switzerland , at the imperial diet at ratisbon , at the famous treaty of munster , and of the supreme council of state for both the indies . with a large preface , containing an account of the author , his works , and the usefulness thereof . done into english from the original . by sir ja. astry . vol. i. london : printed for matt. gylliflower at the spread-eagle in westminster-hall : and luke meredith at the star in st. paul's church-yard , mdcc . to his highness the most illustrious prince , william , duke of glocester . may it please your highness ; the author of the ensuing work , originally a spaniard , was in his life-time , so highly esteemed for his learning , wisdom , and experience in state affairs , that he made no small figure in the greatest courts of europe . nor has this off-spring of his brain met with less favourable success . for having been translated into several languages , and in each often printed , it has been received with great applause , and ever been honoured with the protection of some illustrious young prince . but precedent , royal sir , is not my only apology for this presumption ; for were saavedra now living , he might see his theory reduced to practice by the best of kings , in the best of governments : and though he has indeed given you excellent maxims , supported by many eminent examples , yet are there none so worthy your imitation , as those you may continually observe , in the conduct and bravery of that most excellent prince , your heroick vncle ; the whole series of whose life as far surpasses panegyrick , as the greatness of his soul abhors flattery . and i was the rather induced to attempt this unpolished version , knowing that honest plain-dealing and unbiassed integrity , the two darling mistresses of our author , could not be unacceptable in a nation where they are so generally beloved , and in a court where they are beyond precedent , more peculiarly cherished and maintain'd . your royal highness will here find discourses , which i hope will not only be divertive to your youth , but profitable even in your ripest years ; by reviving those seeds of honour and virtue , which are daily sown by the pious care and example of your most illustrious parents . you may here learn , not only the duty of a prince , but that also of an accomplish'd states-man and loyal subject : and if ever it shall please god to make you his vicegerent , you may from hence ( next to the holy scriptures ) learn your duty to him also , by whom kings reign , and princes decree justice . in fine : you have here a compleat system of religious politicks , which may guide you through all the labyrinths of government in this world , and crown you with immortality in that to come . but , pardon me , royal sir , i presume not by this address to think , but that the nicest stroaks of our author come far short of your highness's blooming virtue , but as near as perfection can be copied , this work has a right in your royal highness , it shewing not so much what you should be , as ( if we may iudge the ensuing day by the glorious morn ) what you will be , the best of princes . but here i beg leave to retire , having already waded out of my depth , your highness's praises being a topick so profound , that in attempting them , i should only trouble the stream without hopes of ever plumbing the bottom . the main motives to this dedication , were those two inherent passions of mankind , especially writers , interest and ambition ; the first in regard to this work , which has need of no less a name , than that of your royal highness to protect it ; the last in respect to my self , having none greater than to subscribe my self , your highness ' s most faithful and most obedient humble servant , i. a. the author to the reader . in the toilsome leisure of my continual travels over germany , and several other countries , i compos'd these hundred emblems ; wherein you have an idea of a royal christian politician , penning them down at vacant intervals . these i had meditated on in my journeys upon the road , as oft as that continual intercourse i had by letters with his catholick majesty and his ministers , and other publick concerns incumbent on me , gave me time and leisure . by degrees the work swell'd , and though i was well assured , it came far short of perfection , as not being compil'd with that continual application of thought , nor with that accuracy and labour corrected , as was requisite to have render'd it agreeable in all its parts , and an abfolutely perfect piece ; and that it would be thought pride in me , to presume to prescribe precepts to princes : however , the importunity of my friends ( who have ever great influence over me ) prevail'd upon me to publish it ; in which also self-love had some part , for we are generally as fond of the products of our brain , as of those of nature . i write not this , reader , to excuse my errors , for that i can't do sufficiently , but that i may more easily obtain pardon of those , who shall consider my zeal , in having amidst such a croud of business , fatigues , and dangers , compil'd this book , that if any benefit might be reap●d from it , it might accrue to my prince and master ; and least with me should die the experience which i have acquir'd by a continued exercise in bus●ness for four and thirty years , which after five years study in the university of salamanca , i have pass'd in the principal courts of europe , always employ'd in publick affairs , having been at rome at the election of two popes ; at the assembly of the electoral princes at ratisbone when ferdinand the third , the present most august emperor , was created king of the romans ; at eight diets in switzerland ; and lastly at the imperial diet at ratisbone , being plenipotentiary for the most serene house and circle of burgundy . wherefore , if any one of these political counsels or precepts , shall be any ways beneficial to him who is happpily born to govern both the old and new world , i believe this attempt will be excus'd . nor should any one be disgusted at the use of emblems , since god himself is the author of them . the brazen-serpent , the flaming-bush , gideon's fleece , sampson's lion , the priests garments , the amours of the kind spouse , what are they else but emblems ? it has been my chiefest endeavour to have the invention new ; whether the performance be answerable i know not . there have been many ingenious men , who have wrote upon the same subject , and 't is very obvious for different persons to jump upon the same thoughts ; which has been my fortune , having afterwards met with in other authors , those emblems which i at first thought my own invention , which i therefore thought fit wholly to omit , not without prejudice to my design , for my predecessors have made use of several figures and motto's , which has oblig'd me to take up with others less proper . also some political precepts , which though my own , as to the invention at least , yet i have found since to be of other , and far more ancient authority : i have therefore inserted the authors names in the margin , that due honour may be paid to antiquity . 't was the happiness of the wits of former ages , that they could engross from their posterity the glory of invention . i have made it my design and care , to interweave this web with some threads of cornelius tacitus , without doubt the most accomplish'd master of princes , and who most judiciously penetrates their nature , and the customs and intrigues of courts , as also the miscarriages and success of governments ; with precepts and sentences taken from this great man , as with my hand , i lead the prince whom i would mould by these emblems , that he may without danger , gather flowers transplanted hither from anothers garden , and purg'd from the venom and thorns which their native soil frequently subjects them to , or the rankness of those times produc'd . in this second edition , i also illustrate the principal maxims of state , with proofs from holy the scriptures ; for those politicks which are refin'd in that furnace , may be truly call'd , silver try'd and refined seven times in the fire of truth . and who would learn of a heathen , or impious person , when the holy spirit is so ready to give instruction ? in explaining the emblems , i am not too prolix , that the reader may not lose the satisfaction of discovering their meaning of himself . if by chance , in my discourse , i sprinkle a little learning , it is not out of ostentation , but to enlighten the prince's mind , and render the instruction more agreeable . the whole work consists purely of state maxims and rules , those being the fittest materials for such a politick building ; however i don 't barely propose them , but intermix them with the whole discourse , applying them all along to particular cases , to avoid the danger of general precepts . it has been also my endeavour to render the stile polite , but without affectation ; short too and concise , but not obscure ; which in horace's judgment was a difficult matter , and of which i have not yet seen an instance in the castillian language . i have however made an essay towards it , knowing that what is written to princes should be neither idly sententious , nor superfluously copious . their time is precious , and he does not a little obstruct the publick interest , who with empty and frivolous discourse diverts them from affairs of greater importance . i don't so wholly confine my self to the institution and direction of princes , but that i also descend to governments , reflect upon their growth , preservation , and fall ; and so to frame a minister of state , and a prudent courtier . if at any time i am liberal of my commendations of any , 't is to excite emulation , not to flatter , to which i am very averse ; for it were a crime unpardonable to publish to the whole world , flatteries , and those too engraven in brass , or to make my self guilty of the very same thing , which i so much reprove and discommend in others . if i speak the truth with too much freedom , 't is to be imputed to ambition , which is so deeply rooted in mens minds , that without fire and sword 't is incurable . the doctrine is general ; but if any one shall from ● resemblance of vices , think himself levell'd at , or that what is blam'd in him is commended in others , 't is not my fault . as also when i reprove princes actions , or reflect upon tyrants , or only on the nature of sovereignty , it being no new or unusual thing , for a good prince to do ill , when either he is not clearly inform'd of the truth , or governed by ill counsellors . the same i would have understood of common-wealths , if in any thing i seem to dislike them ; for either my reflections are upon what is very usual in communities , or at least comprehend not those crown'd and well constituted republicks , whose government is generous and royal. i have us'd examples , both ancient and modern ; those for their authority , these partly as being more persuasive , partly too , because by reason of propinquity of time , the state of affairs is less altered , and consequently may with less danger be imitated , and a prudent and politick judgment may more safely be formed thereon , which is the principal advantage of history . nor is our age so barren of virtuous and great atchievements , as not to have furnish'd us and our posterity with good examples . besides , really it were black and envious in us to extol ancient , without the least regard to modern actions . i am well assur'd , reader , that books of this nature which treat of state affairs , are like † statues , which in running at the quintin , all aim at with their lances , all strike . i well know that whoever designs to be an author , must submit to the black ink , and press of detraction , ( which i design'd to signify by this emblem ; ) but withal i am not ignorant , that the blacker that ink , with which the letters are daub'd , and the closer the press wherewith they are press d , the fairer afterwards , and more conspicuous they appear . the translator to the reader . i will not endeavour with rhetorical flourishes to captivate any person into a good opinion of my author , or his work , being sensible i should therein do an injury to his memory , who has so often declared his aversion to flattery . i only desire the reader to remember always that he was by birth a spaniard , and though educated in the church of rome , was by profession a lawyer and statesman , who being generally wiser , are less bigotted to the foolish principles and practices of that religion . however , as i think it on the one hand needless to vindicate the illustrious house of nassau from his partial reflections , ( which were modish in the spanish court when he wrote ) the whole world being satisfied in the iustice of their cause , the heroick prosecution thereof , and what additional laurels they justly acquir'd thereby ; so on the other side , i would not be thought to recommend his religion either to prince or people . we too lately escaped the snare , to be again entangled with the knaveries or fooleries , to say no worse , of the church or court of rome ; and next under god must own our sole deliverance to a branch of that ancient and imperial family , our present gracious sovereign . these precautions being observed , i humbly presume this book will be of excellent use to all ingenuous persons of what degree or quality soever . for though by the title it seems calculated for the meridian of kings and princes only , yet it in some measure comprehends all persons within the circumference of their dominions . the statesman and politician may herein learn what qualifications they ought to be endowed with for negotiations , either at home , or in foreign courts ; how by avoiding the vices usually attending their high stations , and embracing the contrary virtues , they may render their actions meritorious to their prince or country . the officers and soldiers of an army may here without danger behold the methods and stratagems their predecessors have used to conquer their enemies , and learn that their greatest interest consists in good order and discipline , and absolute obedience to their superiors , that vice is as pernicious in a camp as a court , and that bravery and virtue in conjunction merit the greatest reward and affection from their prince or country . the merchants and seamen may here behold the vast advantage , their profession is to a government , and how ships are the moveable poles , on which the stability thereof depends . in fine , all persons of learning , sense , or reason , may from many excellent precepts and eminent examples contain'd therein , improve and refine their talents to the greatest advantage imaginable , remembring always my previous caution to avoid some few mistaken aphorisms of his religion and country . our celebrated author , don diego saavedra faxardo , knight of the order of st. jago , was born of a noble family of murcia in spain . he was the son of peter de saavedra and fabiana faxardo , who was also of noble extraction . he was educated in the university of salamanca , in the profession of the laws , wherein he became very eminent , especially in those parts thereof which are requisite for the accomplishment of an absolute politician and compleat statesman . from thence he was chosen secretary to cardinal gaspar borgia , vice-roy of naples , and soon after resident for his catholick majesty at rome ; where his conduct gain'd him so great applause , that he was sent on the same imploy into switzerland : after that , he was plenipotentiary-ambassador at two imperial diets at ratisbone ; and then commanded to assist don gaspar de bracamont , count de pennecranda , at the famous treaty of munster , where he gave signal demonstration of his great experience and dexterity in the management of the most difficult affairs of state. at his return he sate in the supreme council for the government of both the indies ; in which imploy he died at madrid in the year . all that i know more of him , you may find in his own preface , to which , for brevity sake i refer you . the greatness of his personal character and reputation , and of this book in particular , are too well-establish'd in the world to require any panegyricks on either ; but if the reader desire to see how this work was admired by some of the most learned of the age , let him read the epistles prefix'd to the latin version thereof . his religious temper more particularly appears in the great veneration he always shews for the holy scripture , and his apt application thereof ; and his politicks no less by being so well read in tacitus , the great master thereof . were that excellent roman now living , he could not but be pleased , to see the roughness and crabbedness of his stile so finely polish'd , without diminution to the profoundness of his sense and iudgment , in our english version ; though in the annotations thereof , he would find himself rivald , if not excell'd by a modern politician . but there is no greater argument to prove the general approbation and kind reception thereof , than the various editions in several languages , besides the original , as latin , french , italian , portugese , and high-german . to enumerate the particuler times and places of each impression would be superfluous , were they all known to us . let it suffice to inform you , that the impression of the original we chiefly made use of in this version , is the fourth edition , printed at valencia , . as being the most correct we could meet with . he wrote also a book , entituled , corona gothica , castellanice , & austriaca politicamente illustrada , printed at madrid , . though , as some say , be died before he had compleated it . and here i cannot but observs how disingenuous ( to say no worse ) the italian and french translators , or rather corruptors , of our author have been , especially the last , who not content only to omit whole pages and sections , very material to the purpose , have foisted in their own fulsome flatteries instead thereof , basely perverting his very sense and meaning , to comply with the interest and ambition of particular persons or governments . so dangerous a thing is truth it s some nations . but we have those rather to draw the copy after the full proportion of the original , being satisfied we have the happiness to live in so well constituted a government , and under so excellent a king , that truth and integrity are now become the great accomplishments of a courtier . our aut●or taking occasion so often to mention alphonsus the wise , i presume it will not be thought unnecessary , or be unacceptable to some readers , to give a short account of him . ●he was the tenth of that name , king of leon and castile , and was also sirnamed the astrologer , and succeeded his father , ferdinand the third , . he made the astronomical tables , still extant , which are called from his name , tabulae alphonsinae ; and 't is certainly affirm'd , that he spent crow●s in the composition of them . he refused the imperial crown of germany , which was offered him after the rejection of richard , duke of cornwall , contenting himself only with the title of emperor , which some say he resigned to pope gregory the tenth , whereof he repented , and would have reassumed the imperial title and arms ; but was deterred for fear of an excommunication against him . he was successful against the moors ; but at length dethron'd by his own son sancho , and died for grief in anno . in a great sickness , after many remedies used in vain , he began to read quint. curtius's history of alexander the great , which he did with so much delight , that he recovered his health ; whereupon he said , farewell avieen , hippocrates , and the whole croud of doctors , give me my curtius that hath saved my life . he had read the bible fourteen times , with several commentaries upon it ; he was a great astrologer , and after he had deeply considered the fabrick of the world , the following saying of his , reported by lipsius , denotes him to have been none of the most pious ; viz. that if god had advised with him in the creation , he could have given him good counsel● . by the great captain , often also mentioned , is meant gonzales of cordova , who served under ferdinand and isabella , in the conquest of granada , and was very famous in his time. it may perhaps , according to custom , be expected we should give some account of the present performance ; but that indeed is a very ticklish point ; for to commend , or even iustify it would favour of vanity ; and to discover its imperfections , would be very disobliging to our friends , the booksellers . i shall therefore in the words of an ingenuous and iudicious author , desire you to consider , that there are certain graces and happinesses , peculiar to every language which give life and energy to the words . and whosoever offers at a verbal translation , shall have the misfortune of that young traveller , who lost his own language abroad , and brought home no other instead thereof . for the grace of the spanish will be lost by being turned into english words ; and the grace of the english by being turned into spanish phrase . however we have endeavoured to come as near the sense of the original , as we could , without offering to be fidi interpretes , that properly belonging to those who translate matters of faith , or such facts of moment as have relation thereunto . the reader is desired to take notice that our author , a all others of his religion , makes use of the vulgar translation in his quotations out of the holy scripture , which in many places is so different from the english version , that they are not applicable to the purpose for which he quotes them . for instance the seventy eighth emblem is a syren or mermaid , and the motto , formosa superne . in the beginning thereof , he quotes isaiah . . et sirenes in delubris voluptatis , which we translate , and dragons in their pleasant places . how beautiful they are , unless we do them wrong , i leave you to judge . the fifty fifth emblem , is a hand holding a scepter full of eyes ; the motto , his praevide & provide . he there quotes jeremiah . . where the vulgar has virgam vigilantem ego video ; the english , i see the rod of an almond tree ; which literally taken , is little to his purpose , and therefore we leave it in the sense he took it . the word in the hebrew , is saked , for an almond tree , and verse the th , then said the lord unto me , thou hast well seen , for i will hasten my word to perform it . the almond tree is there mentioned as an emblem of hast ; the word saked , an almond tree , alluding to sakad , a word which signifies making haste . nor is the allusion frivolous , for pliny says , floret omnium prima amygdala , mense januario , martio veró poma maturat . lib. . c. . . now , if any person thinks himself represented herein , and likes not his picture , let him consider he sate not for it , and if he finds any strokes too bold , let him not blame the artist , but amend the original . as for that little popery that is in it , it has been so solidly confuted by many eminent divines of the church of england , and so ridicul'd by others , that i presume , it cannot have the least influence on the meanest protestant of the nation . in answer to what he reflects on some of his majesty's heroick ancestors , ( if it may not rather be called an encomium ) i refer the reader to that most excellent and unanswerable apology , wrote by the prince of orange himself , and published in all languages . and for a conclusion , accept of the following epigram , by an unknown hand , representing that illustrious prince , as prophetically , speaking to william the third , our present gracious sovereign . nassovius coeli miratus ab arce nepotem ad summum tantis passious ire decus ; macte , inquit , sanguis noster ; tibi cedimus ultro , quandoquidem cedunt terra fretumque tibi . me duce parta meis libertas pristina belgis , orbis hyperbore●s , te duce , liber erit . in english. when nassau from the skies beheld his son , with such large steps the race of honour run ; proceed , my boy , proceed with joy , said he ; i do , since earth and sea submit to thee . i only to my country freedom gave , you will the northern world from bondage save . the contents and order of the emblems of the first part. the education of a prince .   emb. page valour exerts its self even in the cradle . i. hinc labor , & virtus , and then art draws its drafts as on blank canvass . ii. ad omnia , fortifying and adorning the body with honourable exercises . iii. robur & decus , and the mind with liberal sciences . iv. non solum armis , in●till'd with pleasant industry v. cum delectatione informat , and adorn'd with polite learning . vi. politioribus ornantur literae , how a prince ought to regulate his actions . let him know things as they are in themselves not as represented by the passions . vii . auget & minuit , let his anger submit to reason . viii . prae oculis ira , let him not be mov'd by envy which is its own executioner . ix . sui vindex , and proceeds from glory and fame . x. fama nocet , let a prince be cautious in his discourse , for from thence his mind is known . xi . ex pulsu noscitur , let him shadow lyes with truth . xii . excoecat candor , and be assured that his defects will be the subject of obliquy . xiii . censurae pater , which both reproves and am●nds him . xiv . detra●it & decorat , let him value reputation beyond life , xv. d●m i●ceam peream , comparing his own actions with those of his ancestors . xvi . purpura juxta purpuram , but not rest satisfied with the trophies and glories deriv'd from them . xvii . alienis spoliis , let him own his scepter from god. xviii . a deo , ● and that he must resign it to his successor . xix . viciss●m traditu● , knowing that a crown is but a deceit●ul good. xx. fallax bonum , let him rus● and correct by laws . xxi . regit & corrigit . ● and establish his majesty with iustice and clemency . xxii . praesidia majestatis , let reward be the price of valour . xxiii . preti●m virtutis , let him always have respect to the true religion . xxiv . immobilis ad immobile numen , let him place in that , the stability and security of his empire . xxv . hic tutior , and hopes of victory . xxvi . in hoc signo , not in the false and counterfeit . xxvii . specie religionis , let him consult times present , past , and to come , xxviii . quae sint , quae fuerint , quae mox ventura sequantur , and not particular cases which rarely succeed● . xxix . non semper tripodem , but by the experience of many who establish wisdom . xxx . fulcitur experientiis , this will teach him to maintain his crown with reputation . xxxi . existimatione nixa , not to depend on popular opinion ; xxxii . ne requaesiveris extra , nor be discompos'd at change of fortune . xxxiii . semper idem , to endure and hope . xxxiv . ferend● & sperand● , to draw felicity from adversity . xxxv . interclusa respirat , to sai● with every wind. xxxvi . in contraria ducet , of two evils to ●huse the least . xxxvii . minimum eligendum , how a prince ought to behave himself towards his subjects and strangers . let him make himself belov'd and fear'd by all men , xxxviii . cum blandimento & rigore , being the altar to which they flee for succour . xxxix . omnibus , let his ability be the measure of his liberality xl. quae tribuunt tribuit , let him avoid extreams , xli ne quid nimis , mixing pleasure with profit . xlii . omne ●ulit punctum , that he may know how to reign , let him learn to diss●mble , xliii . ut sciat regnare , and not discover his designs , xliv . nec à quo , nec ad quem , nor rely too much on his majesty . xlv . non majestate securus , but think always he may be deceiv'd , xlvi . fallimur opinione , by the specious pretenders to vertue , xlvii . et juvisse nocet , no less than flatterers . xlviii . sub luce lues , how a prince ought to behave himself towards his ministers of state. let their authority be only dependent . xlix . lumine solis , that they may be always subject to his d●sple●sure as well as favour . l. jovi & fulmini . ● let his confidence be always vigilant . li. ●ide & diffide , ●● for evil ministers are most dangerous in the highest posts . lii . magis quam in terra noc●●s , herein they exercise their ava●ice ; liii . custodiunt non carpunt , and desire rather to depend o● themselves than the prince . liv. a se pendet , counsellors are the eyes of the sc●pter , lv. his praevide & provide , secretaries are the compass . lvi . qui à secretis ab omnibus , ● they are both wheels in the clock of government , but not the hand . lvii . uni reddatur , then let him give them all sorts of honour without prejudice to his own . lviii . sine detrimento lucis si●● , how a prince ought to behave himself in the government of his states and ki●gdoms . counsel and strangth are necessary to preserve-them . lix . cum arte & cum manu , for let him be assured , that if they increase not they will diminish . lx. vel ascendit vel descendit , let him know well all the strings of his government , and take care that the greater strings agree with the less . lxi . m●jora minoribus consonant , without discovering the artifice of their harmony . lxii . nulli patet , let him consider the beginning , and end of his resolutions . lxiii . consule utrique , let him be slow in consultation , and quick in execution . lxiv . statu● & exequere , let him correct errours before they multiply . lxv . ex uno error● multi , let him see that his countrey be well peopled , and breed up subjects fi● for the magistracy . lxvi . ex fascibus fasces , let him not over-burthen them with taxes . lxvii . amputat non excindit , let him encourage trade and commerce , which are the poles of common-wealths , lxviii . his polis , keeping to himself the power of war and peace , by his sword and his purse . lxix . fer●o & auro , ●● let him not divide his state between his children lxx . dum scinditur frangor , industry overcomes all things . lxxi . labor omnia vincit , rest renews strength lxxii . vires alit , how a prince ought to behave himself , in the internal and external disorders of his states seditions are appeas'd by c●lerity and division . lxxiii . compress● quiescunt , war ought to be 〈◊〉 taken , to acquire peace . lxxiv . in fulcrum pacis , h● who s●ws discord reaps wars . lxxv . bellum colligit qui discordia● seminat , which are caused by the ill intentions of ministers . lxxvi . intrat lux & exit flamma , and by the interviews of princes . lxxvii . praesentia noce● , let a prince 〈◊〉 of specious pretences . lxxviii . formosa superné , which ought to be delud●d by others of the same kind . lxxix . consilia consiliis ●rustrantur . by being in a readiness against a rupt●●●e . lxxx . in arena & ante arenam , and considering his strength . lxxxi . quid valeant vives , pl●cing his glory and bravery in arms. lxxxii . decus in armis , for upon the exercise of them depends the preservation of his states . lxxxiii . qffendunt & defendunt , let him act more by counsel than force . lxxxiv . plura consilio quam vi , avoiding middle counsels . lxxxv . consilia media fugi●da , let him personally assist in the wars of his state. lxxxvi . rebus adest , always remembring , that his arms flourish most ; when god is of his side . lxxxvii . auspice deo , that he ought to adjust his will to his divine decrees . lxxxviii . volentes trahimur , that concord overcomes all things . lxxxix . concordiae cedunt , that the best stratagem is diversion . xc . disjunctis viribus , that he ought not to confide in reconciled friends . xci . solidari non potest , that protection is generally pernicious . xcii . protegunt at destruunt , that leagues with hereticks are dangerous . xciii . impia foedera , that the mitre ought to s●ine equally all the world over . xciv . librata refulget . neutrality neither makes friends , nor gains enemies . xcv . neutri adhaerendum , how a prince ought to behave himself in victories and treaties of peace . in victory let him be always mindful of adversity . xcvi . memor adversae , making use of the spoils to augment his own strength . xcvii . fortior spoliis , and concluding peace under the shield . xcviii . sub clypeo , for the pleasures of peace are the fruit of war. xcix . merces belli , how a prince ought to behave himself in his old age. let him consider that his last actions crown his government . c. qui legitimè certaverit , and prognosticate what his successor will be . ci. futurum indicat , and that he is equal to the r●st of ●●●kind in the p●ngs of death . cii . ●udibria mortis ,   of the education of a prince . emblem i. valour is born , not acquired ; 't is an intrinsick quality of the soul which is infused with it , and immediately exerts it self : the very mothers womb was a field of battel to the two brothers , iacob and esau . of thamar's twins , one by nature more daring , when he could not be born before his brother , broke however the ligature , and thrust out his hand , as if he would snatch the eldership from him . a great soul exerts it self in the cradle : hercules crowned , by the conquest of two serpen●● , from that day exposing himself to envy , and making fortune truckle to his vertue . a generous spirit is conspicuous in the very first actions of nature . the infa●●● of spain , your highness his uncle of blessed memory , saw the battel of norlinguen almost even before he knew what war was , and even then knew how to command with prudence and act with vigour . cyrus , a very boy when elected king by those of his own age did in that childish government such heroick a●●●●●s , as sufficiently manifested his secret greatness 〈…〉 and royal genius , natures most excellent pro●●ct●ons are themselves their own discoverers . amid●● the rude and unrefined mass of oar , the diamond ●●●rkles , and gold glisters . the young lion as soon 〈…〉 , views his paws , and with a haughty me● , shakes his curled main ●carce yet dry , as preparing to fight . childish games , to which princes are carried by a natural impulse , are signs and prognosticks of maturer actions . nature is never so much as a moment idle , but from the very birth of it's off-spring is industrious in a regular formation of its mind as well as body ; for this reason , she has stampt such an extraordinary affection upon parents to excite their d●●●gence in well educating their children ; and least they should ( which is no unusual thing ) with a strange nurses milk , imbibe also her vicious practices , the same nature , provident in her distributions , has dispenced as it were a double fountain of purer blood , to supply them with nourishment for their young ones : but either idleness , or fear of losing their beauty , is frequently the occasion why mothers ( not without considerable detriment to the commonwealth ) neglect their duty , and give the suckling of their children to others ; which abuse , since it cannot so easily be remedied , at least great care should be taken in the choice of them . let them be healthy , of a good family , and well bred ; for as from the conception to the birth the child is nourished in the body of its mother , so is it from its birth till 't is weaned , by the nurse's breast , and this last interval being longer than the other , the child must of necessity imbibe more of the nature of its nurse than its mother , says the wise king alphonso , who prescribed laws to heaven and earth . the second obligation parents lie under , is the education of their children : there 's scarce any animal will forsake its young ones without direction given how to provide for themselves . nor are the advantages of education less considerable than those of nature , and children are more ready to embrace their parents instructions and bear their reproofs , than those of others : those particularly who are nobly born disdain to be govern'd by their inferiours . in a childs first procreation , it received nothing from the father but a body , for god alone is the authour of the soul , which except the father afterwards cultivates and improves by education , he will scarce deserve the name of a true and absolute father . nor is it new in holy scripture for a master to be called father . for example , iubal the first teacher of musick . and who , i pray , is fitter to teach his son how to appear with majesty , how to keep a decorum in all things , maintain his authority , and govern his subjects , than the prince himself ? he only has the full practick knowledge of government , which others knows only in part and by speculation : nor without reason did solomon boast that he received great improvement from his fathers instructions ; however since fathers sometimes have not themselves the qualifications requisite for a good education of their children , or at least have not leisure to take that trouble upon them , masters must be looked for of an unblamable life and conversation ; eminent withall for learning and experience ; such as king alphonso in his laws describes in these words . so that for all these reasons , kings ought to tak● great care of their children , and to choose them tutours of a good family and good livers , sound both in mind and body , and above all faithfull and just , firm to the interest of their king and country . to which i add , that they ought to be men of valour and a great spirit , well experienced in affairs , as well of peace as war , such was seneca , whom therefore agrippina made choice of for nero's master . 't is impossible , without doubt , for a man of an abject and mean spirit to imprint on a prince thoughts more sublime than his own . were an owl to instruct an eagle , she would not teach her to look on the sun , or soar above lofty cedars ; her school would be kept altogether in the dark , amidst the lower branches . the master's image appears in the scholar , and in him , he in a manner represents himself . for no other reason did pharaoh make ios●●● lord of his house , and ruler of all his substance , but to teach his princes to be like himself . those who have the tuition and government of princes sons , ought to be as careful of their tender years , as gardiners are of their most delicate plants , which even before they appear above ground ; they secure with fences to prevent their being injured , by treading on , or handling . on the first stroak depends the perfection of a picture , so does a good education on what the first years have imbibed , before the passions get strength and refuse to submit to reason . from a very minute seed a vast tree proceeds , which however small a twig at first , and easily flexible every way , when 't is invested with bark , and has diffused it self into branches , stands immoveable . the affections in youth are not much unlike poison , which having once made its passage into the heart , leaves the paleness consequent to it incurable . vertues that improve and increase with our age have not only the precedency of others , but excell even themselves . of the four winged animals in ezekiel's vision , the eagle , one of that very number , was carried higher than all those four , for because she as soon as hatcht began to have wings , the others not till long after , she not only appeared above them , but her self too . for want of a suitable consideration of this , i imagine it is that many persons usually commit the care of their sons as soon as they come into the world , to women , who with the idle fear of shadows , agreeable to the genius of their sex , enfeeble their minds , and stamp other effoeminate passions on them , which with time take deep root . to avoid this inconveniency , the persian kings commited theirs to the care of persons of worth and prudence . but above all , children's natures are to be taken particular notice of , it being impossible without it to draw a true scheme of education . now no age is more proper for it than their infancy , when nature as yet free from envy and dissimulation , sincerely discloses it self ; when in their forehead , eyes , hands , their smiles and other motions of their body , their passions and inclinations appear without disguise . the ambassadours of bearn having power given them by the illustrious william of moncada to choose which of his sons for their prince they thought fit ; upon observation , that ones hand was clinched , the others open , chose this latter , interpreting it to be a sign of munificence and liberality , as it afterwards prov'd . if an infant be of a generous and great mind , at hearing his own commendations he smooths his brows , looks pleasantly and smiles ; on the contrary , when discommended , he is concerned , blushes and casts his eyes on the ground ; if of an undaunted spirit , he looks stern , is not terrified with shadows or threats ; if liberal , he despises toyes and presents , or readily parts with them again to others ; if revengeful , he continues angry , is all in tears till he have satisfaction ; if he be cholerick , the least trifle puts him in a heat , he lets fall his brows , looks dogged , and threatens with his fist ; if affable , with a sweet smile and alluring eye , he wins favour and acceptance ; if melancholy , he avoids company , delights in solitude , is often complaining , seldom laughs , and generally looks sullen ; if he be airy , he unfolds the wrinkles of his forehead , and now gratefully fixing his eyes seems to dart a pleasing light , by and by with a kind of complacency withdrawing them , and agreeably pleating his brows , betrays the chearfulness of his mind . thus does the heart represent the other vertues also , and vices in the face and exterior motions of the body , till more cautious age has taught it to conceal them . in the very cradle and nurse's arms , the whole court admired in your highness , a certain natural pleasantness and grateful majesty , and indeed that grave carriage and presence of mind which appeared in you highness , when the two kingdoms of castile and leon took an oath of allegiance to you , exceeded the ordinary capacity of your years . i would not have however , these reflections of mine upon infancy be look'd upon as infallible and without exception , for nature sometimes deviates from her common road , and deceives the too curious enquirer , there are some , who tho' vitious in their infancy , when at years of discretion take up and reform , which happens perhaps , because one of a great and haughty spirit despises education , and consequently is subdued by his natural passions , while right reason is too weak to resist them , till that getting strength he acknowledges its errours and corrects them effectually : 't was a cruel and barbarous custom therefore of the brachmans , who either killed or exposed their children after they were two months old in the woods , if there appeared in them any tokens of an ill nature . as inhumane were the lacedaemonians who threw theirs into the river taygetes . both seemed to make no account of education , of right reason and free-will which usually correct and regulate natural affections . this also seems unaccountable , when nature joyns some eminent vertues with the most enormous vices in the same person ; as too different slips are often grafted upon two branches , which growing out of the same root produce different , nay contrary fruits , bitter and sweet . this was visible in alcibiades of whom 't was a question whether he was more eminent for his vertues or vices . and thus nature works ' ere she has begun to know her self , but reason afterwards and industry correct and polish her operations . lastly since i proposed to my self by these emblems to give an exact model of a prince from the cradle to the tomb , it won't be amiss to accommodate my rudiments and stile to each particular age , as plato and aristotle have done . at present , i advise that special care be taken to render his arms and legs active by exercise . if by chance any of his limbs should be crooked they may be straightned by artificial instruments . let ●rightful spectacles which may injure the imaginative faculty be kept from him : let him not be suffered to look asquint at any thing : use him gradually to the sha●pness of the air , nor should musick be wanting to quicken his spirits now and then : for whatever new thing children meet with , that 't is they admire , that makes the deepest impression on their imagination . emblem ii. with pencil and colours art admirably expresses every thing . hence , if painting be not nature , it certainly comes so near it as that often its works deceive the sight , and are not to be distinguished but by the touch . it can't , it 's true , animate bodies , but it frequently draws the beauty , motions and affections of the soul. altho' indeed it cannot intirely form the bodies themselves for want of matter , yet the pencil so exquisitely describes them on canvass , that besides life there 's nothing that you can desire more . nature i believe would envy art if she could possibly do the same , but now she is so kind , as in many things to use the assistance of art ; for whatever the industry of this can perfect , that nature does not finish her self . thus we see man is born without any manner of knowledge or propriety of speech , instruction and learning being left to draw the lineaments of arts and sciences on his mind as on a blank canvass , and education to imprint morality thereon , not without great advantage to humane society ; for hence it comes to pass that by one mans having occasion for the assistance of another , the bonds of gratitude and affection are strengthened : for nature has sown the seed of vertue and knowledge in all of us , we are equally born to those goods of the mind , which must be cultivated and quicken'd by some other hand . but 't is necessary these measures be taken in the tender years , while the mind is fitter to receive all manner of forms , so readily apprehensive of sciences as to appear rather to remember than first learn them ; which plato made use of as an argument to prove the immortality of the soul ; but if this be negle●●●● in the first age , the affections by degrees get ground , and their depraved inclinations make so deep an impression upon the will as no education can efface . the bear no sooner whelps but licking the limbs of her deformed litter while they are soft , perfects and brings them to shape , whereas if she suffered them to grow firm her pains would be ineffectual . it was wi●ely done ( in my judgment ) of the kings of persia to commit their sons in their infancy to masters , whose care it should be for the first seven years of their life to organize their bodies : in the second to strengthen them by using them to fencing and the like exercises . to these they after added four select persons to give the finishing stroaks ; the first eminent for learning , made 'em scholars ; the second a discreet , sober man , taught them to govern and bridle their appetites ; the third a lover of equity , inculcated the administration of justice ; lastly the fourth eminently valiant and experienced in war●are , instructed them in mili●ary discipline , especially endeavouring by incentives to honour , to divert their minds from fear and cow●ardice . but this good education is particularly necessa●●y in princes as they are the instruments of politick happiness and publick safety . in others the neglect of a good education is only prejudicial to single persons or at least influences very few : but in a prince 't is not only against his private , but every ones common interest , whilst some he injures immediately by his actions , others by his example . man well educated is the most divine creature in the world ; if ill , of all animals the most savage . what , i pray , can you expect from a prince who is ill educated , and has got the supreme power in his hands ? other evils of a common wealth are of no long continuance , this never terminates but with the princes life . of what importance a good and honourable education is , philip king of macedon was sensible , declaring in his letters to aristotle upon the birth of his son alexander his obligation to the gods , not so much for giving him a son , as that he was born at a time when he could make use of such a master , and 't is certainly never convenient to leave nature otherwise good , to her self and her own operations , since the best is imperfect and requires some external industry to cultivate it , as indeed do most things necessary for man's well being . the punishment derived to us by the fault of our first parents being not to enjoy any thing without labour and the sweat of the brow , how can you expect a tree to bear sweet fruit unless you transplant it , or by grassing it upon stems of a more refined and generous nature , correct its wildness . education improves the good and instructs the bad . this was the reason why trajan became so eminent a governour , b●cause he added industry to his natural parts and ha● the direction of such a master as plutarch . nor ha● king peter sirnamed the cruel , ever proved so barb●rous and tyrannical had iohn alphonso , duke of alb●querque , his tutor , known how to mollifie and break hi● haughty temper . there 's the same difference in men● dispositions as in metals , some of which are proof against fire , others dissolve in it ; yet all give way to the graving tools , are maleable and ductile . so there 's no humour so rugged but care and correction may hav● some effect on . altho' i confess education is not always sufficient of it self to make men vertuous , because many times under purple as among briars and woods , there spring up such monstrous vices , particularly in persons of a great spirit , as prove utterly incorrigible . what is more obvious than for young men to be deba●ched by luxury , liberty or flattery in princes courts , where abundance of vicious affections grow as thorns , as noxious and unprofitable weeds upon ill manured land. wherefore except these courts are well instituted the care taken in a good education will be to very little purpose ; for they seem to be like moulds and accordingly so form the prince as themselves are well or ill disposed , and those vertues or vices which have once began to be in repute in them , their ministers transmit to posterity . a prince is scarce master of his reason when his courtiers out of flattery cry up the too great liberty of his parents and ancestors , recommending to him some great and renowned actions of theirs , which have been as it were the propriety of his family . hence also it comes to pass that some particular customs and inclinations are propagated from father to son in a continued succession , not so much by the native force of their blood , ( for neither length of time nor mixtures of marriage are used to change them ) as because they are established in the courts where infancy imbibes them and as it were turns them into nature , thus among the romans the claudii were reputed proud , the scipio's warlike , the appii ambitious ; as now in spain the gusmans are looked upon to be good men , the mendozas humane , the mauriques have the character of formidable , the toletan's severe and grave . the same is visible in artificers , when any of a family have attained an excellency , they easily transmit it to their children , the spectatours of their art and to whom they leave their works and monuments of their labour . to all this may be added , that flattery mixt with errour sometimes commends in a boy for vertue what by no means deserves that name , as lewdness , ostentation , insolence , anger , revenge and other vices of the like nature ; some men erroneously perswading themselves that they are tokens of a great spirit ; which withall induces 'em too eagerly to pursue these , to the neglect of real vertues : as a maid sometimes if she be commended for her free carriage or confidence , applies her self to those rather than modesty and honesty , the principal good qualities of that sex. tho' indeed young men ought to be driven from all vices in general , yet more especially from those which tend to laziness or hatred they being more easily imprinted in their minds . care therefore must be taken that the prince over-hear no filthy or obscene expressions , much less should he be suffered to use them himself : we easily execute what we make familiar to us in discourse , at least something near it . wherefore to prevent this evil the romans used to choose out of their families some grave ancient matron to be their sons governess , whose whole care and employment was to give them a good education , in whose presence it was not allowable to speak a foul word or admit an indecent action . the design of this severe discipline was that their nature being pr●● served pure and untainted , they might readily embrace honest professions . quintilian laments th●● neglect of this manner of education in his time children being usually brought up among servan●● and so learning to imitate their vices . nor , says he , 〈◊〉 any one of the family concerned what he says or do●● before his young master , since even their parents don●● so much inure them to vertues and modesty as la● sciviousness and libertinism . which to this day is usual in most princes courts : nor is there any remedy for it , but displacing those vicious courtie●● and substituting others of approved vertue who may excite the princes mind to actions more generous and such as tend to true honour . when a cou●● has once bid adieu to vertue , 't is often changed but never for the better , nor does it desire a prince better than it self . thus nero's family were favourers o● otho , because he was like him . but if the princ● cannot do this , i think it were more adviseable for him to leave that court , as we remember iames th● st . king of arragon did , * when he saw himself tyrannized over by those who educated and confined him as it were in a prison : nor can i give those cour●● any other name , where the principal aim is to enslave the princes will , and he is not suffered to go this way or that by choice and at his own pleasure , but is forcibly guided as his courtiers please , just as water 〈◊〉 conveighed thro' private channels for the sole benefit of the ground thro' which it passes . to what purpose are good natural parts and education , if the prince is suffered to see , hear and know no more than his attendance think fit ? what wonder if henry the th . king of castile † proved so negligent and sluggish , so like his father iohn the second in all things , after he had been educated among the same flatterers that occasioned his fathers male administration ? believe me , 't is as impossible to form a good prince in an ill court , as to draw a straight line by a crooked square : there 's not a wall there which some lascivious hand has not sullied ; not a corner but echoes their dissolute course of life : all that frequent the court are so many masters and as it were ideas of the prince , for by long use and conversation each imprint something on him which may either be to his benefit or prejudice ; and the more apt his nature is to learn , the sooner and more easily he imbibes those domestick customs . i dare affirm that a prince will be good if his ministers are so ; bad if they be bad : an instance of this we have in the emperor galba , who when he light upon good friends and gentlemen , was governed by them , and his conduct unblameable ; if they were ill , himself was guilty of inadvertency . nor will it suffice to have thus reformed living and animate figures in a court , without proceeding also to inanimate : for tho' the graving tool and pencil are but mute tongues , yet experience has taught us they are far more eloquent and perswasive . what an incitement to ambition is alexander the great 's statue ? how strangely do pictures of iupiter's lewd amours inflame lust ? besides , for which our corrupt nature is blameable , art is usually more celebrated for these kind of things than vertuous instructive pieces ; at first indeed the excellency of the workmanship makes those pieces valuable , but afterwards lascivious persons adorn the walls with them to please and entertain the eyes . there should be no statue or piece of painting allowed , but such as may create in the prince a glorious emulation . the heroick atchievements of the ancients are the properest subjects for painting , statuary and sculpture ; those let a prince look on continually , those read ; for statues and pictures are ●ragments of history always before our eyes . after the vices of the court have been ( as far as possible ) thus corrected , and the princes humour and inclinations well known , let his master or tutor endeavour to lead him to some great undertaking , sowing in his mind seeds of vertue and honour so secretly , that when they are grown it will be difficult to judge whether they were the product of nature or art. let them incourage vertue with honour , brand vice with infamy and disgrace , excite emulation by example ; these things have a great effect upon all tempers , tho' more on some than others . those who are of a generous disposition , glory influences most ; the melancholy , ignominy ; the cholerick , emulation , the inconstant , fear ; the prudent , example ; which is generally of most efficacy with all , especially that of ancestors ; for often what the blood could not , emulation does perform . 't is with children as young trees on which you must graff a branch ( as i may say ) of the same father , to bring them to perfection . these grafts are the famous examples which infuse into posterity the vertues of their ancestors and bear excellent fruit . that therefore it may be conveighed as it were thro' all the senses into the mind , and take deep root there , should be the particular industry of his instructors , and consequently they are not to be proposed to the prince in ordinary exhortations only or reproofs , but also in sensible objects . sometime let history put him in mind of the great atchievements of his ancestors , the glory of which eternized in print may excite him to imitate them . sometimes musick ( that sweet and wonderfull governess of the passions ) playing their trophies and triumphs , will be proper to raise his spirits . sometimes let him hear panegyricks recited upon their life , to encourage and animate him to an emulation of their vertues , now and then reciting them himself , or with his young companions act over their exploits as upon a stage , thereby to inflame his mind : for the force and efficacy of the action is by degrees so imprinted on him that he appears the very same whose person he represents : lastly let him play the part of a king amongst them , receive petitions , give audience , ordain ; punish , reward , command or marshal an army , besiege cities and give battel . in experiments of this nature cyrus was educated from a little boy and became afterwards an eminent general . but if there be any inclinations unbecoming a prince discernible in his infancy , he should have the company of such as are eminent for the opposite vertues to correct the vices of his nature ; as we see a straight pole does the crookedness of a tender tree tyed to it . thus if the prince be covetous , let one naturally liberal be always at his elbow ; if a coward , one bold and daring ; if timorous , one resolute and active ; if idle and lazy , one diligent and industrious : for those of that age as they imitate what they see or hear , so they also easily copy their companions customs . to conclude , in education of princes too rough reprehension and chastisement is to be avoided as a kind of contempt . too much rigour makes men mean spirited ; nor is it fit , that he should be servilely subject to one man , who ought to command all . it was well said of king alphonsus , generous spirits are sooner corrected by words than blows , and ●ove and respect those most who use them so . youth is like a young horse that the barnacle ●urts , but is easily governed by the gentler bit. besides that men of generous spirits usually conceive a secret horrour of those things they learnt thro' fear ; on the contrary have an inclination and desire to try those vices which in their childhood were prohibited them . affections too much confined ( especially such as nature endows a prince withall ) break out at last into despair , as exhalations hard bound within the clouds , into lightning . he that imprudently shuts the gates upon natural inclinations , is the occasion of their attempting to get thro' the windows . some allowance is to be made to humane infirmity , which is by some innocent diversions to be raised to vertue : this method they took who had the care of nero's education . the tutor ought to chide the prince in private , not before company , least he rather grow obstinate when he sees his vices are publick . in these two verses of homer is very aptly contained how a prince ought to be instructed how to obey : advise , command him , and what 's good suggest he will obey when for himself 't is best . hom. . il. emblem iii. by the industry of some ingenious and carefull hand one while watering , another time defending it from the injuries of wind and ill weather , the rose grows , and as the bud opens un●olds its little leaves into a circular form : a flower strangely pretty , but which flatters only the eyes , and is subject to so many casualties , that in this its infinite delicacy 't is by no means secure . the very same sun which saw it bloom , sees it also whither , and that without any other benefit , than just shewing the world its beauty ; it brings so many months ▪ labour to nothing , nay oftentimes wounds the very hand that planted it ; nor could it be otherwise than that such rank tillage should produce thorns ▪ of coral ( a sea shrub ) there 's quite another account to be given ; for that growing under water , and continually tossed by the violence of waves and tempestuous . winds becomes so much the harder and more beautiful ; nay , then first is it more illustriously useful , when it has underwent the rage of so many elements . such contrary effects arise from the different manner of growing of this shrub , and that flower in respect of softness and hardness . the same happens in the education of princes , for they who are brought up so tenderly and closely that neither the sun , wind or other air can come to them , but that of perfumes , prove too delicate and little fit for government ; they on the contrary are strong and able who inure their bodies to laborious exercises . it 's also convenient to use ones self to cold from our infancy as a thing of great advantage to health , and that will enable us to undergo military duties . by these exercises life is prolonged , by voluptuousness and luxury shortned ▪ a vessel of glass formed with a blast of the mouth , is with a blast broken ; whereas one of gold wrought with a hammer resists a hammer . 't is no matter if he that lives a private and retired life , be delicate ; but one who is to support a kingdom , as atlas the heavens , upon his shoulders , had need be strong and robust . a common-wealth has not occasion for a prince only for a shew , but in the field also and in time of war , and in scripture we find an effeminate king mentioned as a kind of divine punishment . the advantage or disadvantage of this different education was visible in the two kings , iohn the second , and ferdinand the catholick , one of which had his at court , the other in the camp ; that among women , this among soldiers ; that entring his government seem'd to sail into a strange gulf , and leaving the helm , committed the guidance of it to his ministers ; this was neither ignorant of , nor unacquainted with government ; but knew how to rule even in another's dominion , and force subjects to their duty ; that was contemn'd , this honoured and esteemed by all ; that ruined his kingdom , this advanced to a monarchy . 't was upon this consideration that king ferdinand sirnamed the holy , was desirous to breed his sons , alphonso and ferdinand , soldiers . and what else was it rendred the emperour charles really great , as well as titularly so ? was it not his continual travels and indefatigable labours ? nor had tiberius any other thoughts when he design'd his sons germanicus and drusus for the army , chiefly for these four reasons ; that they might accustom themselves to war ; gain the soldiers hearts ; be free from the debauchery of the court ; and lastly that himself might live in more security when both his sons commanded his legions . he that lives in a camp , by the many experiences he has there , spends his time to advantage ; the courtier utterly loses his in riot , ceremonies and trifling diversions . at court a prince studies more how to set off his body than improve his mind . and tho' this latter is rather to be regarded , yet ornaments of the body , and a comely presence should not be wholly neglected . for those captivate the eyes , as this does the eyes and soul. god himself seem●d pleased with the shape and proportion of saul . ethiopians and indians in some parts choose them kings , whom the most majestick mien recommends : as the bees do the biggest among them , and that of the most shining colour . people judge of a prince's actions by his presence , and think him the best who is the comeliest . galba's very age , says tacitus , was ridiculed and s●orn'd by those who were used to nero's blooming youth . a handsome face joyned with a kind of majesty encreased vespasian's fame . thus beauty strikes the eyes , and thro' them wounding the soul engages mens affections and good opinions : 't is a particular privilege of nature , a pleasing tyrant over the affections and a certain sign of a well disposed mind ; and tho' the holy spirit for more security advises us not to judge by exteriours , yet do we seldom find a generous soul in a deformed body . 't was a saying of plato's , that as a circle can't be without a center , so neither can external beauty consist without interiour vertue . king alphonsus therefore well advised to have a prince marryed to a handsome woman , that says he , the children may be beautifull as a prince's ought to be , that they may be above other men . the lacedaemonians fined their king archiadinus for marrying a little woman , however wittily he excused himself by saying , of two evils he had chose the less . beauty of the body is the image of the soul and picture of goodness . it nevertheless happens sometimes that nature intent upon outward perfections forgets inward which are more desirable . so it was with peter the cruel , whose savage and rough disposition nature had concealed under an agreeable person . pride and ostentation of beauty easily discompose the modesty of vertue ; a prince therefore should not esteem feminine and affected charms , which serve only to inflame another's lust ; but those which usually accompany true vertue ; for the soul is not to be adorned with the beauties of the body , but this rather with the ornaments of the soul. a commonwealth requires a prince perfect in mind rather than one so in body ; tho' t were a great ornament if he were eminent for both . thus the palm is singularly commended , as well for the neatness of its trunck and leaves , as for the pleasant fruit it bears , and other excellent qualities of it , being a tree so usefull , that plutarch says the babylonians reckoned vertues in it ; these , i conceive , the complement of the coelestial bridegroom points at , thy stature is like to a palm tree . for by these words he would commend not only the beauty of his spouse's body , but the endowments also of her soul , signified by the palm as 't is an emblem of justice and fortitude : of justice because its leaves hang in aequilibrio ; of fortitude upon the account of the admirable strength of the boughs , which the more weight they are loaded with , the more forcibly grow up . 't is further an hieroglyphick of victory , because in the games and exercises of the ancients , the victors were crowned with branches of it . the cypress was never esteemed at this rate , however flourishing and green it always is , lifting its self even up to heaven in form of an obelisk : for that its beauty is meer outside without any good quality inherent in it ; it 's of a slow growth , bears useless fruit , bitter leaves , has a strong smell and taste , a thick and melancholy shade . to what purpose is a prince of a delicate body , if he only satisfies the eyes , and does not discharge his duty . there needs no more in him than an agreeable harmony of parts to shew a generous and well disposed mind , into which afterwards art and industry may inspire motion and vigour , for without that every action of a prince will be dull , and rather cause ridicule and contempt than procure authority with his subjects . but sometimes these extraordinary endowments of the mind don't render a prince amiable , as when the state is distempered and inclined to change its government , which ferdinand king of naples had once experience of ; nay sometimes vertue her self is unhappy , and a good prince often odious ; as on the other side his vices taking , as were those of vitellius . but for the generality humane will embraces that which is most perfect ; and it will be therefore a prince's interest as well in publick as private exercises , to study by them to supply and perfect nature , to strengthen himself in his youth , to create generous thoughts in his mind , and in all things to please the people : for the person of a prince should not only court the minds but eyes too of his subjects , who choose to be governed by him in whom they see most ornaments of nature and vertue . our most catholick king , your highness's father , by the pains he took and resolution he shewed at a chase , by his valour and dexterity in military exercises , his singular carriage and vivacity in publick actions , what vast reputation did he gain ? how beloved by their subjects , and esteemed by foreigners were the kings ferdinand the holy , henry the ii , ferdinand the catholick , and the emperour charles the vth. in whom beauty and a just proportion of body were joyn'd with industry , vertue and valour . but those exercises are better learnt by conversation and in company , where emulation enflames the mind and awakens industry . for this reason the kings of the goths educated the sons of the spanish nobility in their courts , not only to lay an obligation upon those families , but that their own sons might have their education and learn the sciences with them . the same those of macedon used to do , among whom the court was as it were a seminary of commanders . which good custom is either utterly forgot , or at least has not been hitherto in vogue in the court of spain . 't were otherwise the properest means in the world to engage the hearts of foreign princes , to institute seminaries of that nature , to which their sons might travel and be instructed in arts and sciences worthy , a prince . from which also this advantage would arise , that the king's sons would insensibly be accustomed to the manners and genius of those nations , and meet with a great many among them , who with singular affection and gratitude for so good an education would return the obligation with their service . to this e●d king alphonsu● sirnamed the wise , in the second of his excellent laws , call'd the partidas , has drawn up a catalogue of those arts and duties it is proper for kings sons to be exercised in . for all these exercises nothing renders a prince so fit as hunting , for herein youth exerts it self , becomes strong and active ; that gives occasion to use military arts , to view ground , measure the time , know when to expect , when assault and strike , what use to make of accidents and statagems . there the sight of the blood of wild beasts , and the trembling motion of their limbs as they expire , purge the affections , fortify the mind , and inspir●generous thoughts , such as despise fear and danger : for the solitude of a wood and that silence which usually is kept in hunting raise the thoughts to glorious actions . lastly all those exercises are to be used with that moderation that they render not the mind either wild or stupid ; for the mind is no less harden'd with too much labour , and made as it were callous and insensible , than the body . 't is therefore not convenient to fatigue both at the same time , for these labours have contrary effects ; that of the body is a hindrance to the mind , that of the mind to the body . emblem iv. knowledge is necessary in a governour , in a subject natural prudence is sufficient , nay sometimes meer ignorance . in the idea and contrivance of a building the brain is employed , in the fabrick it self the hand labours . command proceeds from understanding and is quick-sighted , obedience is ignorant generally and blind . he is by nature a commander who is most intelligent . whereas others are so either by succession , election or conquest , which depend more upon fortune than reason . wherefore we shall reckon the sciences among the politick instruments of government : so justinian ; imperial majesty , says he , ought to be armed as well with laws as arms , that the time of peace and war may be equally well governed . this 't is you have exhibited in the present emblem under the figure of a cannon levelled for the better aim , by a quadrant , the emblem of the laws and justice ; for this should so manage peace and war that what 's just be always in view , and reason be the mark at which all things be aimed by the medium of wisdom and prudence . 't is related of alphonsus king of naples and arragon , that being ask'd upon this subject , which he was most indebted to , his arms or studies ? he made answer : that 't was from his books he had learnt arms and the laws of arms . but some one may perhaps think these ornaments of learning are more convenient for the body of a commonwealth , which the word majesty seems to import , than the prince , who being distracted with publick business , can't apply himself to them ; that 't were sufficient to make learning flourish , if he entertained and patronized men of ingenuity ; which the same emperour iustinian did , who tho' himself utterly illiterate , with the assistance of men of the greatest learning , whose conversation he had , got the reputation of an eminent governour . for my part , tho' i make no difficulty to grant that even men of no literature may sometimes govern a commonwealth well , as we have instances in k. ferdinand the catholick , and many others ; yet this only holds in those genius's that experience has improved , or at least such as are endowed by nature with so acute a judgment that they can determine any thing without danger of errour . but tho' prudence may have some efforts from nature , yet t is to be perfected by learning ; for to know well how to chose what 's good , and reject the contrary , a general knowledge is almost necessary , and a long observation of examples both past and present , which is not perfectly to be attained without labour and study ; nothing therefore is so necessary to a prince as the light and ornament of good literature ; for for want of the knowledge of these things ( says k. alphonso ) a prince will be oblig'd to take to his assistance , one who does understand them ; and he may experience what king solomon said ▪ that he who entrusts his secret with another , makes himself his slave , whereas he who can keep it ●imself , is master of himself , which is infinitely requisite in a prince . for the office of a king requires a great understanding and that too illustrated with learning , for without doubt , says k. alphonso in the same law , no man can acquit himself of an office of such importance as this , at least without great understanding and wisdom , whence he who scorns the favours of knowledge and education , will be scorn'd by god , who is the author of them . other sciences have been divinely infused into many ; none but solomon was ever inspired with politickss . for tilling ground , agriculture prescribes certain rules ; the art of taming wild beasts has also its methods , but 't is easier to command any animal than man , 't is necessary therefore that he be endued with an extraordinary portion of wisdom who has men to govern . the different customs and dispositions of subjects can●t without considerable sagacity , application and experience be discovered : and consequently no man requires wisdom more than a prince . t is that makes kingdoms happy , princes feared and reverenced . then was solomon so , when the world became acquainted with his . knowledge renders a prince more formidable than power . a wise king , says the holy spirit , is the upholding of the people : but an unwise king destroyeth them . all which shews how barbarous the opinion of the emperour licinius was , who cryed out upon the sciences as a publick plague , philosophers and orators as poison to a commonwealth ; nor does that of the goths appear less absurd , who found fault with athalaricus's mother for instructing him in good letters , as if he was thereby rendred incapable of publick business . silvius aeneas had quite other sentiments of them , when he said they were silver in the commonalty , gold in the nobility , and in the prince jewels . alphonso of naples upon hearing once a certain king say , that learning did not become a prince ; replyed immediately , that 's spoke rather like a beast , than a man . well therefore said k. alphonso † , that a king ought to be assiduous in learning the sciences , for by them he will learn the office of a king , and know better how to practise it . of iulius caesar 't is related that he would have the statuary form him , standing upon a terrestrial globe with a sword in one hand , in the other a book with this motto , ex utroque caesar ; thereby intimating that as well his learning as his arms was instrumental in getting and preserving to him the empire . lewis the xith of france did not esteem learning at this rate ; for he would not permit his son charles the th . to apply himself to it , because he found himself thereby so obstinate and opinionative as not to admit the counsel of any , which was the reason why charles proved afterwards unfit to govern , and suffered himself to be led by the nose by every one , not without great dishonour to himself and detriment to his whole kingdom . extreams therefore in that as in all other things are to be avoided , supine ignorance breeds contempt and derision , besides it is exposed to a thousand errours ; on the other side excessive application to studies distracts the mind and diverts it from the care of government . the conversation of the muse is very pleasant and agreeable , and no o●● would without reluctancy exchange it for the fatig●● and trouble of audiences and consultations . alphon●● the wise knew the causes of earthquakes , but coul● not regulate the commotions of his kingdoms ; th● coelestial orbs his ingenuity penetrated , yet knew no● how to defend the empire offered , and crown haereditary to him . the sultan of egypt upon his fam● sent embassadours to him with very considerable presents , in the mean time almost all the cities of castil● revolted . thus it usually happens ; princes too muc● addicted to the studies of wisdom advance their reputation among foreigners , and lose it with their subjects . their learning is admired by those , to these sometimes prejudicial ; for men of mean parts are generally better governours than men of ingenuity . a mind too intent upon speculation is usually slow in action , and fearful in resolution , for of necessity many different and contrary reasons must occur to such a person , which either wholly take away or obstruct the liberty of his judgment . if an eye looks upon objects by the sun 's light reflected , it clearly and distinctly sees them as they are ; whereas if it be fixed directly against the sun's rays , 't is so dazled with too much lustre , that it can't so much as distinguish the colours and figures of them . it happens thus to wits ; those who too eagerly apply themselves to the studies of wisdom and learning are less fit for publick business . right reason never judges better than when free and disengaged from the disputations and subtilties of the schools ; nor without reason did the wise k. solomon call that the worst of travails which himself had tryed . for there are some of the liberal sciences , which to have a superficial knowledge of is commendable , but to make them ones whole business , and desire to attain a perfection in them , very prejudicial . wherefore 't is very convenient that prudence moderate a little that desire of knowledge which is usually most vehement in the best wits ; as we read agricola's mother did , who cooled the heat of her sons mind , when in his youth he seem'd to follow the study of philosophy more eagerly than was allowable for a roman and senatour . as in vices so in learning there is excess : and this is as hurtful to the mind as those to the body . it will suffice therefore for a prince to tast the arts and sciences as 't were en passant ; some practical knowledge of them will be more for his advantage , particularly those which relate to the affairs of peace and war , taking as much out of them as will suffice to illustrate his understanding and regulate his judgment , leaving the honour of being excellent in them to his inferiours ; let him pass only his leisure hours in this noble exercise as tacitus says helvidius priscus used to do this granted , those are not always to be esteem'd the best tutors for princes , who are most eminent for learning and knowledge , for they are generally too great lovers of retirement and studious idleness , strangers to conversation , men of no resolution and very unfit for the management of weighty affairs . but those rather who are learned and experienced politicians , who besides the sciences can teach a prince the art of government . the first thing to be instilled into a prince is the fear of the lord which is the beginning of wisedom he who adheres to god is very near the fountain of all sciences . to know what is human only , is ignorance , the daughter of malice , which is the ruine of princes and commonwealths . another necessary qualification in a prince is eloquence , that pleasing tyrant over the passions , that sweetly allures mens wills to a submission to its commands . that great prophet moses knew of what consequence this was , and therefore when he was sent into egypt to conduct the children of israel thence , made this excuse to god that he was slow of speech and of a slow tongue . and god took this for a reason , and accordingly to encourage him , promised to assist his lips and put into his mouth the words he should speak to pharaoh . what did not solomon promise himself from his eloquence ? i shall be admired , says he , in the sight of great men . when i hold my tongue they shall bide my leisure , and when i speak they shall give good ear unto me : if i talk much they shall lay their hands upon their mouth . and certainly if naked eloquence has power so strangely to captivate an audience , what can't it do if armed with regal power , or cloathed with purple ? a prince who can't speak his mind without the assistance of another ( a fault nero was first observed to be guilty of ) is rather a dumb statue , and deserves not the name of a prince . history is the mistriss of political truth , than which nothing can better instruct a prince how to rule his subjects . for in that , as in a clear mirrour , appears the experience of former governments , the prudence of predecessours , and the souls of many men collected into one . history is like a faithful counsellor , always ready and at hand . of law the prince need only study that part which relates to government , turning over such laws and constitutions of his kingdom as were by right reason dictated or by custom approved . let him not spend much time in the study of divinity ; for how dangerous that knowledge and power in conjunction is , england has experienced in k. iames , 't is enough for a prince to persevere himself in the faith and have about him devout and learned men able to defend it . lastly judicial astrology has been the ruine of many princes ; for that desire of knowing future events is in all men vehement , especially in princes , for they promising to themselves great authority if they can be looked upon as equal to the gods , or do any thing above the common reach of mankind , follow these superstitious and odious arts : nay sometimes arrive to that degree of madness , to ascribe all thing● to second causes , and utterly destroy divine providence by imputing all to chance and divination , whence it happens that while they attribute more to chance and fortune than human prudence or industry , they are too remiss in their designs and actions , and oftner advise with astrologers than their counsellours . emblem v. the sciences have bitter roots , though the fruit be sweet ; for this reason our nature at first has an aversion for them , and no labour appears so harsh as what must be employed on their first rudiments : what pains and anxiety do they cost youth ? upon which account ▪ and because studies require assiduous application , a thing very injurious to health , and which the business and diversions of the court don't permit ; the master should be industrious in inventing several means to qualify this troublesome institution by disguising it under some pleasant game , that the prince's mind may imbibe what he is to learn insensibly . for instance , to teach him to read he may use this contrivance ; let there be made four and twenty small dice , on each of them be engraven a letter of the alphabet , then let some children play , and he win who at one cast throws most syllables , or an entire word . these little victories and entertainments will take off much of the difficulty of this task , for 't is far more hard to play at cards , which , however children presently learn. now , to teach the prince to write in a way as short , i would have the letters engraven of a thin plate , this put upon paper , and him to go over these tracts of characters , as so many little furrows , with his hand and pen ; especially exercising himself in those letters of which the rest are framed . thus , while he attributes to his own wit and industry , what is only the effect of this artificial plate , he will by degrees be more pleased with those labours . nor is skill in languages less necessary for a prince ; for always to use an interpreter , or read only transactions , is a thing too liable to deceit , or at least the truth thereby loses much of its force and energy : not to mention that it can't but be very hard for a subject not to be understood by him , from whom he is to expect comfort in his afflictions , to have his miseries relieved , and to be gratified for his services . this moved the patriarch ioseph , when he was made commander over egypt ; before all things to apply himself to learn the languages most in use there , and which he did not understand . what love and esteem does at this day , the emperor ferdinand the third's skill in languages procured him , being able to answer every one in his own native idiom ; but a prince is not to be instructed in this by way of precepts , for they confound the memory ; but rather great persons sons of foreign countries should be taken into his family , by whose familiar conversation he may in a few months time , and that with a little pains , and as it were by way of diversion , make so great a proficiency , as to be acquainted with the language of each of them . that he may also know the use of geography and cosmography , ( without which policy is in a manner blind ) it were not amiss to furnish and hang his chamber with tapistry so artificial wrought , as to represent a kind of general description or map of the universe , that is , the four quarters of the world , and most remarkable countries , together with the more celebrated rivers , mountains , cities , and other place of note . by the same contrivance may the lakes be disposed , that he may fancy he sees in them , as in your sea-charts , the situation of the whole sea , its ports and islands . in globes and mathematical spheres , he may see the extent of both hemispheres , the motion of the heavens , the sun's course , its rising and setting , the vicissitude of days and nights , and all this by way of discourse and divertisement , leaving the mathematicians subtle way of arguing and demonstrating to the schools . it will suffice in geometry , if he know how to measure distances , take altitudes and depths with instruments . 't is withal necessary that he learn fortification , and accordingly for instructions sake may raise forts of clay , or some such material , with all sorts of trenches , breast-works , pallisadoes , bastions , half moons , and other things necessary for the defence of them ; then he may assault and play upon them with little artillery made for that purpose . but to fix those figures of fortification more firmly in his memory , 't would be for his advantage to have the like artificially contrived in gardens , cut in myrtle , or any other greens , as you see in the present emblem . nor ought a prince be ignorant how to marshal an army ; to that end let him have soldiers of all sorts , foot and horse , cast in metal ; of these he may compose an army , distribute them into regiments , troops ; companies , in imitation of some model , which he may have before him for that purpose . plays ought always to be in imitation of things to be afterwards practised with more seriousness . by this means he will insensibly , and without any trouble take to these arts ; and when the light of reason is risen in him , be more capable of a perfect knowledge of them by conversation of men of learning , and such particularly as have been conversant with , and exercised in affairs both of peace and war , who will discover to him the causes and effects of each particular . for the knowledge of those things is at this time more useful , easier acquired , and fatigues the mind least . let no one look on these exercises to be of no consequence in education of kings and princes children ; for experience , the best mistress , teaches us , that boys learn many things of their own accord , which they had not attained by the instruction of a master without much difficulty ▪ much less should any imagine that the variety of these methods rather prejudices than promotes education . if to tame and master an horse , so many instruments are necessary , as the bit , bridle , rains , barnacle , and those too of different sorts ; if so many precepts are needful as have been written upon this subject , what care and industry shall we think sufficient to form a perfect prince , who is not only to command the ignorant vulgar , but even the masters of the sciences ? to govern men is not the gift of nature , but rather of experience and speculation ; it seems to be the art of arts , the science of sciences , of which never any one will attain the perfection . i am not ignorant , sir , the person your highness has for a master , is for the happiness of our monarchy , so well furnished with these arts and sciences , that he can't but in a short time bring your highness to a considerable perfection in them : however these advertisements , i could not omit pursuing my design in this treatise to be beneficial as far as possible , not only to your highness , but all other princes now and hereafter . emblem vi. the heavenly bridegroom has made use of the body of this emblem in the book of canticles to express the ornaments of his brides virtues : and the same the lilies that crowned and perfected the pillars of solomon's temple , seem to allude to , as do those which beautified the candlestick of the tabernacle . this put me upon designing in the present emblem , to represent by the wheat , the sciences ; by the lilies , the arts and polite learning which they ought to be graced with . nor am i without precedent or authority , for procopius long ago by ears of corn understood disciples , as our bridgroom by lilies , eloquence . in effect , what is polite learning , but a kind of crown of the sciences ? cassiodorus calls it the diadem of princes ; and the hebrews used to crown some parts of it with garlands : and this i take to be signified by the poets lawrels . the hoods , and girdles , and coloured silken tufts , by which the hebrew doctors were distinguished . the sciences should possess the center of the soul ; gentile learning be instead of a circumference ; the knowledge of one , without the ornaments of the other , is a kind of ignorance ; for 't is with the several parts of learning , as with the nine muses , who joyning hands , make a circle in their dances . how tiresome a thing is philosophy if too severe , and not qualified , and made agreeable by polite literature and humanity ? these are therefore necessary for a prince to temper the harshness of government with their pleasantness ; for 't is from that they have the name of humane . a prince should not be altogether singular , but have something common to the rest of mankind ; he should discourse with them of different sorts of studies , and that with a courteous and obliging carriage ; 't is not royal grandeur which confounds us , but extravagant indiscreet gravity ; as 't is not the light , but the extream driness of the sun that dazles our eyes ; 't is therefore very proper that political science be deckt and embellished with the liberal arts , which cast as great a lustre as rubies in a crown , or diamonds in a ring . nor do such arts sit amiss upon majesty , as require the assistance of the hand as well as mind ; nor will it in the least derogate from a prince's authority , or obstruct his management of publick affairs , to allow him some intervals of leisure for his diversion : thus mark anthony took a delight in painting ; maximilion the second , in sculpture ; theobald , king of navarre , in poetry and musick ; with which last philip the fourth , the present king of spain , your royal highness's father , diverts himself as oft as disingaged from the cares and concern the government of two worlds oblige him to . in this exercise the spartans too instructed their youth ; and in general all of this nature are recommended by plato and aristotle , as very beneficial to a commonwealth . and though 't is true , the mind should not repose its whole satisfaction in them , policy however requires a prince sometimes to use them , the people being strangely pleased to see their prince's thoughts thus diverted , and not always intent on the contriving their slavery ; 't was on this account drusus's debaucheries were acceptable to the romans . there are only two things to be observed in the use and exercise of these arts ; one is , that they are to be practised not in publick but privately , as the emperor alexander severus used to do , though excelled by none in musick , whether vocal or instrumental . the reason of this is , we are apt to think it a contemptible sight to see the hand which bears a scepter , and rules a kingdom , filled with a fiddle-stick or a pencil ; which we still look upon to be a greater fault , if the prince be of an age , wherein one would think the care of the publick ought to take him off these private pastimes : it being our nature not to accuse a prince of loss of time , if he 's idle or does nothing , but rather blame him for spending it at these diversions . the other caution is , that he lay not out too much time upon them , or be desirous to excel others , least he take more pride in this vain excellency than in well-governing the commonwealth ; a thing nero was guilty of , who abandoned the reins of his empire for those of a chariot , and valued himself more upon acting the part of a comedian in the theatre than of an emperor of the world. this abuse which princes sometimes fall into by having a greater esteem for these arts , than the science of good government . virgil elegantly censures in these verses : let others better mold the running mass of metals , and inform the breathing brass , and soften into fl●sh a marble face . plead better at the bar , describe the skies , and when the stars descend , and when they rise . but rome , 't is thine alone , with awful sway , to rule mankind , and make the world obey ; disposing peace and war thine own majestick way . to tame the proud , the fetter'd slave to free , these are imperial arts , and worthy thee . dryden's virg. as for poetry , though it be a part of musick , accents and rhimes having the same effect in that , as notes in in this ; though that be the far nobler exercise of the two ; for this is of the hands , that of the brain . the one designed meerly to divert , the other to instruct with diversion ; notwithstanding it seems by no means proper for a prince ; it 's strange sweetness being a great obstacle to masculine and noble actions ; for when the mind is once captivated with the charms of its thoughts and conceptions , as the nightingal with the melody of her voice , it never leaves of , and grows so keen with poetical niceties , that its edge is soon turned and blunted against the hard and rugged troubles it must necessarily meet with in government . hence it also follows , that if a prince takes not the same delight in ruling as composing , he will in all probability least regard this greatest concern , wholly neglect or abandon it to the care of others ; as did john ii. king of arragon , who squandered away his time in the study of poetry , and sent for persons eminent for it from the remotest countries , till his subjects tired with his negligence , put a stop to this useless diversion of his by an open rebellion . nevertheless , since poetry is so much in vogue at courts , and does much refine and polish the mind , a prince will hardly escape the charge of ignorance , if he have not some smattering in 't . he may therefore be allow'd some time for that study , i mean as much as shall be thought fit to quicken his parts , and improve his judgment ; for how many excellent poems have by this means come from the pens of such as have govern'd in church and state , with general applause and approbation ? there are abundance of princes given to the practice of chymistry , which is indeed a very noble diversion , and discovers many wonderful effects and secrets of nature ; but for all this , i would advise a prince not to meddle with it , for curiosity will easily lead him from thence to alchymy ; or at least , under the pretext of simple distillation , he will have a fancy to six mercury , and make gold and silver ; things which the most precious of our time is thrown away upon to no purpose , and certain , wasted for uncertain treasures . 't is a phrenzy , that nought but death can cure , to make one experiment after another , and not consider that 't is impossible to find a better philosopher's stone , than a good and prudent oeconomy . 't is of this , and of commerce , not of chymistry , this sentence of solomon is to be understood , [ that nothing is richer than wisdom ] . 't was by this kind of traffick with the inhabitants of tarsis and ophir , the same solomon got his vast riches ; for which he had never prepared so many and great fleets , exposed to so many and great hazards at sea , if he could have saved the labour with a crucible . it is likely , that he who could speak well of all things , who was endued by god with a supernatural knowledge , should never find out this secret also , or actually have used it , had it been feasible ? besides , 't is not credible that god will ever permit it , for thereby in probability an end would be put to all commerce , which is maintain'd by nothing so much , as by a species of money common to all the world , and that made of some scarce and precious metal . emblem vii . the affections are born with us ; reason comes not till many years after , when they are already possess'd of the will , and this deluded with a false appearance of good submits to them , and owns no other empire but theirs , till reason recovering strength by time and experience , takes upon it the right of government it had by nature , and begins to make head against the tyranny of our appetites . this light usually rises later in princes , because the delicacies of the court which they 're used to , render their affections more prevailing ; besides , that their courtiers strive generally to get their favour , which they know , rather depends upon the will than reason ; hence all use the art of flattery , and make it their business to engage that , but cast a cloud on this . a prince ought therefore to be well acquainted with these arti●ices , and arm himself not against his own passions only , but all such persons as would abuse them to govern him . this is a great and general negligence in those who undertake to form princes minds . useless and unfruitful weeds which grow among corn , we spend time in ●●adicating ; yet suffer vicious passions and inclinations , that wage war with reason , to grow . to cure a prince's body , many galens are always ready , the mind often has scarce one epictetus ; though this is subject to no less infirmities than the body , and those so much worse , as that is more excellent than this . if its countenance were visible , and we could discover in it its ill and distempered affections , we should pity the condition of many , we at present take for happy men , whom that feverish heat of depraved appetites so miserably preys upon . if the hearts of tyrants could be opened , one might see bruises and wounds . alas ! what tempests of confusion and distraction is a mind in that condition rack'd with ? it s light is all obscured , his reason so disturbed , that all things appear to him far different from what they really in themselves are . hence proceeds that variety of judgments and opinions in the world ; hence few weigh things aright , but pass a different estimate according to the light by which they see them . for 't is with the affections , as with tellescopes , which at one end magnify , at the other diminish objects . the crystals are the same , the objects nothing alter'd ; this only is the difference , that the visual rays falling in● at one end , are dilated from the center to the circumference , and consequently diffuse themselves and multiply more ; whereas at the other end they are contracted from the circumference to the center , and so represent objects considerably less : such is the difference between these two ways of looking upon things . at the same time ( tho' in different kingdoms ) the two infants , iames , the son of iames the second , king of arragon ; and alphons● son of dionysio , king of portugal , had in view the succession of their fathers crown . but see in how different a manner , the first against his father's will refused to accept ; the other contrary to the laws of piety , by force of arms attempted to snatch it from the head of his . one considering the vast cares and dangers of government ▪ bid adieu to the world , and preferr'd a monastick life as the more quiet and happy ; the other look'd upon life without sovereignty to be burthensome and unprofitable , and had more respect to his ambition than the law of nature . this look'd upon the circumference of the crown which border'd with flowers , was an agreeable sight ; that consider'd rather the point and center of it , whence the lines of labour and care are drawn . all men propose something that has the appearance of good , as the end of their actions ; but because we are deceived in the knowledge of this good , hence proceeds our error . the greatest thing imaginable when in our own power appears little and inconsiderable , in others great and magnificent . our own faults we are not sensible of , those of others we easily discover . other mens defects seem like giants , ours scarce so big as dwarfs . nay , further , we know how to new-name vices , and give them the colour of virtue : ambition we call greatness of mind ; cruelty , justice ; prodigality , liberality ; rashness , valour . in short , few can with prudence distinguish honesty from its contrary , what 's profitable from the prejudicial . 't is thus , we are deceived when we look on things by that end of the prospective , which passions and inclinations stop . i know nothing but benefits that are to be looked upon through both ends ; those we receive , ought to appear great to us ; those we confer , little . this was king henry the fourth's custom ; nay , he seldom so much as remembred kindnesses he had done others ; on the contrary , those he had received , he never let slip out of his memory , being always careful the first opportunity to repay them as a debt . a prince ought not to imagine that a courtesy is , as it were , a mark of slavery on the person gratified : i should not call that generosity but tyranny rather , and a kind of traffick for mens affections , which the prince buys at the price of favours , as they do slaves for money on the coasts of guinea . he who does a good office should not think he lays an obligation ; he who receives it ought to think himself obliged . in a word , a prince should imitate god almighty , who giveth to all men liberally , and upbraideth not . in undertaking and carrying on wars ; in procuring and establishing peace ; in injuries as well offered as received , let him always use the same crystal of right reason , through which he may see every thing equally without disguise or ●allacy . that indifference and justice in giving a due estimate of things , becomes none more than a prince , who ought to perform the same office in his kingdom , as the tongue of a balance in a pair of scales , and agreeable thereto pass a true and sincere judgment of all things , that his government may be just , whose balance will never hang even , if the passions have place , or all things be not weighed in the scale of right reason . upon this account masters ought to come with singular ca●e and industry to instruct the prince's mind , discovering those errors of the will , and the vanity of its perswasions , that free and disengaged from passion , he may pass an unprejudiced judgment on every thing . for , really if we throughly examine the fall of so many empires , so many revolutions in states , such a multitude of kings and princes deposed and murthered , we shall find the first origin of these misfortunes to have been , the passions having shaken off their obedience , and their refusal to submit to reason , whose subjects they are by the law of nature . nor is any thing more pestilent to a commonwealth than those irregular appetites , or the particular ends which every one , as he pleases , purposes to himself . i don't hereby contend to have these passions wholly razed or extinguished in a prince , for without them he would be absolutely incapable of any generous action ; nature having not furnished us with love , anger , hope , fear , and other the like affections to no purpose ; for though these are not virtues , they are however their attendants and means , without which they are neither attainable nor practicable . 't is the abuse only , and inordinacy of them , i disapprove of ; those are to be corrected , that a prince's actions be not guided by passion , but his whole government by prudence and policy . those things which are common to other men , are not allowable in a prince . charles the fifth , if at any time he would indulge anger or indignation , did it in private and remote from company , not publickly when he represented the person and majesty of an emperor ; for in this capacity , a prince is rather the idea of a governor than a man , and rather his peoples than his own man. nothing is then to be determined out of affection , but all things examined by the rule and standard of reason ; not by his inclination , but art. a prince's behaviour should be rather political than natural ; his designs proceed rather from the heart of the commonwealth than his own . private persons usually make their own interest and advantage the measure of their actions : princes are to have the publick good in view . in a private man to conceal his passions , is look'd upon to be a sign of too close and reserv'd a temper ; in princes even policy sometimes require it . there appeared not the least symptom of passion in tiberius , when piso presented himself to him , after having , according to his order , dispatched germanicus , which occasioned no small jealousy in piso . he who commands many , should with many vary his affections , or if possible appear free from them ; endeavour in the same hour as occasions differ , to seem severe and courteous , just and merciful , liberal and frugal . tiberius was a great master of this art , whose mind it was not easy to discover ; he knew so well how to mingle the symptoms of his anger and satisfaction . a good prince commands himself , and serves his people ; but if he neglect to break , or conceal the natural tendency of his mind , his actions will be always uniform , whence every one will presently see the scope of his designs , contrary to one of the principal maxims of policy ; which for this very reason recommends variety of methods in acting , that the prince's designs may not be known . nor is it by any means safe for him to let others discover his nature and inclinations . for there 's no easier access to his mind than that , which 't is necessary he keep free and reserved , if he desire to have his kingdom well-governed . for as soon as his ministers have once discovered his inclination , immediately they flatter him , and encourage the same in themselves . if in any thing the prince be obstinate and opinionative , they are so too , and now nothing but perversness governs . but if it shall be at any time the prince's interest to court the peoples favour and applause , let him rather so behave himself , that what the people like or dislike , he may seem to have a natural inclination or aversion for . aristotle puts bashfulness in the number of the passions , denies it to be a moral virtue , because a fear of infamy , and therefore seems incompatible with a great man , whose actions being all squar'd by the rule of right reason , he has nothing to be ashamed of . according to st. ambrose , however 't is a virtue which regulates our actions ; by which i conceive , he means that ingenuous and liberal shame , or rather modesty , which like a bridle restrains us from the commission of any ignominious or unseemly action , and is a token of a good genius , and no small argument that there remain in that mind some seeds of virtue , though not yet deeply rooted . i am apt to believe aristotle speaks of another vitious and irregular bashfulness , which is an obstacle to virtue ; we may say of both , as of dew , which falling moderately nourishes and refreshes corn ; but when thick like small snow , burns up and kills it . no virtue can be freely exercised , when this passion has once prevailed , nor is any thing more pernicious to princes , for this reason above all , that it has the appearance of virtue , as if it were in a prince a sign of candor , ( and not rather of a mean and abject spirit ) not to be able to deny , contradict , reprehend , or correct without a blush . such as these straiten themselves too much in their grandeur , are in a manner afraid of shadows ; and what is worse , make themselves slaves to those they ought to govern . besides , how unbecoming is it to see in their faces the colour of shame , which none but flatterers , liars , and in general , all profligate persons ought to be stained with , and for them so to forget themselves as to be governed and cozen'd by others . whatever is asked , they voluntarily offer , and give without any respect to merit , vanquished meerly by petitions . they readily subscribe to others counsels and opinions , though they don't approve them , and had rather seem conquer'd than victors ; which is the foundation of the most considerable miscarriages in a commonwealth ; shamefacedness by no means becomes princes , who should always appear with a serene and steady aspect . princes therefore should make it their whole business to correct this passion , and moderate their natural bashfulness with valour and constancy , with a resolution not only of mind , but outward demeanour to resist flatteries , lyes , frauds , and malice , that they may correct and amend them , and preserve a royal integrity in their words as well as actions . which the two kings , iohn the second , and henry the fourth , having neglected to do ; what wonder if their authority and crowns were brought into such dangers ? farther , in curing this passion , no small discretion is necessary ; for whereas other vices , like thorns , are to be utterly extirpated , this is rather to be pruned , and the superfluity cut off ; that part of shame left which guards virtues , and regulates mens manners and actions ; for without this restraint , the prince's mind will be quite unruly ; and except he now and then reflects upon infamy and indecency , he will follow the force of his passions , and precipitate himself ; especially when there 's power to countenance them . if by good arts modesty is scarce to be preserved , what will be the consequence if we wholly abandon that ? 't was then tiberius gave himself to all manner of vice and tyranny , when he had cast off shame and fear , and followed only his own humour . hence plato said , that jupiter , if at any time apprehensive of the ruin of mankind , dispatch'd mercury for the earth , to distribute iustice and modesty among m●n , by which they might prevent their destruction . commiseration and pity is a passion not less dangerous in princes , than the other ; for when it has once prevailed in the mind , neither reason nor justice perform their offices . for out of an extravagant fear of disobliging any by reprehension or correction , they neglect to apply remedies to their subjects crimes , and suffer many to go unpunished . they are deaf to the peoples clamours , nor do publick calamities affect them , while at the same time they are sensibly touch'd with pity for three or four men who were the promoters of them . they feel themselves disordered at other mens crimes ; and accordingly for fear of any trouble upon their account , chuse to connive at , or pardon , rather than punish them . this is a weakness of judgment , and defect of prudence , to be remedied with time ; but that with the same moderation as we mentioned of bashfulness , that part only of commiseration is to be retrenched which so enfeebles the mind , that it can't act with vigour and constancy . reserving that compassionate affection peculiar to princes where right reason , without hazarding the publick security , perswades . both these passions , as well that of bashfulness , as commiseration , are corrigible , and to be subdued by some contrary actions , which may remove that too great tenderness and imbecillity of mind , and delivering it from those servile fears , render it capable of more masculine actions . if a prince now and then endeavours ( though in matters of the least consequence ) to keep his mind firm and resolute , and considers his power and quality , he will easily afterwards be able to do the same in affairs of greater moment . all 's done , if he can but once acquit himself generously in it , and make himself fear●d and respected . there remain two other passions considerably prejudicial to youth ; fear and obstinacy . fear , when a prince is so timorous , and in all things diffident of himself , that he dares neither act nor speak . never approves any action of his own ●ears to appear in publick , and love 's rather solitude and retirement . this proceeds generally from an effeminate and retired education ; as also for want of experience , the only remedy for this distemper ; that is , the prince should use himself to give audience to his subjects as well as foreigners ; often appear in publick that he may learn to know men , and in general all other things as in themselves they are , not as his imagination , or master has painted them . let there be always free access to his apartments for those worthy persons , that are his father's chamberlains , and all other courtiers that are eminent for valour , ingenuity , and experience . which custom was observed in spain till the time of philip the second , who cautious of his son charles's underhand-dealings , abolished that custom of free access and communication , and so declining one inconvenience , fell into another equally dangerous to princes , for so is it to be too much abstracted from conversation ; for this usually prompts them to rely too much upon some particular favourite . lastly , obstinacy arises partly from fear , partly from natural slothfulness , when a prince won't act at all , but resolutely rejects all instructions that are given him . that coldness of mind is to be cured by the fire of glory and incentives to it , as faults in horses are usually corrected by the spur. the prince therefore is to be led gradually into the way , and the progress he makes to be commended ; though at first those commendations be above his merit , and only for forms sake . emblem viii . in the unicorn nature hath shewn a piece of admirable skill and providence , in placing anger 's weapon exactly between the eyes . 't is absolutely necessary to have both eyes intent upon that passion , which so imperiously tyrannizes over our actions , and the motions of the mind . the same flame that lights it , blinds it , and 't is differenced only by its short continuance from fury and madness . a man in a passion is not the same as before , for he is thereby as it were put beside himself . valour has no need of it ; for what were more silly , than for this to require aid from anger , a thing stable from one inconstant , faithful from one false , sound from one diseased ? 't is not this fickle pettish passion obtains victories , triumphs over enemies , nor is that really courage that is without reason provoked . in a word , no vice is more unbecoming a prince , than that ; for to be angry , supposes contempt , or an injury received ; nor is any thing so disagreable to his place and office , in as much as nothing so obscures the judgment which should in a governor be serene and clear . a prince that is exasperated , and passionate upon any slight occasion , gives his heart into the hands of the person who provokes him , and is subject to his pleasure . if not a wrinkle in a king's coat can be disordered without offence , what will it be if he suffer any one to disturb his mind ? anger is a kind of moth which purple breeds and nourishes . pomp engenders pride ; pride , passion ; and impatience is as it were a propriety of power . the sense of princes is something too delicate a looking glass which the least breath sullies , a heaven that with the least vapour is clouded and breaks out into thunder . a vice that generally seizes great and generous spirits ; as the sea , however vast and powerful , is with the least blast of wind raised into horrid disorders and tempests , with this only difference , that they are of much longer continuance in princes minds than in the sea ; especially if their honour be concerned , which they imagine 't is impossible to retrieve without revenge . what a trifling piece of incivility was that , sancho , king of navarre , put upon alphonsus the third , after the battel of arcos , in returning without taking leave of him ? which however this so highly resented , that he could never forget it , or rest till he had got him out of his kingdom . the anger of princes is like gun-powder , which no sooner takes fire , but has its effect ; the holy spirit calls it the messenger of death ; and barely on this account 't were sufficiently reasonable to curb and restrain it . 't is very indecent for one in authority to submit to this passion . let princes remember that nothing is put in their hands for a scepter , with which they can hurt . and if sometimes a naked sword is carried before kings , 't is in token of justice not revenge ; and then 't is carried in another's hand to intimate that between anger and execution there ought to intercede a command . the publick safety depends on princes , which will easily be in danger , if they hearken to so rash a counsellor , as anger . who can escape its hands ? for 't is like a thunder-bolt when it comes from supreme power . and because , says king alphonso , anger is stronger in a king , and more dangerous than in others ; in that he can more readily satisfy it , he ought to be more prepar'd to curb and correct it † . if princes in a passion could look upon themselves , they would find a countenance unbecoming such majesty , whose tranquility and agreeable harmony , both of words and actions , ought to please rather than terrify , to acquire love rather than fear . a prince therefore should quench the heat and violence of anger ; if he can't do so , at least to defer the fury and execution of it for some time : for as the same king alphonso has said , a king ought to keep in his anger till it is over , this will be of great advantage to him , for so he will be able to judge truly , and act justly in all things * . the emperor theodosius experienced this in himself ; and for this reason enacted a law , that capital punishments should not be executed till thirty days after sentence passed . which tiberius had before him decreed , though for only ten days , and without giving the senate power to revoke the sentence once pronounced . which indeed had been commendable , if his design had been to make room for pardon , or give time for a second hearing of the cause . but tiberius was a man of too much cruelty and rigor to give that indulgence it was the counsel of athenodorus to augustus caesar , to determine nothing in a passion till he had repeated the twenty four letters of the greek alphabet . since then , anger is a short madness , directly opposite to mature deliberation ; there is no better antidote against it than prudent reflection ; that the prince be not too hasty in execution , before he has had council to examine a matter throughly . king ahasuerus , when his queen vashti refused to come at his command , though he had reason to think himself contemned , and highly resented the affront , yet would not be revenged till he had first called a council , and taken the advice of his noblemen . to talk of an injury received , inflames anger more ; hence that of pythagoras , stir not fire with a sword , for motion increases the flame ; nor is there any more effectual remedy for anger than silence and solitude . by its self it insensibly consumes and wears off ; whereas the most softning discourse is often like the water smiths use to make their fire burn fiercer . farther , anger has its seat in the ears , or at least keeps watch there ; these therefore a prince is to secure , that they be not too ready to hear ill reports , that may enrage him this i imagine was the reason the statue of iupiter cretensis had no ears , because they do more mischief to governors than good . however , i think them necessary for princes , provided they be cautious and ruled by prudence , and let not themselves be moved at the first hearing of every trifling story . anger is to be commended when kind●ed by reason , and moderated by discretion ; without such as that , there can be no justice . too much indulgence gives license to offend , and makes obedience bold . to endure all things with content , is ig●orance , or shews a servile temper of one who has a ●ean opinion of himself . to continue in anger when 't is to punish offences , or make examples of such as affront regal authority is no vice , but a virtue , and by no means derogates from mildness and clemency . was any one more meek than david , a man after god'● own heart ? so mild in vengeance , in anger so moderate ; that when he had saul , his greatest enemy , in his power , was satisfied with cutting off the skirt of his robe , and even that afterward repented of . nevertheless with severity did he revenge the injury king hamm did to his ambassadors . david had sent them to comfort the king for the death of his father , but he groundlesly suspecting they came rather to spy out the state of his kingdom , sent them away with the one half of their beards shaved off , and their garments obscenely cut off in the middle . david , a man otherwise very peaceable , could not brook this affront , but made war against him , and all the cities of his kingdom which he took , he utterly demolished ; and the people that were therein , ( to use the scripture● words ) he brought forth and put them under saws and 〈◊〉 harrows of iron , and under axes of iron , and 〈◊〉 them pass through the brick-kiln this may see● to be cruelty , and an excess of anger , to any one● that knows not that the wounds injuries make , 〈◊〉 fometimes to be so cured , as not so much as 〈◊〉 should be left . artaxerxes threatned fire and swo●● to some cities , if they obey'd not an edict he had pu●●lished , resolving , if they refused , to make so severe 〈◊〉 example of their contempt and disobedience , as shoul● extend to brutes as well as men . the most 〈◊〉 god taught us this piece of policy , when with the 〈◊〉 most rigour , yet without prejudice to his infinite m●●cy , he punished the syrians army for blasphemou●● calling him the god of the hills . the supreme authority and power of princes makes a part of a commonwealth , so that they can't put up affronts and injuries at all times . that anger too is praise-worthy in princes , and profitable to a state , which kindled by incentives of glory , elevates the mind to difficult and noble enterprizes , for without it nothing extraordinary , nothing great , can be undertaken , much less perfected and accomplished . that , that is it which nourishes the heart of generous spirits , and raises it above its self to despise difficulties . the academicks called it the whetstone , plutarch the companion of virtue . but particularly , in the beginning of his reign , the prince ought to lay aside anger , and forget past injuries ; as sancho , sirnamed the brave , did when the succession of the crown of castile fell to him . with government , a prince changes as 't were his nature , why should he not also his affections and passions ? 't were an abuse of government to take revenge of one who already acknowledges himself your subject . let the person offended think he has satisfaction in having got authority over him , who before injured him . fortune could not give him a nobler kind of revenge . so lewis xii . king of france , thought , and therefore when some perswaded him to revenge the injuries he had received , while duke of orleans , he made answer , that it did not become the king of france to revenge the quarrels of the duke of orleans . particular injuries done to his person , not dignity , a prince ought not to vindicate with his utmost power ; for though they seem inseparable , yet 't is convenient to make some distinction between them , least majesty become odious and too formidable . to this tended that of tiberius , when he said , that if piso had committed no other crime , but the rejoycing at germanicus's death , and his grief for it , he would revenge those injuries done him as a private person , not as a prince , and in a publick capacity . on the other side , those done to his dignity or publick station , he ought not to vindicate as a private person , so as in a transport of passion to think his honour and reputation lost , except he have immediate satisfaction , especially when it were fitter to be deferred ; for anger should not be a motion of the mind , but of the publick good and advantage . king ferdinand , the catholick , undoubtedly had this before him , when the king of granada refused to pay him tribute , as his ancestors had done ; and withal , insolently sent him word , that they were long since dead ; that in his mints they laboured not to coin silver or gold , but forge swords and launces † . ferdinand concealed his resentment of this liberty and arrogance for a time , and made a truce with him , deferring revenge till his affairs were more quiet and settled ; in which he consulted more the publick good , than his own particular affections . nor is it less prudent to dissemble anger , when one has reason to presume , that a time will come when it will be for our disadvantage to have shown it . for that reason , king ferdinand , the catholick , though highly affronted by the grandees of his kingdom ; yet , when he abdicated that of castile , and retreated into arragon , very discreetly concealed that indignation of mind , took no notice of the injuries he had received , but shewed himself friendly and affectionate to all , as if he then foresaw he should be sometime restored to his kingdom , as indeed it afterwards happened . a generous mind hides its resentments of injuries , and strives not by the impetuousness of anger , but rather by noble actions to smother them ; the best certainly , and a truly heroical kind of revenge . when king ferdinand , the holy , besieged sevil , a certain nobleman reproached garcias perez de vargas for wearing a waved shield , which was not allowed his family ; he then pretended to take no notice of the affront , till the siege of triana , where he fought with so much valour , that he brought his shield back stuck with darts , then returning to his rival , who was then in a secure post , and shewing him the shield , you have reason , says he , to think much that i wear this shield , that expose it to so many dangers ; without doubt no one deserves it beyond your self , who would take so much care to preserve it . those ordinarily bear affronts most patiently , who are the least subject to give them ; nor is it a less virtue to conquer this passion , than an enemy . to kindle a prince's anger is no less dangerous than to set fire to a mine or petard ; and though it be done in our own behalf , 't is prudence to moderate it , especially if against persons in power : for such anger 's generally fall on the author's own head. this was the reason the moors of toledo took so much pains to pacify king alphonso the sixth's wrath , against the archbishop of that place , and the queen , who had taken without his order , their mosque from them . from which i draw two precepts : one is , that ministers ought , when the duty of their place requires them , to tell the prince of any thing that may create distast or anger , to represent them in the most softening terms imaginable ; for it often happens that an incensed mind ve●ts its fury upon the person who gave the first information of the thing , however innocent he may be , however good his design was in doing it . the other is , that they endeavour not only to moderate princes anger , but cover and conceal it handsomely . those seraphims ( ministers of love ) which stood above god in isaiah's vision , with two wings covered his face , and with two covered his feet . least his angry countenance should strike such as were guilty of any fault with such terror and despair , that they would wish the mountains to fall on them , rather than see the face of an avenging god . the heat of anger is no soone● cooled , but princes are sorry and vexed to have had any witnesses of it , or spectators of its effect , for both are equally disagreeable to the dignity of a king. and god himself for this reason turned lot's wife into a pillar of salt . emblem ix . 't is to its own damage that envy opposes the trophies and glory of hercules . to what end does it attempt to bite his sharp pointed club , but to make its jaws bloody ? in short , 't is its own avenger . it seems to me like a sword which from the same blood it spills gathers rust , and by that is afterwards eat up . all other vices take their rise from some appearance of good , or from pleasure ; on the contrary this proceeds from an inward grief and dissatisfaction at the good of another . other vices their punishment follows , this it even preceeds . envy sooner exerts its fury upon its own bowels , than on the honour of its neighbour . 't is the shadow of virtue ; he that would avoid that , must fly the light of this . the owl's sight being by nature strong enough to bear the sun's rays , is probably the reason other birds hate and envy her : whereas would she be confined to her private places , and conceal her self in the darkness of night , she need not fear their persecutions . between equals there 's seldom emulation ; when one's fortune , the other 's envy encreases . men are naturally apt to look with an ill eye on upstart happiness , and desire to reduce the fortunes of none more than those whom they have once seen upon the level with themselves . envy is like the tare which never seizes corn till it be considerably grown , and its fruit begins to ripen . he must therefore fly fame , dignities , and honourable employments , that would not be exposed to envy's darts . a mean fortune is least dangerous . regulus in the midst of nero's cruelty lived secure , because , says tacitus , his gentility was of a small standing , and his estate inconsiderable ; but this fear would be unworthy a generous beast . others envying us , shews we excel them , but to be absolutely free from envy is a very ill sign . 't is assuredly better to endure it , than be looked upon by all with indifferency . envy is the sting of virtue ; as the thorn preserves the rose , so does that virtue . this would easily be neglected , were there none malicious and detracting . many has emulation advanced , many envy made happy . that emulation of carthage raised the roman glory , as that of francis , king of france , did the fame of the emperor charles the fifth . 't was envy gave the roman , nay , the universal church to sixtus quintus , thence came all his fortune . there 's nothing better in this case than scorn , and being always endeavouring to mount higher till the envious man's eyes fail him , and he lose sight of you . the shadow of the earth reaches the moon , that lowest of the coelestial orbs , so near the elements , and overcasts its splendor ; the higher planets it does not in the least injure : the force of the sun , when at height , scatters and dispels clouds . where 's great inequality , there 's no room for envy , and consequently this is the only remedy against it . the more expeditiously a man advances himself , the less will he be exposed to envy . no smoak comes from a fire soon lighted . whereas , while merits wrestle , as it were , with one another , envy grows and takes up arms against the person preferr'd . pride and superciliousness are things which in good success provoke envy , and stir up hatred . on the other side , modesty quells it ; for no one envies him as happy , who looks not upon himself as such . for this reason , saul immediately after his being anointed king , betook himself to his house ; and to shew he was not exalted with royal dignity laid aside the scepter for a time , and set his hand to the plough . there●s yet another remedy , which is not to enlarge one's fortune at home , but in a foreign country ; for 't is very obvious for one , who before knew another to be of a mean extraction , but now sees him in a high degree of dignity , to envy him this happiness ; this evil insinuates its self more by the eyes than ears . many eminent men have declined honours to avoid being envied . the consul tarquinius voluntarily chose exile to escape the sight of this fury . valerius publius set his own houses on fire , because their magnificence procured him envy . fabius abdicated the consu●ship , saying , now i hope envy will cease to trouble the fabii . they were however in my opinion in the wrong , for this is rather to put the sword in the enemies hands , and give further occasion to envy ; which when it has once undertaken to persecute any one , never leaves him , till it has driven him to the extremity of misery . the sun casts no shadows so long as 't is in the zenith ; but as it declines and comes nearer us , they proportionably increase and grow longer . in the same manner envy pursues him with the greater force , who is near ruin , or begins to fall ; and as it generally lodges only in mean spirited persons , is always afraid he should raise himself upon his legs again . even after daniel was thrown among the lions , darius thought him not yet secure enough from those who envied him the king's favour ; and so fearing more mens envy than the wild beasts cruelty , he sealed the stone which was laid upon the lions den with his own signet , and with the signet of his lords , that no mischief might be done him . sometimes to avoid envy , and its inconveniences , 't were advisable to embark those in the same fortune , whose emulation may be feared thus the remora , which sticking to the outside of the ship stops its course , loses its strength when taken in . envy does not always gnaw lofty cedars ; sometimes she tires her teeth , and bloodies her lips with the lowest thorns , which nature her self seems to have in a manner hated . insomuch as not to look on even the miseries and calamities of others without spite and indignation ; whether it be , that her malice is wholly mad and unreasonable , or because she cannot endure the sufferer's strength of mind and constancy , or the fame fortune's injuries usually beget . there are to be found in the person of the present author , many things to make his case deservedly deplorable ; none , or very few , to render him envied ; nevertheless there are some who envy him these continual cares and fatigues , though little acknowledged or requited . there seems to be something of fatality in this emulation against him ; it produc'd it self without any reason , and often asperses him with things , he had by hear-say from others , before he could have so much as imagined . notwithstanding his mind so full of candor , and mindful of his duty , is so far from being disturbed at these things , that he rather loves that envy and indignation , perceiving it to awaken his courage , and daily excite it to make a further progress . princes therefore , who are so far in degree and dignity superior to others , ought chiefly to endeavour to despise envy . he that has not spirit enough for that , how will he have enough to be a prince ? to go to subdue it by kindness or rigour were plain imprudence . all other monsters hercules tamed ; against this neither force nor obligations were to any purpose . nothing can silence the peoples clamours ; for whatever favours you confer , they take for debts ; nay , always promise themselves greater than they receive . obloquy and detraction ought not to quench in a prince the desire of glory , nor deter him from executing his enterprizes : dogs bark at the moon , but she easily despises them , and proceeds in her course . the principal art of government is to be able to endure envy . envy is not very prejudicial to monarchies , but rather generally enflames virtue , and makes it more illustrious ; especially , if the prince be just and constant , and don●t too easily give credit to calumnies . but in republicks , where each man goes for a part , and can execute the desires of his passions with the help of friends and relations ; 't is very dangerous raising difcord and clandestine conspiracies , whence afterwards arise civil wars , which are the causes of all revolutions in states . 't was that in former times ruined hannibal , and many other great men ; and in this our age has called in question the unparallel●d fidelity of angelo baduero that famous venetian , whom you may deservedly call the glory and ornament of that commonwealth : a man so desirous of , and pas●ionate for the publick good , that even while under banishment , and unjustly oppressed , and persecuted by envious men , he was in all things strangely sollicitous for the preservation and welfare of his country . the most sovereign remedy against envy in republicks , is an equality of all the members of them , so as that all pomp and ostentation be prohibited ; for nothing so excites emulation as the splendor and plenty of riches . this made the romans take so much care to regulate and reduce the superfluous expences of feasts , and to divide their lands and possessions , that their citizens might be all equal in strength and estate . envy in princes is very unbecoming their eminency and grandeur , as well for its being the vice of an inferior towards his superiors , as because it must be but a very inconsiderable glory which can't shine without obscuring others . the pyramids of egypt were reckoned among the seven wonders of the world for receiving light on all sides of them , without casting the least shade on any bodies near . 't is a sign of weakness to want that which we envy in others . but nothing is more unworthy a prince , than to envy the excellence and prudence of his ministers , for they are in a manner parts and members of him ; the head envies not the feet for being so strong as to support the body , or the arms , because they can labour ; it glories rather in being furnished with such instruments however , self-love sometimes is the reason , that as princes are superior to others in power , so also they are desirous to surpass them in the gifts of mind and body . even the fame of lucan's verses was a disturbance to nero in the midst of all his grandeur . wherefore those who have to do with princes , ought to be very cautious , not to seem to enter into a dispute with them for knowledge or ingenuity ; or if at any time they are by some accident obliged to it , submit rather , and voluntarily yield them the victory ; this being not only prudence , but respect due to princes . the cherubims ( those spirits of knowledge and wisdom ) which stood before the throne of god in ezekiel's vision , with singular modesty covered their hands with their wings . this i wish indeed , that the prince would be jealous of that veneration , which some to get the greater interest in him too ambitiously demand , and accordingly moderate a little the excess of those his favours . yet , by what charm i know not , this love and kindness inchants a prince's mind , and blinds envy . saul could not but look upon david with an ill eye , when he saw his great exploits , though done for his service , more applauded than his own . whereas abasuerus could easily suffer haman , that great favourite of his , to be worshipped and honoured by all as a king . no envy has more danger in it than that between noblemen ; care should therefore be taken that honours and great places seem not to be hereditary to particular families , but be transferr'd from one to another ; yet , so as that the wealthiest of the nobility be employed in places that require pomp and expence ; the poorer sort in those by which they may raise their fortune , and maintain the splendor of their birth . there is some emulation that is glorious , i mean such as envies the virtue and merit of another , but grieves to want them it self , and endeavours by all the efforts both of valour and wit to acquire them ; this , i say , is commendable ; nor is it to be reputed a vice , but a kind of spark of virtue proceeding from a noble and generous mind . the honour miltiades got by his victory over the persians , kindled such flames in themistocles's breast , as immediately consumed all his vices ; he like another man ran about athens , crying . the trophies of miltiades would not let him sleep . as long as vitellius had competitors , he abstained from vices ; but as soon as he was without them , both he and his army abandon'd themselves to cruelty , lust , rapine , and licentiousness . this is the emulation commonwealths should encourage , by proposing rewards , erecting trophies or statues ; for that is the soul and spirit by which they are preserved , and grow daily more flourishing . and this i take to be the reason the republick of switzerland takes so little pains to extend its limits , and why it produces so few famous men ; though otherwise nature has been by no means niggardly of valour , and strength of mind to its inhabitants ; for their principal design is to establish a general equality , which puts a stop to all emulation ; and consequently all noble and military virtues are buried like burning coals in ashes . but though this emulation among ministers may seem useful , yet 't is not wholly without danger , in that the people who suffer no man to be without a rival are variously affected ; hence , while these favour one , those applaud another , there arises a contention between both parties , and these factions breed tumults and seditions . besides that , the heat of ambition , and desire of advancing themselves above others , usually puts them upon unlawful tricks and artifices ; and that which at first was honourable emulation , degenerates at length into hatred and envy . metellus offended that pompey was nominated to be his successor in farther spain , and envying the glory of this great commander , disbanded the soldiers , weakned the army , and carelesly neglected all provisions . pompey did afterwards the same , when he understood marcus pompilius was to succeed him in the consulship , and for fear , possibly , the honour of conquering the numantines might redound to him , made a peace with them very dishonourable to the roman name . in our own times , grol was lost upon no other account but a dispute that arose among the officers , that were sent to relieve it , about preheminence . in short , nothing is so pernicious to princes , nothing more needs a remedy . nor is here connivance to be admitted , but both are to be punished , as well he that seems to be innocent , as the person in fault . this forgiving the occasion ; that because he renounced not his right , and let slip an opportunity of managing affairs to advantage . which rigour , if it seems to any one excessive , will be excused , by considering the emolument of the publick good , and of the example it will leave to posterity . there 's no great resolution without some mixture of injury . a subject ought to look upon the duty he owes his prince , before his own honour ; let him demand satisfaction for the injury received afterwards , and think he has acquitted himself of his duty to his prince , in having a little while put it up . patience in such a case , shews extraordinary courage ; for a generous mind ought to prefer the service of the king before its own passions ; and lay aside private feuds when the publick interest is concerned . aristides and themistocles were bitter enemies , yet being both sent on an embassy together , when they came to the city-gate , aristides said , let us here , themistocles , leave for a little time our private grudges , and at our return resume them again . the same did henry guzman , duke of medina , who though otherwise an enemy to rodrigo pontre , marquiss of cadiz , yet out of love of the publick good , went to his assistance at the siege of alhama . but because 't is much easier to prevent these dangers than remedy them afterwards ; the prince must take care not to put two ministers of equal authority in the same office , for 't is very difficult to make power and agreement subsist in the same place . tiberius being to send another minister into asia of equal quality with the then governor of that province , thought that might be of dangerous consequence ; and therefore chose m. aletus , a praetor , least their equality might breed emulation , and that occasion some impediment . emblem x. the faulcon's no sooner let fly , but he strives with his beak to get off the little bells that are hung at his feet , knowing them to prejudice his liberty ; for their tingling shrill sound is like a voice , which with the least motion raised , presently calls the faulconer , and so is the occasion that the poor bird is brought again to confinement , how far soever it hid it self in the thickest woods . alas ! how many men has the noise of their virtues , and brave exploits , been mischievous to ? how many has fame brought into envy and insupportable slavery ? nor is great or good fame less dangerous than bad . miltiades had never ended his days so unhappily in prison , had his valour been conceal'd and unknown , or moderating his high spirit , he had been content with a fortune equal to that of other athenian citizens . but the reputation of his victories increasing , and the eyes of envy being not able to bear fame's so bright rays , this republick began to mistrust what merited esteem and recompence ; they feared , forsooth , their own necks might at length be obliged to bear the yoke he had put on that of their enemies ; and dreaded more the future and uncertain danger of miltiades's infidelity , than that present , and far greater one which threatned them from those , who openly designed the ruin and destruction of their city . suspicion never admits reason into its council , nor does such fear stand to weigh the importance of things , or suffer gratitude to get the better of it . that commonwealth chose to let one , though the most deserving , of its citizens lie in prison and infamy , rather than all the rest should live in continual jealousies . the carthaginians took the government of spain from sappho , under pretence , indeed , of administring the commonwealth at home ; but the true reason was , that they could no longer suffer his power and authority . thus they banished his successor , hanno , who was so eminent for his navigations , only because he had more ingenuity and industry than they thought safe for a free people . he was the first man they ever saw stroke a lion , and make it tame , and began to apprehend he would at last subdue them , who had vanquished the savage beasts . thus commonwealths are used to recompence services and great actions . no one of the citizens takes himself in particular to be honoured , or obliged by any good office is done to the community ; as to offences and suspicion , every one thinks himself concerned . if any one 's to be rewarded , very few give him their votes ; on the contrary , to find a man guilty all are zealous . he that is more excellent than others , is thereby in danger ; for his zeal for the publick good accuses their negligence ; his prudence their ignorance . hence 't is so dangerous to be serviceable and obsequious to princes ; hence virtue and industry become like vices , odious . sallust , who had a capacity fit for the most important business , to avoid envy , feigned himself to be idle and drowsy . but the worst of all is , that sometimes a prince is displeased at being awakened by a vigilant minister , whom he would rather have as careless as himself . to remedy this , as there is an hypocrisy which counterfeits virtues , and dissembles vices ; there is need of another to conceal valour and excellency of mind , and to stop the mouth of fame . 't was undoubtedly nothing but the fear of envy made agricola so careful to hide his , that they who saw in him so much humility and modesty , unless they had otherwise heard of his fame , could never guess at his renown by his person . time made germanicus sensible of this inconveniency , but he chose to bear rather than amend it , when after the conquest of so many nations , he erected indeed a trophy , but for fear of fame put not his name to it . st. iohn concealed his , in the relation of the signal favour our saviour shew'd him at his last supper , which if 't was not humane policy , was at least prudent modesty . even meer dreams about ones own promotion breeds envy amongst brothers . ioseph almost hazarded his life , when with more ingenuity than discretion , he told his the dream he had of the sheafs of corn that made obeisance to his that stood upright among the rest ; for the very shadow of eminence , nay , the bare possibility of excelling makes envy solicitous . glory is dangerous , as well because of our own virtues , as other mens vices . vice is not so feared in men because it makes them slaves , as virtue that makes them masters ; for dominion is by nature her self given to it , and this republicks won't suffer to be lodged in the person of one , but would have equally divided among all virtue is a kind of voluntary tyranny over minds , has no less influence on them , than violence it self , or compulsion ; and indeed , to excite republicks to imitation , 't is the same thing absolutely whether the people be induced by reason or by force , constrained to obey one only ; for the first tyranny , the juster 't is , the more dangerous and irresistible . this very thing gave rise to the ostracism , or ten years banishment , to which aristides , among others , was condemned ; whose only crime , was his having the reputation of a good and just man. the peoples favour is a very dangerous friend to virtue ; for their applause and approbation is punished as a fault , as you may see in the person of galerian . so germanicus learned by experience , that the roman peoples love was fickle and unfortunate . neither princes nor commonwealths much desire ministers of extraordinary excellency , but such as have a competent skill to manage affairs , and this reason tacitus gives why poppaeus sabinus was continued four and twenty years in the government of the most considerable provinces . 't is therefore a piece of great prudence to know how to conceal ones fame , and consequently to beware of all ostentation of wit , valour , or excellency , and cover all sublime thoughts , as they say , with ashes ; though i confess , 't is difficult for a noble mind to confine to the narrow compass of its own breast , a flame that breaks out on all sides , and daily requires new fuel to increase it , and make it shine with the greater lustre . but this we may be perswaded to by the examples of these illustrious heroes , who heretofore from the dictatorship returned to the plough ; and of those that after a triumphant entry into the city of rome by breaches , because the gates were not large enough ; that after the conquest of whole nations , have retreated to poor despicable cottages , whither afterwards the common-wealth has come to find them out . nor had that ever brought them so soon into play again had it not seen they were not ambitious of honour ; for that like a shadow flies him that pursues it , follows him that flies it . his fame and reputation is greatest , who strives to conceal it . rubellius plautus was thought to deserve the empire because he lived retired ; but 't is not so in monarchies , where one ascends higher by having begun to ascend . a prince has men of courage and bravery in great esteem , republicks fear them rather ; that animates them by rewards and presents , these discourage them by ingratitude : nor is fear of their liberty always the reason of it , but 't is also a pretence to cloak their envy and emulation under . if any one be the object of all mens favour and applause , he is usually suspected and envied ; which rarely happens in princes , who don 't easily envy their subjects glory ; but if they do any thing commendable , they attribute it to themselves , as being the execution of their orders . this has been observable in the emperor otho . prudent ministers ought therefore to attribute to the prince the happy success of things ; taking warning by the example of silius , who incurred tiberius's displeasure by boasting that he alone kept the legions to their duty ; and using to say often , that tiberius was indebted to him only for his empire : for caesar thought at this rate his fortune would be destroyed , and that he was unable to make return to so great merit . nor was vespasian displeased with antonius primus for any thing , but too frequently mentioning his own merits . agricola was far more prudent , who never magnified his exploits for his own fame , but attributed all his success to his superiors . ioab has left an illustrious example of this to all generals ; who , when he had forced any city to surrender , sent word before to king david to bring up new forces , that the surrender might be ascribed to his conduct . the ancient germans were above others commended for this , who lay under a strict obligation , not only to defend and preserve their prince , but also to attribute the glory of their own brave actions to him . for these reasons a person is much securer of a recompence for the services he does a prince , than those done a commonwealth ; and will with more ease get the favour of the one than the other . besides , that there 's less danger in offending that than this ; for the multitude knows not what connivance , mercy , or danger are ; it is equally rash in its resolutions , whether the thing to be attempted be dangerous or unjust ; for either the fear or blame is divided among many , and each man perswades himself the danger is not like to fall on his pate , that the infamy belongs not to him . a community has no forehead to blush , as a prince has , who is with great reason solicitous for his own person chiefly , as well as for his reputation , and that of his posterity . all men flatter a prince , setting before him the things that lead to glory , in republicks few are concerned for the publick honour , almost all for security . a prince has his subjects to content , in a community that care and trouble ceases ; for what it undertakes or does , is by the common counsel of all , and so every one is thought to be concerned in it . and hence i imagine it comes to pass , that commonwealths ( i mean not such as are in a manner kingly ) are so unconstant and false in the observation of treaties ; for that only is just with them , which seems to be for the interest of their preservation , grandeur , and the liberty they so much advance , in which they are extreamly superstitious . they imagine they worship true liberty , and with a servile submission adore infinite tyrannical idols . every one thinks he commands , and all obey ; they are all provided with an antidote against the poyson of monarchy , and the sovereignty of many they greedily and securely swallow ; they fear nothing more than the tyranny of foreigners , take no notice of that at home . liberty is talkt of every where , found no where . all are possessed of it in imagination , none in reality . let the united provinces now make a comparison between the liberty they formerly had , and that they enjoy at present , and diligently examine which of the two has the advantage ; whether they ever underwent the same slavery then , suffered those loses and taxes they at this day sensibly experiment . let the subjects of some commonwealths , nay the magistrates themselves , in whose hands the government is , think whether it were possible for any tyrant to enslave them more than those very persons they have set up to assert their liberty , when there is not one that really enjoys it in his actions . they are all miserable slaves to their own jealousies ; the magistracy is its own tyrant ; and it may be truly said of both , that they live without a master , but not with liberty ; for the more they strive to disengage themselves from the bonds of slavery , the faster they are bound with them . emblem xi . the tongue is an instrument , by the help of which the mind discovers its sentiments , for it expresses it self either by that , or by the pen , which like a silent tongue sometimes supplies its place , drawing on paper the words which should have been uttered by the voice . from both the one , and the other , one may draw a probable conjecture of a man's parts and capacity . for by speech , wisdom shall be known , and learning by the word of the tongue . hence king alphonso , the wise , speaking in his laws how a prince ought to carry himself in his conversation , what moderation he should use in speaking ; among other things says , multiloquy makes their words unregarded , and if a king be not a man of good sense , his tongue soon discovers the defect ; for as an earthen pot is tried by the sound , so is a man's sense by his words † . a comparison which he seems to have borrowed from this passage of persius : — sonat vitium percussa malignè , respondet viridi non cocta fideli● limo . speech is the minds countenance ; by that is discovered whether it be sound or not . to represent this , i have made use of another nobler emblem , and more accommodated to the subject ; 't is a bell , the true emblem of a prince ; for as that is hung up in the most eminent place of the city , it times , and regulates all the citizens actions ; and if the metal be not good , or it has any other fault in 't , 't is by its sound presently discerned . so a prince is a kind of general clock to all his subjects , who in a great measure depend , as i may say , upon the motion of his words , and by them he either gets or loses a reputation , every one giving himself to gue●s at his genius , wit , and inclinations , by his discourse . not a word escapes his hearers , each one makes a deep impression on their memory , they are repeated to others , and exposed to the censure of all , who usually put various constructions upon them , as they think fit . nay , even , what comes from him in private and unawares , passes for profound and mysterious , and not for casual and accidental . it were therefore very proper for them not to be extemporary but premeditated , not spoken without a previous consideration of all the circumstances of time , place , and persons . for — nescit vox missa reverti , — as horace says , seconded by king alphonso , for this reason all men , especially a king , ought to take great care of his words before he utters them , for when they are once out of the mo●th , there is no man can recal them † . whence may arise very great inconveniences , for the words of kings are the principal instruments of government . death and life are in the power of the tongue ; as also the honour and ignominy , the prosperity and ruin of subjects . this made aristotle , when he sent callisthenes to alexander the great , advise him to talk little with him , and only upon agreeable subjects ; for that 't was a dangerous thing to treat with one who carried the power of life and death at his tongues end . there 's not a word comes from a prince's mouth without a peculiar emphasis : is it about business , they are commands ; if of crimes , they are sentences ; if of promises , obligations ; by his words he is either obeyed or disobeyed . let princes therefore take care how they use this tongue of theirs , which nature has not meerly by chance fenced and inclosed with , as it were , a wall of teeth ; nor is there less need of a bridle for the tongue , than for a horse . 't is , it is true , one of the least members of the body , but 't is like the rudder of a ship , on whose motion the loss or safety of the whole vessel depends . the tongue is placed in a wet place , and so easily slips , unless stai'd by prudence . hence that prayer of david ; set a watch , o lord , before my mouth , keep the door of my lips . for a prince to condescend to a familiar conversation with any one , lessens his character , prostitutes his authority , and brings many other inconveniences upon him , unless he do it for information ; for every man desires to have a wise prince , and one that understands his affairs very well ; which is next to an impossibility , for a prince can't know all things ; and if he answer in the least from the purpose ; he shall be presently condemned for insufficiency or negligence . besides , that princes talents and endowments very rarely answer the generally received opinion of them ; therefore to avoid the danger of this , the roman emperors chose to treat with their subjects by notes , and give them answers in writing , as well to get time for deliberation , as because the pen is less subject to mistake than the tongue ; for this can't handsomely defer an answer , that can . sejanus , however great a favourite of tiberius's , conferr'd only with him by way of memorial . there are , however , some affairs which may be better treated of by word of mouth ; particularly , when there●s something of danger in leaving ones sentiments in anothers hands , which are a kind of perpetual evidence , and more liable to be wrested to different meanings than words , which as they quickly pass , and stick not deep in the memory , are not so easily actionable . but whether a prince gives his answers this , or the other way , he should always remember , that brevity is the most prudent , and most becoming a princes majesty . hence tacitus gives that epithet imperial to brevity . you should use the tongue as your sword , that is , not lay your self too open to your adversary ; he that discloses his whole mind , exposes himself to danger . concise discourses have the greatest efficacy , and leave most room for reflection . nothing 's so like a king , as to talk little , and hear much . nor is it less requisite for him to know how to be silent , than how to speak . in this , men are our masters . in that , god himself , who always injoyns silence in his mysteries . he resembles the divinity most , who has learnt to hold his peace . even a fool when he holdeth his peace is counted wise , and he that shutteth his lips is esteemed a man of understanding . the heart of fools is in their mouth , but the mouth of the wise is in their heart . this is prudence to avoid both extreams , for each has its danger : all to talk , or none , are distant , and yet neighbouring faults . auson . 't is then only convenient to speak , when silence prejudices either the prince or truth . majesty by a nod only sufficiently explains its self . silence well-timed , is in princes great eloquence ; and a grave and modest carriage are usually more significantly expressive of one's thoughts than words themselves . but if one's obliged to use these at any time , they ought to be sincere , and with liberty in thinking becoming a king. your free conceptions dress in plain words . tass. for by too many asseverations , oaths , and unnecessary proofs , they either quite lose their credit , or at least are rendred suspicious ; they ought then to be grave without moroseness ; graceful without affectation ; of force without roughness ; lastly , common not vulgar . even with god , words well ordered , seem to have most weight and influence . but the tongue and pen require no where more prudent moderation than in promises , in which princes either out of a natural generosity , or to obtain their ends with more ease , or to avoid a danger , are usually extravagant ; which when they can't perform , they lose their credit , and procure themselves enemies , so that it had been better not to have been so lavish of them . there have been more wars occasioned by the breach of promises than by injuries . for interest is seldom in these so much concerned as in them . and princes are generally moved more by their own advantage than by injuries received . to make large promises , and not keep them , is interpreted by a superior , an affront ; by an equal , injustice ; by an inferior , tyranny . the tongue therefore should not be too forward to promise , without assurance that the promise can be performed . in threats also , the tongue easily goes beyond its limits ; for the heat of anger soon puts it in motion , and when revenge can't equal the passion , of necessity prudence ; nay , and supream power must l●se not a little of their credit . 't is therefore much more adviseable to dissemble injuries , that the effects of satisfaction may be considered before the prince threatens it . he that uses menaces before his hands , designs either to make them the only instruments of his revenge , or to give his enemy warning . there 's no more ter●ible threatning than silence . if mine 's already let o●● , no one is afraid ; those are always more formidable that lie still conceal'd under-ground ; for the effects of the imagination are usually greater than those of the senses . detraction has in it a great mixture of envy and ostentation ; it is always almost of an inferior towards his superior , and consequently much below a prince , by whose lips no man's honour ought to be brought in question . if he sees vices , he should punish them ; if other small defects , correct or connive at them . the praise of brave actions and services is a part of their reward ; excites the person commended to , as it were an emulation of himself , and is a spur to others . however , to commend all subjects indifferently , is not without danger . for the judgment they pass on them being various and uncertain , and that praise , a kind of definitive sentence , time may discover to have been rashly given ; in the mean time , the prince's honour will oblige him not to retract easily what he has once approved . as well therefore for this reason , as not to give occasion to envy , great circumspection is required in praising persons , which is also one of the holy spirit 's oracles , iudge no one blessed before his death . it was a principal maxim among the stoicks , to commend no one rashly , because scarce any thing can be a●firmed with certainty , and we are often deceived in things that appear to us most praise-worthy . emblem xii . the heart of man , nature , that skilful architect , has hid in the most retired part of the breast ; however , least probably , seeing it self thus concealed , and without witnesses , it should do any thing against the law of reason , she has withal given man that native colour or fire of blood , for modesty to inflame his countenance withal , and accuse his heart , if it deviate from honour in any thing , or think otherwise than the tongue speaks , both which ought always to have the same motion , and a mutual agreement in all things . but malice by degrees effaces that mark which is used in children to shew its self . hence the romans well-knowing the importance of truth for the establishment of society , and maintaining commerce in the commonwealth ; and desiring nothing more than to preserve the shame of deserting it among men , hung about their childrens neck a golden heart , ( which they called bulla ) an hieroglyphick , says ausonius , invented by pythagoras , to signify the ingenuity men ought to profess in conversation , and the sincerity they should observe in truth , wearing at their breast , a heart uncovered , as it were , and open , the genuine emblem of that truth . and this we commonly mean , when speaking of a man of veracity , we say he carries his heart in his hands , or that he is open-hearted . the same the egyptian priests signified by the sapphire they put upon their princes breasts , to represent emblematically the same truth ; as their ministers of justice also used to wear about them some figure of it . nor should any one imagine , that for the prince to be so sincere , and professed a lover of truth , would perhaps but give an occasion to deceit and cozenage ; for on the contrary , nothing is more effectual in preventing those cheats , and driving away lyes , which never dare look truth in the face . the same observation i take that advice of pythagoras to allude to , never to speak with one's back towards the sun ; thereby intimating that nothing ought to be uttered repugnant to truth ; for a liar can't bear the bright rays of truth , signified by the sun upon a double account , both because of the sun's unity ; as for that it disperses darkness , and drives away shades , restoring to all things their true light and proper colours , as the present emblem shews ; where as soon as that luminary is got above the horizon , the obscurity of night immediately flies , and the nocturnal birds retire to the woods dark coverts , which in that 's absence , and favoured by the silence of night , use while others sleep , to seek their prey . what confusion is the owl in , if by chance she comes into the sun's presence ? in that glittering light she staggers to and fro , and is confounded , that splendor quite blinds her , and frustrates all her tricks . can any one have so much subtilty and craft , but they will presently fail him when he comes before an ingenuous prince , and one that is a particular friend to sincerity and truth ? there 's no force able to penetrate into the designs of a candid mind , if that candor want not some retirements for prudence . is there any thing more open and evident to the eyes of the world , any thing more resplendent , more opposed to shadows and darkness than the sun ? nevertheless , if any one will look stedfast upon its rays , he will discover i know not what abuses , as 't were , and obscurities of light , which so darken the eyes , that what they saw , they can't tell . thus knavery is blinded with the light of truth , and its foundations overturned , nor can it find any more a way to delude with its artifices . 't is a victory truly worthy a prince , to conquer frauds and cheats with ingenuity , lyes with truth . to lye is a slavish vice , and consequently very unbecoming the generous mind of princes , who above all men should endeavour to render themselves like god , who is truth it self . whence kings , ( says king alphonso ) who keep its place upon earth , and to whom it particularly belongs to guard it , ought to take special care not to contradict it by falsity ; if a king should once give himself to lying , he will not be believed , even when he speaks truth , and will farther give incouragement to others to follow his example . this inconveniency tiberius experimented , who often pretending to restore liberty and the consular government to the commonwealth , and to remit the management of affairs to others , caused the people to mistrust him when he meant really and honestly . the greater monarchs are , they are the more exposed to vanity and lyes . the rays of a plentiful fortune easily contract the clouds of detraction . in great empires all things have the worst construction put upon them , and are obnoxious to reproaches . what open force can't do , calumny by secret mines attempts , in which thing he that hath the rule over others , has need of great courage , not to change his course , or suffer himself to be stopt by the clamours of cavillers . this constancy and firmness of mind has always eminently appeared in the kings of spain , to whom it has been , in a manner , natural to despise envy and calumny ; by which means alone , many clouds of that nature have been dispelled , which as majesty raises , so it also by the force of truth dissipates , as the sun's heat does vapours . what infamous libels , what manifest falsities , what forg'd stories , what calumnies have malicious men often spread against the spanish monarchy ? nor for all this , could that envy be able to cast the least blemish upon its so just administration of the kingdoms 't is possessed of in europe , because that is open to the world , and visible to all . among other things , by new contriv'd devices , and studied lyes to render its government odious , and so make the rebellious princes less desirous of a reconciliation : i know not what author , under the name of the bishop of chapa , has published a book , wherein he gives a large account of the inhumane and barbarous usage the indians received from the spaniards ; and that those lyes might have a more easy credit ; the book was first spread about in spain , as printed at sevil , afterwards translated into other languages . an ingenious invention indeed , and accute piece of malice , and of more consequence than perhaps can be believed , for upon some easy minds it had very ill effect , though most of the more prudent so●● soon discovered the cheat ; in as much as all those things are abundantly confuted by the extraordinary zeal for religion and justice , the spanish nation always with great constancy exercises and maintains all over the world , nor is it unlike its self in the indies only . i won't however deny , but at the first invasion of america , some things happened not altogether to be approved , but this was only by their fault , who thinking this known world too little for their vast minds , had the boldness by the permission , rather than command , or choice of their king to try their fortune in other parts , and discover new countries hitherto unknown , where they found a barbarous people , idolatrous to superstition , more savage than beasts , who brutally lived on man's flesh , whose inhumanity was incorrigible but by force and utmost rigour . but it was not long before their catholick majesties provoided a remedy against these disorders , for they sent to those coasts commissaries to punish those severely they found had been guilty ; and to maintain entire justice among the indians , they gave afterwards many paternal orders for their preservation , of which it was none of the least to exempt them from those severe labours they daily underwent in the mines , and in other things before the discovery of those countries . they sent besides , divines with great zeal to teach them the mysteries of the christian faith ; founded bishopricks at their own expences , and those of the crown , and maintained religious convents for the benefit of that new planted church , without suffering them from the time those vast countries fell into the spaniards hands , even in the absence of their new masters , to want any any thing which 't is a king's duty to supply his subjects withal . in which the government of this state , and the vigilance of its ministers , may in a manner seem to surpass that of the sun it 's self , of the moon and stars , and the influence they have over things below ; for but a few hours , in which the sun's presence lightens one hemisphere ; the other is in confusion , while malice cloaths and covers its self with the darkness of night , and under the mask , as it were , of that obscurity commits murders , robbe●ies , adulteries , and every thing that 's ill , the sun's providence not being able to prevent them , though , indeed , even in the night he spreads some twilight above the horizon , or in the interim leaves the performance of his office to the moon as his vicegerent , and the stars as his ministers , and communicates to them the authority of his rays . from this our world , the kings of spain govern that other in justice , peace , and religion , with the same political happiness the kingdoms of castile enjoy to their satisfaction . but least the envious and enemies of the spanish monarchy should triumph with these their artifices , and that all the calumnies of that book may be entirely overthrown , let us suppose all those evils , which malice has feigned the indians to have suffered , to be true ; and compare them to what have been really undergone in our own time in several wars , as well against genoa , as in germany , burgundy , and lorrain , and 't will appear clearer than light , that that lye comes far short of the truth of these . what cruel torments have tyrants ever invented against innocence , which in these our times we have not seen put in practice , not against inhumane and barbarous people , but civilized nations ; and those not always enemies , but even their own members , without respect to propinquity of blood , or piety towards their country ? how often have we seen auxiliary forces turn their weapons upon them that sent them ? defence been more bloody than open offence ? protection become immediate destruction ; friendship , hostility ? not a stately edifice , not a sacred place , has been spared by fire and sword : in a little time we have seen an infinite number of towns , forts , and cities , buried in their own ashes ; and countries very populous changed into most solitary deserts . nor yet , could that thirst of humane blood be quench'd or satisfied . 't was no new thing then to try pistols and swords upon mens breasts , as bodies of trees , and that not only in the heat of battel , but in cool blood , 't was then a very agreeable spectacle to see the deformed looks , and trimbling limbs of men exspiring . how often have mens bellies ript open served for mangers ? sometimes in those of women ( 't is dreadful to mention it ) their tender embryo's were mixt with straw and oats , and made provender for horses . at the expence of life , 't was try'd , how much water a man's body would hold , or how long one could live without sustenance . nuns were violated , daughters of good families dishonoured , wives ravished in the very sight of their parents and husbands . women , as all other spoil or plunder , were either sold or exchanged for cows or horses , and labourers were put to chariots , and compell'd to draw them as horses ; and to make them discover where their riches lay , hung by the feet and members , and thus let down into hot furnaces . there children were barbarously murdered before their eyes , that paternal affection might in the grief of these their dearest pledges effect what self-love could not oblige them to . in woods and forests where wild beasts find refuge , men could not ; for the blood hounds chased them thence , and brought them to the stake . the deepest lakes we●e not secure from so ingenious cove●ousness and rapine ; the effects of these wretched people were rak'd thence with hooks and nets . not so much as dead mens bones were suffered to rest , tombs and grave-stones were thrown down to search under them for treasures . there 's no magical , no devilish art which they put not in practice to discover their money . many thousand men perished by cruelty and covetousness , not by their own baseness , as the indians , whose extirpation divine justice permitted , for having been so many ages rebels to their creator . i mention not these things to accuse any nation in particular ; for i am assured most , if not all , have acted their parts in this barbarous and inhumane tragedy ; but only to vindicate that of the spaniards from calumny . the sweetest and best fram'd mind is sometimes in danger of transgressing its limits . 't is the weakness of our frail nature , to be subject to commit the most brutish action , if it want the bridle of religion and justice . emblem xiii . the moon supplies the sun's absence , in presiding over night ; upon the various motions , upon the increase and decrease of that , depend the vigor and conservation of things here below ; and although that is as much more beautiful as these be obscure , and of themselves weak , as receiving their being from its light ; yet there 's no one , either upon that account , or for its other innumerable benefits , takes much notice of it , even , at the height of its splendor . but i● it be at any time by the interposition of the earth eclipsed , and discover the defects of its body , not as before illuminated by the sun , but dark and opacous , immediately all mens eyes are upon it , all observe it ; nay , this accident curiosity long before anticipates , and measures its steps every moment . what are princes , but a kind of terrestrial planets and moons , on which that divine sun of justice diffuses its rays for the government of the earth ? for if those stars have power over things , these have over minds . this i imagine made the persian kings endeavour by a sort of false rays to imitate the form of the sun and moon , to make themselves esteemed equal to those planets . sapor , one of them in a letter to the emperor constantius , called himself brother to the sun and moon . princes , their dignity makes conspicuous among other men , as placed in the highest orbs of power and empire , and so exposed to all mens censures . they are coloss● , or vast statues , whose parts can't bear the least disproportion one to another , but others eyes will presently be upon it . they ought therefore to be very circumspect in their actions , since they are the objects of the whole world's attention ; and tho' their good ones pass sometimes without remark , their faults will never escape observation . curiosity employs a hundred eyes , and far more ears , to penetrate princes most secret thoughts . they seem like that stone in zachariah , upon which were seven eyes . for which reason , in the highest grandeur there is least liberty . the prince's hand keeps time in that musical consort , which good and prudent government makes ; if this time be not regular and even , there arises a confusion of voices , and the harmony is disordered in others , in that all follow the motion of that . hence 't is , that states generally resemble their princes , and sooner the ill than the good ; for as subjects use so carefully to observe their vices , they make an impression on their minds , and are easily afterwards imitated out of flattery . for vicious princes not only commit vices themselves , but infuse them into their people , and are more blameable for the example than the fault ; and experience tells us , that bad habits commonly do more mischief than the very best do good ; for such is the perverse inclination of our nature , that it rather studies to imitate vices than virtues . how great , how excellent , were those of alexander the great ? yet , the emperor caracalla strove to resemble him in nothing but that habit he had of leaning hi● head on his left shoulder . though , indeed , some of a prince's vices prejudice himself only ; others affect also the commonwealth , as tacitus has observed in vitellius and otho . yet they are all extreamly prejudicial to subjects by the example they give . our easy tempers are biass'd by princes ; we follow their example , whether they be good or evil , like those wheels in ezekiel's vision , which in all things exactly followed the motion of the cherubims . each action of princes seems to be a command to be obeyed by imitation . subjects imagine they do their prince an agreeable piece of service in imitating his vices , and seeing these are masters of the will ; flattery easily perswades her self this must be the way to gain it . thus tigellinus grew daily more bold and confident , thinking his ill practices would be less unacceptable , if he could engage his prince ( nero ) to be his associate in them . by this means 't is the commonwealth is disordered , and virtue confounded . princes should therefore lead such a life , so form their manners , that all may learn by them to be virtuous and honest ; which advice they have given them by king alphonso , in the sixth of his law. for if vices extinguish the lamp of virtue in a prince , who ought like a beacon to give light to all , and shew them the securest course to sail in , he cannot avoid dashing against rocks the vessel of the commonwealth ; it being impossible for that government to be well ordered , where the prince has abandoned himself to vice : for , says king alphonso , the nature of vice is such , that the more a man uses it , the more he loves it . the people easily slight and contemn laws , if they see him that is the very soul of them not observe them . thus , as the moon 's eclipses prejudice the earth , so the prince's faults are the destruction of his kingdom : for the punishment due to them , god almighty generally inflicts upon the subjects too , and that deservedly , for that in following his example , they make themselves accessary to the same crimes ; as 't is related in scripture of the people of israel under ieroboam . the bare shadow of an ill action , which obscured king roderigo's fame , kept the liberty of all spain in darkness for many years ; wherefore that barbarous custom of the mexicans is in some measure excusable ; who at the inauguration of a new king , obliged him to take an oath he would administer justice , not oppress his subjects ; that he would be in war strenuous and valiant : in a word , that he would † take care the sun continued his course , and preserved his splendor ; that the clouds should give rain , and the rivers water , and that the earth should produce its fruit plentifully . for the sun himself obeys a holy prince , as ioshua experienced for a reward of his virtue , and the earth is more than ordinary fertile out of gratitude , in a manner to the justice of kings towards their people . this is what homer would signify by these verses : the king , who takes religion for his guide ; who does for 's subjects wholesome laws provide ; for him the willing earth shews all its stock , corn , wine , and fruit ; for him the teeming flock brings double births ; the sea opens all its cells : where iustice reigns , their peace and plenty dwells . the goodness of a year is not to be judged of so much by good fruit , as the justice of the prince . and 't is very much the opinion of the vulgar , that those who govern them , are the only cause of their happiness or misery ; nay , they often impute to the prince , even casualities , as the roman people did to tiberius . let not a prince perswade himself that his vice● will be less censured , for suffering them to go unpunished in others , or having them in common with the people , as 't is related witiza did : for though subjects love libertinism , they hate the author of it ; which was the reason it cost him afterwards his life , being by all men hated for his scandalous way of living . what we usually censure in others as highly base and infamous , in our selves we scarce allow to be infirmities of nature . the greatest defect in our selves we easily connive at , but in a looking-glass can't suffer the least spot . such a one is a prince , in whose person his subjects have a view of themselves , nor is any thing more unpleasant to them , than to see him sullied with vice. nero was not at all less infamous for having many companions in his debaucheries ; however he thought thereby to avoid scandal . nor should princes imagine themselves secure from a self-consciousness of their good actions ; for whenever the people can't inform themselves of their actions , they begin nicely to examine them , and always put the worst interpretation upon them ; wherefore 't is not enough for them to do well , but necessary , also , that the means they use have no appearance of evil. and how will that man have any thing secret , who can't be without his own grandeur , and a retinue of courtiers , nor do any thing alone ; whose liberty draws with it so many fetters and golden chains , whose noise every one hears ? this was signified in the person of the high-priest , by those little bells that hung round the bottom of his garment , least he should forget that his steps were exposed to all mens ears . all the guards both within and without a prince's palace , all the courtiers that attend him in his chamber or closet , are so many spies of his words and actions ; nay , and very thoughts , attentively observing all his gestures , and the motions of his countenance , that discoverer of the heart . thus , according to the psalmist's expression , their eyes look unto his hands . but if they observe any failing in a prince , though they pretend to conceal it , yet they love to discover it , either to get the reputation of persons discreet , and well acquainted with the government , or that of zealots . here they look on one another , and no one daring to open his mouth , they speak most by their silence . the secret boils and bubbles within them , agitated by the fervent desire they have of revealing it , till at last it overflows . tongues run to ears . this man discloses it to that , having first obliged him by oath to secrecy ; that in the same manner to another ; so that while no body knows , 't is known to all . thus , as 't were in a moment calumny passes from the closet to the offices , thence to the streets and publick places . but what wonder is it , if this happens among domesticks , when princes are not assured , even , of their own faithfulness , however desirous they are to conceal their vices and tyrannies ; for their own conscience accuses them ; as it happened to tiberius , who could not forbear disclosing to the senate the miseries which he suffered from his crimes . however , princes ought not to be discouraged , if by their industry and diligence they seem not to satisfy every one ; for that is a thing impossible , nor will ever passion , envy , and the so different judgment of the mob concur to commend him , much less can this our frail nature in all things act without fault and error . is any one more careful and sollicitous in giving light to this world , any more perfect than that eye of it , that prince of light , the sun , who gives being , colour , and beauty to all things ? yet notwithstanding the splendor of his rays , curiosity discovers therein i know not what spots and obscurities . this care of the prince to regulate his own life and actions , ought to be extended to those also of his ministers , the representatives of him , in as much as both god and men hold him to be no less obliged to do the one than the other . ● t is not the moon 's defect , what it suffers in an eclipse , but that of the earth , which interposes its shadow betwixt it and the sun ; nevertheless every one imputes it to the moon ; and this shadow only is sufficient to darken its rays , and create so much prejudice to things here below . prince's vices we only attribute to his depraved will ; but to let crimes in his ministers go unpunished , is esteemed baseness of mind . the vehemence of the passions and affections is some excuse for our particular faults , but to indulge them in others , is wholly inexcusable . a vicious prince may have virtuous ministers ; but if he begin to connive with them , both he and they will be bad . hence it sometimes happens , that an ill prince's government may be good , provided he take care others follow not his example : for that rigour suffers not any action to be mimick'd out of flattery , nor lets that natural inclination of the will prevail , by which every one loves to resemble princes by imitating their actions . grant such a prince bad for himself , he will be good for the state. to give absolute liberty to ministers , is wholly to abandon the reins of government . wicked princes are as difficult to be cured as tainted lungs ; in that remedies can't be applied to them . for these consist in hearing and seeing , both which they are equally averse to ; nay , love not that others should hear or see ; at least , their domesticks and ministers , who rather applaud . princes vices , don't suffer it ; but as the ancients were used to make a great noise with brass and cymbals , while the moon was in eclipse ; so they make it their business with musick , and other divertisements , to amuze the prince's mind , chiefly to keep his ears continually employed , least the peoples clamours , or the voice of truth , which discovers cheats , should reach them : and lastly , that the prince being plunged in the same vices with themselves , there may be none to reprove and correct them . emblem xiv . there 's scarce any one instrument can by its self make a work of art entirely perfect . what the hammer can't , the file finishes . yea , faults of the loom the shears ( the body of the present emblem ) correct , and give an additional neatness and beauty to cloath . the censure of others rectifies our manners ; they would be full of knots , did not the tongue clip them off : those whom the law its self can't curb or reform , oftentimes fear of blame only restrain , that being the spur of virtue , and bridle to keep it in the right way . reproofs upon the obedient ears of a prudent prince , are ( as solomon says ) like ear-rings of gold and glittering pearls , wonderfully ornamental and great accomplishments to him . there 's no more mortal enemy to vice than censure , it has far more efficacy than exhortation and instruction ; for exhortation proposes at a distance future fame and glory ; censure immediately accuses what is base and dishonourable , and inflicts present punishment , by divulging the infamy . that incites us to do well ; this not to do ill , and the mind more easily abstains from what is ignominious , than it enterprizes a thing difficult and honourable . in effect , 't is with reason honour is reputed to consist in the opinion of others , that we may dread that opinion , and seeing our actions depend upon each man's judgment , make it our business to satisfy all . thus , although murmur be bad in its self , 't is however good for the state ; in that there 's nothing has more power and influence over magistrates and princes . what would not power dare , did not blame resist it ? what crimes would not that fall into , were there no such thing as this ? there 's no better counsellors in the world than murmurs , for they proceed from experience of evils . could princes hear them , undoubtedly things would succeed better . satyrs and libels i dare not altogether approve , for they generally either exceed the bounds of truth , or give rise to scandals , tumults , and seditions ; however possibly some allowance ought to be made therein , in consideration of the good effects they have . obtrectation is a sign of liberty in a commonwealth , for in that which tyranny oppresses , 't is by no means tolerated . 't is a happy time when you have liberty to think what you please , and speak what you think . 't would be unjust in him that governs to desire to put a door upon his subjects lips , and forbid them to complain under the yoke of their slavery . let them murmur , let them revile , while they let us reign , said pope sixtus v. to those who told him how ill rome spoke of him . indeed , not to be concerned or moved at all by detraction , were to have cast off all sentiments of honour ; than which nothing is worse in a prince , for he then makes a pleasure of infamy ; he ought therefore so to resent them , as thence to learn something , not with a design of revenge . how will one be able to put up greater things , who can't connive at such inconsiderable trifles ? 't was no less virtue in the great captain † to suffer the complaints and clamours of his army at the river garigliano , than undauntedly to withstand so eminent a danger . 't is impossible to repress this license and liberty of the people . those princes are mistaken , who think by their present power to extinguish the memory of the following age , or imagine their majesty is able to gild bad actions . not all nero's liberality , nor feigned piety could wash away his infamy , for having set the city on fire . flattery , 't is true , can take care that slanders come not to the prince's ears , but can't help but there will be slanderers . a prince , who forbids his actions to be spoke of , renders them suspected ; and as the commonalty are apt to presume the worst , they are published for bad . those things are least aggravated , which are not much valued vitellius forbad any one to mention his bad actions ; hence many , who , if they had been at liberty , would have said otherwise , meerly because of the prohibition , spoke more to his disadvantage . a prince ought to pass over commendations and invectives , so as not to be tickled with them , nor by these dejected . if praises please him , and he give ear to them , every one will try to make himself master of his mind by flattery ; if murmurers be a disturbance to him , he will decline difficult and glorious enterprises , and become sluggish in his government . to be vainly puft up at ones praises , is a sign of a slender judgment ; to be offended at every thing , is for private men. to connive at many things is the part of princes ; to pardon nothing , that of tyrants . this , those great emperors , theodosius , arcadius , and honorius , very well knew when they commanded ruffinus , their captain of the guards , not presently to punish the peoples clamours against them ; for , said they , if they proceed from inconstancy , they are to be despised ; if from madness or folly , to be pitied ; if from malice , and a design to injure us , to be pardoned . once , while the emperor charles the v. was at barcelona , an accusation was brought him in writing against some , who had traduced his actions , in order to consult with him about the sentence to be passed upon them ; but he inraged at the person who presented it , threw the paper immediately into the fire , by which he then accidentally stood and burnt it . it belongs , i know , to a prince to inform himself of all things , but nicely to examine each word , is unworthy a generous breast . in the roman republick , actions only were punished , not words . there 's a wide distance between inconsiderately speaking and maliciously acting . the crown would be too thorny , did the least thing prick it thus . that injury , which the person against whom it was designed , don't look upon as such , is very little , if at all offensive . 't is too much easiness in the prince , and a sign he has a mean opinion of himself , to be moved at every trifling report ; and 't is an ill conscience that incites men to punish detracters ; a mind pure and undefiled despises things of that nature . if the aspersion be true , the prince's amendment must wipe it off ; if false , it will of its self disappear . for contempt makes such things wear off ; resentment i● a seeming acknowledgment of them . the roman senate commanded cremutius's annals to be burnt ; which made the people more eager and desirous to read them . 't was the same with the scurrilous pamphlets of vejentus , which were eagerly search'd for , and frequently read , while not to be had without danger , but by being licensed , soon forgot . curiosity submits to no judges , fears no punishment . what is most forbid , it chiefly engages . the very prohibition inhances the value of satyrical pieces ; and when men of wit are punished , their authority increases . no● have those kings , who have used such rigour , procured themselves any thing but disgrace , but to the author's honour and esteem . now , as 't is much for a prince's advantage to know what ill others speak of him , so it is not a little prejudicial to be too ready to hear defamers : for as we easily believe what is accused in others to be true ; 't is very obvious for the prince , either to be deceived , make some unjust resolution , or err in giving judgment . this is a thing very dangerous , especially in courts , where envy , and the gaping after preferment , and the favour of princes , are whet-stones to defamation ; and courtiers are usually like those locusts in the revelations , having mens faces , but lions teeth , with which they gnaw and feed on honour as ears of corn . the holy spirit compares their tongues to a sharp sword ; as also to arrows that privily strike the innocent . david destroyed them as enemies . no court , where they are tolerated , can be at rest ; and their whispers will give the prince no less trouble than publick affairs . the remedy is , not to hear them , setting two porters at the ears , reason and judgment , that they be not opened without considerable occasion . a guard is no less necessary at the ears , than the palace-gates ; and yet princes are mighty sollicitous about these , take little or no care about them . he that gives ear too easily to detracters , makes them audacious . no one traduces others , but before one who loves to hear it . it would do well also to bring these bablers , and the person accused , face to face , telling him what they say , that for the future they may be ashamed to be the authors of discord . this , if i mistake not , is meant by the holy spirit in these words , hedge thy ears about with thorns : that he that should put his mouth to them , to tell malicious stories , might there find his punishment . the prince has reason to be jealous of one , who dares not publickly speak what he is not afraid to whisper ; and although this care may conceal abundance of truths from the prince , which , indeed , 't is for his advantage , there being many domestick things , 't were better for him to be ignorant of than to know , and the best way to banish all defamation in general ; yet , when accusations proceed not from malice , but a kind of zeal to serve the prince , 't is by all means requisite to hear , and well examine them , looking on them as informations absolutely necessary , not only for good government , but his own security also . hence the emperor constantine , in a law for that purpose , assigns a reward to those who would accuse his ministers and domesticks of any real crime . this is absolutely necessary , that the prince may know all that passes in his palace , at his council-board , and in the courts of judicature , where fear stops the mouth , and the favours of the prince conferred by his ministers make the persons gratified dumb , and not dare to discover their faults , as if , forsooth , this were to acknowledge the good office , and to shew their gratitude , which is rather to be esteemed disloyalty and treason : for that obligation they lie under to undeceive their prince , and if they observe his ministers to be faulty to inform him , is a natural obligation of fidelity , and more binding than any other . 't is an infinite prejudice for a prince to distribute his favours by the hands of his favourites ; for these buy , as it were , others a● the price of them , who are assisting to the neglect of their duty , at least approve and defend it ; and thus deluding the prince , are the reason he continues his affection to them . the ancient republicks very sensible how conducive satyrs were to restrain vice by the fear of infamy , allowed them upon publick theatres ; but these from a general censure of mens morals insensibly degenerated into particular reflections , not without considerable injury to the honour of some ; hence proceeded factions , and from them popular insurrections : for as the holy spirit says , a backbiting tongue disturbs the peace , and is the ruin of whole families and cities . so , least the correction of manners should depend on the malice of the tongue or pen , there were instituted censors , who by publick authority took cognizance of every one's behaviour , and corrected their vices . that office was in those times of great use , and continued long in vogue , because its jurisdiction was upheld by modesty ; however in ours 't is impossible to be executed : for pride and libertinism would presently make all the opposition to it imaginable , as they now resist the magistracy , however armed with the best laws in the world and publick authority , and consequently censors would be ridiculous , not without great danger to the state ; there being nothing more hurtful , nothing that makes vice more arrogant and insulting , than for such remedies to be applied to it , as delinquents turn into contempt and ridicule . but as the office of censor was introduced for the reformation of manners , so was it also to register the goods and estates of every citizen , and to take the number of them ; and although that custom prevailed a long time , both among the greeks and latins , with great advantage to the commonwealth , yet at this day 't would be very odious and subject to vast inconveniencies ; for to know so accurately the number and effects of subjects , is of no use , but to burthen them with more taxes and impositions . that numbring of the people of israel under king david , god punished as a most heinous crime : for what is so hard and inhuman , as by publishing and proclaiming every ones estate at once , to discover the advantages of poverty , and expose riches to envy , avarice , and rapine . but if in those states , the office of censor , could heretofore be executed without these inconveniencies ; 't was because its being newly instituted made it generally received and approved , or else because people were then less proud and assuming , less rebels to reason , than in these our times . emblem xv. how i wish i could read on all princes breasts , the symbol of the present emblem , and that as balls of fire flying in the air imitate the splendor of the stars , and shine immediately from their being thrown out of the hand , till they turn to ashes ; so in them also ( for the holy spirit compares them to ● bright fire ) would continually burn the desire of fame ; nor should they much care , for that flames wanting matter to feed on , or that what burns most fiercely , is withal soonest consumed . for though length of life be the common desire of man and beast , yet have these no other end than meer living , but man of living uprightly . 't is no happiness to live but to know how to live , nor does he live most , who lives longest , but who lives best ; for life is not measured by time , but the use that 's made on 't . he , whose life like a star in the midst of a cloud , or like the full moon , shines upon others with rays of bounty and munificence in its season , does undoubtedly live long : as on the contrary , he who lives only to himself , though he lives to a great age , lives but little . the benefits and improvements which flow from a prince upon the state , number the days of his life , those who live without them , oblivion deducts from the sum . titus vespasian , the emperor , calling to mind once at supper , that he had done nothing for any one that day , pronounced that remarkable and justly admired sentence , friend , i have lost a day . and 't is reported of peter , king of portugal , that he was wont to say , that he deserves not to be a king , who does not each day bestow some favour or benefit upon the state. no man's li●●'s so short , but it affords time enough to execute some glorious exploit . a brave spirit in one moment resolves , and in few more executes its resolutions . what matter 's it if he falls in the attempt , if the memory he left behind raises him to life eternal . it only can be called life which is bounded by fame , not that which consists in body and vital warmth , which no sooner begins , but begins to die too . death is naturally equal to all , but is distinguished by the glory or oblivion we leave to posterity . who dying makes renown a substitute for life , lives still . strange force of virtue , which even against nature , makes that which is of its self fading and perishable , immortally glorious . tacitus did not think agricola's life short , though he was snatch'd away in the prime of his years : for his glory prolong'd his life . let no one despise or slight posthumous fame , for in as much as the mind covets it , 't is an acknowledgement that one time or other 't is to be enjoyed ; but they are in the wrong , who think it sufficient , if they leave it behind them in statues , or in posterity ; for in one 't is fading , in t'other 't is none of theirs . that only is their own which springs from actions , which if not extraordinary merit no praise ; for fame is the daughter of admiration . to be born , only to make one in the world , is for the vulgar rout ; 't is for princes to appear perspicuously eminent among others . others study what they think their own interest , but the utmost and only aim of princes should be glory . avarice , and desire of riches , fill their breasts ; but a prince should be inflamed by an ambition of fame . a heavenly heat inspires our prince's veins . virg. a generous spirit knows no mean ; 't will be either caesar , or no body ; either a shining star , or a dark cinder ; nor will this , if honourably extinguished , shine less gloriously on obelisks , than t'other . nor , indeed , is that soul truly great , which , like the best gunpowder fired , does not immediately burst the body that includes it . the breast is too narrow to contain a brisk and active soul. garci sancho , king of navarre , going to ingage the enemy , trembled all over , yet in the fight behaved himself bravely and couragiously . his body dreaded that great multitude of enemies , into which his courage prepared to carry it . let it therefore be the whole aim of a prince to live gloriously , that he may be a light in this world . all other things will come with ease , but fame not without assiduity and application . but if in the beginning of his reign he loses his reputation , he will very difficultly recover it ; for what the people once conceive of him , they will never afterwards forget . he , who sets too great a value upon life , avoids toils and dangers , without which two , honour can never be attained . this tacitus observed in king marabodo , who quitting his kingdom , lazily and shamefully spent his days in italy , losing much of his reputation through a too fond desire of life . let a prince so stere his course , be the sea calm or tempestuous , as still to keep his eye upon that shining beacon of glory ; ever and anon calling to mind ( that he may admit , or think of nothing unworthy himself ) that history will publish his fame , his exploits and glorious atchievements to all ages , and to all nations . princes have no other superior than god , and fame ; they alone by the fear of punishment and infamy oblige them to act honourably ; for which reason they often fear historians more than their enemies , and are more aw'd by the pen than the sword. king balthasar , though he saw only the hand and pen , as yet not knowing what they would write , was so disorder'd , that he quaked all over , and the ioints of his back were loosened . but if they neither regard god nor glory , nothing glorious or honourable can be expected . for who e're slights honour , despises virtue . a generous desire of glory avoids the blemish of vice or injustice . nor is there a more savage brute than that prince , who is neither moved by remorse of conscience , or desire of glory . nor is there , nevertheless , no danger in glory ; for its brightness often dazles princes , and leads them headlong into rashness and temerity . that which seems honourable and glorious to them , is vanity or folly , sometimes pride or envy , and oftentimes ambition and mere tyranny . they propose great matters , egg'd on by the flatteries of their ministers , who set before them many things under the appearance of glory , concealing in the mean time the unjust and inconvenient means by which they are to be attained ; by which being seduced , they oftentimes find themselves deluded and ruined . that glory is safe which springs from a generous spirit , and keeps within the bounds of reason and possibility . since therefore honour and infamy are the strongest excitements to good actions , and that both are by history delivered down to posterity ; 't would be convenient by rewards proposed to excite historians to write , and to countenance typography , the true treasury of glory , where the rewards of grea● actions are deposited to future ages . emblem xvi . 't is an old saying , purple is to be judged by purple ; by which the ancients signified , that things were then best distinguished , when one was compared with the other , especially if they were such as could not easily be distinguish'd by themselves . thus merchants do , who compare colour to colour , that they may shew each other , and that a surer judgment may be given of both . in the temple of iupiter capitolinus , there was a cloak ( a present of some king from persia ) of such an excellent grain , that the robes of the roman ladies , nay , even of the emperor aurelian himself , compared with it , look'd as faint as ashes . if your royal highness , when raised to the crown , would exmine , and know the true worth of the royal purple , expose it not to the false light of flatterers and fawning knaves , for that will never shew you its true colour : nor rely too much upon self-love , for that is like an eye , that sees all things but its self . 't will be therefore necessary , that as eyes are known by their own species , like forms represented in a glass ; so your highness would compare the lustre of your diadem to that of your glorious predecessors , seriously reflecting if any virtues shine more bright in theirs than yours , by viewing your self in them as in a glass . let your highness , i say , compare your own actions to those of your ancestors , and you will easily see the difference between yours and theirs , that you may either give a true colour to their actions , or rejoyce in the worth of your own , if in any thing you happen to have out-done your predecessors . let your royal highness therefore please to consider , whether you equal your father in courage , your grandfather in piety ; philip the second , in prudence ; charles the fifth , in greatness of spirit ; philip the first , in affability ; ferdinand the catholick , in policy ; in liberality , that alphonso , who was nick-named from his broken hands ; in justice , king alphonso the eleventh ; and lastly , king ferdinand the holy , in religion : and that moreover , your highness would be stir'd up by a generous emulation , to a glorious desire of imitating these great men. quintus maximus and publius scipio , were used to say , that when e're they beheld the images of their ancestors , their souls were fired and excited on to virtue : not that they were moved by the meer wax or stone , but that comparing their own actions to those of others , they could not rest till they equall'd them in glory and renown . elogies inscribed on tombs , speak not to the dead , but to the living : they are certain summaries , which for memory's sake , the virtue of the predecessor leaves to the successor . mattathias said , that by calling to mind the actions of their ancestors , his sons should acquire present glory and eternal renown . for which cause also , the high priests , who were princes of the people , wore upon their breasts the virtues of the twelve patriarchs , their predecessors , engraven upon as many stones . in effect , it becomes a prince to vie with his ancestors in glory , not with his inferiors , for 't is no praise to excel them , and to be out-done by them , the greatest scandal . the emperor tiberius observed as law , all the sayings and exploits of augustus . moreover , let your highness compare the purple you wear at present , to that you wore formerly ; for we are oftentimes desirous to forget what we have been , for fear of upbraiding our selves with what we are . let your highness consider , whether you are grown better or worse , for we find it often happens , that at the beginning of their reigns , princes minds are gloriously bent upon the execution of their office , in which afterwards they grow more remiss . almost all begin their reigns with great and glorious spirits ; but at last by degrees , either they sink under the weight of affairs , or grow effeminate by luxury and ease , with which they easily suffer themselves to be taken , forgetting they are obliged to keep and preserve their once gotten glory . this very thing tacitus remarks in the emperor tiberius , that at last , after a long experience in affairs , he was altered and ruined by the mere force of government . a long reign creates pride , and pride the hatred of the people ; as the same author observes in king vannius . many begin their reigns with extraordinary modesty and justice , but few continue so ; because their ministers are flatterers , by whom they are taught to act boldly and unjustly . as it happened to vespasian , who in the beginning of his reign was not so much bent upon injustice , until by the indulgence of fortune and advice of evil counsellors , he learnt it . let your highness compare not only your own virtues and actions , but those of your ancestors with one another , by confronting the purple of some stain'd with vices , to that of others glossy and shining with great and noble actions : for examples never move us more than when they are confronted one with another . let your highness compare the royal robe of king † hermenigildus , with that of peter the second , king of arragon ; one glittering with stars , and died with blood , which he had gloriously spilt in the war against leuvigildus , his father , who was infected with the arrian heresy ; the other trampled under the feet of horses in a battle at girone , when he brought succours to the albigensians in france . let your highness cast your eyes back upon past ages , and you will find spain ruined by the licentious lives of the kings , witiza and roderick , but recovered again by the piety and courage of pelagius . you 'll see peter deposed , and killed for his cruelty ; and his brother , henry the second , advanced to the crown for his singular mildness . you 'll see the glorious infant , ferdinand , blessed by heaven with many kingdoms , for that he would not accept of that of his grandson , king iohn the second , although there were those who freely offered it him : on t'other side , the infant sancho accused by his own father of disobedience and ingratude , before pope martin the fourth , for that he would have usurped the throne in his life-time . this comparison your highness may follow as a sure guide in the management of your affairs ; for , though by discourse and conversation you may know the lustre and brightness of heroick exploits , as also the baseness and infamy of ill actions ; yet all these move us not so much , considered in themselves , as in those persons , whom they have made glorious in the world , or despicable . emblem xvii . a tree bedeck'd with trophies , is still a trunk as afore ; those which were an honour to others , are but a burthen to it . so truly , the glorious exploits of ancestors are but a shame and disgrace to the successor , unless he imitates the same . nor does he inherit their glory , but their actions only , by an imitation of which he will obtain the other . just as light is reflected from a diamond , because it finds substance , but quickly pierces glass which is thin and transparent ; so if the successor be stout and brave , the glory of his predecessors adds yet a greater lustre and brightness to him ; but if like thin and paultry glass , he can't withstand the lustre , it serves only to discover his vile and abject soul. the actions of ancestors , which are only examples to others , are laws to the successor , for the whole esteem and prerogative of nobility is grounded upon this supposition , that the descendants will imitate the actions of their forefathers . he , who vainly boasts of these without imitating them , only shews the difference between himself and them . no one is to be blamed for not equalizing the actions of them to whom he bears no relation . for this reason , the nobility of rome were wont to place before their doors the statues of the illustrious men of their families , that they might shew to posterity what obligation they lie under . bodislaus the fourth , king of poland , always wore his father's picture in gold about his neck ; and whenever any affair of great consequence was to be determined , he put it to his mouth , and kissing on 't , with veneration us'd to say , god grant i may never do any thing unworthy your royal name . how many such medals of your heroick ancestors might your highness find ? which would never permit you to act any thing beneath their royal blood ; nay , would rather encourage and excite you to out-do them in glorious exploits ? now , if this emulation of ancestors enflame the minds of the nobility , they certainly deserve the principal employments in the state. for as 't is likely those should be best who proceed from the best ; as also presumption and experience teach , for eagles hatch eagles , and lions beget lions . and oft-times self-worth and fear of infamy stirs up noble thoughts in the mind . yet , i grant that this rule holds not always good , either because nature can't do what she would , or because of ill education and effeminacy ; or because mens souls themselves are not equally noble and generous , but act differently according to the affection of the body , in which they are as 't were drowned . there are some too , who seem only to inherit the trophies and glory of their ancestors , without their virtues , and are in all things wholly different from them . of this we have an example in the eagles themselves , who altho' they commonly breed eagles ; yet there are some , who think that ostriches are a certain species of them , tho' wholly degenerate , having neither the generosity , strength , nor swiftness of an eagle ; this fine bird being transformed into a loathsome dull animal . 't is scarce credible how prejudicial 't is to the publick good , without any discretion or regard to merit , to elect only the nobility into publick offices , as though the experience and virtue of ancestors ran in the blood to posterity . industry will languish , virtue will grow sluggish and lazy , if only grounded upon nobility , which will look upon rewards as its just due ; nor will the hopes of obtaining , or the fear of losing them , be a means to make them act honourably : which very argument tiberius used to the senate to perswade them not to assist the family of m. hortalus , which tho' very ancient , was fallen to poverty . in time of peace , indeed , men of great and noble families may be well preferred to places of the greatest authority , in which the splendor and reputation of the family is of great advantage . in military offices the case is alter'd , for these require activity and strength both of mind and body : but if these are found in the nobility , though not in altogether so great perfection as in others , the merits of their ancestors , or the common esteem and respect of men will easily compensate for the rest , yet can they by no means supply an intire defect . for this reason tacitus deservedly ridiculed the election of vitellius , when he was sent to command the legions of lower germany ; not considering his incapacity for such an office , it seem'd enough that he was the son of vitellius , who had been for three times consul . tiberius acted not so in the beginning of his reign , he conferr'd honours respecting both the nobility of the family , the excellency of the person in the art of war ; as also his worth in time of peace , that it might appear he did not without reason prefer one before another . i grant that the esteem and authority of nobility may do much in war ; but 't is not that , but bravery and industry that routs the enemy . the germans formerly chose their kings for their nobility , but their generals for their valour . then arms flourish when valour and virtue are in esteem , and in possession of the greatest posts in the army ; in which they may either acquire nobility , or enlarge and illustrate that which they have already . the hope of this furnisht past ages with brave heroick generals ; but where this is wanting , art military is neglected and slighted ; for nothing but the honour of preferment in the army can recompence the inconveniences and perils of war. nor is it true as some suppose , that the greatest respect and obedience is paid to those of the noblest families ; for if they are not qualified with these two great qualities , conduct and valour , all the deference paid to their blood will be only meer ceremony , not real respect . the heart values and admires only such a virtue and greatness of soul , as is the maker of its own fortune . columbus gave laws to the ocean , and herman cortez , to the new world ; these , though they did not spring from illustrious families , yet did they procure a nobility for their posterity , equal to those of the greatest rank . the most noted rivers take their rise and beginning from the smallest rivolets , and a little after take their name and glory from the channel . in war , where courage and bravery are most esteem'd , 't will be expedient to promote those to the highest honours who have merited it by noble exploits , though they are perhaps but of mean extraction ; yet , in time of peace , 't will be very dangerous for a prince to commit the government to mean and worthless persons ; 't will immediately incense the noble and brave against him for slighting and mistrusting their i●tegrity . which then chiefly happens , when the subject is not endowed with good natural parts , not when he is cried up and admired by all , the obscurity of birth being sufficiently brightned by the excellent endowments of mind . we see many , who seem to be born of themselves , as tiberius used to say of curtius rufus . to such as these claudian's praise of a good choice of ministers is well adapted . mirit , not birth , he does prefer † ; nor cares he whence , but what they are . but if the nobility be corrupted by ease and luxury , 't were adviseable to reform it by rewards and exercise , rather than to institute an entire new set . silver and gold are easily purified and clean'd , but to make gold out of silver , is a vast labour beyond the art of chymistry to perform . henry the fourth , was therefore very ill advised by some to ruin all the grandees of his kingdom , and to promote those of mean fortune . though the licentiousness and disobedience of the nobility may sometimes require that it be a little humbled ; for too much greatness begets pride , and an aversion to subjection and obedience . the weakest always seek justice and equity , but the stronger trouble not themselves with it ; and the people are generally more quiet , when there are no great ones to protect them , and to foment their innovations . for this reason , the laws of castile don 't allow two great and noble families to incorporate , that so the estate might be more divided , and that it might not creat jealousy and envy among others . there are ways under the pretext of honour and favour to remedy excess of riches , in giving opportunity of employing it to the service of the prince and people . but prodigality and luxury are now grown to that height , that there is no occasion for such means ; for all the nobility are so much straitned by debts , and necessary expences , that they want means to execute such thoughts , or to attempt innovation . while they would be great beyond what they can , they become even less than what they are . 't is certain , that the noblest and most renowned families are ruined by a desire of grandure and magnificence . but as too much riches are dangerous , so also is extream poverty . for when any of these great ones have squandred away their estates , they presently set up for innovation . emblem xviii . virtue has given empire to many , vice to few . in these the scepter was a violent and dangerous usurpation , in those a just title and lasting succession . virtue by a certain occult and secret force , does as 't were compel men to love and admire it . the elements obey the heavens for the perfection and excellency of them ; so men too think none worthy the sovereign power , but those of sovereign justice and virtue . for which cause , cyrus thought no one was fit to govern , but he who was better than those he governed . subjects pay more reverence to a prince , in whom they discern more than ordinary endowments of mind ; the greater they are , the greater is their respect and esteem , for all believe that to such a prince , god is more propitious and ready to assist him in all things , and to direct his government . 't is this alone made ioshua's name celebrated all the world over . all the actions and counsels of a good prince the people receive with joy , and through a certain zealous confidence promise themselves success from them ; but if it fall out otherwise , they persuade themselves that for some supernatural and unknown reasons 't is convenient it should be so . for the same cause among some nations , the high priests were kings , that the people receiving holy ceremonies and divine worship from them , might acknowledge in them a certain more sublime nature , more allied and familiar to god himself , which as a mediatrix they might make use of in their prayers , and against which they durst not attempt any thing . the crown upon aaron's mitre attracted the eyes and desires of all . iacob worshipped ioseph's scepter , on the top of which was a stork , the emblem of piety and religion . let none imagine that the time is lost , which a prince employs in the exercise of goodness and virtue ; nay , god does then chiefly dispose and direct the events of things . ferdinand antoline was at his devotions , while count garcias fernandez fought the moors at the river duero , and an angel in his likeness supplied his place in the fight , by which he not only escaped the discredit of not being at the battel , but also gained the chiefest praise of honour of the victory . something like this is related of that renowned general , count tilly , that true christian ioshua , not less holy and religious , than warlike and brave , that while he was at prayers , the army was drawn up by another in his shape . the emperor , ferdinand the second , had more standards and trophies presented to him in the time of divine service , than many of his ancestors had gained from the enemy . the israelites stood still , and god wrought wonders for them . that crown , which like ariadne's shines with refulgent stars of virtue , shall last to eternity . the emperor septimus told his sons as he was dying , that he left them a firm and lasting empire if they were good ; if wicked , but of short continuance . king ferdinand , who from his great virtues , was sirnamed the great , did by these wonderfully increase the glory of his kingdom , and establisht it to posterity . his piety was so great , that when the body of st. isidore was carried by sevil , he and his sons , barefoot , carried these holy relicks from the river durio , quite to st. iohn's church in the city . for 't is god by whom kings reign , and upon whom all their power and felicity depends ; they could never err , if they would make him their only object . the rays of the sun never forsake the moon ; she , as if she knew she received all her light from the sun , looks on him continually , that she may be enlightned by him ; which princes must so imitate , that they may always have their eyes fixt upon that eternal light , which affords light and motion to the world , and from which empires take their encrease and decrease , as is intimated in the present emblem by the scepter , on the top of which is the moon looking towards the sun , the true emblem of god , as well because no other thing comes nearer his omnipotency ; as also , because that alone gives light and being to all . which 'cause it solely all surveys , is properly call'd sol. boet. for there is no power but from god . kings are crowned in his eternal mind before they are here on earth . he , who gave the orbs coelestial first motion , gives it also to empires and republicks . he , who has appointed a king over bees , has not left meerly to chance or humane choice , these second causes of princes , who are his vice-roys upon earth , and as like him as may be , being represented in the revelations by those seven planets , which god held in his hand ; upon them he darts his divine rays , the reflection of which gives them the utmost power and authority over their subjects . without that splendor , all power , how great soever , is in a manner dark ; the prince who slighting this light , shall follow another , an appearance may be of some good , which his own convenience , not right reason offers , will soon see the orb of his power eclips'd and darken'd . what e'er avoids the sun , must necessarily be in darkness . the moon , although it finds its self oft'times quite dark , does not therefore turn away from the sun , but looks on 't with so much the more eagerness , till at last 't is again enlightned by it . let a prince hold his scepter fixt and steady , having always a regard to virtue , as well in prosperity as adversity : for the same divine sun , which either for punishment or exercise of his virtues , permitted his decrease , as a recompence of his constancy will again promote and encrease his greatness . thus 't was with the emperor , ferdinand the ii. who was often reduced to that extremity of fortune , that his empire and life too seem'd desperate . yet he was resolved never wholly to despair , nor to turn his eyes from that eternal sun , the maker and governor of all things , whose divine providence freed him from all perils , and advanced him far above all his enemies . moses's rod , which was the emblem of a scepter , did wonders whilst he held it● in his hand upright t'wards heaven ; but as soon as he cast it upon the ground , 't was turn'd into a venomous serpent , dreadful even to moses himself . whilst the scepter , like iacob's ladder , touches heaven , god himself supports it , and angels descend to its assistance . this the egyptians knew , who on the top of their scepters were used to engrave the head of a stork , a religious bird , and pious t'wards its parents ; but on the bottom , the foot of a sea-horse , an impious and ungrateful animal , which plots to kill his father , that he may the more freely enjoy his mother . by which hieroglyphick they meant nothing , but that princes ought always to prefer piety to impiety . machiavel would have his prince to learn this hieroglyphick , but in quite another sence , for he would have piety and impiety placed at each end , that he might turn it as he pleased , and hold that upwards which tended most to his preservation and advantage . for which reason , he thinks 't is not necessary for a prince to be virtuous , 't is enough if he pretends to be so ; for to be really so , and to act according to the dictates of virtue , would , he says , be pernicious ; but that 't is most advantageous to be thought so ; for by this means he will be so disposed , as to know how to shift upon occasion , and so to act in all things as advantage or opportunity shall require : and this , he says , is principally necessary for princes new●● come to the crown , who ought to be quick and ready to spread their sails to every breath of fortune , and as necessity requires . impious and foolish counsel , that would insinuate that virtues need not be real and genuine , but only counterfeit and imaginary , for how can the shadow be as effective as the substance ? what art or pains can bring chrystal to that perfection , as it shall equal the diamond in lustre and brightness ? won't any one at first sight discover and laugh at the cheat. a true glory takes root and flourishes , tha● which is not , falls like blossoms ; nor can any thing be lasting that is counterfeit . there 's no art or cunning so great , as to make a vicious inclination appear truly good and virtuous . for if we so easily fail in real virtues so agreeable to our nature and inclination , what shall we do in false and imaginary ones ? how will the subjects , when they discover the cheat , be able to endure the stench of this sepulchr● of abominable vices , without any ornament of goodness ? how can they turn their eyes from that inward wound , when the patch under which it lurk'd being drawn off , 't is openly exposed to the sight of all ? whence a prince will be contemptible and ridiculous to his own people at home , and suspected by foreigne● abroad . he will be surely odious to both , for neither can live securely under him . nothing renders tyra●ny more grievous than when the prince dissembles virtue . for from thence oft-times greater vices spring , for this reason many were afraid of otho , when he stood candidate for the empire . when a prince is known to be wicked and vicious , 't is easy to beware of him , but not so when he dissembles . open vice may be imputed to frailty of nature ; but pretended virtue is only cheat and design ; not accidental , but premeditated injustice ; so that 't is more pernicious than open vice. as tacitus remarks in sejanus , there is no greater villainy , than under pretence of virtue to exercise vice . 't is a certain weakness to be openly wicked , but to counterfeit virtue is true villainy . men more easily dispence with other vices , but all loath hypocrisy ; for by them we only deceive our selves , but by this , others too . nay , good actions are despised if artificial , and not the product of virtue . vitellius did many things to curry favour with the people , but those things which would have been really acceptable , had they proceeded from a principle of virtue , were ( by the memory of his former course of life , and because every one saw that they were feigned and forced ) look'd upon as base and vile . and , pray , who would dissemble virtue , if it cost the same pains to do so , as to be really virtuous ? if virtues themselves , by reason of the wickedness of manners , have scarce strength and power to subsist , how then should the false and counterfeit ? who e'er puts more confidence in these tricks than in divine providence , denies that he receives his crown and preservation from god , and that he is the disposer of rewards and punishments . if a prince's vices proceed from weakness , and not from affection , 't is best to conceal them , that they may not give ill examples ; for to conceal them on that account , ought not to be accounted hypocrisy , or a design to cheat others , but rather prudence , and an esteem and respect due to virtue . there 's no curb or restraint to that power which does not veil its tyrannies with some pretence or other . the senators never feared tiberius , more than when they saw him without dissimulation . yet tacitus writes of piso , that he was cried up by the people for virtues , or something resembling them . i don't mean by this , that virtues are the same in a prince , whether feigned or real ; but that the people are sometimes deceived , and take hypocrisy for virtue . therefore how much more firm and lasting would piso's fame have been , had it been supported by real and solid virtues . the same inconveniences arise if a prince is possest of real virtues , but such as he will easily change for his conveniency ; for that cannot be virtue , which is not a firm and constant habit of the mind , nor will it inhabit such a breast with fears , not upon any prospect of advantage to turn it into vice , and joyn with villainy . and how can this ever be convenient for a prince ? and what case or circumstance can require it , especially in these our times , when rule and empire are established upon sure laws ; not depending as in the roman's time , upon the election and insolence of the soldiers . no danger can be so great , that a prince by prudent virtue may not avoid without having recourse to vice. if at any time a prince renown'd for virtues be vanquished , 't is not because he was good , but because he knew not enough how to be good . a just prince is not obliged hastily and rashly to confront and oppose vice , where there is no prospect of advantage , but certain and manifest danger from this over-diligence ; nay , 't is a piece of great prudence to permit and suffer that quietly , which by opposition can't be prevented . let him dissemble the knowledge of their vices , till he finds a convenient time to remedy them ; and in the mean time reward the good , and punish the bad , and use such other means as prudence shall suggest ; but if these are not sufficient , let him leave it to his successor , as tiberius did , when he saw he could not reform the manners of his time . for if through fear , a prince should by doing ill conform himself to the life and manners of ill men , he would not only not bring them into the way of virtue , but would at the same time mislead the good , so that both would grow worse ; virtue in a prince is never dangerous , but rash zeal and severity often is . villains don't hate a prince for being good , but , because , for his too strict severity they can't be wicked and lewd . there 's no body but desires a just prince ; the worst have need of such a one , that justice may flourish , by which they may live not only secure from others , but from one another too . this seneca meant , when , that he might perswade nero from incestuous conversation with his mother , he threatned him that the incest was divulg'd by his mother , who gloried in 't , and the so●diers would not endure so vicious a prince . nay , so necessary are virtues to a prince , that without some vices themselves can't subsist . nor did s●janus endear himself to tiberius by other means , than by mingling virtues with vices . such a mixture of virtues and vices one might see in lucinius mucianus ; in v●spasian also , there were many notable vices ' as well as virtues . this is certain , sejanus's favour with tiberius had been much more secure ; and vespasian and mucian , had been much more accomplished princes , if substracting their vices , their virtues only had remained . if it be convenient for a prince to be vicious , that he may distinguish the good from the bad , 't will be sufficient only to know how to be so , without being practically so . let him therefore be virtuous , but let him be so circumspect and prudent , that no cheat or knavery may scape him , no villany but which he may see through ; so by throughly observing each man's manners , and way of life , he may govern them the better . and in this sense may their opinions be taken , who think that princes are so much the more secure , by how much they are more wicked than their subjects . this sort of vice relating to the knowledge of wickedness , is very expedient to know how to chastise , and also to bear with humane frailties : without that knowledge , severe virtue is too rigid and dangerous for government . whence 't is , that in a prince manly virtues are most requisite , such as are appropriated to empire , not those monastick melancholy ones , which make him timorous , slow , and unsteady in his resolutions , averse to humane conversation , and more intent upon his own private perfections than the government of the publick . the greatest perfection in a prince , is to answer the obligations laid upon him by god almighty . machiavel would not have a prince counterfeit virtues at certain times only , but he endeavours also to establish a sort of policy upon vice , by shewing how by help of this , the other may be advanced to the highest pitch ; and by asserting that men are ruined , because they know not how to be wicked ; as if there might be a certain science to be form'd of it . this doctrine has made many princes tyrants , and ruined them . men are not ruin'd , because they know not how to be wicked , but because wickedness it self can't long defend its self ; for there is no villainy so cunning and cautious , as to prevent its self from being caught at last in its own snares . what skill can instruct a man to keep a sound judgment in his vices , whose sins trouble his conscience , which though 't is in us , yet by a certain divine impulse operates without us , being both judge and executioner of our actions : whose tyranny nero felt after he had commanded his mother to be kill'd , fearing that the light which gave life to others , brought his death . the most resolv'd spirit sometimes hesitates , and is confounded at the sight of villainy : so it happened to sejanus , when he plotted to extinguish the family of tiberius ; he was confounded by the greatness of the crime . god taketh the wise in their own craftiness . vice is ignorance , opposed to prudence ; 't is a violence that toils to its own ruin ; 't is a dangerous building which falls upon his head who built it . no judgment is so great as to correct lesser tyrannies by greater ; and to what a vast bulk might men raise it ? that very example of iohn pagola of peru , which machiavel makes use of to confirm his assertion , makes it evident enough how dangerous 't is to walk upon those precipices , when though he had procured the death of pope iulius the second , he could by no means accomplish his villainy . the same also befel d. valentine , whom he proposes as an idea as 't were to princes ; for he , that he might upon the death of pope alexander the sixth , secure his own affairs , drank to some of the cardinals of the contrary faction in a bowl of poison , but the cups being by mistake changed , he and alexander drank the poison , upon which the pope died suddenly , and valentine was so ill upon 't , that he could not be present at the conclave , ( which mischance all his cunning could not foresee and prevent ) whence it happen'd too , that whom he desired was not elected , and he himself lost all that he unjustly possessed in romania . divine providence does not permit tyrants to thrive in their designs : 't is virtue only that has the power to make god propitious to us , not wickedness . if any tyrant has long enjoy'd his unjust usurpations , 't is the effect of some eminent virtue or natural endowment , which hides his vices , and makes him obey'd by the people . but malice ascribes this to tyrannical artifices , and from examples of that nature , picks out some impious and erroneous maxims of state , to the ruin both of princes and empires . besides , all don't reign , who have the scepter in their hands , or the crown upon their heads ; for divine justice , though it leaves them the kingdom , takes away the command , by permitting them to be slaves to their passions , and their ministers , and to be oppressed by misfortunes and seditions . so was samuel's prediction to saul fulfilled , that as a punishment for having disobeyed god , he should be no more king : for though he lived and died king , yet was his reign but perfect slavery . emblem xix . in the games of vulcan and prometheus , several persons being placed in a row imployed themselves thus : the first came out with a lighted torch in his hand , which he gave to the second , and he to the third , and so from one to t'other ; whence came th● proverb , cursu lampada trado ; apply'd to those things which past as 't were by succession from one to another . in which sense lucretius , et quasi cursores vitai lampada trado . which he seems to have borrowed from plato , when perswading men to propagation , he says 't is necessary , that life which men received from their predecessors , they should like a flaming torch deliver down to posterity . what else is a scepter , but such a torch as this , which passes by succession from one to another ? what is it therefore that majesty assumes to its self in this so short and transitory greatness ? many things are common to a prince with other men , there 's but one thing , and that accidental too , which makes the difference . all those don't humble his mind , yet does this single accident puff him up above others . let him think that he is a man , and that he governs men ; let him consider well that he comes upon this great theatre of the world to act the part of a prince ; and that he having his discharge , another shall succeed to those robes which he shall leave ; and that of both of them only this will remain , that they once were . lastly , let him know that these robes wherewith he is cloathed , are not his own , but the states , which that only lends him , that he may be a while its head , and may consult for the preservation , increase , and prosperity thereof , as we have said before . when therefore a prince has once begun to run the race of this life , furnished with the lighted torch of his state ; let it not be his only business to prolong his race , for the goal is already fixt beyond which he can't go ; and who knows but that he may be now very near it , the flame being exposed to every blast of wind. one single gale wrenched it from the hands of king henry the first , er'e he was fourteen years old . also a fall from a horse prevented prince iohn , son of their most catholick majesties from taking hold on 't . let a prince consider also the fitness of his hand , the occasion and right , that he mayn't rashly grasp at more of these torches , than either succession or lawful election shall grant him . had frederick , count palatine , considered this , he had never lost his electoral dignity , his places , and titles so unfortunately , for being ambitious of the kingdom of bohemia . and truly charles , king of naples , had ended his race more successfully , had he been contented with the torch of his own kingdom , and not attempted to grasp at that of hungary , where he was therefore poisoned . let not a prince too readily trust his torch to another , nor suffer any one to touch it with so great authority . for empire admits of no companion . the infant sancho attempted to snatch this torch from his father , king alphonso the wise , by the same power and authority which he receiv'd from him . nor were there wanting pretences for the infant of portugal , to attempt the same against his father , dionysius . these torches of kingdoms lighted by ill methods , are commonly soon extinguish'd , for no power acquired by wickedness is lasting . king garcias forc'd his father , alphonso , to quit his kingdom , but could not enjoy the crown so gotten above three years . fruela the third , possess'd but fourteen months the kingdom which he had attain'd rather by force than election . violent counsels h'an't always their desired success . ramon hop'd certainly to inherit the throne of navarre , if he could make away with his brother sancho ; but the people abhorr'd him who had conceiv'd such a horrid villainy , and so offer'd it to sancho , king of arragon , his uncle . let not a prince unadvisedly trust his torch out of his own hands in his life-time , least , if he should afterwards repent , it should befal him , as it did king alphonso the fourth , who having once resign'd his kingdom to his brother ramiro , could never afterwards retrieve it , though he desir'd it . ambition while in possession regards not justice , having always arguments and pretences at hand to defend it self . and who will not be mov'd by the difference between commanding and obeying . though these torches do pass from father to son , yet let kings remember that they receive them from god , and that when he pleases they are to surrender them to him , that they may know to whose gift they ought to ascribe them , and how strict an account they are to give of them . this king ferdinand the great did , who with his last breath pronounc'd these words , thine , o lord , is power , empire is thine ; thou art supream king of kings ; all things are under thy providence . the kingdom which from thy hand i receiv'd , unto thee i resign . the same words did king ferdinand the holy , use at the point of death . 't is a glorious , though laborious race which heaven has design'd for your royal highness , which must be run not with one , but with several torches of shining diadems , which like the sun , but without ever leaving us in the dark , will diffuse their extended light from east to west . furious winds rising from each part of the horizon , will perhaps threaten them ; but since god has lighted them to preceed the standard of the cross , and to give light upon the holy altars of the church , it may well be hop'd that these may shine like that ; especially if your highness's faith and holy zeal , would by holding them upright , make their flame burn more clear and bright , its natural tendency being towards heaven ; and he who holds them obliquely , will make the flame its self feed upon and wast them , but he who turns 'em directly downwards , opposite to heaven , will immediately extinguish them ; for the matter which would else nourish them , will then extinguish them . let your highness therefore take care with these lights to finish your course with glory , and surrender them bright and flaming to your successor , not meerly such as you receiv'd them , but illustrated and augmented with new rays : for god weighs both kingdoms and kings when they begin to reign , that he may afterwards require a just account from them ; thus he did with king balthazar . and if otho thoguht himself oblig'd to deliver up the empire to posterity , such as he had receiv'd it from his ancestors ; your highness must acknowledge no less an obligation deriv'd to you from your glorious predecessors . so the emperor , charles the fifth , resign'd his while he was yet living , to his son philip the second : and though the wickedness of some can't attend the end of their career , for fear of adverse winds already rais'd , as was the case of alphonso , king of naples , who seeing he could not resist charles the eighth of france , surrendred the crown to his son ferdinand , duke of calabria ; yet certain 't is , that his design was to make a timely restitution of his crown to god , and prepare himself for another , not temporal but eternal one , which once obtain'd may be securely enjoy'd without fear of ever being lost . emblem xx. among the ceremonies of the athenians at their marriages , a certain little boy , with a basket of bread in his hand , and a crown of thorns upon his head , went before the bridegroom ; by which , i believe , they intimated that matrimony was not instituted for pleasure only , but also for cares and labours . by the same ( if emblems will admit human figures ) might also be meant a prince . for what thorny cares does not he feel , who endeavours to maintain his state in justice , peace , and plenty . what difficulties does he experience ? what dangers is he liable to , who commands other ? his fatigues should be the peoples rest , his dangers their security , his vigilance their sleep . but we have here represented the same thing by a crown , fine , indeed , and charming to ●ight , but within full of thorns and briars ; with this motto of seneca the tragedian . false good ! what cares dost hide , under the appearance of a gay outside ? who viewing those pearls and diamonds , and those flowers which adorn a crown , would not fancy that the inside was much more fair and beautiful ; yet is there nothing but sharp thorns , which continually prick and scratch the head and breast ? there is not a pearl in a crown , but which is sweat ; nor a ruby , but which is blood ; nor a diamond , without some asperity or roughness ; 't is a circumference without a center of rest , a perpetual motion of cares * ; for this reason kings anciently wore a crown made like a ship , to represent its inconstancy , trouble , and dangers † . this he well knew , who , when a crown was offered him , laid it down , with these words , let him take thee up , who does not know thee . instead of crowns they at first us'd fillets , not as a badge of majesty , but only to bind and preserve the head . so heavy are the cares of a crown'd head , that it had need to be fore-arm'd ; for to reign is nothing but three continual sighs and toils , in preserving , acquiring , and losing . therefore did the emperor , mark anthony , say , that empire was the greatest of troubles . princes are born to labours , let them therefore inure themselves thereto . the kings of persia had a chamberlain , who wak'd them betimes in the morning with these words , arise , o king , to look after the affairs of your kingdom . some princes now-a-days would not endure such disturbance , for they perswade themselves that ease , voluptuousness , and vices , are the rewards of princes , but that the shame and disgrace thereof belong to others . whereas some princes shamefully neglect their duty , it is because ( as we shall mention elsewhere ) they take the kingdom for their inheritance and propriety , which they may use as they please , and think that their authority and sovereign power is subject to no laws , but altogether free to act as it list ; in which flattery encourages them , insinuating that without that freedom and liberty of living , a kingdom would be the worst of slavery , more intolerable than the meanest condition of subjects . whence resigning themselves to luxury and pleasure , their strength and spirits flag , and themselves become wholly unfit for government . hence , i believe , it is , that among so many princes , there are so very few good governors , not that they want natural parts , for in those they usually exceed others , as being born of better blood ; but because that through ease and luxury they don't make use of them ; nor do their courtiers suffer it , for they make their fortunes with more ease under a negligent than careful prince . the remedy against these inconveniencies consists chiefly in two things ; the first is , that a prince , should from his youth , as soon as he has the use of reason , be accustomed to the management of affairs , even before the death of his predecessor ; thus god did with ioshua . and if in matters of concern and trust , it be not convenient , for reasons which i shall shew in the last emblem but one ; yet in other things it is , that his mind may be diverted from debauchery . this made the roman senate introduce their youth to their consultations . by the benefit of this many popes nephews , though they have been admitted very young to the administration of affairs , have in a few years made experienc'd statesmen . the other is , that those that are near the prince , should dexterously endeavour to root out of his mind certain vain opinions of his greatness , and let him know that 't is the common consent of all that gives power and authority to the scepter , for nature made no kings . that his purple is an emblem of blood , which he should be ready upon occasion to shed for the people ; that it was not given to breed and nourish the mo●h● of vices : that he is born a prince by chance ; that virtue only is the proper good of man ; that his dominion is government , not absolute power , and that his vassals are subjects not slaves . this document the emperor claudius gave to meherdatus , king of persia . let them advise the prince so to do by those whom he governs , as he would be done to were he a subject ; so gaiba instructed piso when he adopted him his son . no prince was ever elected only to be so , but that being so he might be serviceable to the rest . king antigonus considering this , advis'd his son not to abuse his power , not to be proud or use his subjects ill , knowest thou not , my son , said he , that our kingdom is but a noble slavery . upon this the woman grounded her answer to the emperor rodolphus , who telling her he was not at leasure to hear her : then , says she , you are no more emperor . subjects are not born for the king , but the king for the subjects . 't would be too hard a bargain for them to sell all their liberty to the king , if in return they could not promise themselves justice and protection from him , to which end they voluntarily submitted themselves to his command . the romans in their triumphs were crown●d with their own shields , made into the circular form of a crown , whence were introduc'd the diadems of the saints , who were victorious against the common enemy . a prince deserves not a crown , unless also he use it as a shield to ward the stroaks of adverse fortune from his subjects . to reign is rather an office than a dignity , an authority of a father over his children ; and if the subjects find not that fatherly care and affection in the prince , they owe him no respect or filial obedience . king ferdinand the holy , look'd upon his government as an office , which consisted in protecting his subjects , in administring justice , in chastising vice , and procuring the enlargement of his territories ; not sparing any pains for its advantage , and according to this he always acted . princes are ( as we shall observe elsewhere ) like mountains , as well because they are nearer the favours of heaven ; as because they should receive all injuries of the weather upon themselves , being depositaries of ice and snow , which melting , should flow thence , and water and refresh the droughty fields and valleys beneath , and by the shade of their bodies defend them from the scorching : heat of the sun . for this reason , the scriptures call princes giants , for they that are born to sustain the weight of government , had need be of a more than ordinary stature : they are giants which must undergo fatigues and groans ( as iob says ) under the waters , by which are meant people and nations . they are the corners which sustain the whole fabrick of the state . a prince , who believes he is not born to do this for his subjects , and does not prepare himself to shelter them from the injuries of the weather , dwindles from a mountain to a valley ; nay , 't is unlawful for him whom heaven has design'd to govern others , to regard his own ease and quiet . wamba being elected king of the goths , and refusing the crown , a certain captain with his drawn sword threatned to stab him unless he accepted it ; shall you alone , says he to him , oppose the will of the whole nation , and prefer your own private ease to the publick good ? for this reason , the states of guadalajara would not suffer king iohn to resign his kingdom to his son henry , he being too young , and himself having a constitution fit for government . hence 't is evident , that princes are a part of the commonwealth , and that they are in some measure subject to it , as instruments of its preservation , so that their success or misfortunes respect it ; as tiberius told his sons . those who desired david for their king , told him , we are thy bone and thy flesh ; intimating to him that he must with his own strength support them , and take upon himself all their toils and grievances . a prince ought also to be taught while he is young , to tame and govern the skittish horse of government ; for should he let him have his head , he would fall headlong with him : he should use therefore the bridle of reason , the reigns of policy , the whip of justice , and the spurs of valour , keeping always fast in the stirrups of prudence . he must not execute every thing that comes into his mind , but only what is honourable and just , least he should transgress piety , reputation , modesty , or good manners . let not a prince imagine that his power is wholly absolute , but subject by the publick good and interest of his state. not immense , but limitted , and expos'd to many casualties ; one blast of wind dissipated all philip the second's naval preparations against england . let the prince also know , that his authority is not so sovereign , but that part of it remains in the subject , which they either reserv'd to themselves from the beginning , or which common sence has since granted them for their defence against any prince notoriously unjust and tyrannical . good princes are pleas'd at the liberty of their subjects ; tyrants only would be absolute . the safety and preservation of the kingdom , depends upon the well-temper'd freedom of the people . 't is not that prince who is most powerful , that is most secure , but he who is so with reason ; nor is he less sovereign who defends the just rights and privileges of his subjects . 't is rather prudence to let them enjoy 'em freely , for they never derogate from the authority of the prince , but when he thinks his honour affronted , and endeavours wholly to take 'em away . let him be content to maintain his crown by the same means his ancestors did . it seems to be this which god would admonish princes of , ( though in another sence ) by ezekiel the prophet , when he said , bind the tire of thine head to thee ; if any one shall wear it too loose , 't will be very apt to fall off . emblem xxi . justice is the center from which the circumference of a crown is drawn . if we could live without one , there would be no need of t'other . in former times all princes iudges were , and to see iustice done , was all their care. in the first age there was no need of punishment , for there were no crimes ; nor of rewards , for virtue and glory were belov'd for their own sakes . but as the world grew older , wickedness encreased with it , and made virtue more reserv'd , which before liv'd freely and carelessly in the fields . when equality was laid aside , and ambition and force suppli'd the place of modesty and shame , then government was also introduc'd . for prudence urg'd by necessity , and common prudence oblig'd men to civil society , that they might exercise virtues , which reason prompted them to , and make use of speech which nature gave them , that by revealing to one another the sense of their minds , they might inform , assist , and defend each other . society being thus by common consent establish'd , there arose at the same time a certain supream power necessary to the preservation of its parts , which by punishing vice , and rewarding virtue , might defend them in peace and justice . and because this authority could not be diffused through the whole body , by reason of the confusion which would arise in the execution thereof ; and because 't was also necessary that some should command , and the rest obey , they quitted their pretensions to it , conferring it either upon one , few , or many , which are the three sorts of government ; monarchy , aristocracy , and democracy . the first of which was monachy ; for originally men were govern'd by one in each family ; afterwards they chose from among the people , one , who excell'd others in goodness and virtue , whose hand , as his authority encreas'd , they honour'd with a scepter , and his head with a diadem , as a badge of the power and sovereignty which they had conferr'd upon him , which should principally consist in justice , by which he should preserve and defend his subjects in peace ; so that without that there is no order of government , and all kingly authority ceases , as it happened in castile , which was reduc'd to the government of judges , the kings being excluded for the injustice of ordonno and fruela . this justice could not be well administer'd by the mere law of nature , without imminent danger to the commonwealth ; for since 't is defin'd to be a constant and perpetual desire of giving to every one their own , it would be very dangerous if it should depend upon the opinion and judgment of the prince , and not be written ; nor can mere natural reason , though free from affections and passions , give true judgment in such variety of cases as happen continually . so that 't was necessary for states to arm themselves with laws , deduc'd from long use and experience , as well penal as distributive ; these to punish faults , and those to give every one his own . penal laws are represented by a sword , the emblem of justice , as trajan intimated , reaching a sword to the captain of his guards , with these words , take this , and if i govern well , use it for me , if not , against me . equally sharp on both sides , as well for the rich as the poor ; not with one edge blunt , and t'other sharp ; to spare one , and hurt another . distributive laws are represented by a rule ▪ square , which measures indifferently the actions and rights of all . by this rule of justice things ought to be measured , not this rule by things , as the lesbian rule was , which being made of lead , easily adapted it self to all shapes of the stone . the prince ought to give life and vigour to both . king alphonso the wise said , that a king was the heart and soul of the state. and in another place he says , that rex a king is the same with regula a rule . rex a king , and lex a law , differ but in one letter ; and what else is a king but the speaking-law , and the law but a dumb king ; so much king that could it exert it self it should govern alone . prudence has as it were divided the power of princes , and yet in their persons it remains whole , yet it has subtilly transferr'd part thereof to paper , so that it has left majesty written and expos'd to the view of all , for the exercise of justice , so that justice and chastisement , by means of the law , anticipating crimes , the sentence might not be ascrib'd to the will , passion , or interest of the prince , and that he might avoid the odium of his subjects . the law is an excuse for rigour , a discountenancer of favour , an invisible arm of the prince , with which he holds the reigns of the government . there is no better way to make authority respected and obeyed ; for which reason the law should be punctually observ'd , nor should force be us'd in any thing which may be decided by law . when once a prince proceeds that way , the laws will soon lose their force and efficacy : crimes will be reckon'd innocence , and justice tyranny : nor is the power of the prince a little diminish'd , for that is ever more effectual with the law than without it . 't is the law that crowns , defends , and confirms a prince , without it there would be no difference between subjection and command . true policy is founded upon the law , not upon arbitrary sway. they are the true rule of government , the roads of policy , by them as by certain lines the ship of the state fails securely ; they are the walls of civil power , the eyes and soul of the state , the fetters of the mob , and the bridle ( the present emblem ) which guides and curbs it . even tyranny it self can't subsist without them . the determination of justice could not be safely committed to the inconstancy of the will , which is subject to so many affections and passions , and of it self perfectly blind ; but it was necessary that it should be restrain'd by certain fix'd decrees and statutes , founded upon reason and prudence , which should without distinction be obligatory to all . such are the laws which experience of past accidents has provided for future ones ; and since they can't explain themselves , but are mere bodies which receive soul , and understanding from the judges , with whose tongues they speak , and by whose pens they are explain'd , and apply'd to particular cases , it being impossible to comprehend all ; let a prince be very careful to whom he commits them ; for in them he entrusts his very being , and the chief instruments of government ; but the choice being once rightly made , let him not hinder the free exercise and ordinary course thereof , but leave it wholly to the magistrate ; but if princes will through clemency or arbitrary power , intermeddle with the exposition of the laws ; all this politick structure will fall , and those laws which should prop and support it , rather cause its ruin . tyranny is nothing else but an ignorance and contempt of the laws , assuming to it self their power and authority . this rome of old bewail'd as the chief cause of its slavery , augustus arrogating to himself the chiefest offices in the law , that he might the better play the tyrant . when caesar to himself assum'd the laws , poor rome grew soon degenerate and base , forgot her war , and slept in servile peace . claud. a prince in obstructing the laws encourages vice , as it happ'ned in the time of the emperor claudius . ● multiplicity of laws are very dangerous to a state , for they destroy one another ; being too numerous they create confusion and oblivion , or when they can't be observ'd are despis'd . a sure sign of a dissolute and corrupt state ; one contradicts another , and makes room for sinister interpretations , and different opinions , whence arise disputes and contentions . the greatest part of the people are taken up in law , there want men to manure the ground ; for offices and war. a few good support many bad , and many bad lord it over the few good . the courts of judicature are harbours for pirates , and receptacles for thieves . those very men who should be the assertors of the peoples liberty , are the heaviest fetters of their slavery . too many laws are not less pernicious to a state than vices . he who makes many laws , sets many traps , in which all must be caught . so caligula , when he had a design upon the innocent , established many laws , written in so small a character , that they could be hardly read . and claudius published twenty in one day , which so puzzled the people , that 't was more difficult to know than to observe them . therefore aristotle said , that few laws were sufficient for the weightest cases , and that the rest ought to be left to natural reason . nothing is so prejudicial to state as multiplicity of laws : hence god threatened israel , as a punishment for their sins , that he would multiply their laws . to what purpose is it to make an addition of new laws upon every slight occasion , when there is no case which has not happ'ned before , nor any inconveniency which has not been already consider'd of , and by observation and experience provided for ? those which are now introduc'd into castile , as new , may be all found in the ancient records . the observation of these would be much more agreeable to the people , and would create less odium to the prince , than the promulgation of other new ones . in those judgment acquiesces , in these 't is dubious and unsteady ; those seem to be founded with care , the authority of these is questionable ; those may safely be renew'd , these can't be introduc'd without danger . to make experiments of new medicines is dangerous to health and life ; many herbs before the way of preparing them were known , were poison . better is that state govern'd , whose laws , though imperfect , are settled , than that which is continually changing them . the ancients to intimate that laws , ought to be perpetual , wrote them upon tables of brass , and god engrav'd them with his eternal finger upon stone . for this reason augustus advis'd the senate , that they should preserve their laws intire without altering them ; for that tho' they were bad , they were more beneficial to the state than new ones . there is no kingdom but is provided with laws sufficient ; but care ought to be taken , least the variety of interpretations should render them ambiguous and obscure , and occasion disputes and controversies . this ought to be prevented , which might with ●ase be done in spain , if some king , upon this account not less a restorer than pelagius , would abbreviate all processes , and leaving the civil law , would make use only of those of the kingdom , which are not less prudent and learned than just and reasonable . this king recesewind meant , when in one of his laws he said , also king alphonsus the wise , commanded his iudges . this their majesties , ferdinand and ioan , afterwards confirm'd , as did king alarick , who laid severe penalties upon the judges for admitting the pleas of the roman laws . nor does it a little derogate from supream jurisdiction to be govern'd by foreign laws . to this i foresee two objections ; first , that if these laws were written in spanish , the latin tongue would be lost , and the lawyers would apply themselves wholly to the study and explanation of them only ; besides , that without the knowledge of the civil law , from whence they are deriv'd , they could not be well understood . the other is , that since the civil law is common to almost all europe , according to which causes ought to be decided , and that the rights and privileges of princes are often to be determin●d in foreign parliaments , and courts of judicature ; it will be very necessary to have men well vers'd in the said law. which inconveniences will be easily remedied by erecting and indowing some places for civil lawyers in the universities ; as ( though upon different motives ) king ferdinand did . but if this can't be effected , the foremention'd inconveniences may be thus remedied ; first by prohibiting such a vast number of books to be imported , which serve only to clear the pockets , not the understanding , nor is printing any thing else now-a-days , but merchandize and trade . this variety confounds the senses , embarrasses and puzzles the judgment . 't would be more adviseable , where the written laws are not full enough for the decision of any controversy , to be guided by reason , that living law , rather than to grope for justice in the obscurity of such diversity of opinions , equally favourable to each side , and subject to subornation and passion . next , by shortening the tedious methods of the law , as king philip the second design'd to do at milan , when he consulted with the senate about that affair . in which he not only respected the good of the subject , but also that in that state , which is the bullwark of the kingdom , there might be more men of the sword than the gown . the same was attempted by the emperors , titus and vespasian , charles the fifth , their catholick majesties , peter , king of portugal , james the first of arragon , and lewis the eleventh of france ; none of them being 〈◊〉 to effect it , nor can any one else hope to bring 〈◊〉 about , since for the reforming the practice of the ●●nch , the judges themselves must be of counsel , whose interest it is to prolong suits , as 't is that of soldiers to continue war. 't was pure necessity oblig'd the most serene queen isabel , of her own accord , to make use of this remedy , when being at sevil harrass'd with vexatious appeals , she commanded all suits depending , to be by the assistance of able and learned men , decided in her presence , without the noise of the bar , and that accumulation of informations and processes , and truly successfully enough as experience has shewn . the cantons of switzerland are very prudently govern'd , because there are no lawyers among them ; the witnesses are heard , and without writing down any thing , except the judgment , the causes are immediately decided . a quick condemnation is more expedient for client , than a favourable judgment after a tedious dependance . he who commences a law-suit now-a-days , does as it were plant a palm-tree , which he can●t expect to live to gather the fruit of . in a state where suits are long and tedious , the people can never live peaceably and amicably . let there therefore be few counsellors , attornies , and sollicitors . how can that government be quiet , in which there are so many who get their living by raising and promoting feuds and law-suits ? what hopes of restitution to the injur'd , when there are so many ready to fleece and strip him ? suppose them to be persons of worth and integrity , yet is justice ne'er the better administred for their number ; no more than a disease is better cur'd by many physicians . nor would it redound to the common good , if with the loss of the publick tranquility , and the estates of the people , there should be made too nice a scrutiny into every ones right : a moderate and moral care is sufficient . nor does less damage arrive from an abundance of penal laws to prohibit luxury in cloaths , and superfluous expences ; for such edicts are generally slighted , and not observed ; the same month in which they are establish'd , they are abolish'd . they are like the responses of the sibyls , written upon leaves , and scatter'd by the wind. and if once this disobedience takes place , it makes luxury more insolent and secure . the prince's reputation suffers , when the remedies which he prescribes are ineffectual , or not observ'd . the edicts of margaret of austria , dutchess of parma , not being executed , derogated much from her authority in flanders . therefore 't is a question , whether moderate luxury be not a more tolerable inconveniency , than a prohibition when not obey'd ? or whether it be not better to wink at old and settled vices , than by feeble laws to shew that they are stronger than the prince ? if laws are once broken , unpunished , there is no restraint or shame beyond . if a prince would express these laws and edicts about reformation of manners in himself , perhaps flattery , or the natural propensity in inferiors to imitate their superiors , or the subjects their prince , would be more effectual than the rigour of the law , and that without danger to sovereign authority . frugality , which the sumptuary laws could not introduce , the emperor vespasian did , only by his example . the imitation of the prince , is a slavery sweetned by flattery . 't is easier for nature to err in her own works , said theodorick , king of the goths , than for the subjects not to observe the manners of their prince . in him , as in a glass , the people adjust their actions : — the nation follows still , the fashions of the court , and 't always proves , example more than law the people moves . claud. customs are laws , not written upon paper , but in the mind and memory of all , and are more grateful when not forc'd , but a free choice and sort of liberty ; and the same common consent , which first introduc'd them , still observes them so strictly , that it won't permit them to be altered though they are bad , for common opinion , by which , after they have been received by their ancestors , the people are fully perswaded they are just and reasonable , does prevail more in this matter than the strongest arguments ; nay , than the inconveniences themselves which are found in them . 't is therefore more prudent to bear with them , than wholly to remove them . a prudent prince governs his state without altering its customs . but if they are opposite to virtue or religion , they ought to be dexterously corrected , and the people by degrees prepared to know the reason . king froila incurr'd the odium of many by disannulling the custom of the clergy's marrying , which had been before introduc'd by witiza , and confirm'd by the example of the greeks . if the state be not well constituted , and the peoples minds docil and corrigible , laws will be of small use . which i believe solon meant , when being ask'd what laws were best ; he answered , those which the people observe . medicines are of no use where the disease is incurable . lastly , laws will be insignificant , unless the prince by his life and example confirm and strengthen them . that law seems pleasant and easy to the people , which the legislator himself observes : if you command , and hope to be obey'd , observe your self those laws your self first made . the people then will due obedience shew , to you who make laws , and observe them too . claud. the laws made by servius tullius , were not only for the people , but also for the prince . by them controversies between the prince and people ought to be determined : as tacitus relates of tiberius . tho' ( said the emperors , severus and antoninus ) we are free from the laws , yet we live by them . a prince is not oblig'd by the strict letter of the law , but by the reason on which 't is grounded , for that is natural and common to all , not peculiar to subjects only for their good government ; for in such case the observation of the law belongs to them alone , tho' 't will be very necessary , if the case will allow , for him to conform himself to them , that so they may seem the more pleasant to others . this was the meaning of god's command to ezekiel , that he should eat the roll . that others seeing that he had first tasted the laws , and found them sweet as honey , all might imitate him . the kings of spain are so subject to the laws , that the treasury in cases of the royal patrimony , runs the same fortune with any other subject , and in a doubtful case is condemn'd . so it was enacted by philip the second ; and once when his grandson , philip the fourth , your highness's father , was present in council , upon a debate of a case relating to the exchequer , neither the judges wanted integrity to give it against him , nor his majesty temper to hear it without resentment . happy is that state , in which the prince's cause is the worst . emblem xxii . though the peoples consent confers the power of justice upon princes , they receive it immediately from god , as being his vicars in temporal affairs . they are the royal eagles , the ministers of iove , who administer his thunder , and supply his place in punishing vice , and administring justice ; in which they have need of three qualities of the eagle , sharpness of sight to inspect crimes , swiftness of wing for execution , and strength of talons , that they main't fail therein . the injury done by a certain nobleman to a poor peasant , though in the remotest corner of galicia , could not escape the quick sight of king alphonso the seventh , call'd emperor , who disguising himself , went immediately to punish him with such speed , that he apprehended him before he knew any thing of his coming . o lively and ardent soul of the law ! to be himself judge and executioner , to satisfy an injury done to a poor peas●nt , and to punish the unjust oppression of the grandee . the same did king ferdinand the catholick , who being at medina , went privately to salamanca , and seized roderigo maltonado , who exercis'd great-oppressions in the castle of monleon . who would ever transgress the laws , if he always fear'd such a surprise ? one such as this would frighten and reform a whole kingdom . but it is not always expedient for majesty it self to imitate such examples . when the state of the kingdom is well settled , when the courts of judicature are open , and the fear of the law is fresh and lively , 't is sufficeint for a prince to see justice administer'd by his ministers . but when all is in confusion , when obedience staggers ; when the king's authority is slighted , as 't was in those times , then some such suddain and severe punishment will be seasonable , that the people may know the power of their prince , and understand , that as in a humane body , so in a kingdom , the soul of majesty is all in all , and all in every part . yet 't will be very necessary to moderate this severity , when the distemper is inveterate , and the kingdom confirm'd in vice ; for if virtue should be too severe upon vice , and endeavour to reform all at once , 't would be esteem'd rather cruelty than justice . time must recruit that which time has weakned ; to precipitate a cure is dangerous , and may make the prince experience the rage of the incens'd multitude . connivance and dexterity is often more effectual than force . in this king ferdinand the catholick was excellent ; and by this king peter was deceiv'd , who relying wholly upon severity , got the name of cruel . though justice be one single virtue , yet has it various effects , according to the difference of time . sometimes the people wholly reject it , and become more insolent ; sometimes they acknowledge the damage of their excess , and co-operate with the prince to remedy it , and suggest the most severe means against their own liberty , by which the prince acquires the name of just without danger . let not a prince remit the punishment of such offences against the government , in which few are concern'd , but pardon those in which many are involv'd . agrippa being put to death , in the isle of planasia , by the order of tiberius , a certain slave who was very like him , stealing away his ashes , pretended that he was agrippa ; the romans believ'd it ; the report spread , and caus'd a tumult , with evident danger of a civil war. tiberius caus'd the slave to be apprehended , and put to death privately , and though many gentlemen and senators of his own family , were said to have assisted him with money and advice , yet would he suffer none to speak in his behalf . thus prudence triumph'd over cruelty , and by silence and connivence he appeas'd the disorder . let a prince pardon small offences , and punish great ones ; sometimes let him be content with repentance , which tacitus commended in agricola . he is not the best governor who punishes with most severity , but he who pardons with such discretion and circumspection , as not to give any occasion to the delinquents to transgress again . no body commends a chirurgeon for cutting off many legs and arms ; no body hates a prince for punishing , provided he does it with reluctancy and grief ; but him who delights in it , and eagerly carps at all opportunities of doing it . to punish for example , and amendment is mercy ; but to do it through passion or avarice is tyranny . let not a prince suffer any one to think himself so great , and free from the laws , as to dare to oppose the ministers of justice , and those who represent its power and authority , for so the pillar of justice can't stand secure , when such boldness once takes place , contempt will by degrees undermine it , and bring it to the ground . the chief foundation of the spanish monarchy , and that which has rais'd it to such an height , and keeps it so , is the inviolable observation of justice and rigour , by which its kings have always taken care to make it respected and esteem'd of all . no violation of it goes unpunish'd , though great be the dignity and authority of the delinquent . a certain judge at corduba , was by the command of king ferdinand the catholick , enquiring into some misdemeanor , whom when the marquiss of puego had arrested , the king so resented it , that all the signal services of that family of corduba , could not hinder him from punishing him very severely ; afterwards he put himself wholly into his majesty's hands , by the advice of the great captain , who seeing the heinousness of the crime , which would not admit of pardon , wrote to him to cast himself at the king's feet , by which he might perhaps expiate his crime , but if not he would certainly be ruined . nor ought a prince only to punish crimes committed against his own person , or during his reign ; but those also which were acted in the last , though the state were then under the power of an enemy . for presidents of disobedience and contempt of authority being conniv'd at , or rewarded , are dangerous even to successors . dignity is ever the same , being always espoused to him who possesses her . wherefore he defends his own cause , who takes care of his predecessor's honour , though 't was not wounded in his time . a prince ought not to leave behind him the memory of one , who has been so impudent as to affront authority unpunish'd ; for i● once subjects are perswaded that they may raise their fortunes , or satisfy their passions , by the death or abuse of the prince , none will be able to live secure . the punishment of impudence to the predecessor , is the security of the successor , and a warning to all from daring to attempt the like . for which reason vitellius put all those to death , who petition'd him for rewards for the murther of galba . every one is treated as he treats others . iulius caesar commanding the statues of pompey to be erected , confirm'd his own . if princes should not unite against contempt and treason , authority and loyalty would be in danger . in cases where the same circumstances concur , a prince ought not to connive at some and punish others , for nothing renders them more odious than partiality , whence the egyptians signified the equality which should be observ'd in justice , by the feathers of an ostrich , which are equal on both sides . 't is great prudence in a prince to find such sorts of punishments , as will expiate the offence , with the least damage to the delinquent . certain noblemen fomented disturbances in galicia ; and though they deserv'd death , king ferdinand the fourth call●d them to him , and gave them employs in the army , where some of them were punish'd by the enemy , others by the hardships and toils of war , and so that province was reduc'd to its former tranquility . as in time of peace , justice and mercy are very advantageous , so in war are rewards and punishments ; because there the dangers are so great , as would not be attempted without great hopes , and nothing but fear could restrain the licentiousness of the soldiers . in so much as without these two things , says king alphonso , the faults which are committed●in war are much more dangerous ; for if men have so much to do to defend themselves from the mischief of their enemies , how much more have they from that which accrues from their own faults ? for which reason the romans inflicted divers sorts of infamy and punishment upon the soldiers who fail'd in their duty , or in any dangerous attempt or military affair ; whence they were less afraid of the enemy than the punishment , and chose-rather to die bravely in action , than to lose their honour or lives afterwards with perpetual ignominy and disgrace . in those times none durst desert , because he could not shelter himself in any part of the empire . now-a-days deserters are not only not punished when they return to their own country ; but sculking from battel , they march from milan to naples , where as if they had serv'd under some other prince , they are again listed into his majesty's service , to the great detriment thereof . in which the vice-roys should follow the example of the roman senate , who after the battel of cannae , though they were in extream want of soldiers , could not be induc'd to redeem six thousand prisoners which hannibal offered them , thinking them not worth redemption , who suffer'd themselves ignominiously to be taken prisoners , when they might have died gloriously . the errors of generals committed through ignorance , ought rather to be conniv'd at than punish'd , least the fear of being punished or reprimanded should make them too timorous . besides the greatest prudence may be confounded in accidents of war , whence they deserve compassion rather than punishment . varro lost the battel of cannae , and at his return the whole senate went out to receive him , thanking him for that in such a total defeat he had not wholly despair'd of affairs . when connivence is not convenient , but the execution of justice is required , let it be done with readiness and resolution . he who does it privately and by stealth , is more like an assassine than a prince . he who checks the authority which the crown gives him , either doubts his power or merit ; from the prince's distrust of himself proceeds the peoples disrespect . whose opinion of him is answerable to what he has of himself . king alphonso the wise lost the esteem of his people , by doing justice in private . this can be convenient only in troublesome times , when greater dangers may be fear'd , if the people don't see the authors of seditions punish'd e'er they know they are taken . thus tiberius acted for fear of this inconveniency . in other cases let a prince execute that office boldly and vigorously , which he holds in the name of god and the people ; for 't was justice that at first gave him his scepter , and 't is that which must preserve it . 't is the will of god , the harmony of government , and the protection of majesty . if the laws be once suffer'd to be broken unpunish'd , there will be neither fear nor modesty , and without them no peace nor quiet . yet let princes consider that they are like masters of families ; nay , that they really are such in respect to their subjects , and therefore let them temper justice with clemency . they ought to drink the sins of the people , as god intimated to st. peter , by that vessel of unclean animals , out of which he commanded him to eat . a prince should have the stomach of an ostrich , so hot with mercy as to digest iron , and should be also an eagle with the thunder of justice , which by striking one terrifies all . for if all were to be punish'd who transgress'd , there would be none left for the prince to command , for there is scarce any man so just , as not to have one time or other deserved death . the rigour of justice is not less dangerous to the crown , life , and empires , than injustice . of this king iohn the second is an example , who for his great severity became odious to his people : and king peter the cruel , lost thereby his kingdom and life too . let justice and mercy walk hand in hand , so link'd together , as if they were parts of the same body , yet so that one may be us'd without offence to the other . for this reason god gave not the flaming sword , which guarded paradise , to a seraphim , which is all love and mercy ; but to a cherubim , a spirit of knowledge , who knew better how to temper justice with clemency . nothing is more pernicious than a prince over-merciful . in the times of nerva they us'd to say , that 't was more difficult to live under a prince who bore with all , than one who bore with nothing . for he is not less cruel who pardons all , than he who forgives none , nor is excessive mercy less prejudicial to the people than cruelty ; and sometimes indulgence and forbearance does more mischief than the crime it self . for wickedness grows bolder , when it can promise it self pardon . 't was the clemency , or rather negligence of king henry the fourth , that made his reign as bloody as that of king peter was by his cruelty . clemency and severity , the one profuse , and the other moderate , make the prince beloved . he who can neatly and prudently temper these virtues , can't chuse but govern well ; nay , his whole reign will be a tuneful harmony , like that which proceeds from a base and treble . heaven produces corn by the mildness of its dew , and preserves it by the rigour of its frosts and snows . if god were not merciful , we should fear him , but not adore him ; both these virtues make him both fear'd and lov'd . therefore alphonsus , king of arragon , us'd to say , by justice i oblige the good , the bad by clemency . the one compels their fear , the other engages their love. confidence of pardon makes subjects arrogant , and excessive clemency creates contempt and disrespect , and occasions the ruin of governments . emblem xxiii . there are no greater chymists than princes , who set a value upon worthless trifles in bestowing them upon others as a reward of virtue . the romans invented several sorts of crowns , as mural , civick , and naval , as glorious badges of great and worthy exploits ; these nature suppli'd them with as grass , palm , and bays ; of which without any cost they made those crowns . the treasury would not have been sufficient to have rewarded services , had not that politick invention of crowns been thought on ; which being given as publick testimonies of val●ur were more valued and esteem'd than gold or silver . the soldiers underwent all fatigues and dangers to obtain them . for the same reason the kings of spain founded military orders , whose badges were not only marks of nobility , but also of valour ; so that all care ought to be taken to keep up their value and esteem , by bestowing them with great attention and respect to merit ; for they are so much esteem'd as they are tokens of nobility and bravery ; but if without distinction they should be promiscuously con●●r'd on all , they would grow cheap and contempti●●● . and arminius might well jeer his brother flavius ( who follow'd the roman faction ) that when he had 〈◊〉 an eye in battel , he should call to mind the collar and crown , the cheap rewards of slavery the romans so well knew of what advantage 't was to ●●●●erve the peoples esteem for those rewards , that 〈◊〉 held a council about the qualifications which a s●●dier ought to be indow'd with , to merit a crown of oak . in the badge of the order of st. iames , ( the figure of this present emblem ) are express'd the endowments which ought to be consider'd ere it is be●●w'd ; for the ground-work is a scollop-shell , the ●●●duct of the sea , bred among waves and billows , 〈◊〉 inur'd to fatigues ; in its fair bosom shines the 〈◊〉 , the emblem of nobility and virtue , as well for 〈◊〉 purity , as that it is bred by the dew of heaven ; when these are bestow'd upon children , or such who 〈◊〉 not de●erv'd them by any signal service , they are 〈◊〉 of favour , not rewards . who will endeavour 〈◊〉 merit them by services , if he can obtain them by diligence ? they were instituted for war , not peace , 〈◊〉 so ought to be distributed among those only who 〈◊〉 signaliz'd themselves therein , or serv d at least four years in the army , and made themselves fit for preferment , which doubtless would induce more of the nobility to apply their minds to arms , and the art of war would flourish more . this , because the athenians neglected , they became a prey to the macedonians . alexander severus considering the importance of gratifying the soldiery , as being the foundation and security of the empire , divided the contributions among them ; esteeming it a great crime to squander it away in luxury , or upon his courtiers . let other rewards be common to all , who signalize themselves either in war or peace ; to this end the scepter was endow'd with riches , honours , and offices ; as also with the power and authority of justice that with these it might punish offences ; with those reward virtue and valour . without rewards and punishments , governmen● would be in confusion , for they are the spirit that maintains and preserves them ; without them they can't subsist , for the hopes of reward engage respect , and the fear of punishment , obedience , even against the natural desire of liberty . hence the ancients represented empire by a whip , as may be seen in some consular coins ; and 't was a prognostick of the grandeur of augustus , who dreaming that iupiter offer'd him a whip ; he interpreted it to be the roman empire , which had been erected and maintain'd by rewards and punishments , who would refrain from vice if there were no punishments ? who would ●●pose themselves to dangers , were there no rewards ? democritus considering that the world could not be govern'd without them , call'd them two gods of the world. they are the poles of the orb of civil authority , the two lights of a state , without which it would be overwhelm'd in foggy darkness : they are the props of princes thrones . for this reason ezekiel commanded king zedekiah to lay down his crown and 〈◊〉 regalia , as being unworthy of them , in that he could not distribute rewards with justice . the prince in acknowledging merits , acknowledges a reward due , for they are relatives ; and if he gives not that , he is unjust . the importance of rewards and punishments was not well consider'd by the legislators and lawyers , who have been altogether upon penalties and punishments , without ever mentioning rewards . that wise legislator of the partidas consider'd ●elter of this ; for that he might join one with the ●●her , he intituled it particularly of rewards . since therefore rewards and punishments are so necessary for a prince , that without this balance he can't walk steadily upon the rope of government , he ought well to consider the right use of them . for this rea●●n the lictors rods were bound up ; but the crowns ●eing made of leaves , which soon fade , were wrought 〈◊〉 the victory ; that while those were loos'd , and these were finish'd , some time might interfere between the fault and the punishment , between the desert and the reward , and that the merit and demerit might be duly consider'd . rewards inconsiderately given , scarce merit thanks . he soon repents , who bestows them rashly ; nor is virtue safe from him , who punishes without discretion . if the punishment be extravagant , the people excuse the fault , and blame the severity . if virtue and vice be equally rewarded , the one is disgusted , the other becomes insolent . if in equality of merit , one is rewarded above the other , it creates envy and ingratitude ; for envy and gratitude for the same thing , can never go together ; also the method of dispensing rewards and punishments ought to be consider'd ; for rewards ought not to be deferr'd till they grow despicable , as being despair'd of ; nor punishments till they seem not due , as being aton'd 〈◊〉 by length of time , or as not being now exemplary to others , for as much as the cause is wholly worn out of memory . king alphonso the wise , one of your highness's progenitors , very judiciously admonish'd his poster●ty , how they ought to behave themselves in rewards and punishments , saying , that we ought to beh●vse our selves with moderation , as well in the good we do , as in the ill we punish ; for that in both the one and the other we must have regard to the circumstances of the person , time and place , and that the world properly speaking is supported but by the observation of these two things , rewarding those that do well , and punishing those that do otherwise . sometimes 't will be convenient to defer the distribution of rewards , that they may not seem due from justice , and that those who expect them , flush'd with those hopes , may more vigorously perform their duty ; nor is there any merchandise cheaper , than that which is bought with the hopes of reward . 't is certain men do more out of hopes than for rewards already receiv'd . whence it appears how prejudicial is succession in publick offices and rewards , which tiberius consider'd when he oppos'd the proposal of gallus , that the candidates should be nam'd every five years , who should succeed in the lieutenancies of legions , and the praetorship ; for that others , for want of hopes , would flag in their duty and service . in which tiberius did not only respect the publick detriment , but also that he should hereby lose the prerogative of distributing rewards , in which he conceiv'd the strength of his government consisted . and so by a plausible oration he retain'd his authority . court favourites , uncertain of the continuance of their power , ●●rely remedy this inconvenience of future succession , thereby to adjust their own actions , to weaken the prince's power , and free themselves from the importunity of petitioners . a prince being as it were the heart of his state , as king alphonso said , the vital spirits of riches and rewards , should by it be imparted to the other members , even the re●●otest parts , though they cannot injoy his presence , should nevertheless participate of his favours . princes are seldom mov'd by this consideration . they usually reward those only who are about them , being overcome either by the importunity of petitions , or by the flattery of their courtiers , or through want of resolution to refuse them . and so as rivers only refresh the grounds through which they run ; so they gratify and reward those only who are near them , unmindful of the pains and perils their foreign ministers undergo to preserve their authority , and to do that which they themselves cannot . all favours are shared among courtiers and parasites ; those services are most valued , which smell of civet and pulville , not those which are smear'd with blood and dust ; those which are seen , not those which are heard of at a distance ; as well because flattery sooner strikes the eyes than ears , as because the mind is tickled with the vain glory of present submissions and acknowledgements . for these reasons courtservices are sooner rewarded than desert , ambition before zeal , and complaisance before fatigue and toil. a splendor which pays it self . he , who does absent services may perhaps be commended , not rewarded . he will be for a while fed with vain hopes and promises , but will at last die starv'd with despair . the remedy is coming sometimes to court , for no letters or memorials are so perswasive as presence . the buckets of pretention are not to be fill'd , unless they are dipp'd into the court-waters . the presence of princes is as fertile as that of the sun. all things flourish when that shines , but fade and wither in its absence . to him who stands under the tree , the fruit drops into his hand . whence all covet to live at court , and decline foreign employments , in which the prince has most need of ministers . this would be remedied , if the bait of rewards was thrown farther off , if they were bestow'd where deserv'd , not where they are begg'd ; without need of petitions or importunities . king theodorick comforted the absent , saying , that from his court he observ'd their actions , and discern'd their merits . pliny said of trajan , that it was easier for his eyes to forget the persons of the absent , than for his mind not to remember his love towards them . yet this advice for absent ministers to repair sometimes to court , ought not to be effected , by desiring to be dismist from their offices , but still retaining them , by giving several reasons to get leave of the prince to be sometimes with him ; for so they may obtain what they desire , still retaining that which if they should quit , might be confer'd upon another . many either dissatisfied with their present station , or ambitious of greater , resign it , and afterwards repent , finding their hopes and expectations frustrated , for the prince looks upon it as a slighting and contempt of his favour . let no man presume so much upon his own person and parts , as to think the prince can't live without him . for princes never want ministers , and being once slighted , they often forget their chiefest . this i speak to those who canvass for publick employs , not those who knowing the vanity of them , choose to live solitarily and retir'd . only let them consider , that great souls form●d for business , don't always find in retirement that ease and tranqu●lity of mind , which they propose , and being once ingag'd therein , without being able to change their resolutions , they live and die miserable . modesty in receiving rewards and gratuities , is of great use , together with such a prudent carriage , as may make them appear obligations to farther services , not to drain the prince's liberality , for this obliges him yet more : as god , when solomon ask'd for nothing but an understanding heart , not only gave him that , but also riches and glory . they ought not to be demanded as a debt , for virtue is to it self a fair and large reward ; and though some acknowledgement be due , yet does it depend upon the prince's favour . and all had rather it should be receiv'd as their bounty , not a just debt to desert . whence princes are more inclin'd to reward liberally small services , but great ones more sparingly , for they think they shall receive more acknowledgments from the one , than the other . whence he who has receiv'd many favours , may expect to receive more , for bounty once bestow'd causes farther benefits . for a prince had rather another should acknowledge himself his debtor , than he his , the first being the more honourable . lewis the eleventh , king of france , used to say , that he had more regard for one , who for small services had been well rewarded , than for others who for great services had receiv'd but small reward . the emperor theodorick owning this failure , confess'd , that 't was from ambition that rewards sprouted out , without the least care of him who planted them , and that it provoked him to give more to those whom he had once began to favour . this is visible in favourites , towards whom princes favour and liberality seem a kind of obstinacy . emblem xxiv . though ( as we have said before ) justice arm'd with the laws , and rewards , and punishments , are the pillars which support the structure of the state , ye● will these pillars be in the air , unless founded upon the basis of religion , which is the bond of the laws ; for the jurisdiction of justice comprehends only external acts , legitimately approv'd of ; but don●t extend to priva●e and internal ones . it has authority only over t●e body , not the mind ; so that wickedne●● would little heed punishment , when it could privately commit injuries , adulteries , and rapine ; nay , he would make a jest of the laws , were there not another invi●sib●e one , menacing within . so necessary is this 〈◊〉 in a government , that some atheistical persons estee● religion but a meer politick invention ; who without ●t would be content with his poverty and present condition ? what trust in bonds and covenants ? what integrity in the administration of goods ? what fide●ity in offices and employments ? what security of life ? few would be entic'd by rewards , if they could obtain the same thing by private injustice ; few would be charm'd with the beauty of virtue , if through hopes of a more lasting garland than one of palm , they did not confine themselves to the strict rules of continency . vices would soon confound the order of government , without the principal end of happiness , which consists in virtue , and in this foundation and bulwark of religion , which sustains and defends the civil power , if the people did not think that there was another supream tribunal to judge the thoughts and imaginations , whose rewards and punishments will be eternal . the hope and fear of this being born in the most barbarous and impious sinners , do regulate and compose their actions . caligula scoff'd at , and ridiculed the gods ; yet , when it thundered he was forc'd to own a supream hand , which had power to punish him . this hand all acknowledge , for there is no heart which is not touch'd with that divine magnet . and as the mariners needle from a certain natural sympathy , is in perpetual motion , till it stops a● the light of that fix'd north star , about which all the coelestial orbs are turned , so we can't live quietly till we acknowledge and adore that increated north , in which is true rest , and from whence proceeds the motion of all things . who ought to observe this more than a prince , who is the pilot of the state , upon whose care it depends to bring the s●ip safe into port ? nor is it enough for him to seem to look at that , while he keeps his eyes upon other dark and obscure ones , for so he would lose his course , and run the vessel upon sands and rocks , and so make a wreck . the people will be divided in opinions , and thence into factions , from whence arise plots and seditions , and from them changes in states and empires * . more princes are ruined by dissention in religion than by arms. for which reason the sixth council of toledo prudently enacted † , that no prince should come to the crown before he had first taken an oath not to tolerate any one in his realm who was not a christian. spain could never be at quiet till 〈◊〉 rejected the errors of arius , and wholly embrac'd the catholick religion , since which the people have liv'd so happily , that when king weterick afterwards endeavour'd to introduce that sect , he was kill●d in his very palace ; but notwithstanding many like examples , there are some who dare impiously teach princes to dissemble and counterfeit religion . he who dissembles it , does not believe it . and if this dissimulation be a politick artifice to unite peoples minds , and to maintain the state , true religion would better do it than false , for this is fading , that eternal . many empires founded upon false religions , proceeding from ignorance , god has preserv'd a long time , rewarding by that means their morality , and blind worship , and barbarous sacrifices , with which they fought him ; not that they were acceptable to him , but for the religious simplicity wherewith they were sometimes offer'd . but has never preserved those empires , which counterfeited religion more through malice and artifice than ignorance . st. isidore , at his death , foretold the spaniards , that if they stray'd from the true religion they should be subdu'd by their enemies ; but if they persisted in it , their grandeur should be rais'd above all nations . which was verified by the yoak of the africans , which began from the time that witiza deny'd obedience to the pope , after which liberty of worship , and licenciousness of vice disturbed the publick peace , and ruined military discipline , which brought heavy misfortunes upon the king himself , and his sons , as well as upon the kingdom ; till being subdu'd and chastis'd , spain acknowledg'd its errors , and again found heaven propitious in that little handful of christians , with which pelagius retir'd into a cave in the mountain ausena , call'd cav●longa , where the arrows and stones of the moors were miraculou●ly retorted upon themselves † . from that the monarchy began to revive , and rose ( though after a long time ) to that greatness , which it at present enjoys , as a reward of its constancy in the catholick religion . since then , religion is the soul of governments , a prince ought to use all possible care to preserve it ; the first spirit which romulus , numa , lycurgus , solon , plato , and other founders , infus'd into them , was religion , for that unites mens minds more than necessity . the emperors , tiberius and adrian prohibited all foreign religion , and were wholly intent upon the preservation of their own : as also theodosius and constantine , who established laws and punishments against those who revolted from the catholick faith. their majesties , ferdinand and isabella , never tolerated the exercise of any other religion . in which commendable was the constancy of king philip the second , and his successors , who could never be induc'd to compose the seditions of the netherlands by toleration of liberty of conscience , though they might thereby have retain●d those provinces , and sav'd those immense treasures which were expended in the war. they preferr'd the honour and glory of god to their own ease and tranquility ; imitating flavius jovianus , who being proclaim'd emperor by the army , excus'd himself , saying , that he was a christian , and that 't was not fit he should command them who were not so , and would not consent till all the soldiers had promis'd to turn christians . though he might inherit this pious constancy from his ancestors , since the eighth council of toledo mentions the same thing of king recefuinthus , of which piety your royal highness's father , philip the fourth of glorious memory , is a signal example to your royal highness . in the beginning of whose reign it being argu'd in council , whether the truce should be continued with the dutch ; and some of his counsellors urging that it was not policy to begin war , or any change of affairs , in the beginning of a reign ; he oppos'd them , saying , that he would not have his name branded with the infamy of having maintain'd one hours peace with the enemies of god and his crown ; and so immediately broke the truce . for this ardent zeal and constancy in the catholick religion , king recaredus merited the name of catholick , ( as long before the kings of france that of most christian ) . in the third council of toledo , and in that of barcelona , which title the kings sisebutus and ervigius kept , which their successors afterwards lost , till re-assum'd by king alphonso the first , to distinguish him from hereticks and schismaticks . though 't is a king's duty to maintain religion in his realms , and to promote the worship of god , as his vicars in temporal affairs , that they may govern to his glory , and their subjects safety ; yet they ought to know that 't is not in them to decide controversies in religion and divine worship , for the care of this belongs directly to the spiritual head of the church , to whom alone christ has given this authority , the execution , preservation , and defence thereof only is committed to kings , as that head shall order and direct . the priests sharply check'd king uzziah , and god severely punish'd him because he offer'd incense . 't is necessary for the preservation of the purity of religion , that it be the same in all the parts of the christian world. true worship would soon be lost , if each prince might accommodate it to his own ends and designs . in those provinces and kingdoms where this has been attempted , there searce remain any tracts thereof , so that the poor distracted people are wholly ignorant of the true religion . the spiritualty and temporalty are two distinct jurisdictions ; this is adorn'd by the authority of the other , and that is maintain'd by the others power . 't is an heroick obedience which submits to the vicar of him who disposes of crowns and scepters . as arbitrary and free from the laws as princes pretend to be , they must still pay obedience to the apostolick decrees , and are oblig'd to give force to them , and see them strictly observ'd in their dominions ; especially when 't is not only expedient for the spiritual , but also the temporal good , that those holy decrees be put in execution , nor should they suffer any one to violate them , to the dammage and prejudice of their subjects , and their religion . emblem xxv . the stork builds its nest upon the church steeple , and by the sanctity of the place makes its succession secure . the prince who founds his kingdom upon the triangular stone of the church , renders it strong and lasting . the athenians once consulting the oracle of delphi , how they might defend themselves against xerxes , who with a vast fleet of twelve hund●ed sail , was coming to fall on them , were answer'd , that if they could fence their city with a wooden wall they should get the better ; themistocles interpreted apollo's meaning to be , that all the citizens should go on ship board ; which done they obtain'd a victory over that prodigious fleet. the same success will attend a prince , who shall embark his grandeur in the ship of the church ; for if this by the testimony of another oracle not fabulous and uncertain , but infallible and divine , cannot be sunk , neither can that which is embark'd in it . for this reason your highness's glorious ancestors , were us'd to consecrate part of the spoils they took in war from their enemies , to god , as the lord of victories who fought for them , offering for his worship very considerable revenues and possessions , whence innumerable foundations and endowments of churches , cathedrals , and convents , took their rise ; having built in spain above seventy thousand churches . of which samy , the first king of arragon , alone , built a thousand , consecrated to the blessed virgin , which his munificence was amply rewarded by the many conquests he made , and victories he won , having fought thirty three battels , in all which he came off victorious . these pious works were like religious colonies , render'd by their spiritual arms not less powerful than military ones ; for artillery make not so great breaches as prayer . the prayers of the israelites for seven days beat down the walls of iericho . riches are therefore better reposited in temples than treasuries ; not only against extream necessity , but that as by them religion flourishes , the state may with it . the athenians kept theirs in that of delphi , as did many other nations . what better guardian than the sovereign arbitrator of kingdoms ? our hearts at least will be in the churches , if our treasures are there . wherefore their council 〈◊〉 no less impious than imprudent , who under the ●lightest pretence of publick necessity are for pillaging them . he is not worthy the protection of divine providence , who diffident of god's power , upon every accident has his eye upon the furniture of his house . when king ferdinand the holy , wanted money to carry on the siege of sevil , and some advis'd him to supply the deficiency of his exchequer out of the church-treasures . he made answer , i promise my self more from the prayers and sacrifices of the priests , than from their riches ; which piety and confidence , god abundantly recompenc'd the very next day by the surrender of the city . those kings , who have done otherwise , have left severe examples of their sacrilegious presumption . gunderick , king of the vandals , going to plunder st. vincent's , fell down dead as he was entring it . the great misfortunes of alphonso , king of arragon , were thought to be god's judgment● upon him , for having robb●d his sacred houses . queen uraca died at the very door of st. isidore's at leo● , the treasures of which she had embeziled . sane●● , king of arragon , was shot through the arm with 〈◊〉 arrow , for that he had defil●d his hands with th● plunder of churches . and though , in st. victorio's a● rota , he publickly confess'd his crime , and with tears and all imaginable signs of contrition , offering r●stitution and amendment , yet it pleas'd god to publish his offence in his punishment , as a war●ing to others . king iohn the first , was routed and kill'd a● the battel of aliubanota , for having made use of the treasures of the church of guadaloup● . upon the surrender of cajeta to frederick , king of naples , the fren●h loaded two ships with the plunder of the churches , both which were lost . but in all these cases , extream necessity had not place ; for then right . reason allows princes for their preservation , to make use of such riches , as out of ● pious liberality themselves have laid up in these holy places , provided it be with a resolution to restore them when the prosperity of their affairs shall put them in a capacity . as their catholick majesties , ferdinand and isabella did , having obtain●d a grant from the parliament of medina del campo , of the church-plate to defray expences of war. and the sacred canons and councils have prescrib'd certain cases and circumstances of necessity or danger , wherein ecclesiasticks are bound to assist the publick with their contribut●ons ; and certainly 't would be inexc●●able ava●●c● in them not to regard common necessities . they are the most noble and principal part of a state ; and if for them , or for religion , others are oblig'd to expose their lives , why not they their riches ? if the state maintains and keeps them , it may very justly expect a reciprocal relief from them for its conservation and defence . the people would be di●courag'd from paying tyths , and other church duties , if in common calamities there were none to ease them of extraordinary burthens ; they will blame their own piety , and their zeal and devotion , for any new offerings , donatives , and legacies to the chu●ch will slacken . 't is therefore highly reasonable that the clergy in cases of this nature , aid the publick with their revenues , not only for that the danger or benefit equally respects all ; but withal , least the goods and estates of the laity be so oppress'd , that tillage , and with it tythes , and other pious works must fail . in such cases , church-plate shews better in bars in the mint , than in chalices and cups in the vestry . this obligation upon the state ecclesiastical , is more strict in the more urgent necessities of the s●●nish kings ; for almost all the foundations and endowments of churches being the effects of their pious liberality , ●hey are in justice bound mutually to relieve their patrons in necessity , and oblige them to continue their munificence in better times . these , and many other reasons , have prevail'd with the apostolick see , to be so liberal to the kings of spain , in granting them the use of the church goods , to maintain their wars against the infidels . gregory the seventh granted sancho rami●ez king of arragon , the tythes and revenues of all the churches , either newly built or gain'd from the moors , to dispose of as he pleas●d . the same grant also pope urban made to peter the first , king of arragon , his successors and grandees of his kingdom , excepting the churches of residence . innocent the third granted the bull of the croisade for the war of spain , which was call'd the holy war ; which favour , pope calixt●s afterwards in henry the fourth's time extended both to the living and the dead . gregory the tenth , gave king alphonsus the wise , the third part of the tythes which were design'd for building : this began afterwards to be perpetuated in iohn the second's reign ; and alex●nder the sixth extended it also to the kingdom of granada . john the twenty second , granted the tythes of the church revenues , and the croisade to king alphonsus the eleventh . urban the fifth , a third part of the benefices of castile to peter the cruel . sixtus the fourth , consented to have the clergy contribute at one time an hundred thousand ducates for the war of granada ; which favour several other popes continued . iulius the second , granted emanuel , king of portugal , the third part of the revenue which belong'd to the church-building , and the tythes of all other ecc●esiastical incomes . these subsidies ought not to be spent but in necessities , and for the publick uses , to which they were design'd . this queen isabella so religiously observ'd , that seeing ninety millions rais'd by the croisade , she immediately commanded they should be employ'd to the very uses prescribed by the apostolick bulls . those favours will shine more , and produce better fruit , when so expended . but necessities and danger usually confound all things , and easily wrest the popes meaning to what was not intended . emblem xxvi . it was an impious opinion , that of those who impudently asserted the heathens to have had more courage than the christians ; upon this ground , that their superstition strengthned their minds , and render'd them more fierce and manly by the dismal sight of so many bloody victims , as they offer'd to the gods in their sacrifices ; and held them only to be men of courage and magnanimity , who got the better of other nations rather by force than reason : accusing on the contrary the institution of our religion for recommending humility and meekness ; virtue is good for nothing but to make men mean spirited . what an impious and unreasonable opinion this ! the spilling of blood may indeed make the mind more barbarous and cruel , more valiant it never can . fortitude and magnanimity enter not at the eyes , but are born within the breast ; nor are those the most generous , who are most pleas'd with the blood and slaughter of beasts , or who live on man's flesh. our religion does not contemn magnanimity , but rather promotes it , not by proposing to us temporary and corruptible rewards , as the pagan superstition does , but eternal ones never to have an end . and if a simple crown of lawrel , which begins to fade as soon as gathered , inspired so much courage then , what won't now that everlasting one of stars ? is it that the heathens have exposed themselves to greater dangers than the christians ? no , for if at any time they assaulted a city , or forc'd a camp , it was under shields and targets . whereas now christians must make their way through thick showers of bullets , and the thunder and lightning of gunpowder . 't is a mistake to imagine humility and valour incompatible ; they are rather so closely connected , 〈◊〉 without the former this is impracticable ; nor can true valour be where there is not humility , patience , and in general all other virtues . for he only is really valiant that can subdue his passions , and is free from all perturbation of mind ; a study the stoicks have bestow'd much labour on , and after them the christians with greater success . he makes but a very small progress in it , who suffers himself to be transported with anger and pride . this is truly heroical to conquer ones lusts and appetites . the mind where these conflicts are , is none of the easiest fields of battel ; he who has learnt thus much submission , to bend the knee to another , will upon occasion easily despise danger , and with undaunted resolution submit his neck to the ax. the heathen religion , 't is true , has produced many great commanders , such as were the caesars , scipios , and abundance of others , but certainly the christian has furni●ht us with no less con●iderable ones in the persons of the alphonso's and ferdi●●●ds of castile , as well as other kings of arragon , navarre , and portugal . what valour could possibly equal that of the emperor charles the fifth ? what great generals has antiquity ever celebrated , which have not been equall'd , if not been surpass'd by gonzal●z f●●dinand of cordova , fernan cortez , antony de lieve , ferdinand d'avalos , marquiss of pescara ; alphonso d'avalos , marquiss of guast ; alexander farnese , duke of p●rma ; andr●w d'oria , alphonso d'alb'ouquerque , ferdi●●nd alvarez of toledo , duke of alba ; the marquisses of sancta cruz ; the earl of fuentes , marquiss spinola , le●is fa●ardo , and almost infinite others ; as well spainards as others , never sufficiently to be commended by fame . to whom may deservedly be applied what st. paul said of those great captains , gideon , barak , sampson , ieph●●a , david , and samuel , that by faith they subdued kingdoms ; waxed va●iant in fight , ●urn'd to flight the armies of the aliens if we will compare the victories of the heathens to those of the christians , we shall find the latter to have been much the greater . in the battel of navas were kill'd two hundred thousand moors , with the loss only of twenty five on our side ; finding the camp so covered with spears and darts , that though the victors ●taid there two days , using no other fewel but the wood of them ; they could not consume them , even , though they endeavour●d it . there fell more in the battel of salado , with the loss but of twenty christians . and in that naval victory , which don john of austria obtain'd over the turks at lepanto , there were no less than an hundred and eighty gallies sunk and taken : which victories christians attribute not to their own valour , but to the true god whom they adore . an heart confiding in god , as effectually stays an enemy , as a hand arm'd with a sword , as iudas machabaeus found . 't is god who governs the hearts , 't is he that imparts courage and strength , that grant● or denies victories . he would be an impostor , and could not be clear'd from the imputation of fraud , were he rather assisting to those who adore false gods , whose idolatrous sacrifices all tend to procure their favour . but if he sometimes also permit them to be victorious , 't is not to be ascrib'd to their devotion , but to other secret causes of divine providence . in the thirst which the roman army suffer'd in the war against the marcomanni ; god could not be appeas'd with the prayers and sacrifices of the heathen legions , but when the tenth compos'd of christians , at last implor'd his aid , he sent down plentiful showers to them , but to the enemy thunder and lightning , so that they obtain'd an easy victory , whence it was afterwards call'd the thundring legion . if that faith were still , it would still work the same effects ; but whether through want of that , or for some other secret ends , god does sometimes permit those to be triumph'd over , who pay him true adoration ; but then the victory is not a reward to the conqueror , but a chastisement to the conquered . let princes therefore always hold in their hands the flag of the cross , signified by that sword which ieremiah gave to iudas machabaeus to wound his adversaries withal , and on their arms the buckler of religion , and continually before their eyes , that eternal fire which went before the persian monarchs : an emblem of that other incomprehensible fire from which the sun receives its rays . this is the true religion which the soldiers ador'd , as oft as they prostrated themselves before the emperour constantine's banner : for when the ●●ape of a cross in the heavens made by the sun 's light , with this inscription , thou shalt conquer under this sign * , seem'd to promise him the victory over maxe●ti●● , he commanded a standard to be made in the same form with that of the present emblem , with the letters x and p , cyphers of christ's name over it , and the letters alpha and omega , the emblem of god , the beginning and end of all things . this standard the emperors after him made use of , till iulian the apostate's time † ; and don john of austria had on all his colours embroider'd a cross , with this motto : with these arms i have conquer'd the turks , and with the same i hope to overcome hereticks * : king alphonsus the great put the words of constantine's cross on another sort of ensign , which he afterwards offer'd in the church of oviedo : and of those i have thought fit to make use on , as well as constanstine's standard , to form this emblem , and to imprint on princes minds , that faith and assurance , with which they ought to erect the standard of religion against their enemies . at the battel of navas , a person made way three times through the thickest of the enemy with the cross of roderigo , archbishop of toledo , though all the darts and arrows of the moors were aim'd at it , and many stuck in the lance. angels are the guards of this banner ; two angels upon white horses , were seen to fight in the front of the battel of simaneas , when king ramiro the second , vanquish'd the moors ; and in that of clavigio , in time of ramiro the first ; and also in that of merida , under king alphonsus the ninth , appear'd that divine light , the son of thunder , st. iago , patron of spain , on a white steed carrying colours distinguish'd by a red cross. no one shall be able to stand before you , ( said ioshua upon his death-bed ) if you put your hope and confidence in god : your sword shall conquer thousands , for he will fight for you . the holy scriptures are full of instances of this divine assistance . god put the very stars in array against the canaanites . against the amorites he arm'd the elements , and rain'd great stones from heaven . nor did the faithful need any assistance against the madianites , for the lord set every man's sword against his fellow . thus , whoever is god's enemy , brings vengeance upon his own head . emblem xxvii . what , neither force , nor a close siege of many years could do against troy , fraud at length effected under pretence of religion , the graecians conveying their arms into the city within the body of a wooden horse , under pretext of a vow to minerva . neither the clattering noise of the weapons , nor the advertency of the most prudent citizens , nor the consideration that it could not be brought into the city but by a breach , nor that of its being to continue within the walls a considerable time , were sufficient to open the peoples eyes , and to discover the treachery : of such influence is religion . this scipio africanus , sylla , sertorius , minos , pisistratus , lycurgus , and many others , have advantageously made use of to authorize their laws , and impose upon the people . the phoenicians coming into spain , built , where medina sidonia now stands , a temple in the form of a fortress dedicated to hercules , saying , that they were so commanded in a dream . the spaniards believ'd that to be devotion which was stratagem , that to be piety which was a trick , whereby religiously to enslave and plunder the people . by means of another temple on the promontory dianea , ( now denia ) the inhabitants of the isle of zante conceal'd the design they had of bringing spain under their subjection . king sisenand having depos'd swinth●●● , to secure to himself the crown , call'd a provincial synod of about seventy bishops , under colour of making new laws for regulating ecclesiastical discipline which time had corrupted ; whereas his chief and re●l design was to get swinthila depos'd , and himself inthron'd by a dec●ee of these fathers , the better to satisfy the people . which very artifice ervigius made use of to confirm his election , and the abdication of king wam●● malice well knows what effect religion has on mens minds , and therefore makes that the principal instrument to execute its designs , which easily impose upon the simple vulgar , who , poor souls , not being able to penetrate all their ends , believe their only tendency is to render god propitious , to make him prosper their temporal affairs here , and reward them eternally hereafter . what nauseous delusions have nations swallow'd when gilt with religion , miserably abandoning themselves to superstition ? what servile and barbarous custom has not that introduc'd , to the prejudice of liberty , life , and fortune ? let princes therefore be upon their guard , in these times particularly , when policy puts on the mask of piety , and not easily admit those stalking-horses of religion , which have ruined not only cities , but whole countries and kingdoms . for , if under that title , ambition and avarice creep in , and the people be oppress'd , they will renounce god's easy yoak , and will look upon this natural and divine law of religion to be nothing but a piece of state policy ; and that princes under that veil conceal their methods to keep subjects in allegiance , and strip them of their fortunes . let princes therefore throughly examine , whether the novelty introduc'd be really upon the account of religion , or meerly a specious pretence to the prejudice of their power and authority , to the detriment of their subjects , or the publick peace ; which they may find out by the ends it proposes , by observing to what such innovations tend , whether to interest or ambition , whether they conduce to the spiritual good or not ; or if this can't be procur'd by other means less prejudicial . in such cases an evil is with less danger prevented than afterwards remedied ; and the only means to prevent it , is not to give place to these pretexts and abuses ; however , if they be already introduc'd , they ought to be corrected with all the mildness imaginable , not rashly , nor with violence or extream rigour ; especially , if the case fall not under the prince's jurisdiction ; but with extraordinary address , having du● respect to the persons , under whose cognizance it falls , laying before them the truth of the thing , and the ill consequences and inconveniences of it . for if the secular prince attempt to do it by force , and those abuses should be establish'd into a custom among the people , they will interpret this violence to ●e impiety in the prince , and rather obey the priests than him : on the other side , if they see the ecclesiastical and civil power disagree , they will throw off all obedience , and emboldened by the declared will o● the prince , they will make an insurrection against religion it self , and be insensibly induc●d to beli●ve , th● inconveniencies of these contentions extend even to the substance of religion , which will easily bring them to change their opinions , and that too . and by this means , the prince being engag'd in civil broils and dissentions with the clergy , and the people in new opinions , all respect for things sacred will cease , and errors arise upon the eclipse of that divine luminary which before enlighten'd and united their minds ; which is the scource of the ruin of many princes , and of the revolutions of states . great prudence is requisite to govern the people in such matters , for 't is equally obvious for them to despise them , which is impious ; and to be over credulous in them , which is superstition ; this last most frequently happens , in that their ignorance is presently taken with appearances of devotion , and new opinions , before reason has had time to examine them ; wherefore 't is very necessary gradually to remove from them all occasions of ruin , those particularly which usually arise from frivolous disputations about too subtle points , such as very little , if at all promote religion , not suffering them to be defended or printed ; otherwise they will be divided into factions , and every one's maintaining his own opinions with as much heat and obstinacy , as if they were matter of faith , may occasion no less disturbances , than even a difference of religions , or a toleration of them . it was an apprehension of this made tiberius forbid the books of the sibyls to be seen , whose prophecies might cause seditions . in the acts of the apostles we read , that the books which contain'd idle curiosities were burnt . an appearance often miserably deludes the common people , who blindly follow any superstitious devotions with a submission wholly effeminate , which renders them melancholy , cowardly , and very slaves to their own imaginations ; which debase their spirits , and prompt them to idle away their time in convents and pilgrimages , where oft-times many abuses and vices are committed . this is an infirmity of the vulgar , and not a little prejudicial to the truth of religion , and the publick safety ; and unless nipp'd in the bud , creates great inconveniencies and dangers , being a kind of folly that under the appearance of good does every thing hand over head , following new notions of religion , and devilish inventions . some submission is requisite , but that without base and ssavish bigottry ; such i mean as has virtue in esteem , abhors vice ▪ and holds labour and obedience to be more agreeable to god and the prince , than convents and pilgrimages , this devotion being usually celebrated with banquets , balls , and plays ; like that of the people of israel at the consecration of the molten calf . but if the people once begin to be too opinionative in matters of religion , and to introduce any innovations in it , immediate remedy must be apply'd , and the ill seed be routed out before it take root and spread farther , so as to grow into a body too powerful for the prince , against whom they may afterwards , if he refuse to conform to their opinion , contrive some pernicious innovation in the government . and though the understanding be free , and without destroying its liberty can●t be constrain'd to believe , and so it may seem to belong peculiarly to god almighty to punish those who have unworthy sentiments of him ; yet , would it be of very ill consequence to commit the decision of the sublimest mysteries of faith to the blind and ignorant mob : 't is therefore infinitely requisite to oblige subjects to think , as the ancient germans did , that there is more sanctity and reverence in believing than knowing things divine . what monstrous errors were a kingdom obnoxious to , if each man were allow'd to be a jugde in matters of religion ? hence the romans were so careful in prohibiting the exercise of any new religion , and claudius thought the foreign superstitions a sufficient subject for complaint to the senate . but if malice have already got footing , and punishment be too weak to resist the multitude , 't is necessary that discretion perform the part of fire and sword : for obstinacy in faults sometimes increases by an untimely application of remedies too violent ; nor does reason always surrender to force . king ricaredus by dexterously adapting himself to the times , now dissembling , now flattering , brought his subjects to renounce arianism , and to return to the catholick church . great men have anciently made use of superstition ( as we have before intimated ) to authorize their laws , animate their people , and keep them in subjection and obedience ; to this end they feigned dreams and divine revelations , and pretended to have private conference with the gods ; but although these artifices extreamly influence the simple people , whose superstitious humour is easily affected with things that have an appearance supernatural : 't is not however allowable for princes to delude them with counterfeit miracles , and a false shew of religion . of what use is the shadow , where one may enjoy the light it self ? to what purpose those divine imaginary prodigies of heaven , since it gives , as we see , so many real ones to those who with a firm faith and assurance expect them from divine providence ? how can an infinitely just god give success to these arts which seem to call in question his care and concern for things here below , that counterfeit his omnipotence , and ascribe to him what he is not the author of ? what certainty in religion can the people promise themselves , if they see it wrested to serve the particular ends of princes , and that 't is nothing but a veil with which they cover their designs , and give truth the lye ? that policy is certainly very unsafe , that is cloak'd with fraud , very weak and tottering , that is supported by contrivance . emblem xxviii . prudence is the rule and measure of virtues , without that these degenerate into vices . wherefore as other virtues have theirs in the appetite , this has its residence in the intellect , from thence presiding over them all . agatho calls it a great goddess . this it is which constitutes the three forms of government , monarchy , aristocracy , and democracy , and assigns each of them their parts conformed to the subjects nature , having its eyes always intent upon their preservation as the principal end of politicks . prudence is the state 's anchor , the prince's compass . where this virtue fails , the very soul of government is wanting . ' t is this , ( says king alphonsus ) which makes ▪ see things as they are , and judge what they may be , making us act therein decently , without tumult and precipitation . 't is the peculiar virtue of princes , and that which above all others renders a man compleat , which makes nature so sparing in her dispensations of it ; having given many great wit and capacity , very few great prudence ; for defect of which , the more eminent men are in dignity , the more dangerous is their government ; for as much as they easily transgress the limits of reason , and are ruined ; besides , that one of command requires a clear judgment to discern all things as they are in themselves , to weigh and give each thing its just value . this nice examination is of very great consequence in princes , and as nature contributes much to it , so does observation and experience more . the virtue of prudence consists of several parts reducible to these three heads ; the memory of past , the knowledge of present , and the prospect of future times . all these differences of time are represented in this emblem , by a serpent , the emblem of prudence , upon an hour-glass , which represents time present , winding it self about a scepter , and viewing it self in the two glasses of past and future ; with this verse of virgil , translated from homer , including all three , for the motto : what are , what were , and what shall come to pass . which prudence looking into regulates , and composes all its actions . these three times are the mirror of government , in which by observing the past as well as present errors and miscarriages , it d●esses and beautifies it self by private and acquired experience : of the former i treat in another place . the acquir'd is either attain'd by conversation or history . conversation is very beneficial , thought something more limited , being apprehended with less difficulty , abundantly more satisfactory of all doubts and questions , and consequently more improving . history is a general representation of all the ages of the world , and by the benefit of that the memory recals the time of our ancestors . the faults of those who were , instruct them that now are . wherefore 't is necessary that the prince search for true friends , such as will relate with sincerity things both past and present : and since they are , as alphonsus , king of naples and arragon , us'd to say , like histories that neither flatter , nor conceal , or dissemble the truth ; let him admit them particularly into his council , carefully observing the neglects and failings of his predecessors ; by what tricks they have been put upon ; the court artifices ; the intestine and foreign ills of kingdoms ; and examine whether he be not in danger of the same . time is the best master of princes . past ages are a kind of hospitals , where policy anatomizes the carcasses of monarchies and commonwealths which once flourished , thereby the better to cure the ails of the present . they are the sea-charts , wherein by the wrecks , or prosperous navigations of others , shores are discover'd . seas sounded , sands and rocks found , and all the lines of government marked out ; yet , are not all books good counsellors ; for some advance knavery and deceit , which because more practised than truth , many have recourse to . the most secure are those dictated by divine wisdom . here a prince hath for all manner of accidents , a compleat system of politicks , and safe precepts to govern himself and others by . for this reason , the kings of israel were commanded to have always by them , the book of deuteronomy , and to read some part of it every day . 't is god we hear , him we learn of as often as we turn over those divine oracles . the emperor alexander severus , had always near him persons well vers'd in history , to tell him what other emperors had done in dubious matters . with this study of history , your royal highness may securely enter the dangerous sea of government , having the experience of things past for a pilot to steer you in the conduct of those present , both which your highness ought to manage , so as to keep your eyes fixt on futurity , still looking forwards to prevent dangers , at least to render them less injurious . according to these aspects of times , your highness's prudence ought to judge of things to come , not by those of the planets , which being few in number , and having their motions stated and regular , cannot possibly ( though there were some virtue in them ) foretel such variety of events , as fortune produces , or free-will prepares . nor are speculation and experience sufficient , whereupon to ground any certain knowledge of causes so remote . let your highness therefore be pleas'd to cast your eyes on the times past , from ferdi●●●d the catholick , to philip the second , and comparing them with those that have pass'd from thence till now ; consider whether spain be now as well-peopled , as rich and plentiful as then ; whether arts and arms flourish as much ; whether trade and husbandry succeed as well ; and if your highness find it to have fail'd in any of these particulars , dissect the whole body , search into its arteries and parts , the sound and entire as well as the distemper'd ; as also into the causes of those infirmities : consider with your self , whether they do not proceed from some of those so ordinary ones ; from planting colonies , want of propagation , multiplicity of religious orders , too many festivals , universities , and studies , the discovery of the indie● , peace ill manag'd , war slightly undertaken , or negligently carried on , from the cashiering of officers , the rarity of recompences , the oppression of usury , the transportation of money , the disproportion of the coin , or whatever causes of the like nature . if your highness shall discover the fountain from whence the evil proceeds , it will be no difficult matter to provide a remedy against it ; and from a competent knowledge of the past and present times , your highness will be enabled to make an estimate of that to come , for there is no new thing under the sun ; the thing that hath been , it is that which shall be ; and that which is done , is that which shall be done . the persons are chang'd not the scenes , manners and customs are always the same . after the conversation of books , it will be very much for a prince's improvement to have that 〈◊〉 learned men , who are daily conversant with them , and will entertain his ear with well digested discourse and reasonings , the result of long premeditation . this gave occasion to that usual saying of iohn the second , king of portugal , that a kingdom either found a prince prudent , or made him so . that is , the gre●● school of government , wherein ministers of the greatest learning and most eminent experience , wh●ther domestick or foreign , converse with the princ● about affairs . here one is in constant exercise , and has a particular knowledge almost of whatever is transacted in the world. this school being , more especially necessary for a prince , teaches him , if not out 〈◊〉 duty , at least for learning's sake to apply himself 〈◊〉 affairs , and study fully to understand , and go 〈◊〉 the bottom of them , and not leave them to the decision of his councellors . for by an entire neglect an● disuse of business , the mind become savage , an● conceives an aversion for it , as an intolerable weight , and so chuses to leave all to the care and industry of others . and if their opinion upon any subject be afterwards told him , he is in the dark , not being able to discern whether they have determined well or ill ; in which confusion he must necessarily be ashamed of himself , seeing how like a dumb idol he is , to whom adoration is paid , while another renders the oracles . for this reason , the prophet zachary calls that prince an idol , who like a shepherd that leaveth his flock , forgets his duty . he is statue which represents , but does not exert majesty . he has a mouth and speaks not ; eyes and ears , but neither sees nor hears . and being generally look'd upon to be an idol of adoration only , not miracles , is universally despis'd as an unprofitable burthen to the earth . nor will it be easy for him to retrieve his credit ; for affairs out of which he might draw some experience , will glide away like waters that never return ; and not knowing where the web of affairs begins , 't is impossible he should finish it with success . to avoid these and the like inconveniences , it is absolutely requisite for the prince at the beginning of his reign to apply himself to the administration of publick affairs , that by use he may gradually learn the art of government . for though they at first seem terrible and difficult , ambition and the glory which may be expected thence , will afterwards make them pleasant and delightful . let not fear of doing amiss be any obstacle to him , for there 's no prudence so in●●llible but it may sometimes err . from errors proceeds experience , and from thence the best maxims of government . and if at any time he happens to be in one , let this thought comfort him , that 't is sometimes less dangerous to miscarry himself , than succeed by another ; for this the people carp and cavil at , the former they easily bear with . a prince's obligation consists only in being desirous , and using his utmost endeavours to succeed , admitting instruction and counsel without pride and presumption , that mother of error and ignorance . power is born with princes , wisdom not : if they will but hear , they will know how to govern. solomon owning what a child he was to judge god's people , prayed for a docile and understanding heart , thinking that sufficient to make him capable of successfully discharging his duty . a zealous and well-meaning prince , god leads as 't were by the hand , least he should at any time make a false step in the government of his states . emblem xxix . some fishermen , once in the island chios , casting their nets into the sea for fish , drew out a tripos , which was a kind of vessel made for the service of th● altar , or ( as others will have it ) a round three legg'd table , an admirable work , and of an inestimable value , not so much for the matter , though it was of gold , 〈◊〉 because of the artist vulcan . this kindled avarice in them , and all the other fishers of that island , who in vain often threw theirs with the same hopes . how often have the happy successes of one prince deceiv'd himself and others , while they all endeavour to attain ●he same fortune by the same means ? 't is not so easy to follow another's steps , or to go ones own over again , so as to tread always exactly in the same tracks . ● small space of time joyn'd with so great ● variety of accidents effaces the first , and whatsoever impressions are made afresh , are quite different , and consequently lead not to the same end . alexander the great has had many followers and imitators , who although nothing inferior to him in all accomplishments , both of body and mind , yet could never arrive to ●o high a pitch of glory and success , at least have not me● with that applause to be good is in our power , but to appear so to others is not . fortune sports with us even in matters of fame , nor does the same success always correspond to the same action . what befel saguntum , did also happen to estepa , yet of this there scarce remains any memory . this little city , forsooth , deserv'd not so much glory ; for what is scarce taken notice of in small , in great ones is often highly extoll'd . the same thing is usual in virtues ; the same shall create one prince a good , another an ill character ; this is the times and subjects . if the nobility be unruly , the commonalty dissolute and licentious ; the prince that tries to reduce them to reason , will not escape the name of bad . every kingdom would have a prince of its own stamp . whence 't is , that though a prince govern by the same good methods , as have in anothers government been applauded , yet shall he not be so well receiv'd , nor equally commended , excep● the subjects of both alike good . hence t is not without danger , for a prince to b● wholly guided by examples , it being ve●y difficult , i● not absolutely impossible , that in any one case th●● should be an equal concurrence of all those very circumstances which are in another . these second caus●● of the coelestial orbs turn round continually , and form each day new aspects of constellations , by which they produce their effects , and the changes o● things : and as the stars once appearing never retu●● exactly in the same manner again , so neither have th●● the like operations upon things here below , and by the variation of some accidents , the successes too 〈◊〉 varied , in which chance has sometimes more effica● than prudence . others examples in my opinion deceive princes no less than to follow none at all . wherefore what has happened to others deserves con●ideration , to establish a prudent policy ; not that all its maxims should be squared by ●heir rule , and that exposed to the hazard and uncertainty of casualties . others events are to be an instruction not a law . those examples alone can be imitated with any assurance , that result from causes and reasons essentially good , and common to the law of nature , and that of nations , for they are at all times the same . as a●so those of such princes as have preserved themselves in credit and honour by religion , justice , and clemency , and other virtues and moral actions . yet in these cases too careful attention is required , for manners ▪ and the reputation of virtues often change , nor is it new or unusual for a prince to be ruined by the ●ame , that at another time made him flourish . all these things therefore prudence ought to consider , a●d not put too much confidence in its self , but consult the various accidents that every day happen , not looking upon things to come as certain ▪ however disc●eet judgment and diligence seem to have sea●cht and provided ●gainst them . for events are not always correspondent to their means , nor do they at a●l times depend upon the ordinary connexion of causes , where humane counsels usually take effect , but on that supe●ior cause which directs all other . this makes our thoughts and suppositions so uncertain , and the hopes ●ounded thereon so subject to disappointment . no one was in all mens opinion farther from the empire , than claudius , yet heaven had then design him for tiberius's successor . this is more common in the e●ection of popes , wherein humane industry is very often baffled . divine providence does not always use natural means , at least sometimes produces by the same different effects , drawing streight lines by a crooked rule , so what should have been advantageous , proves frequently prejudicial to the prince . the same pillar of fire in the wilderness gave light to god's people , and filled the enemies camp with darkness . the greatest humane prudence is oftentimes at a loss ; whe●e a man expected secu●●ty , he sometimes finds ruin , as it happened to viriatus , who was betrayed and killed by those very ambassadors he had sent to the consul , servilius . a misfortune we have once sustained , we don't easily believe we shall suffer again ; but on the contrary , presently persuade our selves prosperity will continue , o● at least return . this confidence has been destructive to many in that it disarms prudence . this world is a vast sea of events , tossed by various and unknown causes . let us not be too much elated , if by chance we bring our nets to shore full with the success of our wishes ; nor on the other side , dejected if they prove empty ; we ought always to cast them , and expect the consequence with the same equality of mind . 't is impossible for that man to enjoy any rest , who promising himself a prosperous issue of his design , sees a contrary event , and is destitute of a remedy for it ▪ misfortunes cannot surprize one that expects the worst , nor will disappointed hopes expose him to ridicule , as they did the persians in the war against the athenians , who had a great while before furnished themselves with marble from paros to inscribe the victory on , which their hopes had long ago anticipated ; but being afterwards overcome , the athenians made use of that very marble to erect to revenge a statue , an everlasting monument of the persian folly. to presume to know things to come , is in a manner a rebellion against god , and a foolish contention with divine wisdom , which has indeed permitted human prudence to guess at , but not foretel things of this nature , that in this uncertainty of accidents it may acknowledge it self more subject to , and dependent on its creator . this makes policy so cautious and provident in its resolutions , well knowing how short sighted the grea●est humane wisdom is in futurity , and how ●ncertain those judgments are , which are grounded upon presumption . if princes could foreseeu future contingences , their councils would not so often miscarry . and this i take to be the reason , that as soon as saul was elected king , god infused into him the spirit of prophecy . from what hath been said , may be gathered , that although antiquity be venerable , and there be really something royal in the ways she hath opened to posterity , for experience to pass more securely ; yet 't is visible many are ruined by time , so that they grow , impassable ; and consequently the prince ought not to be so diffident of himself , so religiously to tread his ancestors steps , as not upon occasion to venture to go another way of his own . innovations are not always dangerous ; it is sometimes convenient to introduce them . were there no alterations , the world would never be perfected , which advances in wisdom as it does in age. the most ancient customs were new . and what we now see without example , will be hereafter a precedent . what we now follow by experience , was begun without it . our age also may leave many glorious inventions for posterity to imitate ; nor is every thing the ancients have done the best , no more than all the moderns do now , will be approved by after-ages . many abuses have descended to us from our ancestors , and many severe savage customs of the ancients time has mitigated and changed for the better . emblem xxx . ingenious rome , that virtue and valour might not want trophies to honour and recompence conquerors , excite emulation in posterity , and give example to her other citizens , invented the columnae rostratae , pillars whereon were hung the heads of such ships , as returned victorious after long voyages , thus eternizing the memory of sea-fights ; one of which monuments was raised to the consul duillius , for the signal victory he obtained over the carthaginians ; as also to marcus aemilius for another . this trophy gave occasion to the present emblem , wherein the strength and firmness of the pillar represents wisdom , and the heads of the ships that had run through so many perils upon the ocean , experience , the mother of prudence and support of that wisdom . this has things universal and perpetual for its object , that particula● actions . the one is acquired by speculation and study ; the other ( which is an habit of the mind ) by the knowledge of good and evil , and by use and exercise ; both jointly make a perfect prince , one alone is not sufficient . whence it easily appears how dangerous the government of those is , who are addicted only to the contemplation of sciences , and a solitary life , for such want generally use and practice , and so can profit little by their actions , they being either rash , or mean and abject ; especially if they be trans●orted with excess of fear or zeal . their discourses , indeed , and writings ( wherein more of a speculative than practical genius reigns ) may be serviceable to the prince to awaken his mind , and furnish him with matter for conversation , provided they be seasonably used , and with experience . physick prescribes remedies for diseases , which however the physician never applies without first examining the qualities of the distemper , the nature and constitution of his patient . had hannibal by this consideration moderated his barbarous arrogance , he had not took phor●io for a fool , for teaching the art of war , when himself was no soldier ; for although speculation alone does by no means acquire practice , it being extreamly difficult for the hand to copy accurately all that the mind has drawn , or for whatever the imagination has proposed to be accomplished to the eyes satisfaction ; especially when war depends upon such a variety of accidents that experience her self sometimes know● not what is to be done . yet , for all this , phormio might have given hannibal ( as great and experienced a general as he was ) such precepts as would have taught him to correct his treacherous and subtle nature , to leave off his cruelty to conquered nations , and proud carriage to such as had recourse to him for protection . he undoubtedly had learnt to make a better use of the victory at cannae , to shun the debaucheries of capua , and gain the favour of antioc●us . king ferdinand the catholick , used on some occasions the ministery of the religious ; but whether to manage or only prepare affairs , i can't say ; or if it was not , perhaps to spare the expence of ambassies , or prevent the inconveniences usually arising from disputes between the nobility about precedency . however secrets are not securely intrusted to them , they depending more upon the obedience of their immediate superiors , than that of princes ; and if they accidentally die , into their hands will fall all private letters and papers . besides , for neglect of duty they are not punishable , and their example is a disturbance to religious tranquility , and the practices of policy infect their candor and simplicity . they are better physicians for spiritual than temporal distempers . every sphere has its peculiar activity . i don 't in the mean time deny that sometimes there are to be found among them , persons who have had their education in courts , without that narrowness of soul which usually accompanies a monastick and retired life , wits so cultivated by learning and observation , that affairs even of the greatest consequence may be safely committed to them , especially such as respect the publick quiet , and the good of christendom ; for modesty in conversation , well ordered virtues , the gravity of , and deference paid to a religious habit , are no small recommendations in prince's courts to gain audience , and prepare minds to receive impressions . experiences drawn from others misfortunes and dangers , are indeed happy , but not so effectually persuasive as our own ; the former we see or hear only ; these we sensibly feel too . they are too deeply engraved , as i may say , on our breasts to be soon effaced . shipwrecks descried from shoar , are something more affecting than anothers relation of them ; but he who has had the fortune to escape them , hangs up his rudder in the temple of experience for ● perpetual memorial of it . so that though a prince will improve by both , yet his own private ones he ought most to regard , particularly observing this , that if they proceed from any fault , self-love is too apt to excuse them ; and that truth late or never comes to his ears to undeceive him , being either stopped in the palace-gates by malice , or concealed by flattery , which makes virtue not dare to unmask it for fear of bringing it self into danger , because it belongs not to it , or at least it sees all would be to no purpose . and thus princes ignorant of what neglect they have been guilty , how and where they have done amiss in their councils or actions , cannot correct their errors , nor by their experience prove more cautious and prudent for the future . there ought to be no fault committed , no miscarriage happen in the state , whereof there should not be present faithful and sincere information given the prince . there 's no sensation or pain in any part of the body , but immediately is carried to the heart , as the prince of life , where the soul has its chief residence , and as that whose principal interest it is to preserve the other members intire . how happy were it , if kings well knew what evils their kingdoms laboured under , we should not see them so inveterate . whereas the only thing now aimed at in courts , is to divert the prince's ears with musick , and such like entertainments , that he may not hear his subjects complaints , nor say with saul , what ail●th the people that they weep ? and so he is ignorant of their necessities and calamities , at least knows them too late . though the adventure of i●nas , whom a great fish had vomited up alive , was very fresh ; though his publick cries made a noise over the whole city of nineveh , whose destruction he threatned within forty days : yet was the king the last that heard of it , every citizen , from the greatest to the least , having already mourned , and put on sackcloath . who is there has the courage to tell a prince the whole truth , or discover the evils that menace him ? the whole army of bethulia came to holofernes's tent with great c●ies , because the sun was already risen , yet did not the office●s of the bed-chamber dare to awake him , nor call him by his name , but made only ● noise with their feet ; till when the evidence of the danger obliged them to enter , the enemy had already cut off his head and hung it upon their walls . thus it generally happens , the prince first discovers faults , when there 's either no remedy for them , or at least it cannot be applied without great difficulty . his ministers perswade him all things succeed well , which makes him negligently lose all experience , and the instructions of necessity , the best mistress of prudence . for although prosperity proceed from prudence , this does not from prosperity . the principal office of prudence in princes , or others concerned with them , is to teach them to know expe●imentally all mens humours , which are discernible from the dress , the looks , the motions of the eyes and actions , and lastly from the speech . marks which god almighty thought so necessary to human commerce , that he has wrote them visibly upon every one's forehead . without them neither the prince would know how to govern , nor men of affairs obtain their ends. mens minds are as various as their faces ; and although reason be in its self one and the same , the ways reasoning take● in the research of it , are widely different ; and the delusions of the imagination usually are so great , that some men appear as irrational as the very brutes . wherefore all are not to be treated with in the same method , but this must be varied , suitably to the person 's nature , as they change the bit according to the horse's mouth . some tempers are generous and exalted , with these reputation and honour are most prevaising : others mean and abject , which are wholly lead by private interest and advantage . some are bold and enterprizing , these are to be gently turned from the precipice : others slothful and timorous , which should be so lead by business , that they may see the vanity of danger . some are naturally servile , these threats and fear of punishment has more influence on than intreaties : others arr●gant , and are tamed by authority , being by compliance ruined . one is full of fire , and so quick at business , that with the same expedition he dispatches it , he immediately repents ; this man 't is hard giving counsel to : another is slow and irresolute , whom time must teach at his own cost . some are ignorant and stupid , these are not to be convinced by subtle and refined arguments , but palpable demonstrations . others sceptically dispute every thing , and are guilty of an excess of subtilty , these must be abandoned to themselves , to fly as hawks till they be ●ired , then called to the lure of reason , and the bus●ness in hand . some refuse all mens counsel , are wholly guided by their own ; to these you are not to give any , but so point as it were to them , and give such hints in a large discourse upon the matter , that they may of themselves light on them , which will make them approved as their own off-spring , and ac●ordingly executed ; others know neither how to act nor resolve without counsel , with such as these all the persuasion in the world is to no purpose , so the business which should have passed through their hands may be better transacted with their counsellors . the same variety which is visible in dispositions , is found also in affairs ; some are easy at first , but afterwards increase as rivers by the affluence of rivule●s , as it were of divers inconveniencies and difficulties , these are overcome by expedition in not giving time to their increase . others on the contrary , like the winds rise in storms , but end calmly , which require pa●ience and constancy . the enterprize of some is full of uncertainty and danger , in that when one least thinks the depth of difficulties appears , here one must proceed with caution and courage , with care , and a mind provided to encounter any accident . some require secrecy , these are to be carried on by mines , that the happy success may break out before one can perceive it : others can't be obtained but at certain times , in these you ought to have all the means ready immediately to hoist sail upon the first favourable blast of wind. some take root gradually ; and demand time to come to maturity ; here the seed of diligence is to be sowed and the fruit waited for : others except they succeed presently never do at all , which must be taken by assault , by employing all methods at once . some are so delicate and brittle , that like glasses they are with a blast formed and broken , these are to be tenderly handled : the difficulty of others is inhanced by being too much desired and pursued , here the arts of lovers are useful , whose passions are inflamed by slight and disdain . in a word the management of a few affairs demands precipitation ; in more force prevails ; in many patience , and in almost all reason and interest . importunity has spoil'd abundance of affairs , but it has also furthered many , as st. ierome said of the woman of canaan . men are no less weary of refusing than granting . opportunity is the thing contributes most to the good management of affairs ; he who knows how to use this shall scarce ever miscarry . the husbandman that is well acquainted with the nature of his soil , and knows the proper seed-time , may expect a plentiful harvest . there 's a time when all things are granted , another wherein all are denied , according as the mind shall be disposed , in which you may easily see the increase and decrease of business , for being lopped like tre●s in a proper month , they sprout out the more . some address in proposing and persuading by honesty , profit , and ease ; prudence in the choice of means , and some other natural endowments infinitely conduce to the succefs of affairs , provided those gifts of nature be accompanied with a discreet kind of complaisance and natural grace that captivates the mind ; for some mens looks and behaviour are so disagreeable and ungenteel , that they even shew one how to refuse their petitions ; but although these means ●oyned with good judgment and industry have a strange effect on business ; yet too much confidence ought not to be put in them , not yet should they be despaired of . light affairs sometimes breed great difficulties ; and on the other side , the lightest causes often obstruct the most weighty . the greatest prudence is sometimes blind in a matter as clear as the sun ; divine providence that has already long ago determined in his eternal decree , what shall become of every thing , being thus pleased to sport with humane affairs . from this variety of capacities and affairs ; appears of how much concern it is to the prince , to make choice of ministers fit to manage them , each man being no more capable of all manner of business , than every instrument useful for all works . persons of a violent temper , the cowardly and dif●ident , the rough and unpleasant in conversatio● , who can never serve the times , nor adapt themselves to others natures and customs , rather spoil affairs than compose them ; are readier at making , than reconciling enemies , fitter to be informers than mediators . affairs require persons of very different qualities to administer them . that man is above all the most proper , who in his air and words discovers a soul of candor and veracity , whose private person procures him love and esteem ; in whom jealousy and cunning are from art not nature , who can keep them in the most secret place of his breast when they require concealment ; who proposes with sweetness , hears with patience , replies with force , dissembles with discretion , urges with attention ; who obliges by liberality , persuades by reason , and convinces by experience ; who in a word designs prudently , and executes effectually . it was with these ministers , king ferdinand the catholick was able to succeed in all his enterprizes . the good choice of these is of no le●s consequence , than the conservation and enlargement of any state , for as much as all depends upon their administration ; more kingdoms having been destroyed by their ignorance than by that of princes . let this therefore be your highness's chiefest care to examine diligently all the qualities of your subjects , and after having given them any place , look now and then into their actions , and not be presently taken with , and deluded by the draught of their memoirs . there being very few ministers , who in them draw themselves to the life ? in effect , who will be so candid , so much a stranger to self-love , as to confess what good he has neglected to do , what evil to prevent ? it will be much if he with sincerity relate what he has actually done ; some using to write to the prince not what they have done or said , but what they ought to do or say . they have thought of , and designed every thing ●●fore-hand : they foresaw , nay , and executed all-affairs enter their closets like mishapen logs , but immediately come out again , as from some statuaries shop , exquisite figures ; 't is there they are varnished , gi●●ed , and painted , to beautify them , and enhance their value . there judgments are form'd , and abundance of preventions devis'd ever after the success ; there they are more powerful than god himself ; make the past time present , and the present past , by changing the date of their actions , as they see convenient . they are ministers who transact affairs in imagination only ; men that court applause , and steal rewards by their false letters : whence proceed the greatest inconveniences in the world , in that the prince's privy counsellors being directed by those intelligences and advices , if they are false , the orders and resolutions founded upon them will necessarily be so too . the holy scripture teaches us how ministers , and particularly ambassadors are oblig'd punctually to execute their commissions ; for we see in that hazael had from benhadad , king of syria to consult the prophet elisha about his disease , he chang'd not one word , nor dared so much as to speak in the third person . ministers of extraordinary experience are sometimes dangerous , either for that the prince puts too much confidence in them , or because biassed by self-love , or presuming upon their own abilities , they seldom think thoroughly of affairs , and born as 't were to overcome the most violent tempests , despise the small storms of inconveniences and difficulties , whereby they evidently expose themselves to danger . those are in some cases much safer , who 〈◊〉 yet novices in navigation keep close to the shore . though both together compose the best counsels ; in that the experience of those is qualified by the timorousness and caution of these ; in debates between the flegmatick and cholerick , the bold and circumspect , the quick and slow , there results a wholsome composition of opinions , as there does in bodies from the contrariety of humours . emblem xxxi . a pillar supports it self , balanced by its own weight . if it once leans on either side , it presently falls , and that the sooner the heavier it is . thus empires stand , and are preserv'd by their own authority and repute ; when they begin to lose that , they begin to fall ; nor is any earthly power sufficient to strengthen and prop them . let no one trust too much to a streight pillar , when it inclines never so little , the weakest hand promotes its ruin ; that very leaning i know not how inviting to push it ; but when falling , the strongest is unable to uphold it . one single action sometimes overthrows the best establish'd reputation which a great many can't erect again . for scarce any stain can so thoroughly be washed out , but some sign of it will remain , nor any opinion in mens minds that can be entirely effaced . dress the infamy as carefully as possible , it will still leave some scars . wherefore , if the crown stand not fixed and firm upon this perpendicular pillar of reputation , it will soon fall to the ground . alphonso the fifth , king of arragon , by his credit not only preserved his own kingdom , but conquered that of naples . at the same time iohn the second , king of castile , for his mean spirit was so far the contempt of his subjects , that he admitted what laws they thought fit to impose . the provinces which under iulius caesar and augustus , princes of great esteem , were firm and loyal , rebell'd in the reign of galba , a man slothful , and universally despised . royal blood and large dominions are insufficient to maintain reputation , where private virtue and magnanimity are wanting ; as it is not the frame of a glass , but its intrinsick excellency makes it valuable , regal majesty has not more force than respect , which usually arises from admiration and fear , and from these obedience and subjection , without which the princes dignity cannot long maintain it self , being founded upon the opinion of others ; and the royal purple will be rather a mark of derision , than eminence and majesty , as was visible in henry the fourth . it is the spirits and native heat that keep the body upright ; the legs alone would not be a sufficient basis. and what is reputation , but a kind of fine spirit kindled in all mens opinions , which raises and supports the scepter . let the prince therefore take all possible care that his actions may be such as will nourish and foment these spirits . the parthians grounded their petition upon reputation , when they asked tiberius to send as of his own accord , one of phraates's sons to rome . this repute and authority has yet greater influence in war , where fear is of more efficacy than the sword , and opinion than strength , whether of mind or body , and therefore to be taken no less notice of than force of arms. this made suetonius paulinus very prudently advise otho to endeavour always to keep the roman senate on his side , whose authority could never be wholly darkned , though it might be sometimes eclipsed . this also made many countries submit to it , and seek its protection , in the differences that were between those great generals , caesar and pompey , each his principal aim was to conquer rather the reputation than arms of his rival ; well knowing that minds and forces follow more the noise of fame , than that of the drum. king philip the second was eminently skilful in this art of preserving reputation ; having by it from his cabinet so managed the reigns of both worlds , that he always had them at command . nay , even when the ruin of states is apparent , 't is better 〈◊〉 suffer them , than ones credit to be destroy'd , for without this 't is impossible to re-establish them . for which reason , though the republick of venice saw it self lost in that violent storm of the league of cambray , yet that most prudent and valiant senate thought it better to shew their constancy on that occasion , than to betray any cowardice by using dishonourable means . desire of dominion makes princes mean. for want of this consideration , otho with stretch'd out hands seem'd to adore the people , he embraced every one , and shewed all the servileness imaginable to gain them to his party , and so procur'd the empire by those means which declared him unworthy of it . even in indigence and necessity it is not fit to use means violent and inglorious , or seek the assistance of foreigners ; for both are dangerous , and neither seek to relieve want ; nay , reputation is the better remedy for it . one man is as rich in opinion , as another in the abundance of hid treasures . the old romans were undoubtedly perswaded so , when in several occasions of adversity , the provinces offering them money and corn , they return'd thanks , but would not accept them . two legions having been cast away at sea , to recruit the loss , gaul , spain , and italy , sent money , horses , and arms ; germanicus commended their affection , and accepted only of the horses and arms , but not the money . in two other presents made the roman senate , of golden cups of great value , in time of extraordinary necessity , the first time thanks were given the ambassadors for their care and magnificence , and the cup of least value accepted . the other , thanks were return'd , but the presents rejected . the authority and reputation of a prince proceeds from several causes ; some of which respect his person , others his state. the former sort are either of body or mind : of the body , as if it be of a suitable frame , and a disposition capable of maintaīning majesty ; though the natural defects of body are often supplied by virtues of mind . charles emanuel , duke of savoy , had no small imperfections of body ; yet his great and generous soul , his lively wit , his complaisance , and other courtly accomplishments made him admired by all . a grave and austere carriage make him pass for a prince , who without that would be but very contemptible ; yet this air ought to be temper'd with courtesy and good humour , that authority may be supported without incurring hatred , or the character of arrogant ; a thing tacitus commends in germanicus . the riches and splendor of apparel is another thing , procures admiration and authority : for the vulgar are taken with these outsides , and mankind admits the eyes no less than the understanding into its counsel . whence alphonso the wise , very well said , that cloaths contribute much to make m●n known for either noble or base ; and the ancient sages oblig'd their princes to cloths of gold , and silk , and beset with iewels , that they might be known at sight without inquiry . when king ahasuerus gave audience , he wore royal apparel , and shone in gold and precious stones . it was on this account god commanded moses to make holy garments for aaron , his brother , for glory and for beauty . and he accordingly made them of purple , embroidered with gold , and adorned with other things of great value , which his successors wore after him ; and at this day the popes do , though with greater prudence , and less expence . and indeed , if his holiness be an arm of god upon the earth ; if the voice of his censures be like that of the almighty's thunder , 't is but just ( whatever impiety cavils ) that as god covers himself with light , the garment of heaven , so she should be deck●d with earthly pomp , and carried upon mens shoulders . the same has place in princes , who are god's vicegerents in temporals . large and sumptuous palaces magnificently furnish'd , a noble and eminent family , guards of nations of approved fidelity , the splendor and grandeur of a court , and other publick ostentations do also set out a prince's power to the best advantage , and give an additional majesty . illustrious titles of states conquered or hereditary , which are attributed to him , are also manifestations of his eminency . thus , isaiah , by divers names and titles declares the majesty of the supream creator , and prince of all things . by these therefore your highness is to study to enhance the lustre of your royal person , provided however they be not ascrib'd out of levity or flattery , but from an universal applause founded upon virtue and true valour , such as were those of your highness's ancestors , ferdinand the holy , alphonso the great , sancho the brave , iames the warlike , alphonso the noble , and many others . the excellency of virtues , and in general all natural perfections requisite in a good governor , procure a prince esteem and authority . one alone that shall shine in him , whether it respect peace or war ; abundantly supplies the defect of all others , as if he apply himself to business , though not with absolute sufficiency ; for to leave all to the care of ministers infinitely diminishes the force of majesty . this was sallust's counsel to livia . any one resolution the prince shall have taken very opportunely without anothers advice : one resentment , and to have once shewn the extent of his power , though upon the slightest occasion , make him fear'd and respected ; as does constancy of mind in both fortunes , for the people look upon it as supernatural , not to be puff'd up by prosperity , or by adversity dejected ; they believe there is something more than humane in such a prince . equality in actions is another thing that greatly advances a prince's character , it being a sign of a serene and prudent judgment , if he dispence his favours , or revenge injuries out of season , he will indeed be fear'd , but not esteem'd ; as vitellius experienc'd . farther to maintain reputation , prudence not to attempt what cannot be obtain'd , very much contributes . for so his power will seem infinite , if the prince engage in no war wherein he cannot conquer , or demand nothing of his subjects but what is just and feasible , not giving the least ground for disobedience . to enterprize , and not accomplish , is in a prince inglorious ; in subjects rash . princes are valued at the same rate they set upon themselves . for altho' honour consists in the esteem of others ; yet this is generally form'd out of a preconceiv'd opinion of every one , which ( at least if prudent ) is greater or less , according as the mind gathers strength from the valour it finds in it self , or loses it , if without merit . the greatest souls are most aspiring ; the cowardly dare attempt nothing , judging themselves unworthy the least honour . nor is this always a virtuous humility and modesty in this sort of men , but a baseness of mind , which renders them deservedly contemptible to every one , while they pretend they aim at nothing higher , because they are sensible of their want of merit . blaesus almost seem'd unworthy the empire , merely for refusing the offer of it . unhappy is that state , whose head thinks himself undeserving the title of prince , or who presumes he merits more ; the first is meanness of spirit ; this latter is accounted tyranny . in these endowments of the mind , chance also has place ; for a prince happens often , even with them to be despised , when prudence is unhappy , or events answer not designs . some governments , good in themselves , are notwithstanding so unfortunate , that nothing succeeds under them ; which is not always the fault of humane providence , but the divine so ordains , when the particular ends of this inferior government , agree not with those that superior and universal one proposes . this i add withal , that all these good qualities of mind and body , are not sufficient to maintain the prince's reputation , if his family be dissolute ; it is on that depends all his authority , nor is any thing more difficult , than a regular management of a family . it usually seems easier to govern a whole country than one house ; either because a prince intent on greater things is negligent of this , or self-love is an obstacle , or for want of courage , or out of a natural slothfulness , or at least , because his attendants so blind his eyes , that his judgment can't apply remedies . it was none of the least commendations of agricola , that he had curb'd his own family , never suffering his domesticks to intermeddle with publick affairs . galba was a good emperor , but an ill master of his palace , no less vices reigning there than in that of nero . tiberius , among other things , was commended for having modest servants . no government can be well instituted , where courtiers command , and rob , or prostitute its authority by their p●ide and vices . if they are good , they make the prince the same ; if wicked , he though really otherwise , will appear so too . from them the prince's actions have their value , on them depends his good or ill character ; in as much as others virtues and vices are wont to be imputed to him . if his domesticks are prudent , they conceal his faults ; nay , as much as possible vindicate every action of his , and by extolling , render them more illustrious ; they relate them with a grace that challenges admiration . whatever comes from the prince into publick , is great in the peoples eyes . princes in their palaces are like other men , but respect makes them imagined greater , and their retirement from common conversation covers their sloth and weakness : whereas , if their servants are guilty of imprudence or infidelity , the people by them , as through chinks discover it , and quit that veneration they before had for them . the prince's reputation redounds from that of the state , if this be provided with good laws and magistrates ; if justice be observ'd , and one religion maintain'd therein ; if it pay due respect and obedience to majesty ; if care be taken of corn and plenty , if arts and arms flourish , and one may in all things see a constant order and harmony proceeding from the prince's hands ; and lastly , if the states happiness depends upon the prince himself : for if that can be injoy'd without this , they will soon despise him . the labourers in egypt regard not the skies , for the nile by its inundations watering and making their land fertile , they have no need of clouds . emblem xxxii . the oyster conceives by the dew of heaven , and in its purest womb , the pearl , that most beautiful embryo is born . no one would imagine its exquisite delicacy , to see so course and unpolish'd an outside . it is thus , the senses are usually deceiv'd in their censure of exterior actions , when they judge only by the outward appearance of things , without searching the inside . truth depends not upon opinion : let the prince despise that , if he be sensible he act agreeable to reason . he will never dare enterprize any thing difficult or extraordinary , if fear prompts him to consult the sentiments of the mob . in himself he should look for himself , not in others . the art of government suffers not it self to be disturb'd by those thin shadows of reputation . the king has the greatest , who knows perfectly how to manage affairs both of peace and war. the honour of subjects the least thing blemishes , whereas that of kings is inseparable from ●e publick good ; this continuing , that increases , ●●ling , it perishes . besides , government would be too d●ngerous , had it no better foundation than the laws of reputation , instituted by the giddy rabble . contempt of such is courage and steddiness in a prince , whose sovereign law is the peoples safety . tiberius hereto●ore gloried in having shewn himself fearless of affronts and scandal for the publick benefit . a great and lively soul is nothing affraid of the uncertain ru●ours of the multitude and common fame . he who ●●spises this imaginary , will thereby obtain real and ●●lid glory . this fabius maximus well knew , when ●e preferr'd the publick safety before the clamours and complaints of the people , accusing his delays ; 〈◊〉 did also the great captain in the captivity of duke valentin , who , though he had surrendered , and intrust●d himself to his safe conduct ; yet for some fresh 〈◊〉 he was inform'd he had laid against his catholick majesty , kept him prisoner , thinking the dangers his liberty might cause more to be respected , than the aspersions were thrown upon him for the breach of 〈◊〉 parole ; from which , at that time , it seem'd by no means proper for him publickly to clear himself . king s●●cho the brave , was a prince renown'd and warlike ; 〈◊〉 deaf to the calumnies of his subjects , he declin'd the battel of xeres † . 't is better for a prince to be ●●red by his enemies as prudent , than as rash and precipitous . my design by this discourse is not to make the prince a very slave to the commonwealth , so that for ●●y reason , or upon the least appearance of its inte●●st , he should break his word , or run counter to all treaties and agreements : for such a violation can neither be of any advantage to him , nor his state , but will be rather the ruin of both ; what is dishonest being never long secure : a remarkable instance of which we have in the kingdom of arragon , which has been so often embroiled , toss'd with so many storms of calamities and eminent miseries , because peter the fourth , as well in times of peace as war , had more regard to interest , than credit and renown . interest and honour should walk hand in hand , and the same pace ; nor c●● i be reconciled to this opinion , that nothing is glorio●s but what is safe , and that whatever is done to maintain dominion is honourable . for what is base , can never be a good means to preserve it ; nor if it were , will it be therefore the more honourable or excusable . my design is only to raise the prince's mind above the vulgar opinion , and arm him with constancy to withstand the vain murmurs of the multitude ; that he may know how to temporize , to dissemble injuries , to lay aside kingly gravity , to despise empty fame , having his eyes fix'd upon that which is true and well-grounded . in a word , to take counsel from the time and necessity , if the conservation of his state require it , and not suffer himself to be deluded with vain shadows of honour , esteeming that more than the publick good. a fault blam'd in king henry the fourth , who refus'd to take their advice , who perswaded him to apprehend iohn pachico , marquiss of villena , the author of the troubles and commotions among the grandees of the kingdom : saying he had made him a promise of a safe passage to madrid , which he ought not to violate . a frivolous excuse , to prefer an idle proof of faith and clemency to his own life , and the publick safety , especially towards one , who would abuse this his favour to plot against his royal person , which was the source of great calamities to the king , and his whole kingdom . tiberius was not at all moved , that some blamed him for making so long a stay at the 〈◊〉 of caprea , and neither went to aid the gauls , of whom a great part were already lost ; nor to appease the legions in germany . prudent constancy hears , but does not much regard the sentiments of the ignorant multitude ; knowing if things succeed well , murmur will afterwards turn to greater glory , and sensibly va●ish of it self . the army distrusted saul's election , and in derision said , how shall this man save us ? saul however took no notice of those words , but made as if he did not hear them , ( nor indeed should princes hear every thing ) and the soldiers , condemning afterwards their crime , recanted , nay , and made diligent search for the author of that abuse to put him to death . it had not been prudent in saul to expose 〈◊〉 election , by discovering his knowledge of the peo●●es dissatisfaction . what levity were it in a tra●eller to be stopp'd by the importunate noise of every grasshopper ? to be guided in ones resolutions by the ●●●ting mob were folly ; to fear them , and re●oke what has been once resolved , base and infamous . scarce any council would be secure , did it depend ●pon the multitude , who are incapable of penetrating ●ll the motives upon which the prince acts , nor is it 〈◊〉 to make them publick ; for that were to give them the authority of the scepter . all the peoples power 〈◊〉 included in the person of the prince . it is his part to act , theirs to obey , with a firm perswasion of the equity and reasonableness of his commands . if every 〈◊〉 bad liberty to ask reasons of what is injoyned , there ●●uld be an end of obedience and empire . 't is as necessary for a subject to be ignorant of these things , 〈◊〉 to know others . the sovereign iurisdiction of things god has given to princes , to subjects is left the glory of obedience . the only thing required of a prince , is to acquit himself of his duty in his resolutions and decrees ; if the success prove not answerable to his desire , he ought not to be discouraged ; for it is sufficient that he has done nothing imprudently ; the very best counsel is weak and liable to abundance of accidents . the greater a monarchy is , the more exposed it is to the unhappy casualties , which chance brings with it , or humane understanding is unable to foresee and prevent . gross bodies usually labour under great distempers . did not the prince prosecute affairs notwithstanding all obloquy and detraction , with courage and constancy , he would lead but an unhappy life . if he at any time chance to err , courage is necessary , least he be dash'd , and become for the future slow and irresolute . that prince , who upon no grounds suspects all he does will be disapproved of , contracts too much the limits of his power , and subjects himself to a thousand terrors of imagination , which generally arise from some private superstitious perswasion , or excess of melancholy . these inconveniences david seems to have acknowledged , when he prayed god to take away the reproach which he fear'd . let the prince therefore arm himself with constancy to resist any events , and the opinions of the vulgar , and shew his valour in the defence of the true and real reputation of his person and arms , seeing the lo●s or stain of this brings the whole empire into danger . king ferdinand the catholick , very well understood this , when he advised his father , iohn the second , king of arragon , to adapt himself to the times and necessity , and endeavour to secure his crown by gaining the hearts of the marquiss of villena , and alphonso carillo , archbishop of toledo † . he did indeed all honourable means to effect it ; but could never be oblig'd basely to bend his regal authority to the fury and violence of his subjects , thinking there to be more danger in this , than advantage in gaining their affe●●ions . time is the best master of these arts , and such ●one may come as will make even mean actions heroick , and impute even base and servile submission to fortitude . 't is an honourable and lawful end enobles them . tacitus accuses vitellius for , being nero's ass●ciate in his debaucheries without any necessity , which had made it very excusable , but out of meer luxury and lasciviousness . to submit to necessity , requires no less resolution than to overcome it ; and what is sometimes thought baseness , is a desire of honour , as when to prevent the loss of this , or at least to preserve it , injuries are put up for a time . he that immediately runs to revenge , suffers himself to be led more by passion than honour . anger , 't is true , has satisfaction , but the ignominy becomes more notorious and publick . how oft has bloodshed been a kind of rubrick inscribed with injuries ? how often have we seen in the offenders gashed face , the offended person 's infamy written in scars , as in so many letters ? honour has been more frequently lost by revenge than dissimulation ; this brings oblivion , that remembrance ; and we more value a person that has prudently taken an affront , than one who has rashly reveng'd one . he , who makes a true and prudent estimate of the price of his honour , weighs it against revenge , which the former with the addition of a grain of publick esteem , out-weighs by much . although it is my advice , that the prince value not popular discourse ; this , however , i would have limited to the cases mentioned , that is , when it is compensated by the publick good , or obstructs the execution of any great designs , which the people don●t comprehend , at least not well understand : for the success and honour of the thing recovers afterwards the lost reputation with interest . it will in the mean time be prudence in the prince at all times , as much as possible , to conform his actions to the inclinations of the people ; their approbation working almost the same effect with real glory ; they both consist in men's imagination , and the popular voice , though false , sometimes gains so much credit , that neither time , nor any contrary action can ever after efface it . emblem xxxiii . what an entire glass represents , the same when broken , each part of it exhibits . thus the lion views himself in both pieces of that of the present emblem , that symbol of fortitude and generous constancy , which a prince in all accidents ought to maintain : in as much as he is a publick mirror , wherein the whole world views it self , as king alphonso the wise has well observed , speaking of kings actions , and how they ought to be regulated . whether therefore success preserve , or misfortunes break him , he should ever appear with one countenance ; which indeed in prosperity is of some difficulty , considering how apt the passions are to break forth of themselves , and that reason vanishes with glory . however , a truly noble mind suffers not it self to be transported , even , by the highest happiness , as one might see in vespasian , who though he was by the unanimous consent of all saluted emperor , was yet neither proud nor arrogant , nor could the alteration of affairs work any in him . that man , who with his fortune changes his mind , confesses he did not deserve it . this modest assurance was eminent too in piso , who when adopted by galba , look'd so serene and unconcern'd , as if it had been in his power to be emperor , and not depending upon the will of another . valour also is wont to be endanger'd by adverse accidents , in that they generally find men unprepared , there being scarce one who seriously thinks of all the calamities incident to him . which makes them surprise many unawares , and is the reason the mind is then in so much confusion , which proceeds either from excessive dotage on those happinesses it falls short of , or from fear of loss of life ; the desire of prolonging which is ingrafted in every man's nature . let others harbour those passions , yet in a prince's breast they ought never to be entertain'd ; whose duty 't is to govern equally in both fortunes , and to keep always a pleasant composed countenance and undaunted speech . thus otho appear'd to his friends , even after the loss of his empire , endeavouring to stop their unreasonable tears . in that bloody fight at navas of toulo●●● , king alphonso the ninth , continued in the heat of the engagement with the same calmness of mind and looks . no accident was ever able to disclose the passion of king ferdinand the catholick . being once struck by a mad fellow of barcelona , he seem'd to be nothing disordered , only gave command he should be seized . the emperor , charles the fifth , at the siege of ingolstadt , changed neither his looks nor station , though the continual fire of the enemies guns had tore his tent in pieces , and cut off some by his side . with no less constancy the king of hungary , ( now the most august emperor ) and his highness , ferdinand the infant , ( both glorious rivals of charles's courage and atchievements ) stood undaunted at the battel of norlinguen , not the least terrified by the death of a colonel , who was kill'd by a cannon-shot very near them . nor should i omit here the example of maximilli●● duke of bavaria , and elector of the empire ; the same , who was famous for the numerous victories he obtain'd at the head of the catholick league . he was not puff'd up with them , nor suffer'd afterwards his great soul to be broken by the contrary success , though he saw his states ruined , and the king of sweden , and frederick , count palatine , in his palace of monaca , ( a fabrick worthy so great a prince ) and tho' he found the duke of frizeland as much his enemy as the other two . let envy , and the fickleness of times , divide and dash into never so many pieces , the glass of tates , yet in every of them , however small , majesty will remain entire . whoever is born to a scepter , ought not to be chang'd at any event or accident whatever , nor think any so grievous and insupportable ▪ as for it to ab●●don himself , and dissemble the person he bears . king peter , even , when he fell into the hands of his brother , and deadly enemy , conceal'd not who he was , may , when it was question'd , if it were he or not , he cried out aloud , it is i , it is i. this very constancy in preserving a grandeur and majesty in misfortunes , 〈◊〉 sometimes the best and only remedy against them ; as it was with porus , king of the indies , who being taken prisoner by alexander the great , and demanded how he would be treated : made answer , like a king. and when alexander ask'd him , whether he desired nothing more : he replied , that word comprehends all . which heroick answer so affected alexander , that he not only restored his kingdom , but gave him other countries besides . to yield to adversity , is as it were to side with it . valour in the conquered pleases the victor , either because it renders his triumph more glorious , or because such is the intrinsick energy of virtue . the mind is not subject to violence , nor has fortune any power over it . the emperor , charles the fifth , used severe threats to iohn frederick , duke of saxony , to oblige him to surrender the dutchy of wirtemburg . to which his answer was , his imperial majesty may indeed do what he pleases with my body , 〈◊〉 shall never be able to strike fear into this breast . which he really shew'd on another occasion of much greater danger ; for it happened , as he was playing at chess with ernest , duke of brunswick , he heard sen●●nce of death was pass'd upon him , which he receiv'd with no more trouble , than if the news had not concern'd him , but chearfully bid the duke play on ; which generous carriage wiped off , in some measure , the infamy of rebellion , and procured him glory . one great action even upon a forced death , leaves a luster and repute to life . as has in our own time ●appned : rodrigo calderon , marquiss de sievigl●sias , or ●●ven churches , whose truly christian valour and he●●ick constancy , were the whole world's admiration , in so much as to turn envy and hatred , things com●●on to one of his fortune , into pity and commenda●●● . none are delivered from violent casualties by timorousness , nor does confusion any way lessen danger , whereas resolution either overcomes , or at least renders it illustrious . the people gather what peril they are in from the princes countenance , as mariners do the danger of the tempest from that of their pilot. for that reason ought he to appear equally serene in prosperity and adversity , least fear dash , or pride exalt him , and others be able to judge of the state of affairs . this made tiberius take so much care to hide every unsuccessful accident . all is in disorder and confusion , when in the princes face , as that of heaven , the tempests which threaten the commons are discernible . to change colour at every breath of fortune , betrays a light judgment and mean spirit . constancy , and an even look , inspire subjects with courage , strike enemies with admiration . all men fix their eyes upon the prince , and if they see fear there , they fear . thus 't was with those who were at otho's table . besides , there can be no fidelity where fear and distrust find entertainment . which , however , i would have understood of those cases , wherein it is convenient to dissemble dangers , and conceal calamities ; for in others to join in publick expressions of sadness , don't ill become the prince , as that which manifests his love to his subjects , and engages their hearts . the emperor , charles the fifth , put himself in mourning , and express'd his sorrow for the sacking of rome . david upon the news of the death of saul and ionathan , took hold of his cloaths , and rent them . the same did ioshua for the loss received by the men of ai ; and he fell to the earth before the ark of the lord . and indeed , what can be more just , than in a common calamity thus to submit to god ; 't is a kind of rebellion willingly to receive good only at god's hands , and not evil also . he that is humble under correction , moves to pardon . here it may be disputed , whether this steddiness of mind be commendable in an inferior , when he needs the aid of the more potent ; the solution of which doubt requires a peculiar distinction . he , who is under oppression , and craves anothers assistance , should not do it with too much cringing and solicitude , least he make his fortune desperate , there being no prince , who out of pure compassion will reach his hand to a man fallen , or undertake the defence of one that has already abandon'd all hopes of himself and his affairs . pompey's cause lost not a little in the opinion of ptolomy , when he saw so much submission in his ambassadors . the king of the cherusci shewed much more courage , when upon the loss of his kingdom , thinking it his interest to procure the favour of tiberius , he wrote to him not like a fugitive or beggar , but as one who remembred his former fortune . nor is the example of mithridates les illustrious , who being overthrown by eunon , is said , with a resolution truly royal , to have thus bespoke him , mithri●ates so many years sought by the romans by sea and land , here voluntarily surrenders himself , do what you please with the off-spring of the great achemenes , the only thing my enemies cannot deprive me of . which words prevailed with eunon to intercede with the emperor claudius in his behalf . let him , who hath faithfully served his prince , speak boldly if he find himself injured ; as herman cortez did to charles the fifth ; and segestes to germanicus . in other cases prudence should examine necessity , time , and the things themselves , having attentive respect to the following maxims . that a superior takes boldness in an inferior for an affront , imagining he aspires to be his equal , or disparages him ; and on the other side , is very apt to slight one he sees too abject and submissive . it was for this reason , tiberius nominated none to be senators , but such as were of a servile nature , and though such persons were necessary for his service , yet could be not endure that baseness of mind . thus we see princes are competent judges of every ones natural vigour and alacrity , and are apt to put affronts upon those whom they know will take them . vitellius had not took the liberty to keep valerius maximus so long from the consulate , which galba had conferr'd on him , but that he thought his meek temper would not resent the injury . for this reason a resolute kind of modesty , and a modest courage will be highly requisite in a prince , who , if he must of necessity be ruined , had better be so with a mind great and noble , than base and degenerous . this marcus hortalus consider'd , when tiberius refused to assist him in the extremest necessity . when the more powerful denies another the honour due to him , ( especially in publick actions ) it is more adviseable to snatch , and as i may say , steal , than dispute them . he that doubts distrusts his merit ; the dissembler tacitly owns his want of it , and modesty is afterwards but laugh'd at . he , who handsomely assumes the preference due to him , easily preserves it afterwards . thus it happ'ned once to the german ambassadors , who seeing those of such nations as surpassed in valour and constant alliance with the romans , seated among the senators in pompey's theatre , said , no men in the world were preferable to the germans for arms and fidelity , and immediately took place with the senators , every one being taken with their generous freedom and noble emulation . as to favours and gratuities , which depend wholly upon the prince's pleasure , although they seem due to merit or virtue , the subject ought not to murmur if they be not conferr'd upon him : on the contrary , rather give thanks under some honest pretext , following the example of some officers , who were displac'd in vitellius's time . for a discreet courtier usually lets acknowledgments close all his discourse with the prince . this piece of prudence seneca shewed after his conference with nero , about the crimes laid to his charge . he that complains , declares he has been ill us'd ; and princes have very little confidence in one they think dissatisfied ; all of them affecting to be like god in that , of whom we never complain in our affliction , nay , we rather give thanks for them . in accusations also constancy is of very great consequence ; he that gives way to them , makes himself a criminal . the innocent person , who disowns his actions , does in a manner plead guilty . a good conscience arm'd with truth , triumphs over envy : if that be degenerate and resist not the stream of misfortunes , their waves will overwhelm him , as a river by the force of its current throws down the weaker trees , whereas the deeply rooted stand immoveable . all sej●nus's favourites fell with his fortune ; marcus terentius alone , who couragiously acknowledge he had courted and esteem●d his friendship , as that which procured him the emperor tiberius ● favour , was acquitted ; and all other evidences either banished or executed . in some cases this firm assurance is absolutely necessary , that innocence defend not it self by excuses , for fear of betraying timorousness ; nor good services be taken notice of , least they be thought to be upbraided . thus agrippina did when accused of having procured plautus the empire . nor should the prince's person only be a looking-glass to his subjects , but he is to shew himself such by his state also , which is as it were his picture , and so in that no less than his own person , religion , justice , clemency , and all other imperial virtues ought to be conspicuous . and in as much as councils , seats of justice , and courts of chancery , are parts of this glass , in them the same qualities should be found as are in the whole ; nay , in all particular ministers who represent it ; for it very much lessens the prince's reputation to appear favourable to every pretender to dismiss them with fair promises , and give incouragement to their hopes ; and on the other side , put off his counsellors , and other ministers , to deter them by rough usage from pursuing their petitions . an artifice that will soon discover it self to be unworthy a generous and royal breast . the minister is a piece of publick coin , stamp'd with the prince's image , which , except it be of good allay , and represent him to the life , will be refused as counterfeit . if the head , which governs , be of gold , the hands also which serve should be so too ; as were those of the spouse in the holy scripture . farther , ambassadors are also principal parts of this glass , as persons in whom the prince's authority is lodged . and certainly it would infinitely prejudice the publick faith to have his words and veracity not found in these : and as they are the lieutenants of his power and courage , so ought they on all occasions to manifest them , as if the prince were present in person . thus did anthony fonseca , after he had proposed to charles the eighth , in his catholick majestys name , that the kingdom of naples should not be invaded , till it had been judicially determin'd whose title was best , and saw it came to nothing ; with singular freedom of mind he openly declared his king had now satisfied his conscience ; that he was at liberty to take which side he thought most just , and immediately in the presence of the king and council , broke the treaties of peace before made between the two crowns . as the minister is to be furnished with his prince's maxims , so also should he be with his majesty , valour and magnanimity . emblem xxxiv . whoever looks on the thorns and prickles of the rose● tree , will hardly be perswaded a daughter so beautiful as the rose could proceed from so deform'd a mother . one had need be indued with a great measure of faith to water it , and wait till it be cloathed with verdure , and blossom into that wonderful pomp of flowers , of so delicate a smell . yet by patience and long expectation , we at length find the labour not lost , nor that care ill imployed which has produced such beauty and fragrancy . the first branches of virtue are harsh and thorny to our depraved nature , but after some time , its flower of all other , the most beautiful begins to bloom . let not the first sight of things discourage a prince , for the outside of very few in government are pleasant ; they all seem full of thorns and difficulties , but experience has found many easy which appeared much otherwise to sloth . the prince therefore should not be disheartned ; for in lightly yielding to them , he will be overcome by his own apprehension rather than any thing real . let him endure with courage and hope , with patience and perseverance , still keeping the means in his hand . he that hopes has a good and faithful companion on his side , i mean time. whence philip the second used to say , i and time against any two . precipitation is the effect of madness , and generally the occasion of great perils . theobald , earl of champagne , put his succession to the crown of navarre , very much in question , by not having patience to wait for his uncle , king sancho's death , but underhand conspiring with the nobles to possess himself of the kingdom in his life-time ; for this put sancho upon adopting iames the first of arrag●n , his heir . patience obtains many trophies . this was scipio's excellency , who though he had infinite occasions of displeasure , was yet so patient , as never to let ● passionate word fall from him , which thing gave sucess to all his designs . he that suffers with expectation , vanquishes the slights of fortune , and obliges her to take his part , that confidence among all her vicissi●●des like flattery winning upon her . columbus , not without great hazard , exposes himself to the ocean 's incertain waves , in quest of new countries . neither h●rcule's ne plus ultra , at caspe and abyla , nor the mountains of waters , that seem to oppose his enterprize deter him from it ; he by sailing tells the sun's steps , and steals from the year its days , from the days their hours ; his needle wants the pole , his charts the lines , his companions patience ; all things conspire against him , but his hope and patience rub through all difficulties , till at length a new world recompences his invincible constancy . ferendum & sperandum , was a saying of empedocles , and afterwards the emperor macrinus's motto , whence that of this emblem is borrowed . some dangers are more easy to surmount than avoid : as agathocles well knew , when being beaten , and besieged in syracuse , he did not basely surrender to the enemy , but leaving a sufficient body of men for the defence of the city , marched with the rest of his army against carthage , and he who could not be victorious in one war , by this means obtain'd a double triumph . rashness frequently overcomes a danger , and despising it often confounds an enemy . when hannibal saw the romans after the battel of cannae send succours into spain , he began to fear their power and strength . no one ought to trust prosperity too much , or despair in adversity . fortune lies between both , as ready to advance as depress . let the prince therefore keep in the one , and the other , a constancy and strength of mind , prepared to encounter any accident , and not suffer the threats of the greatest tempest to disturb him : for sometimes the waves have cast a man out of one ship that is to be wreck'd , into another that is to be saved . a great and generous soul heaven it self favours . let not the prince rashly despair for anothers dangers , or those which chance brings with it . he that observeth the wind shall not sow , and he that regardeth the clouds shall not reap . let him not imagine he obliges any one by his afflictions . tears are womanish , nor is fortune appeased with such sacrifices . a great soul endeavours to give it self satisfaction or comfort by some heroick and generous action : thus agricola , when he heard of his son's death , took not the accident as generally men do , ambitiously ; nor in tears like women ; but by war diverted his grief . to be wholly insensible , is either vain-glory , or excess of consternation . in suing for offices and honours , the design of this emblem is very useful . he that can bear and hope , knows how to get the better of his fortune . whereas one that impatient of delay , thinks it base to be beholding and submit , shall be despised and abandon'd by the whole world. to look on it as a point of honour not to obey any , is the way to command none . the means are to be measured by the end ; if in obtaining this there be more honour got , than is lost by them , certainly they ought to be used . impatience of sufferings we take for generosity of mind , when it is imprudent haughtiness . honour once attain'd , the tracks made in ascending them , presently wear out . to endure much in order to advancement , is not base degeneracy , but extraordinary strength of a mind elevated and aspiring . some tempers there are which can't abide to wait , that would have all things ended in a moment ; desiring now to exceed their equals , by and by their superiors , and in a little while , even their own hopes . these hurried by this violence of ambition despise the most secure means as slow , and choose to employ the shortest , though most hazardous . but it usually fares with them , as with buildings raised in haste , before the materials have had time to dry and settle , which immediately fall down again . the master-piece of government consists in hoping and enduring , in that these are the only means to do things in time , without which nothing can possibly come to maturity . trees that at the springs first warmth bear flowers , soon lose them for not waiting till the winters cold was quite gone . he , who would ripen affairs with the hand , cannot have the satisfaction of tasting the fruit of them . impatience is the cause of miscarriages and dangers ; it creates peri●s , which by being uneasy under , and too hasty to escape , we augment . therefore for those evils , as well internal as external , which have by our negligence been increas'd in the commonwealth , 't is better to let them take their course , and be sensibly cured by time , than precipitate a remedy , wherein there is more danger . if before we could not foresee and prevent ; at least let us learn to bear them after : they are increas'd by opposition . a danger conceal'd or not taken notice of , thereby becomes publick , and lays greater impediments in his way , who thought to stop it . fear imprudently arm'd against a superior power , does but find it exercise , and render it more powerful by the addition of its own spoils . this method cerealis took to compose the minds of those of treves , least they should take up arms against the romans , saying , a fabrick , as that was , which had been the product of eight hundred years success and industry , could not be pull'd down , but its ruin must of necessity bury the authors of it . many things would not succeed so ill , did not our fear and imagination act with too much precipitation . apprehension and jealousy of tyranny , when once discovered , make it begin to be really , though it were not before . whence in such like cases , 't is a piece of no less courage to know how to dissemble , than to be too rash in remedying . the former is the genuine effect of prudence , this generally the result of fear . emblem xxxv . the closer the breath is pressed in a trumpet , with the greater harmony and variety it goes out of it ; thus 't is with virtue , which is never more clear and harmonious than when suppressed by malice . the flame of valour is apt to die , if the wind of adversity don't revive it ; that awakens the mind , and makes it look about for means to amend it . happiness , like the rose , grows out of thorns and miseries . alphonso the fifth , king of arragon , was vanquish●d and taken in a sea-fight with the genoeze ; and that , which in all probability was like to retard his expedition against the kingdom of naples , was the very thing that furthered it with greater happiness and power ; for by making a league with philip , duke of milan , who retain'd him prisoner , he obtain'd both his liberty , and forces for the conquest of that kingdom . necessity compell'd him to get his host of his side ; for in prosperity , indeed , every one lives to himself alone , but in adversity for himself and others . those disclose the passions of the mind , otherwise forgetful of it self : whereas , by this it learns caution , and arms it self with virtues , as means to attain real and lasting happiness . whence it is not a little easier to escape bad , than be continued in good fortune . in prison first appeared alphonso's extraordinary endowments and ornaments of mind , which till then had lain hid ; and the duke of milan charm'd with them , was ambitious of his friendship , and laid these obligations upon him . he obtain'd more by losing the victory , than he could have expected had he been victor . fortune sports between extreams , and takes delight in shewing her power , in skipping from one to another . there is no virtue but will shine in adversity , as no star but sparkles with greatest lustre in the darkest night . then the weight shews the palm's strength when this is raised higher under it . the rose preserves its leaves longer fresh among nettles than flowers . did not virtue exert it self in adversity too ; it would not deserve victories or truimphs . 't is its property to conquer by suffering . whence it evidently appears , how impious the error ( confuted by us in another place ) of those is , who advise the prince not to be bigotted to virtue , but to comply with vice when necessity shall require ; a time in which he ought more particularly to approve himself constant in it , with greater hopes of success : as it usually happned to the emperor , ferdinand the second of blessed memory ; who in his greatest dangers would resolutely affirm , he 'd rather lose the empire , and all he had , and with his whole family beg from door to door , than to commit an unjust thing to maintain his grandeur . words truly worthy so pious a prince , whose exemplary piety and faith were so acceptable to god almighty , that he vouchsafed to take the imperial scepter , and perform his office here on earth , giving him several signal and miraculous victories . in the greatest dangers and distresses , when all hope fail'd , and humane prudence and valour were destitute of means , he always came off with most success and greatest triumph . the roman emperors of old lived in affluence of peace , and all manner of delights , yet were tyrannized over by their own passions , and rack'd by a thousand fears . but this pious hero found repose and tranquility of mind amidst the raging tempests , which the fury of rebels raised against his empire , and most august house the just sings amidst misfortunes , and the wicked man weeps in his impiety . thus the fiery furnace was as a choire to the three children . miseries and hardships are attended with great advantages ; they correct the prince's pride , and reduce him to reason ; with what fury does the wind sometimes storm ? how arrogantly does the sea swell and rage , its foaming billows like mountains threatning heaven and earth ! and yet a small shower composes and calms it . thus misfortunes raining from heaven allay the prince's pride and presumption . they make a just governor of a tyrant , of a prince careless and negligent of his affairs , one careful and circumspect . for , then even necessity obliges him to take care of his people , to esteem nobility , honour valour , do justice , and respect religion . power is never in greater danger than when all things flow prosperously . for cares being then laid aside , too much security is apt to stifle counsel and prudence . ease and idleness has been the ruin of more princes than labour . 't is with them as with bodies , which are kept in vigor by motion , without which they languish and decay . whence it appears farther , how erroneous we are in our judgments of good and evil , scarce ever knowing what is most for our advantage . adversity we look on as rigour and cha●fisement , when it is really warning and instruction . the present of ear-rings and a sheep , which iob's friends and relations made him , seems to intimate , that he should endure all things with a patient , even temper , and that those afflictions were precious admonitions of god whisper'd in his ear. god's afflicting us sometimes is wonderful mercy , and on the contrary his recompences are punishments ; for by these he clears , as it were , the bill of our debts , and by paying for some of our merits , remains creditor to our offences ; whereas by afflicting us , he at once pays himself , and excites us to amendment . emblem xxxvi . the expert and prudent seaman is not always carried at the pleasure of the wind , but rather by 〈◊〉 benefit of it , so disposes the sails of his ship , that 〈◊〉 arrives at the desired port , and with the same wind 〈◊〉 at which he pleases of two opposite shores , with●● endangering his voyage . but when the heaven 's calm ; by the help of sails and 〈◊〉 he out strips even the wind it self . with no less 〈◊〉 and diligence the prince ought to steer the vessel of 〈◊〉 state in the tempestuous sea of his reign , so atten●●vely observing all storms that he may with prudence and valour make use of the same in their time and place . he is a pilot , to whose conduct the life and safety of all is committed ; nor is any ship more hazardous than a crown exposed to so many winds of ambition , so many rocks of enemies , and storms of people . king sancho the brave needed all his industry to arm himself against fortune , and secure the right of his crown . almost the whole science of politicks consists in knowing how to discern times , and make use of them : a storm sometimes bringing a ship sooner into harbour than a calm . he , who can break the force of ill fortune , renders it favourable ; and one that knowing a danger yields to it , and gives it time , at length surmounts it . when the sailor finds there is no contending with the billows , he strikes sail and abandons himself to them ; and because his resistance would rather add force to the wind , uses some narrow creek to rest his ship in , and shelter it from the waves . something must be granted dangers , if one would escape them . iames the first , king of arragon , was sensible of the aversion his nobl●s and people had to him , and that it was by no means convenient to increase their fury by an untimely opposition , but rather to give it time to sink of it self ; as rivers do , whose waters in a tempest swell and overflow their banks , voluntarily suffer'd himself to be play'd upon , and as it were imprisoned , till he restored all things to their former calmness and tranquility , and reinstated himself in the throne . the same discreet moderation queen mary used , when by siding with the grandees , and satisfying their ambition , she preserved the crown of castile , during the minority of her son. ferdinand the fourth † . did the sailor think it a dishonour to yield to a storm , and were resolved with sails and oars to withstand it , his ruin would be inevitable . constancy consists not in unseasonable struggling , b●● in hoping , and so enduring danger , without letting fortune get the upper hand of one . in such cases the glory is to escape safe . what seems baseness of mind in them , is afterwards magnanimity crown'd with success . when king alphonso the wise , saw himself deprived of his kingdom , putting his whole confidence in the king of morocco's assistance , made no difficulty to beg of alphonso de guzman , governor of st. lucar de barameda , who upon some disgust had retired to that prince's court , that forgetting all former injuries , and remembring their ancient amity , and his nobility , he would stand his friend , and endeavour to be an instrument of that king 's supplying him with men and money . which letters are to this day kept in that most illustrious and ancient house . nevertheless kings ought not to yield to their subjects violence , unless in cases of extremity , for he very little consults his authority , who debases himself by too much condescention . the dishonourable terms king ferdinand the holy , constrain'd by his non-age , made the house of zara , no way appeased them . nor could isabella reclaim alphonso carillo , bishop of toledo , though she honour'd him with a visit at alcala . i confess in desperate cases , prudence is wont to try all ways that chance can render possible . it is great courage and strength of reason , on occasions of that nature to restrain the spirits , and weigh the present necessity , and greatness of the danger against such means as may contribute more to the state 's preservation . no one was ever more jealous of his grandeu● than tiberius , yet he dissembled the boldn●s● of lentulus germanicus , who having the command of the german legions , was so audacious as to write to him with threats , not to send him a successor , covenanting as 't were to let his prince enjoy the empire , provided he were continued in his province ; and he , who could not put up the emulation of his sons , took this slight patiently . not but he knew the ill consequence of letting such disobedience go unpunished , but if he opposed it , he consider'd he should incurr the publick odium ; that he was now in years , and in a state where his affairs depended more upon reputation than strength . subjects would be little beholding to the valour of the prince who governs them , if he should presently in ill fortune submit to necessity ; and on the other side as little to his prudence , if when that fortune can't be overcome , he will however withstand it . courage should be moderated by prudence and address , and what cannot be effected by strength , should be the work of art and industry . 't is no less glorious to avoid than to surmount a danger . to fly it always is sloth ; to expect , ignorance or surprize ; to despair cowardice . men of courage make head against fortune her self . the prince●s duty and end is not lightly to contest with his state upon the billows , but to conduct it to the haven of preservation and safety . that is esteemed valiant wisdom , which draws benefit out of adversity ; as also , that which by struggling compasses its ends sooner . kings , the masters of times and things , are always followed , never led by them . there 's no building , but whose ruins , with what addition industry is wont to make , may erect a more stately fabrick : nor any state so intirely abandon'd by fortune , that valour cannot preserve , and even advance , provided it consult prudence upon events , and know how to make right use of them , or at least to turn them to its advantage . ferdinand the catholick , and lewis the twelfth of france , had divided between them the kingdom of naples ; and the great captain knowing the circle of a crown to have but one center , and that empire admits of no companion , endeavoured immediately to get his master's share into his hands ; that in cafe of after disputes , which he foresaw would arise between those two kings , he might be the more at leasure , and use them afterwards to disposses the king of france of his part , as in effect it happned . accidents , it is true , have some force ; but we increase or diminish them according to our carriage under them . our ignorance gives divinity and power to fortune , in that we lightly resign our selves to her vicissitudes . did we change our customs and measures as oft as she does the times , she would not be so powerful , nor we so subject to her empire . the make of our cloaths we alter with the mode , but neglect our mind and manners . what wind does not the skilful pilot make serviceable to his voyage ? as that veres he trims his sails , and thus all conduce to the end he proposes . we refuse to shake off the ill habits of our nature , either out of self-love or imprudence , and afterwards lay the fault on casualty . we grow desperate before we seek to remedy our misfortunes , and through obstinacy or inadvertency , let despair get the ascendant over us . we cannot in adversity lay aside that pride , anger , vain-glory , detraction , and those other vices which prosperity bred in us ; nor are without great difficulty induc'd to acknowledge them that have brought us into that unhappy condition . every moment in every affair , with whomsoever of his subjects the prince shall have to do , he ought to differ from himself and change his nature . nor does this require any extraordinary knowledge , but a certain disposition only , and capacity to adapt ones self to all contingences , and prudence to foresee them . now , as we are lost in adversity for want of furling the sails of our passions , and submitting to it for a time ; so also do we bring destruction upon our selves and princes , when we indiscreetly and conceitedly go about to measure their interest , passions , and inclinations , by our own natures and advantages : it being impossible for a minister of a liberal temper to exert his generosity under a covetous , griping prince ; or one valiant and active with one slothful and cowardly . our motions should be regulated by the activity of the prince's sphere . this was a fault in corbulo , who serving claudius , a pusilanimous , mean-spirited prince , made many rash attempts , by which he could not but be disagreeable to him . in some ministers an imprudent zeal is the cause of this error ; in others , which is most frequent , self-love and vain-glory , which makes them desirous to appear prudent in the eyes of the world , and shew their ability , as if , forsooth , by their means alone the prince succeeded ; but that whatever he undertakes by himself , or others , is faulty ; and thus under colour of zeal they pub●ish the government 's defects , and discredit their prince : artifices which generally the minister himself feels the effect of afterwards by the loss of his prince's favour . he that consults his interest , and would establish his fortune , must with all possible speed fly such affectations , as odious to the prince and whole world ; he should be more serviceable in deed than in word ; he should conform to the prince's nature and condition , reducing him to reason , and his duty , under colour of service , with humility and a quiet industry , without noise and arrogance . it is the ruin of valour and virtue to be too nice observers of constancy , and to think that their whole reputation depends upon it ; for in the mean time others more various , who can transform themselves into any shape , and suit theirs to the prince's nature , carry away the gratuities and preferments . but these are not to be used with aleto's design , to deceive ; but to prevent being unadvisedly ruined at court , or to render one more serviceable to the prince , for the●e are some of such a make , that it is absolutely necessary for the minister to put on their nature ; and as i may say , to creep into them , to make them move and act ; as men , who neither will be directed by others counsel , nor can dispatch their own . and consequently not always what is most expedient is to be advised a prince , but what he is in duty oblig'd to execute . those courageous counsels which were given vitellius , though the best in the world , were useless because he wanted resolution to put them in practice ; he was usually deaf to them . ministers are as it were the prince's sails . now , if they are large , and the prince a shallow vessel , if they are always loosed without consideration of the burthen of the boat , they will certainly overset it . emblem xxxvii . that the prince may not escape the storm without full instructions in all accidents that ill fortune can throw him into ; this device represents the choice of the lesser evil , when the greater are inevitable . thus the pilot , when he has● lost all hopes of being saved by opposition , or compliance with the tempest , endeavours to make the land , and run his ship ashore ; where , if he lose his ship , yet he saves his life and merchandize . it was very commendable in the romans , that when they could not oppose fortune , they provided for their own security . the prince's valour consists not only in resisting , but withal in weighing dangers , and submitting to the less , when the greater is insuperable . for as it is the part of prudence to prevent , so it is of courage and constancy 〈◊〉 bear patiently what is not in the power of prudence to decline , a thing alphonso the sixth was a great ma●●r of ; a prince modest in prosperity , valiant in ad●●sity , never unprepar'd for any accident . 't is a vain-glory of a prince , who with more temerity 〈◊〉 valour , chooses rather to die in the greater dan●er , than escape in the lesser . he consults more his own fame than the publick safety ; or rather wants courage to despise the opinions of the multitude , who inconsiderately , and without any knowledge of the accidents , condemn prudent resolutions ; and when in danger , are against having recourse to remed●●s so dangerous and violent . that sometimes looks like courage is cowardice ; where presence of mind is wanting to hope in danger , the confusion of fear casts us into it . when prudence and fortitude go hand in hand , then consideration takes place ; and if it find not safety in the lesser , is not affraid to encounter the greater danger . 't is a base weakness to die with fear . there is no valour like what necessity inspires . 't is commonly the last remedy in desperate cases , neither to hope nor quite despair . thus a ship not daring to ●●●st the shore , abandons it self to the wide sea , and by the force of its billows escapes . one peril is ordi●●rily the remedy of another . upon this , i conceive , was grounded the counsel some gave galba in a con●●●racy against him , to oppose the first fury of it . garcias gomez defended the fort of xerez , ( which he was governor of in the time of alphonso the wise ) and although he saw all his men kill'd or wounded , would not surrender , nor accept the terms , though ●●nourable , which the moors offer'd him ; for having little confidence in them , he chose rather to die gloriously in the arms of his fidelity , than those of his ●nemies ; and what in all appearance was like to cost him his life , in a wonderful manner charm'd his enemies , who admiring his bravery and resolution , by a hook drew him out of the citadel alive , using him with great civility , and carefully dressing the wounds he had receiv'd during the siege † . such is the force of valour , that it captivates even enemies . courage has given life to more than fear . i know not what divinity attends and rescues it from dangers . when ferdinand , the holy , besieg'd sevil , garcias perez de vargas , a citizen of toledo , with another , being separated from their company , were passing along the river guadalquivir , when on a sudden they spy seven moorish horse making towards them : his comerade advises him to retire , but garcias not to incurr the ●gnomity of cowardice by a dishonourable flight , pulls down the vizer of his helmet , brandishes his sword , and advances by himself : the moors knowing his ' person , and admiring his resolution , let him pass without attacking him . thus his heroick valour sav'd him ; for had he fled with his companion , the enemy had in all probability pursued and took him prisoner . it requires a mind free and disingag'd to examine dangers ; first in the report , and afterwards in the quality of them : in the rumour , because those are generally esteem'd greatest which are farthest off . the people hear and tremble at them , and seditiously spread and increase them , rejoycing at their own misfortunes because unusual , or out of disaffection to the present government . it is therefore the prince's part to appear firm , and to disperse such idle apprehensions . as upon those reports which were spread in the time of tiberius , of the revolt of the provinces of france , spain , and germany , he never betrayed the least discomposure , nor chang'd his residence , nor way of living , as well knowing the levity of such reports . if once a prince surrender to fear , he will be ever after uncapable of resolving . for then prudent counsels and popular rumours will be receiv'd with equal credit . as they were by vitellius in the civil war with vespasian . dangers imminent appear greatest , being cloath'd by fear with horror , and by presence magnified ; and we by endeavouring to escape them , fall into others abundantly greater , which though they seem at a distance , we afterwards find too near . 't is idle to imagine we can avert them by interposing a little time . many have vanished by being resisted , on the contrary , opposition has encreas●d others , and they have prov'd real , which were only imaginary . as it happened to the syrians army before samaria . fear of danger has destroy'd more than danger it self . what vain apprehension can do ? we have within these few years seen at a publick bull-fight at madrid , when a suddain bruit being rais●d of some danger in the place where they fought , struck confusion and terror into all , though not one knew the reason . the confus'd flight of some increased the consternation , and because none would stay to know the certainty , many ran into the jaws of death by the same way they took to escape it ; and the consequence had been much worse , had not the constancy of philip the fourth , whom every ones eyes were upon , unmov'd at the commotion and rumour , rais'd the trembling spirits of his subjects , except the prince in dangers and misfortunes of this nature , can repress the peoples fears , counsels are confounded , all command , and none obey . to be too cautious in avoiding dangers , is sometimes the utter ruin of states . frederick , count palati●e , had not lost his , and his electorate , had not fear after his defeat given wings to him to abandon all : for he might easily have retired to prague , or some other place , with the remnant of his forces , and compounded with the emperor , so by making choice of the lesser evil have escap'd the greater . we are oftentimes deluded by fear so disguised , that we take it for prudence , and constancy for ra●●ness . we sometimes boggle , and are at a stand what to resolve , and in the interim the danger steals on us . all things are not to be fear'd , nor is deliberation always required , for between prudence and precipitation , valour often designs noble actions . the great captain having entered the river garillan with his army , was reduc'd to such streights , that his soldiers mutined and deserted ; and when his office● advised him to retreat , he answered , this i have resolv'd with my self , rather to gain ground , though 〈◊〉 enough for a grave , than give back a step , might i live an hundred years . an heroick sentence , worthy the courage and prudence of so great a man. h● well knew , that without rashness there was no hope● , in the case he then was ; but weighing the dang●● against the credit of his arms , the only support of 〈◊〉 faction in the kingdom , which entirely depended upon the success of that expedition , he chose rather to put all to the risque of one battel , and maintain his repute , than to lose by degrees with dishonou●● how often for want of a timely incision have we 〈◊〉 wounds fester and spread . some dangers vanish of themselves , others are increased by negligence , and wast kingdoms insensibly● and make them perish as it were by a consumption● some are unknown ; of these one can't be too ca●tious , for that they surprise before a remedy can be provided . others are known but slighted , by these negligence , and too much confidence are usually su●ferers . no danger , though never so inconsiderable should be despised , for time , and other accidents often augment them , and valour consists not so much in ●●nquishing , as in diverting dangers . to live in sight ●●ereof , is as bad as to suffer them . nor is the confidence we put in another's clemency less treacherous , when to decline one danger we fall into a greater , as when we surrender our selves at discretion to an enemy ; we consider in him only the generosity of pardon , not the force of revenge or ambition ; we measure his compassion by our grief and affliction , and are apt to persuade our selves that we can move him to relieve us . when iames the third , king of majorca , was too weak for his brother-in-law , peter the fourth of arragon , who upon i know not what pretence would dispossess him of his dominions ; he put himself into his hands , thinking this submission would obtain what his arms could not ; but that king was more influenc'd by ambition than clemency , so that he deprived him of his kingdom and title . thus dangers deceive us , and we find that to be the greater , which we chose as the lesser . there can be no assurance in counsel grounded on principles that depend on anothers pleasure . we deceive our selves in supposing others will act nothing but what is agreeable to religion , justice , relation , or friendship , or but what is consistent with their honour and interest . not considering that men are not always guided by their advantage or duty , but rather by their private passions and sentiments ; and consequently their actions are not only to be examined by the rule of reason , but also by that of malice , and the experience of the ordinary injustices and tyrannies of the world. dangers are a prince's best masters . the past teach 〈◊〉 to remedy the present , and prevent the future : those of others are , 't is true , instructing , but they are easily forgot . our own leave in the soul some marks and scars of the losses sustain'd , as that which has once wounded the imagination does fear . let not then contempt or forgetfulness ever erase them , especially when having escap●d a danger , we fancy the same will never return , or if it does , will not annoy us ; for though some one circumstance , which is very unlikely to happen a second time , may remove dangers , yet other succeeding new ones make them unavoidable . emblem xxxviii . from nature , this universal commonwealth of things , and empire of mixt bodies , derive their original , the supreme government of which she lays claim to ; and for the more firm establishment , and more secure maintaining of it , has made her self so loved by them , that the elements , even in the midst of their contrariety with an admirable consent , conspire to preserve it . all things would be soon dissolv'd , did they hate nature their princess and sovereign , who with mutual ties of love and benevolence , as with the fastest knot , unites them . it is this love which holds the earth in aequilibrio , and makes the orbs of heaven whirl round it . let this monarchy of things created , founded in their first being , be a lesson to defend their persons and subjects by affection , the most faithfull guard they can have about them . claud. not guards , nor groves of pikes defend like love. this is the only impregnable fort . for which reason the bees elect a king without a sting , for he has no need of arms , who is beloved by his subjects . nature would by no means have it in his power to hurt , whose duty 't is to govern , least he become odious , and promote his own ruin . the greatest and most absolute power a prince can have ( says k. alphonso ) is when he loves his people , and they reciprocally love him . the body defends the head , upon account of the love it bears it , in consideration , that this directs and preserves it : else would it not hold up its arm toward the threatning blow . who would expose himself to hazards , except he had a love for his prince ? who protect and defend his crown ? the whole kingdom of castile sided with the infant henry , against k. peter the cruel , because the one was beloved by all , the other as universally hated . the first principle of the ruin of kingdoms , and all the revolutions in states is hatred . the kings ordonno and fruela the second were so abominated by their subjects , that the very name of king became odious ; castile was reduc'd into a commonwealth , and the government divided between two judges , one of which administred affairs of peace , the other those of war † . portugal never took up arms against its kings , nor revolted from its obedience ; the reason is , it bears a sincere affection towards them ; and if at any time it has excluded one and admitted another , 't was , because one was belov'd , the other for male-administration hated . it was the advice of iames the first of arragon to alphonso the wise , to seek rather the love than fear of his subjects , and to ingratiate himself with the clergy and commons , that he might be the better able to grapple with the nobility ; which counsel if he had follow'd , he had never lost the crown . nero no sooner ceas'd to be lov'd , than conspiracies were form'd against him , a thing which subrius flavius upbraided him with to his face . a king's power and majesty consist not in his own person , but in the affection and good will of his subjects . if they be disaffected , who will oppose his enemies ? 't is preservation makes the people want a king , but that can never be expected from one , who makes himself hated . the arragonians prudently foresaw this , when having call'd to the crown peter altharez lord of borgia , from whom the most ancient and illustrious family of the dukes of gandia is descended , they afterwards repented , and would not have him for their king , because they saw he us'd them with austerity and rigour , even before his election . contrary to what ferdinand the first , king of arragon did , who by love and benevolence , engag'd the hearts of all in that kingdom , as also in castile during his reign there . we have seen many princes ruin'd by fear , none ever by love. if therefore a prince would be formidable , let it be to his enemies , but let him endeavour to be belov'd by his subjects ; without which , though he come victorious over them , he will at last fall by the hands of these . as it befell bardanus king of persia . love and respect may be joyned , but not love and servile fear . he who is fear'd is hated , and he who is hated is by no means secure . quem metuunt , oderunt . quem quisque odit periisse expedit . enn. he who is fear'd by many , also fears many . and what greater misfortune is there , than to command those who obey through fear , and govern bodies rather than minds ? the difference between the just prince and the tyrant is , that one uses arms to maintain his subjects in peace , the other to protect himself against them . if the strength and power of a prince hated , be small , he is much exposed to danger from his subjects ; if great , yet much more . for the greater their fear is , the more sollicitous are they to provide for their security , as apprehending his cruelty will encrease with his grandeur , as in bardanus king of persia , whose glory made him more severe and insupportable to his subjects . if not for fear of danger , at least in gratitude , a prince should avoid being terrible to those by whom he reigns . whence that was a very unworthy saying of caligula , let them hate me , so they fear me ; as if the security of empire consisted in fear : whereas no power can be lasting where fear bears the sway . and though seneca said , he knows not how to govern , who is too fearfull of hatred ; fear defends kingdoms : 't is a tyrannick maxim , or is to be understood of that vain fear which sometimes princes are in of offending others , even when their commands are just , which doubtless is dangerous , and not a little derogatory from their authority . he can never reign , who wants constancy and courage to despise the hatred of ill men , to preserve the good . nor is caligula's sentence justifi'd by that of the emperor tiberius ; let them hate me , so they approve me . for no action of a person hated is ever approv'd . hatred blames all , and puts the worst construction on every thing . when once a prince is hated , his good actions as well as bad are interpreted against him . it seems necessary for a tyrant to keep his subjects in awe , in as much as his empire being violent , must be supported by violent means , there wanting those two obligations of nature and voluntary subjection , which , as alphonso the wise says , are the greatest debts a man can owe his lord. and the tyrant sensible , that without these bands 't is impossible there should be real love between him and his subjects , endeavours by force to make fear effect what ought to proceed from natural affection ; and as his disturbed conscience fears cruelty against it self , it exercises it upon others . but the lamentable examples of all tyrants abundantly shew how short-liv'd this method is . for though we see the empires of the turks , muscovites and tartars have been continued for many ages by fear alone , yet these barbarous nations ought not to be made a precedent : their manners are so savage , that they seem to have more of the brute than the man , being commonly led more by punishment than reason , and consequently by that only can be kept in subjection , as brutes are not tamed but by force and fear . yet generous spirits suffer not themselves to be compell'd or cheated into obedience , but are induc'd thereto by sincerity and reason . for , says king alphonso , our people being loyal and couragious , their loyalty ought to be maintain'd by truth , and their courage by right and justice . there is usually 'twixt the prince and his subjects such a kind of inclination and natural sympathy , as renders him amiable without any more care ; for a prince who deserv'd hatred is sometimes lov'd , and on the contrary one hated who merited love. and though eminent vertues and accomplishments of mind and body are wont of themselves to challenge love , yet they have not always this effect , unless accompained with an agreeable kind of humour , a sweet , obliging air , which through the eyes , as windows of the mind , shews the inward goodness , and engages mens affections . besides that , accidents which could not be prevented , or some sinister apprehension may so break this love and good will between the prince and subject , that it can never after be re-united ; yet much may be done in that case by skill and address , in knowing how to govern to the satisfaction of the nobles and commons , avoiding giving them any occasion of displeasure , and behaving himself in all particulars , so as to create a good opinion of his government . but since the means whereby the affections of subjects may be procur'd , are every where scatter'd through this book , i shall only say here in general , that nothing contributes more to the obtaining it , than religion , justice and liberality . but because without some species of fear , love would be soon turn'd to contempt , and the edge of regal authority blunted , it is highly requisite , that subjects entertain such an awe as arises from respect and veneration , not tha● which is the result of danger from injustice and tyranny . so necessary it is for a prince to make himself feared by not suffering indignities , maintaining justice , and abhorring vice , that without such an awe in subjects , 't would be impossible to be long secure : for all naturally desire liberty , and the inferior part of man rebells against reason , and is incorrigible but by fear . the prince must therefore tame his subjects as the horse-courser breaks his colt , ( the figure of the present emblem ) who with the same hand strokes and curries him and threatens him with the whip . both the rod and the manna were kept in the ark of the tabernacle , to intimate , as i imagin , that rigour and clemency should be joyn'd in the prince's person . god's rod and staff comforted david ; for if that wounded , this supported him . when god gave the law of the decalogue to the israelites on mount sinai , he at once terrified them with thunder and lightning , and pleasing , allur'd them with heavenly musick ; both the one and the other is necessary to preserve a love and veneration in subjects . let this therefore be the prince's study , to make himself at once lov'd and fear'd : lov'd , as the protector of his people ; fear'd , as the soul of the law , upon which all their lives and estates depend : lov'd for his rewards , fear'd for his punishments : lov'd for his goodness , fear'd for his authority : lov'd as a promoter of peace , fear'd as arbiter of war. so that the good in loving him may find cause to fear : the bad in fearing him may find something to love in him . this fear is as necessary to the preservation of the sceptre , as that which proceeds from the pride , injustice , and tyranny of the prince , is prejudicial and dangerous to it , in leading to despair . the one procures his liberty with the prince's ruin ; god breaking the staff of the wicked , and the sceptre of such as rule with too much severity . whereas the other by conforming himself to reason , studies to avoid his anger and punishment . this fear is of the same brood with love. for there can be no love without fear of losing the object lov'd , and care to continue in its favour . but since 't is not so much in the prince's power to beget love as fear , 't is better for him to ground his security on this than that alone , which as the product of the will is various and inconstant ; nor is any artificial flattery , any forc'd complaisance sufficient to gain the hearts of all . that prince i take for a great governour , who alive is fear'd , and dead , lov'd by his subjects ; as ferdinand the catholick was , for if he be not lov'd , 't will suffice that he is esteem'd and fear'd . emblem xxxix . there is an ancient medal to be seen , upon the reverse of which is engraven a flash of lightning upon an altar , to signifie , that a prince's severity ought to yield to prayers : an emblem offensive to the eyes , the lightning of punishment being represented so lively and so near to pardon , that fear may be apt to dash all hope in the goodness of the altar . and though it be fit sometimes , that the looks of the prince before whom the criminal bends , should at once represent the terror of justice , and mildness of mercy ; yet this is not always proper , for that were contrary to the advice of the h. spirit , who would have life and clemency shine in a king's countenance . in this emblem therefore , instead of the lightning i have plac'd upon the altar the golden fleece , introduc'd by philip the good duke of burgundy , not to signifie , as many imagin , the fabulous fleece of colchos , but that of gideon , which for a token of victory was moistned with the dew of heaven , when all the country about it was dry . a symbol whereby meekness and humility is express'd , as the same is signified by that immaculate lamb the son of god , offer'd for the world's salvation . the prince is a victim devoted to fatigues and dangers for the common good of his subjects . a precious fleece , rich in dew and other blessings of heaven . here they ought at all times to find wherewithal to quench their thirst , to redress their grievances ; let him be always affable , always sincere and benign towards them , which will be more effectual than severity . upon the sight of alexander's pleasing looks , the conspirators immediately threw down their arms. the serenity of augustus tied the hands of the gaul , who went to throw him down a precipice in the alps. the modest and sweet temper of king ordonno the first strangely won the hearts of his subjects . sancho the third was called the desired , not so much for the shortness of his life , as for his affability . and the arragonians received ferdinand the infant , king martin's nephew to the crown , upo● a liking they took to his obliging demeanour . modesty and good humour all must love . obedience is sufficiently heavy and odious of it self ; let not the prince add rigour to it ; for that is a file , wherewith natural liberty generally cuts the chains of slavery . if princes in adversity think complaisance and humanity to be used for a remedy , why should it not as well in prosperity for a preservative ? the benign aspect of the prince gains a pleasing empire over mens minds ; 't is a dissimulation of sovereignty . by complacency , i do not here mean that which is so vulgar , that it begets contempt , but which has so agreeable a mixture of gravity and authority , as leaves room for love , but a love attended with respect : for where this is wanting , that is apt to turn too familiar and aspire to an equality . and if the august part of majesty be not maintain'd , there will be no difference between the prince and subject . some ornament of the person ( as has been before hinted ) and a well temper'd gravity is requisite to support the royal dignity ; for i can by no means approve of a prince's making himself so familiar with every one , that it may be said of him as it was of agricola , who was so plain in his dress , so condescending and familiar , that many sought his fame in his person , but few found it . for what is common , no one admires , and respect is the genuine effect of admiration . some grave severity must appear in the prince's face , and something extraordinary in his carriage and royal port to shew supreme power ; but this severity should be so qualified by sweetness , that jointly they may beget love and reverence in the subject , not fear . the sword has been often drawn in france against the regal majesty , for being too familiar . affability must not diminish authority , nor severity love ; a thing tacitus admir'd in agricola , and commended in the emperor titus , who appear'd affable to his soldiers without derogating from his authority as general . let the prince compose his looks , that they may at once assert authority and invite love ; let him appear grave , not austere ; animate , not drive into despair : looking always with a gracefull , agreeable smile , using words complaisant , and gravely courteous . some think themselves no princes , except they shew something irregular in their expressions , looks and port , contrary to the common way of other men : so ignorant statuaries think the art and perfection of a coloss , consists in having bloated cheeks , blubber lips , lowring brows and squint eyes . true greatness doth not consist in mighty state , † in lofty mein and words , or haughty gate . king a●asuerus was of so terrible an aspect , that queen hester coming into his presence fell into a swoon , and had not recovered , but that the king , his spirit being changed by a divine impression , held out the scepter , to shew her it was but a piece of gilded wood , and himself a man , not a vision as she imagined . if majesty too severe and disorderly could produce this effect in a queen , what will it in a private person oppressed with poverty and affliction ? the holy scriptures call a prince physician , and father , and neither this cures nor that governs with inhumanity . but if upon occasion , the prince frowns upon a subject , let his reprimands begin with an encomium on his virtues , afterwards laying before him the deformity of his crime , and thus strike him with a generous fear , in as much as the shadow of vice is most conspicuous when oppos'd to the light of vertue ; care also should be taken , that the reproof be not so harsh and publick , that the subject losing his reputation , shall withal , lose all hopes of retrieving it , and so obstinately persist in his fault . let anger therefore and mildness , punishment and rewards be so intermixed , as in the golden fleece , the steels and flints are knit together , and between them flames of fire , to signifie that the prince's heart should resemble the fire-stone or flint , which keeps the sparks of its anger shut up , least they should hurt any one rashly ; yet in such a manner , that if it happen to be struck by injury or contempt , it immediately breaks out into fire of revenge and justice , yet those not so quick in execution , but it has the dew of the fleece at hand to extinguish , at least to moderate them . god said to ezekiel , as adamant and flint have i made thy fore-head , signifying by that the constancy of justice , and by this the fire of piety . but if the prince cannot break his rough and savage nature , let him at least keep an obliging family to supply his place , giving a courteous reception to all business and petitions . a prince is often beloved or hated upon account of his servants ; they very much cloak their master's roughness , if they have the skill to moderate it , or to excuse it by their affability and discretion . some nations hide the royal majesty behind veils and curtains when he gives audience , without exposing him to the people . a custom inhumane to the prince , severe and cruel to the subjects , who usually find comfort in their prince's presence , if not in his hands . this retreat may make the prince more fear'd , but never more beloved . 't is through the eyes and ears that love strikes the heart . what we neither see nor hear , we can't love . a prince who refuses the sight and speech of his subjects , refuses to hear their necessities and to remedy them ; the tongue is an easie instrument , that ought to reconcile the minds of all : let not the prince make it harsh and dis-agreeable . king iohn the first , because he was short , and had an impediment in his speech , lost the portuguese in his pretension to that crown , upon the death of king peter . 't is not sufficient for the prince to dispatch business by memorials and petitions , for by them the sentiments are not so well express'd . they not being attended with sighs and other moving actions , they are but dry tears , and have not that force upon the prince . the doors of temples are always open , so also should be those of palaces ; for princes are god's vicegerents , and the altars ( as we have said ) which the people fly to in their afflictions and calamities . 't would be a scandalous thing for a soldier to find it more easie to charge through a squadron of pikes , than to come to the presence through the midst of swiss and dutch guards , who , like armed hedg-hogs , are neither gain'd by prayers nor civility . let people come to me , says the emperor rodolphus , for i am not emperor to be shut up in a box . this retirement makes the mind savage . attention to government , and communication soften the temper and render it easie . princes , like hawks , are tam'd by the assiduity of affairs , and by familiarity with men. the kingdom of leon rebell'd against king ramirez the third , for his difficulty of access . king ferdinand the holy was deny'd to none , and every one had admittance even to his most private apartment : the kings alphonso the twelfth , and henry the third , gave publick audience three times a week , as did also their catholick majesties , ferdinand and isabella † . nature has put doors to the eyes and tongue , but has left the ears open , that they may be ready to hear at all times . let not a prince then stop 'em , but hearken favourably to those that would speak to him . let him comfort either by reward or hope , for that is one kind of satisfaction which supports merit . let him not always use set forms and general answers ; for those which are given to all satisfie none , nor is it a small trouble to the petitioner to receive an answer that he knew before : let him not always hear , let him ask sometimes , for he who does not enquire , will never be well inform'd . let him throughly know the state of affairs , and let his audiences be instructive , not merely ceremonial ; as were those of ferdinand the holy , alphonso king 〈◊〉 arragon , king ferdinand the catholick , and the empe●●● charles the fifth , by which they were beloved and re●●ected by their subjects , and esteem'd by strangers . as ●●e audience should be easie , so it ought also to be speedy ; ●●r the delay of a benefit diminishes the obligation . tho' there are some affairs of that nature , that 't is better to let time undeceive them , than either the prince or his mini●●●rs . for all had rather be entertain'd with hope , than be dispatch'd with despair , which in prudent courts is ●ound , not given . i don't approve of the prince's exposing himself in the streets and publick places , for the people ; 't is true , admire him the first time , observe him the second , and slight him the third . that which is not seen is respected most , ●nd the eyes often despise what the opinion esteem'd . 't is not convenient the people should know whether the chain of their slavery be of iron or of gold , passing judgment upon the parts and qualifications of the prince . we respect that most which is farthest distant . some nations take the prince's affability and complaisance for a vice. others dislike his reservedness , and would have him mild and courteous , as the portuguese and the french. the extreams in one and t'other are always dangerous , and he will be best able to moderate them , who in his actions and government , remembers that he is both prince and man. emblem xl. the scriptures call princes mountains , and the rest of mankind , hills and valleys . this comp●rison comprehends the great affinity between them ; for mountains are princes of the earth , as being near●● heaven , and superiour to the other works of nature , as also for their liberality , by which from their own generou● bowels , they supply with continual streams the droughty plains and vallies beneath , cloathing them with flowers and verdure , this being the true property of princes . by this vertue more than any is a prince ally'd to god , who 〈◊〉 ever giving to all plentifully ; 't is this renders obedience more prompt , for a present from him who could command , forces obligation . subjection is agreeable when 't is beneficial . king charles of navarre , call'd the noble , gain'd the love of all by his liberality . king henry the second did thereby wipe out the murder of his brother king peter , and established his right to the crown . what cannot a liberal prince do ? what can't a golden scepter oblige to ? even tyranny is conniv'd at and born with , when the prince knows how to give , especially when it gains the applause of the people , by supplying the publick necessities , and rewarding persons of merit . this vertue , in my opinion , maintain'd tiberius in the empire , for this he always practis'd . but there is nothing more pernicious to a prince , than liberality and goodness ( for they usually go together ) if not used with moderation . liberality , says king alphonso the wise , becomes all men of power , but principally a king , when he uses it to purpose , and as he should . garcias sancho , king of navarr , lost his subjects affections , by the same liberality with which he hop'd to have gain'd them ; for to maintain it , he opprest them with taxes and impositions . prodigality is little distant from rapine or tyranny ; for when the treasury is drain'd by ambition , it must of necessity be recruited by ill and indirect means . he who gives more than he is able , says alphonso the wise , is not liberal but prodigal ; and when his own stock fails , he will be obliged to make use of others ; so that if on one side he ●●kes friends by what he gives , he on th' other side makes e●●mies by what he takes away . diego d' arias , treasurer to king henry the fourth , least he should fall into this incon●enience , represented to him the extravagance of his liberality , and that 't was convenient , that his retinue should be reduc'd to a lesser number , and that the salaries allow'd to such as did not actually serve , or were any ways incapacitated , might be taken off : to whom the king made this answer , i too , were i arias , should more respect my money th●n my liberality ; you say well as to your self , but as for me , i 'll act as becomes a king , without fear of poverty , or exposing my self to the necessity of raising new taxes . 't is the duty of a king to give , and to measure his authority by the publick good , not his own particular , which is the true fruit of riches . to some we give because they are good , to others , that they may 〈◊〉 be bad . words truly worthy a king , if he had been guided by these considerations , but his gifts were always excessive and without order , without the least regard to the merit of the party , as his brother-in-law king ferdinand observed in one of his laws , saying , that he gave rewards for shew not for merit . whence we may observe the circumspection a prince ought to observe in his liberality , for fear of giving occasion to his subjects to acknowledge his authority ▪ only to receive from him , not to obey him . an extravagant subject ruins only himself . but a prince , himself and state too . the treasury would be soon at an ebb , if the prince should be extravagantly liberal , without considering , that they are the magazines for publick necessities . the mountains don't squander away the snow which the vapours of the fields and valleys heap upon its top , but on the contrary , preserve it against summer , and then in gentle streams returns it upon the same grounds it was attracted from . they don't descend all at once , for so they would not answer their design , and would be slighted as useless , for liberality is the greatest enemy to liberality ; nor do they immediately mix with the rivers leaving the plains and vallies dry , as princes usually do , who give to the rich what ought to be distributed among the poor , and drain the thirsty sands to supply the brimfull lakes , which have no need of it . 't is a great fault to gain the favour of the rich at the expence of the poor ; and by vain extravagance to oppress the body of the state , whose ruin is always promoted by the pride and vanity of a few . the people cannot brook to see that power vainly squander'd away , which ought to be employ'd to the preservation of them , and the prince's dignity . the rewards of a prodigal are not esteem'd , because they are common , and proceed from the vice of extravagance , not the vertue of liberality , and by giving all to a few he offends many ; that which is given to some particular ones , being wanted in general by all . he who gives without care or choice , enriches indeed , but rewards not : to give to those who deserve , 't is necessary to be sparing to others . so that a prince ought to use great prudence and judgment in the distribution of rewards . for when they are well distributed , though they fall on but few , they affect many . the scriptures command all offerings to be made with salt , which is the same as prudence , equally distant from prodigality and avarice . but because a prince ought to be generous to all , let him imitate aurora , which , as it passes , always leaves something , tho' but dew and flowers . nay often satisfies only with its beauty and pleasantness . let him give to all , but with such moderation , that without putting it out of his power to give more , he may content them . some by presents , some by words , and some by affability ; for oftentimes the eyes give more than the hands . liberality is the only vertue , which should be sometimes in the opinion of others , more than in the person of the prince ; experience teaching us , that 't is sufficient that he express some demonstrations , with such address , that he may be generally esteem'd liberal ; so that he must avoid refusals , for 't is a great trouble to receive them from a prince . what he cannot give to day , he may give to morrow ; and if he cannot , 't is better to let time discover it than to tell it himself . he who refuses , either does not distinguish merit , or shews his want of power or will , and neither of these declarations become a prince , whose power and grandure the petitioner acknowledges . let a prince be generous in the reward of vertue , but let it be with offices and imployments , and other revenues already allotted to liberality , not with the crown-rents , and treasury reserv'd for greater uses . king ferdinand the catholick was very liberal , but not to the prejudice of the crown . he was ( at his first coming to the crown ) slow in the distribution of offices , the better to gain mens minds , and to reward those who had followed his party . he knew with great prudence to mingle liberality with frugality . of which he has not only left us an example but also a law , in these words : kings ought not to be so generous and bountifull , as that it may be term'd extravagance ; for this vertue of liberality ought to be used with order and measure , without detriment to the crown and royal dignity † . to lay up the better to employ , is not avarice , but premeditated liberality . to give inconsiderately , is either vanity or folly. by this parsimony king alphonso the wise rais'd the monarchy , and lost the crown by his profuse extravagance ; one of the principal complaints the kingdom made against him , was , that he had given the empress marth● thirty thousand marks of silver , to redeem her husband baldwin , whom the sultan of aegypt retain'd prisoner ; in which he was more vain than prudent . king henry the second found the damage of having weakned the power of his crown by his too great bounty , and therefore revok'd it by his last will. time and opportunity ought to guide princes in their liberality ; sometimes it ought to be moderated , when the expences of war , and the publick necessities are great , and to be apply'd to avert dangers , and to facilitate designs ; in which he saves most , who spends most : for he who gives by little and little , spends his money , without attaining his end . war is avoided , and victory and peace purchased by liberality . the prodigality of a prince may be corrected by committing the management of his treasures to thrifty frugal ministers , as may his avarice by generous ones . 't is necessary sometimes to let a prince see the summ of his liberality ; for grants are made sometimes without consideration ; and if the prince kept an account of his expences he would doubtless moderate them ; and 't is not always liberality to grant gratuities , for avarice is often vanquish'd by importunity , or sometimes weary with contending , grants them through despair . 't is natural to all princes to give to those who have most ; i know not whether through fear or esteem of power . this that great courtier ioseph well understood , when calling his father and brothers into aegypt , and offering them in pharaoh's name all the good of that kingdom , he bid them bring with them all the riches and goods that they had ; knowing , that if they came rich , the king would be more liberal to them ; so that he who expects bounty from a prince , must not represent to him his poverty and misery . there are no more ready means to have , than to have . emblem xli . the motto of this emblem has been famous to all antiquity . some attribute it to bias , to pythagoras , thales and homer ; but i think 't is more reasonably ascrib'd to the delphick oracles , for it seems rather a divine than humane sentence , fit to be engraven on all the crowns , sceptres , and rings of princes . to this is reduc'd the whole science of government , which consists in avoiding extreams , and loves the middle , where vertue keeps its sphere . 't was ask'd socrates , which was the properest vertue for a young man , and he answer'd , nothing to excess , by which he comprehended all . to this motto the body of the present emblem seems well suited ; corn lay'd by the violence of unseasonable rain , when gentle dews were sufficient . honours by being too great suit ill with subjects , and rather disgrace than adorn them . there are some favours so out of season , that they pass for injuries ; what avails it for the prince to do a benefit , if by his austere looks and rugged words , he seems , as 't were , to throw it at one , or does it so unseasonably , that it does no kindness . the benefit and favour is lost , and the hand abhorr'd that gave it . which made king alphonso the wise say , that rewards should be given so ● propos , that they may be beneficial to the receiver † . as there are errors in excess of rewards and favours , so there is also in punishments . such an exact rigour better becomes a minister of justice than a prince ; he is not at his liberty , but the prince has the keys of the law in his own hand . 't is not justice which is too severe , nor mercy which is not moderate , and so of other vertues . the same moderation a prince out to observe in the arts of peace and war , so guiding the chariot of the government , as they did in the games of old , that the wheels may not touch the goals , for so they would be broken ; the art of the ancient racers consisted , in measuring the distance so exactly , as to pass as near as possible , without touching eithe● end . what a prince ought to take most care of , is the moderation of his passions , governing them with such prudence , that he may neither desire , hope , love or fear with too much ardour and violence , rais'd by the will not by reason . the desires of private persons may be easily accomplish'd , but those of princes not , for those are proportion'd to their conditions , and these are usually greater than the force of their grandure , tending always to extreams . almost all princes either ruin themselves , or run into great inconveniences , through excess of ambition , mans desire being unlimited , and the possibility of things very narrow , it rarely happens that the first are measured by the latter , or that there is any justice between them . hence princes seek pretences to rob their neighbours , nay their greatest friends , aspiring ever at the enlargement of their state , without measuring their bodies with their strength , and their government with humane capacity , which cannot maintain all that may be acquired . the grandure of empires lies upon their own shoulders , and are always ready to fall ; oppress'd with their own weight . let princes therefore endeavour to maintain their states , which either succession or election has given them ; and if any just occasion shall offer of enlarging them , let them make use of it a god's name , but with such caution , as the event shall shew to prudence . ambition is not less dangerous in the excess of its fears than of its desires , especially in that which is acquired by violence . fear suggests no means which are not immediately made use of for its preservation . there is none of the line of the party wrong'd , or any one who has the least pretension to the state , though never so remote , but is fear'd . tyranny usually proposes nothing less than a general ruin . thus mucianus practis'd , killing the son of vitellius . the same also is taugh● in the school of machiavell , whose scholars forgetting the example of david , who sought out saul's relations , that they might partake of his mercy , follow that of some tyrants , as if all were not ruin'd by these pernicious practices ; and if any one has been preserv'd ( as we shall observe ) 't was by changing them for the better . most kingdoms are augmented by usurpation , and afterwards maintain'd by justice , and legitimated by time . extreme violence is extreme danger . cyrus invaded lydia , and dispossess'd king croesus . but had he had any of our politicians , they would have advis'd him , for his greater security , to have taken him off . yet cyrus restor'd him one city , by which he might support his royal dignity ; and 't is certain , he had provok'd the hatred and arms of all greece , if he had shew'd himself cruel . tyranny is equally hatefull to god and man ; nor are there wanting in such cases , some mild means , by which the mind may be diverted , from shedding blood , from breaking the line of succession , from diminishing , or transferring the greatness of states , and taking off those who may aspire to the crown ; which had they been observed in portugal , that people had never revolted . when the danger is so evident , that it obliges to defence and natural preservation , the prince ought to strike at the root , that it may not sprout again , keeping a watchfull eye upon it , least it should happen , as it did to the philistin princes , who having cut off sampson's hair , wherein lay all his strength , began to ridicule him , not considering that it might grow again , as it afterwards did , when he pull'd the temple upon their heads , killing more enemies dying than he had done living . inordinate ambition moreover perswades the oppression of the liberty of the people , the humbling of the nobility , the weakning of the potent and rich , and the reduction of all to the royal prerogative , thinking that the more absolute , the more firm it is ; and that the lower the people are reduc'd , the higher its glory rises ; an error by which flattery gains the hearts of princes , and leads them into great dangers . 't is modesty that preserves empires , so correcting the prince's ambition , that it may maintain it within the bounds of reason , the power of his dignity , the honour of the nobility , and the liberty of the people , for no monarchy is lasting which is not mixt , that is compos'd of aristocracy and democracy . absolute power is tyranny . whoever promotes that promotes his own ruin . a prince ought not to govern as the lord , but as the father , the protector and governour of his states . these disorders of ambition proceed from a long use and abuse of dominion , which covets all for it self ; in which 't is necessary princes should conquer themselves , and submit to reason , however difficult the attempt appear ; for many can conquer others , few themselves . this victory is of force , that of reason . 't is not valour to conquer in battle , but to subdue the passions . obedience and necessity make subjects humble and modest ; superiority and power render princes proud ; pride has destroy'd more kingdoms than the sword ; more princes have ruin'd themselves than have been undone by others . the remedy consists in the prince's knowledge of himself , by retiring within himself , and considering , that though the scepter distinguishes him from his subjects , they much exceed him in endowments of mind , more noble than his grandure . that if reason might take place , the most accomplish'd man would be king. that the hand with which he governs the world , is of ●lay , and subject to the leprosie , and all other human miseries , as god gave moses to understand , that knowing his own miseries , he might pity those of others . that a crown is a very unsafe possession , for between the utmost height , and the lowest fall , there is no interposition . that he depends upon the will of others , since if they would not obey , he would be but like other men . the greater the prince shall be , the more he ought to esteem this modesty , since god himself does not disdain it . modesty which hides greatness under it , is like rich enamel upon gold , which gives it the greater value and esteem . tiberius had no artifice more cunning , than to appear modest to gain esteem . he severely reprehended those who call'd his occupations divine , and him lord . when he went into the courts of justice , he would not suffer the president to quit his seat , but sat down upon one corner of the bench . he who is gotten to the highest step among men , cannot rise but by stooping . let all princes learn modesty of the emperor ferdinand the second , who was so familiar and affable to all , that he made himself lov'd rather than reverenc'd . in him goodness and modesty were conspicuous , and majesty found but by attention : he was not the imperial eagle with a sharp beak , and bare talons , threatning all , but the tender pelican , continually digging his own intrails to feed his people as his own young . it cost him no pains to humble his grandure , and make himself equal to others . he was not the master but father of the world , and the excess of modesty often causes contempt , to the ruin of princes , to him it created more respect , and oblig'd all nations to his service and defence . see the force of true goodness , and of a gre●t soul , which triumphs over it self , and is superiour to fortune ! he has left us in the present emperour his son , the lively portraicture of all these qualities , with which he steals the hearts both of friends and enemies . there is no vertue more agreeable to a prince than modesty , all others would be foolish in him , if that did not adjust his looks and actions , not permitting them to exceed themselves . in government 't is very convenient not to touch upon extremes , for too great condescension is not less prejudicial than a haughty grandure . monastick communities may perhaps suffer the rigour of obedience , but not popular ones . such rigid discipline may keep a few in awe , but not many . civil happiness consists in vertue , which consists in the middle , as does civil l●fe and the government of states , for the nature of empire is such , that the people may take it away , without being ruin'd by too much licence , or render'd obstinate by too much rigour . in government we ought not to consider what should be , but what may be . even god adapts himself to human frailty . between these extremes also the body of the common-wealth should be constituted , care being taken that there mayn't be too great difference in the conditions of the citizens ; for excess or inequality of riches or nobility , if it be much , creates in some pride , and in others envy , and from thence proceed enmity and seditions . for there can be no friendship or civil agreement among them who are so unequal in their conditions and fortunes , for all hate equality , and covet more , either to govern as lords , or obey as slaves . some too haughty contemn the laws , and despise obedience ; others too servile , know not how to bear it , and have neither fear of infamy nor punishment , hence there would become a community of lords and slaves , but without respect between themselves , since neither would know how to measure themselves by their own condition . those of the lowest quality pretend to be as those of higher . those who are equal or superiour in one thing , think they are in all . those who have the advantage in all , can't contain themselves , and despising every one would proudly lord it over them , without obedience to him who commands , or adapting themselves to the constitutions and customs of the state , whence proceeds its ruin and conversion into other forms , for all sigh and are uneasie under it . and though it be impossible intirely to remedy this contention in states , because of the difference of condition of the parts of which they consist , yet are they preserv'd if it be moderate , and ruin'd if excessive . as it happens in the four humours of the body , though the blood be the most noble , and the choler the most potent , yet do they mutually preserve one another , while there is no great inequality between them ; so that state will continue long , which consists of moderate parts , and not much unequal between themselves . 't was the extravagant riches of some of the citizens which caus'd the ruin of the state of florence , and is at present the cause of the troubles of genoua . because in venice they are better divided , it has continued so many ages , and if there happen any danger or inconvenience in the government , 't is through the too great poverty of some of its magistrates . if any republick has been preserv'd for all these disorders and excess of its parts , 't is through the prudence and industry of the governour , who keeps it in its devoir , by the fear of the laws , and other discreet means , such as not to wrong any one , nor violate the privileges and conveniencies of the poor , to employ the great ones in the administration , and in offices ; in fine not to oppress , but rather to encourage the hope of those who are of an high and enterprising spirit . but this will continue no longer than it has prudent governours ; and because states can't be sufficiently provided for by these temporal remedies , which depend upon chance , 't is necessary in their first institution , to provide means to correct these excesses , before they happen . emblem xlii . i am indebted , for the body of this emblem , to the civility of the present pope urban the viiith . his holiness having been pleas'd to shew me upon a precious stone , engraven in the time of the romans , two bees drawing a plough , which was found in his time ; a presage of the rise of his noble and ancient family , his arms being joyn'd to the triumphant yoak of the church . which upon reflection put me in mind of a prodigy of king wamb● , when being anointed by the archbishop of toledo , there was seen to spring from his head a bee , which flew streight towards heaven , prognosticating the sweetness of his government : from whence i infer , that the ancients would shew by this emblem , how necessary 't was to mingle , profit with pleasure , the art of making honey , with that of agricultura . for a motto to which , i thought the beginning of that verse of horace would not be amiss . omne tu●it punctum , qui miscuit utile dulci. hor. who mixes gain with sport gains er'y point . in this consists the main art of government ; this was the first piece of policy in the world ; this the ancient philosophy taught us , ●eigning that orpheus made beasts follow him , and that the very stones danc'd to amphion's harp , with which he built the walls of the city of thebes , to signifie that the mild instruction of those great persons were sufficient to reduce men , not less savage than brutes , and more insensible than stones , to the harmony of the laws , and civil society † . these arts all states have used to instruct the people , mingling instruction with sport and publick games . all greece flock'd to mount olympus , to be present at the olympian , pythian , nemaean and isthmian games ; some out of curiosity to see them , others to obtain the propos'd rewards , and upon this occasion they exercis'd their strength , sacrific'd to the gods , and treated of the most important affairs of the government of those provinces . comedies and tragedies were also invented to purge the affections . the gladiators of the romans , and the bull-fights of the spaniards , ( who also are diverted with terrible and desperate enterprizes ) were to confirm the mind that it might not be daunted at the sight neither of blood nor death . wrestling , tilting , horse-races * , and other such sports , are so many schools in which arts military are learn'd , and the mind at the same time recreated and diverted . the people must be drawn by flattery and mildness , to the conveniencies and designs of the prince ; they are like a horse which being gently stroak'd into temper takes the bitt , and afterwards submits to burthens and the lash . they can't bear too much rigour , or too much gentleness . excess of liberty is as dangerous to them as excess of slavery . princes who have wanted this consideration have felt the rage of the incensed multitude . inveterate distempers are not always to be cured by the knife and fire . they require soothing medicines , and when there is need of bitter pills , they should be well gilt , to deceive the sight and tast. 't is not necessary that the people should know the ingredients of the prince's resolutions and counsels , 't is sufficient that they swallow them upon any pretext . the dangers and hardships of war are sweeten'd by the mildness of the prince . thus germanicus to keep the ger●●● legions in obedience , and more ready for battle , us'd to visit the wounded soldiers , and taking notice of their wounds , commend their actions , gaining some by hope , others by good words , and so made them eager to fight . this goodness alone is not effectual , there is need also of some eminent vertue in the commander , that if he be beloved for that he may be respected for this . many times a prince is beloved for his extraordinary goodness , and despised for his insufficiency . respect proceeds not from love , but admiration . he obliges all , who having courage to make himself fear'd , makes himself beloved ; who knowing how to execute justice , knows also to be mercifull . goodness is often interpreted softness and ignorance , in him who has no other vertues to recommend him . these are of such force in a prince , that they soften his se●erity and rigour , being recompenc'd by them . even great vices are excus'd , or at least conniv'd at in him who is master also of great vertues . in negotiations 't is very convenient to mingle sweetness with gravity , and jests with truth , provided it be à propos , without offence to good manners , nor the gravity of the subject , in which the emperor tiberius was well skill'd . there 's none can endure a melancholy roughness , a look always set to business , a grave speech and a formal behaviour . 't is prudence sometimes to mix a little folly in counsels , when 't is well apply'd 't is wisdom . a happy thought and a word in season gains peoples minds , and most difficult affairs to the end proposed , and sometimes discovers the intention , deceives malice , diverts offence , and prevents a positive answer where 't is not convenient . we ought also in negotiations to mingle the advantage of those whom we would perswade , shewing them that 't is their interest as well ours ; for all are mov'd by self-interest , few by obligation and glory . sejanus , to incite drusus to the murther of his brother nero , set before him the hopes of the empire . the skill of a prudent minister consists in facilitating affairs with others interests , disposing the treaty so , that theirs and his own prince's may seem to be the same . to desire to negotiate affairs by self-interest only , is to bring water in broken pipes ; where one receives it from another , all receive assistance and advantage . emblem xliii . all things as well animate as inanimate are leaves of this great book of the world , the work of nature , wherein divine wisdom has written all sciences , to teach and instruct us how to act . there is no moral vertue , which is not found in animals . practick prudence is born in them ; in us 't is not acquired but by instruction and experience . we may learn from them without confusion and shame of our ignorance , for he who informs them , the same is author of all things . but to put on their nature , or desire to imitate them in acting like them irrationally , hurried by the appetite of our affections and passions . would be giving an affront to reason , the proper gift of man , by which he is distinguished from other animals , and merits the command over them . they for want of reason are without justice , each aiming at nothing but its own preservation , without respecting injuries done to others . man justifies his actions , and measures them by equity , doing nothing to others , which he would not have done unto himself . whence may be inferr'd how impious and inhuman is the design of machiavel , who forms his prince upon another supposition , of the nature of the lion and the fox , that what he can't attain by reason he may by force and fraud , in which he was instructed by lysander general of the lacedaemonians , who advis'd a prince , that where the lion's skin fail'd , he should put on that of the fox , making use of his tricks and artifices . this doctrine is of long standing . polybius reprehends it in his own and the foregoing ages . in this king saul may be a lesson to all . this maxim has encreas'd in time , there being no injustice nor indecency , but appears honourable to policy , provided it be in order to dominion , thinking that prince lives precariously , who is tied up to law and justice . whence they regard not breach of treaties , faith , or religion it self , when for the preservation or augmentation of empire . upon these false foundations duke valentine endeavour'd to raise his fortune , but before he had finish'd it , it fell with that violence upon him , that the very fragments and ruins of it were lost . how can that last which is founded upon deceit and lyes ? how can that subsist which is violent ? what force can there be in contracts , if the prince , who should be their security , is himself the first that breaks them ? who will put any confidence in him ? how can his empire stand , who trusts more to his own artifices than to divine providence . nor for all this , would i have a prince so mild , as never to use force , nor so candid and sincere , as not to know how to dissemble , nor provide against deceit , for so he would live exposed to malice , and be play'd upon by all . my design in this emblem is , that he should be indued with valour , but not with that brutish and irrational courage of beasts , but that which is attended by justice , signified by the lyon's skin , the emblem of valour , and therefore dedicated to hercules . sometimes 't is necessary for a prince to cover his face with a frown , and to oppose fraud . he should not always appear mild . there are occasions when he must put on the lion's skin , that his subjects and enemies may see his claws ; and that he may be thought so severe , that fraud may not have the boldness to attack him with flattery , which way it uses to tame the minds of princes . this , it seems the aegyptians would intimate , by putting a lion's skin upon their prince's head . there is no respect nor reverence , where there is no fear . the people perceiving their prince can't be angry , and that nothing can alter his mild temper , always despise him ; but this severity need not immediately come to execution . 't is not necessary for a prince to be really angry , but only to appear so . the lion without discomposing himself , or thinking of hurting any other animals , with his very looks infuses dread into all ; such is the majestick force of his eyes . but because 't is convenient sometimes to gild force with craft , and indignation with mildness , to dissemble a little , and accommodate himself to the times and persons : therefore in the present devise , the lion's head is not crown'd with the little tricks of the fox , which are mean and base , and below the generosity and magnanimity of a prince , but with serpents , the emblem of carefull and prudent majesty , and in the sacred writs the hieroglyfick of prudence , for their cunning in defending their heads , in stopping their ears against all inchantments , and in other things only tending to their own preservation , not the prejudice of others . for the same reason , and the like accidents , i have made use of these words as a motto to the present devise , that he may know how to reign , taken from the motto of lewis the eleventh king of france , who knows not how to dissemble , knows not how to reign . in which the whole art of government is briefly comprehended ; but there is need of great prudence and circumspection , least this power should turn to tyranny , and this policy to fraud : these mediums nearly bordering upon vices . iustus lipsius defining fraud in matters of policy , says , 't is shrewd counsel , deviating from vertue and the laws , for the good of the king and kingdom ; by which avoiding the extremes of machiavel , and finding also , that 't is impossible for a prince to govern without some fraud and cunning , he advises a little , tolerates mediocrity , but forbids extremes ; bounds very dangerous to a prince . for who can exactly describe them ? there ought not to be such rocks so near politick navigation . the malice of power , and ambition of rule , act sufficiently in many ; if fraud be vicious , 't is vicious in its least parts , and therefore unworthy of a prince . the worth and dignity of the royal purple , disdains the least ●spot . the minutest atom is visible , and blemishes the rays of these terrestrial suns . and how can it be suffer'd that his actions should deviate from vertue and the laws , who is the very soul thereof ? there is no fraud without a mixture of malice and falshood , both opposite to royal magnanimity ; though plato says , that falshood is superfluous in the gods , they having no need on 't , but not in princes who have great occasion for it , and that therefore it may be allow'd them sometimes . that which is unlawfull ought not to be allow'd , nor ought we to make use of means in their own nature wicked , to obtain just and honourable ends . dissimulation and cunning are then only lawfull , when they don't drive to knavery , and prejudice the authority and reputation of the prince ; in which case i don't esteem them as vices but prudence , or the daughters thereof , being both advantageous and necessary to a commander : which would be , if prudence respecting its own preservation , would make use of fraud according to the different circumstances of time , place , and persons , so as the heart and tongue , the mind and words may ever agree . that dissimulation ought to be avoided , which with fraudulent intentions belyes the things designed . that which would make another understand that which is not , not that which would make him not understand that which is for this end one may sometimes use indifferent and equivocating words , not with a design to cheat , but to secure ones self , and prevent being cheated , and for other lawfull ends . thus we see the master of truth himself pretended to his disciples , who were going to the city emmaus , that he was going farther . the counterfeit folly of david before king ac●is ; the pretended sacrifice of samuel ; the kids skins fitted to iacob's hands , were all lawfull dissimulations , the intent not being to cheat , but only to hide another design , nor are they the less allowable , because one foresees that another will thereby be deceiv'd , for that knowledge proceeds not from malice , but a kind of caution . and these arts and practices are then chiefly to be made use of , when we treat with designing and crafty princes ; for in such case , distrust , cunning , hypocrisie , ambiguous replies , prudent equivocation , least a prince should be ins●ared , and give occasion for others plots and machinations , defending himself with these arts , and not offending or violating his publick faith , what is this but being upon his guard ? that ingenuity is foolish , which frankly discovers its secret sentiments ; and the state would be in danger without some caution . 't is a dangerous sincerity to speak truth always , since secrecy is the chief instrument of government . whatever prince intrusts a secret to another , at the same time intrusts his sceptre too : it does not become a prince to lye , but it does to be silent , or to conceal truth ; not to trust or confide in any one rashly , but to be wary and circumspect , that he mayn't be cheated . this caution is extremely necessary for a prince , without which he would be expos'd to many and great dangers . he who knows and sees most , believes and trusts least , because either speculation , or practice and experience renders him cautious . let a prince's mind therefore be sincere and pure ; yet skill'd in the arts and practices of others . experience will shew in what cases it becomes a prince to use these arts , that is , when he shall observe that the malice and stratagems of those with whom he deals requires it . in all other actions a prince ought to discover a royal candor , sometimes even to those who would deceive him ; for if they interpret it favourably , their designs are broken and begin to flag : besides no fraud is so generous as truth , of which , if they can be sure , they make him master of the most private secrets of their souls , without arming themselves with the like practices for the future . what nets are not spread , and what stratagems contrived for the cunning and subtilty of the fox ? who ever set snares for the tame innocence of the swallow ? those princes whom the world admires for their prudence and conduct can't make use of this art ; for none will believe that their actions are guided by chance or sincerity ; the demonstrations of their truth are taken for counterfeit : in them caution is accounted malice ; prudence , dissimulation ; and circumspection , deceit . some charge his catholick majesty with these vices , because that by the natural vivacity of his judgment , and his continual experience in war and peace , he was well acquainted with the treacherous dealing , unsincerity of the times , defending himself with so great prudence , that his enemies were either taken in their own snares , or wholly broken by counsel and time. for this reason some princes feign sincerity and modesty , the better to palliate their intentions , or that malice may not so easily trace them . so domitian did . a prince who would be thought wise in all things , is for that reason not so . to know how to be ignorant seasonably is the greatest prudence : there 's nothing more advantageous , nothing more difficult than to be wise with moderation : this tacitus commends in agricola . all conspire against the most knowing , either through envy , or to defend their own ignorance ; or perhaps , because they suspect that which they cannot comprehend . saul seeing that david was too wise , he began to be cautious of him . other princes appear diverted in their actions , that they may be thought to act casually and without design . but such is the malice of policy now a days , that it not only penetrates those arts , but cavils too at the most plain sincerity , to the great prejudice of truth and publick tranquility . there being nothing that is interpreted rightly ; and truth consisting in one point , and those in the circumference , from whence malice may take aim , being infinite , they fall into great errors , who will wrest from anothers words and actions a different sense from what they appear ; and interpreting others designs in the worst sense , cause both parties to arm themselves , and so to live in continual distrust and jealousie of each other . he who is most ingenious in these suspicions is farthest from truth ; for by the acuteness of his wit he penetrates farther than what is generally comprehended ; and we are often positive of that in others which is only a deceit of our own imagination . so to a sailor the rocks seem to run , when 't is only the ship that is in motion . the shadows of policy are usually greater than the body it self , and some times this is neglected , and this made use of , so that there often arises greater damage from the prevention , than could arrive from the thing fear'd . how oft has a prince , through a groundless jealousie , declared war against him who never thought of offending him ? and both taking arms , that which was at first but a slight and ill-grounded presumption , ends in a bloody war : 't is the same with such , as with ill built ships , which the more they sally from side to side , are the sooner lost . i don't blame diffidence , when 't is the daughter of prudence , as we said elsewhere ; but a total defect of good faith , without which , neither friendship , society nor covenants can be lasting . the law of nations would be invalid , and all things would be expos'd to fraud and deceit . all things are not acted with an ill intention . the greatest tyrant sometimes proposes just and honourable ends . emblem xliv . uncertain and dubious is the motion of the serpent winding it self first one way then another , with such uncertainty , that its very body knows not where it will erect its head . you 'd think it made this way , and immediately it moves contrary , without leaving any tract of its passage , nor can the intention of its motion be discover'd . so occult should be the counsels and designs of princes . none ought to know whither they tend ; they should imitate god the great governour of all things , whose ways are past finding out : for which reason the seraphim cover'd his feet with his wings . princes ought so carefully to conceal their designs , that their ministers themselves should not penetrate them ; nay , that they should be the first that should believe otherwise and be deceiv'd , thereby the more naturally and effectually , without the danger of dissimulation , which is easily discover'd to confirm and secure their real intentions , instilling the same error into others , that so it may pass current , and be believed on all sides . thus tiberius did , when some murmur'd that he did not go to pacifie the mutinous legions in hungary and germany , he pretended he would go with all speed , by which deceiving the prudent , he deceiv'd also the people and provinces . the same also did king philip the second , who conceal'd his designs from his own ambassadors , pretending others , when 't was convenient for them to believe them , and perswade others to do so . a prince can by no means use these arts , if his ingenuity be not so cautious and circumspect , as not to discover the real motions of his mind by his manner of government , and let his rivals and enemies penetrate his heart and thoughts ; that he may slip out of their hands , when they think they have him secure . this method by which another is deceiv'd is rather a sort of self defence than malice , where it is used according to reason , as the greatest heroes have always done . what necessity is there of discovering the heart , which nature has on purpose hidden within the breast ? even in the most slight and frivolous affairs , 't is pernicious to divulge them , because it gives occasion by way of discourse to discover farther . yet though the heart be hid within the breast , its ails and distempers are discover'd by the arteries . execution loses its force , not without loss of the reputation of a prince's prudence , if he divulges his designs to the people . secret and unknown designs threaten all , and distract and puzzle an enemy . secrecy in war is more necessary than in other affairs . few enterprises unseasonably detected succeed well . how is he surpriz'd who receives the wound before he sees the weapon ; he who will not stir till he hears the clashing of arms ! this i would have understood of wars against infidels , not of those between christians , which ought to be proclaim'd , that there may be time for satisfaction , by which the effusion of blood may be avoided , this being required to render a war lawfull and just . in this the romans were to be commended , who instituted a college of twenty priests whom they call'd heralds , whose business it was to proclaim war , to make peace , and to establish alliances : these were also judges in such cases , and took care that the party injur'd should receive satisfaction , appointing a term of thirty ● three days for an amicable composition ; in which time , if the disputes were not ended , they declar'd war by throwing a spear into the enemies country , from which day commenc'd acts of hostility and incursions . of these declarations there are divers examples in the scriptures . iephtha being chosen prince of the israelites , did not take up arms against the ammonites , before , by ambassadors , he had enquir'd into the reason which mov'd them to the war . the method of our times is not so humane and generous . we experience the effects of war before we know the cause thereof . an unexpected and sudden invasion makes the injury the greater , and renders the minds of the parties implacable , this generally springs hence , that they take up arms not to satisfie injuries , or atone for damages receiv'd , but only from a blind ambition to enlarge their dominions : in which , without respect to religion , consanguinity or friendship , they trample upon the most sacred laws of nature and nations . if a prince suspects any of infidelity , let him not immediately change the serenity of his looks , or shew any sign of his suspicion , but rather by new flattery and honours endeavour to confirm their minds and oblige them to fidelity . rigour is not always the best and safest remedy . branches lopt off die , and revive not again . thus marcellus conniv'd at lucius bancus of nola , a very rich , and withal very factious person , and though he well knew he sided with hannibal , he call'd him to him , told him , how his vertue and valour were esteem'd by all , particularly by the roman generals , who were witnesses of his bravery at the battle of cannae : he honour'd him with words , supported with hopes and promises ; gave him at all times free access to his presence , and by this courteous usage so oblig'd him , that from that time the roman state had not a more faithfull friend than he . this dissimulation requires great care and prudence , for if the offender should mistrust it , he would interpret it a design to bring him to punishment , and so would sooner fire his mines , or endeavour to preserve himself by other violent means . which is chiefly to be fear'd in tumults and crimes of the multitude . thus fabius valens , though he would not punish the authors of a certain commotion , yet did he permit some of them to be tried . but since 't is very difficult to purge the mind of treason once conceiv'd , and since such crimes ought not to go unpunished , 't is then only fit to connive , when greater danger attends the declaration , or the number of offenders makes the punishment impracticable . this iulius caesar consider'd , when he commanded some letters from pompey to the roman nobility against him , which he had intercepted , to be burnt unopen'd , thinking 't was the mildest method of pardoning , not to know the crime . a piece of true generosity and singular prudence , since 't was impossible to punish all , not to oblige himself to the inconveniencies of connivance . those of mean condition may be made examples , and the great ones conniv'd at , till a more convenient opportunity . but where the delinquents may be punished without danger , 't is safer , by punishing them , to consult self-security , than to trust to dissimulation ; for this often emboldens great spirits . hannibal plotted to poison the carthaginian senate , and upon the discovery of the treason , the senators thought it sufficient to make a law to regulate the excels and expences of feasts , which gave hannibal occasion to plot afresh against them . that art and cunning most becomes a prince , and that dissimulation is most allowable and necessary , which so composes and forms the looks , words and actions towards him whom it would deceive , as that he mayn't mistrust that his designs are discover'd : for by that means there will be time to search farther into them , and either to punish or elude them , while the party is not so sollicitous in the concealment of them ; but if he once find himself betray'd , he begins to tremble , and thinks himself not secure , till he has put his designs in execution . this oblig'd agrippina to pretend not to understand the murther which her son nero design'd her . this dissimulation or feign'd simplicity is very necessary for ministers who ●erve cunning and defigning princes , who make it their care to conceal their intentions ; in this tiberius was a great master . the same artifice the roman senate us'd , when the same tiberius , after the death of augustus , let them know , to try their thoughts , that he would not accept of the empire , it being a burthen too heavy for him ; they by a studied ignorance and forc'd tears begg'd he would please to accept it , all being afraid to seem to understand his meaning . unjust princes hate those who they think understand their ill practices , and take them for enemies . they claim an absolute authority over mens minds , not subject to anothers understanding , they will have their subjects intellects at as much command as their bodies , esteeming it part of their duty and respect not to understand their designs . wherefore 't is disallowable and dangerous to pry into the privacies and secret thoughts of princes . tiberius complaining that he was in danger from some of the roman senators , asinius gallus desir'd to know who they were , that they might be brought to justice , which tiberius took very ill , that he should desire to know what he had a mind to conceal . germanicus acted more prudently , who though he well understood tiberius's meaning , and that he was recall'd from germany , only to stop the progress of his glory , readily obey'd without seeming to understand . since princes commands can't be declin'd , 't is prudence to obey them chearfully , pretending ignorance of the motives , to avoid danger . thus archelaus , though he knew he was call'd to rome by tiberius's mother through craft and treachery , yet he dissembled it , and fearing violence if he should be thought to understand it , made what hast he could thither . and this dissimulation is yet more necessary in the errors and vices of princes , for they esteem them as enemies , who are acquainted therewith . in the banquet at which germanicus was poison'd , some ran for 't , but the more prudent fat still looking upon nero , that they might not be thought to mistrust the murther , but rather to believe that it was natural . emblem xlv . the lion , the body of this devise , was among the aegyptians the emblem of vigilance , and us'd to be set in the frontispieces and porches of their temples . hence alexander the great was engraven upon his coin with a lion's skin upon his head , to intimate that he was not less carefull and vigilant than valiant ; for if at any time affairs requir'd that he should not spend much time in sleep , he was us'd to lie with his arm out of bed , holding a silver ball in his hand , that if he should fall asleep , that falling into a brass bason set underneath for that purpose , might waken him . he had never conquer'd the world , had he been sleepy and lazy , he ought not to snore away his time , who has the government of people committed to him † . thus the lion knowing himself to be king of beasts , sleeps but little , or if he does , 't is with his eyes open : he does not confide so much in his empire , nor relie so much on his majesty , as not to think it necessary to seem to be awake even while he sleeps . the senses do indeed require rest sometimes , but even then 't is necessary princes should be thought to be awake . a sleeping king differs not from another man : this passion he ought to conceal from friends as well as enemies ; he may sleep , provided others think him waking . let him not depend so much upon his authority and power , as to shut his eyes to care and circumspection . 't is a cunning dissimulation in the lion to sleep with his eyes open , not with a design to deceive , but only to hide his sleepiness . and if any one designing against him be deceiv'd , finding him awake whom he thought he had seen sleeping , 't is his own fault not the lion's . nor is this pretence below the greatness of his mind , no more than that other piece of cunning , of smoothing over the tract of his feet with his tail to deceive the huntsmen . there is no fortress secure unless guarded by vigilance . the greater the prince is , the greater care he ought to be crown'd with , not with the sincerity of innocent doves , but the prudence of subtle serpents . for as when the lion enters the field , the other beasts lay aside their natural enmity , and give over fighting , and with joint force combine against him , so among men all arm and unite against the strongest . nothing is more pernicious to the kingdom of england , than the greatness of the dutch , for they take from them the dominion of the seas ; nothing more prejudicial to france , than the grandure of those same rebels , who once breaking down the dikes oppos'd by spain , would , like an inundation soon o'erwhelm the kingdom of france , as king henry the fourth wisely observ'd : and yet what weigh'd more with both these two crowns than their danger , their hatred , i mean , and fear of the spanish monarchy , rais'd that people to that grandure and power , which upon alteration of affairs they may fear against themselves . we are more sollicitous and carefull to avert present dangers than future ones , though these are often greater . fear obstructs the senses , nor permits the mind to survey things at a distance . a groundless fear is often of more force than the greatest reason of state. the power of spain in italy is a preservative against the distempers of the genoese liberty ; the same also preserves the dukedom of tuscany , augments the spiritual empire of the church , maintains the authority of the house of austria , and secures the venetians from the tyranny of the turks ; yet i know not whether the ministers of these princes will acknowledge this , or act conformable to this their interest . such jealousies as are not guided by reason , work their own ruin . they who thought they should be safe in disarming the emperour ferdinand the second , sound afterwards that they had need of those arms which they had caus'd him to disband . many provinces , which for reasons of state sought the ruin of the roman empire lost their own liberty with its ruin . let not a prince put much confidence in exterior respect and ceremony , for 't is all feign'd , and far from what it appears to be ; complaisance is flattery ; adoration , fear ; respect , force ; and friendship , necessity . the good opinion which a prince conceives of others , they make use of to circumvent and betray him . all watch his motions , to make a prey of him ; all strive to overcome him by stratagem whom they can't by force ; few or none act sincerely with him ; for he who is fear'd , seldom hears truth ; and therefore he ought not to sleep in confidence of his own power . let him oppose stratagem with stratagem , and power with power . a generous mind closely and cautiously prevents , or couragiously resists dangers . but though in the present emblem we allow of the arts of dissimulation , nay and think them necessary with the aforesaid restrictions , yet does it more become the ministers than the princes themselves , for in them there is a certain occult divinity which is offended at that care : dissimulation is usually the daughter of fear and ambition , neither of which ought to be discover'd in a prince . the conveniences of dissimulation he ought to supply by silence and reservedness . a prince is more belov'd for being prudent and wary , provided he act with a royal sincerity . all hate artifice , and on the contrary , a natural and open freedom is agreeable to all , as tacitus remarks in petronius . emblem xlvi . an oar under water appears crooked and broken , which is caus'd by the refraction of species : so in many things our opinion deceives us . for this reason the sceptick philosophers doubted of all things , and durst affirm nothing for certain . a wary piece of modesty and prudent distruct of humane judgment , and not without ground : for to a certain knowledge of things , there are required two dispositions , that which is to know , and that which is to be known ; the first is the understanding , which uses the external and internal senses to form imaginations ; the external are variously chang'd according to the abundance or defect of humours . the internal are also subject to changes , either from the same cause , or from the different affections of the organs . whence proceed such different opinions and judgments , one judging differently of the same things from another , and both with equal uncertainty ; for things change their shape and colour with their places , by being near or at a distance , or because none are purely simple , or because of natural mixtures and species which interpose between them and the senses ; so that we can't affirm things are so and so , but that they seem such , forming an opinion not certain knowledge . plato found a yet greater incertainty in them , when he consider'd that there was nothing of so pure and perfect nature as god ; and that in this life we could have no perfect knowledge of any thing , but saw only things present , and those too , reflections and shadows of others , so that 't was impossible to reduce them to a science . not that i would have a prince a sceptick , for he who doubts all determines nothing ; nor is there any thing more pernicious to government , than hesitation in resolving and executing . i only advise that he would not be too positive in his opinions , but believe that he may easily be deceiv'd in his judgment , either through affection , or passion , or false information , or flattery and insinuation , or because he don't care to hear truth which prescribes bounds to his authority and will , or because of the uncertainty of our own apprehension ; or lastly , because few things are really what they appear , especially in policy , which is now a-days nothing but the art of cheating , or not being cheated ; wherefore they ought to be viewed in different lights , and a prince ought carefully to consider and weigh them not slightly to pass them over , least he should give credit to appearances and groundless stories . these cheats and politick tricks can't be well known , unless the nature of man be also known ; for the knowledge of him is absolutely necessary for a prince , that he may know how to govern and beware of him . for tho' government be an invention of men , 't is in no danger but from them ; for man has no greater enemy than man. the eagle hurts not the eagle , nor the serpent the serpent ; but man is continually plotting against his own kind . the dens of beasts are open and unguarded , but three of the four elements are not sufficient for the guard of cities , viz. earth cast up into walls and entrenchments , water confin'd to ditches , and fire enclos'd in artillery . that some may sleep , the rest must watch . what instruments are there not invented against life , as if it were not of it self short enough , and subject to the infirmities of nature ; and tho● the seeds of all vertues and vices are in man as their proper subject ; 't is with this difference , that those can't grow and increase without the dew of celestial and supernatural grace ; but these do spontaneously bud out and flourish , which is the effect and punishment of man's first sin ; and as we always suffer our selves to be led by our inclinations and passions , which hurry us to ill , and as there is not the same danger in vertue as in vices , we therefore will lay before a prince a short description of deprav'd human nature . man is then the most inconstant animal in the creation ; pernicious both to himself and others ; changes with his age , fortune , interest and passion ; nor does the sea vary so oft as his condition . he is deluded by empty appearances , and through self-conceit persists in his errour . revenge and cruelty he esteems praise-worthy and honourable . is well vers'd in hypocris●e , and can dissemble his passions a great while . with words , laughter and tears he conceals his thoughts . veils his designs with religion . confirms and maintains lyes with oaths . is a slave to hope and fear . favours make him ungratefull . dominion proud . constraint vile and abject . law fearfull . benefits he inscribes on wax ; injuries receiv'd on marble ; and those he offers on brass . he is subject to love ▪ not out of charity , but an appearance of good . a mere slave to anger . in adversity prostrate and cringing . in prosperity arrogant and proud . what he commends in himself ▪ and affects , he wants ; calls himself a true friend , but knows not what friendship means . slights his own and covets o●hers goods . the more he has , the more he desires . the good fortune and prosperity of others kills him with envy under shew of friendship , he is the greatest enemy . loves the rigour of justice in others , but hates it in himself . this is a description of humane nature in general , nor are all these vices in one person , but dispers'd in several . and though a prince think that some one is wholly free from them , let him not therefore be less cautious of him , for there is no certainty in the judgment which is made of the condition and nature of men . vice often puts on the mask of vertue , the better to deceive , and the best of men may be deficient sometimes , either through human frailty , or the inconstancy of the times , or necessity , or interest , or appearance of publick or private good , or over-sight , or want of knowledge ; whence it happens that the good are not less dangerous than the bad ; and in case of doubt , 't is more prudent for a prince to avoid the danger , remembring ( not to offend , but to defend ) that , as ezekiel said , briars and thorns are with him , and he dwells among scorpions , whose tails are always ready to strike such generally are courtiers , they all advance their own pretensions by deluding the prince , or by removing his best and most deserving favourites , by means of his own power . how often have waves of envy and jealousie been interpos'd between the eyes of the prince , and the minister's actions , making those appear crooked and disloyal which are drawn by the rule of justice and his service . thus vertue suffers , the prince loses a good minister , and malice triumphs in its practices ; which that he may practically know , and not suffer innocence to be wrong'd , i will here set down the most usual . there are some courtiers so subtle and cunning , that while they seem to excuse their rival's faults , they then most accuse them . so augustus reprehended the vices of tiberius . others there are , who to cover their malice , and gain credit under pretence of goodness , begin under the title of friendship , with the praises of him whom they would remove , extolling some little insignificant service , and at the same time by a feign'd zeal for the princes interest , which they pretend to prefer before all friendship and relation , gradually discover his faults , which may procure his disgrace or loss of place . but if their ambition and malice can't procure this , they at least establish their own reputation by carping at their friends faults , and gain themselves glory by his infamy . alphonso the wise king of naples was well acquainted with all these practices ; wherefore when he heard one full of the praises of his enemy ; observe , says he , the artifice of that man , and you will find that the drift of these commendations is only to do him more mischief . and so it fell out , when he had for six months endeavour'd to gain credit to his intentions , that he might afterwards the sooner be believ'd in what he should say against him . mines are always sprung at a distance from the walls where they are to do execution . those friends who praise you are worse than enemies who murmur at you . others , that they may cheat more securely , praise in publick , and in private scandalize . nor is their subtilty less malicious , who so adorn their calumnies , that they look like praises ; as aleto did in t●sso . gran fabro di calumnie adorne in modi novi , che sono accuse e payen lodi . these the psalmist meant , when he said , they were turned aside like a deceitful bow . or as hosea the prophet says , like a deceitfull bow , which 〈◊〉 at one place and hits another . some extoll their rivals to that degree , that it may plainly appear they don't speak seriously and really , as was observ'd in tiberius when he prais'd germanicus . others make use of these commendations to raise their enemy to such posts as may at last ruin them , or at least procure their removal from court , though to his greater advantage ; which i believe was among others , the reason why ruigomez caus'd ferdinand duke of alba to be sent into flanders , when those provinces revolted . with the same in t ntion macian prais'd anthony in the senate , and pro●pos'd for him the government of the neither spain ; and to facilitate it , he divided his offices and honours among his friends . 't is scarce credible , how liberal envy is , when it would remove him who eclipses its glory or obstructs its rise : 't is a wave which drives him who can't swim , upon the shore of fortune . sometimes commendations are us'd with a design of creating envy to the party prais'd ; a strange way of striking , with others vices . many endeavour to introduce their own creatures with such artifice , as no one can penetrate their designs ; and to that end , they first carp at some trivial faults committed by others in the same offices , then praise and cry up others as more fit for those places , and sometimes they entertain them as if they had no knowledge of them , as lacon did piso , that he might be adopted by galba . others , the better to conceal their passion , lay their plots at a distance , and instill their hatred gradually into the prince's mind , that being at last full , he may burst upon their enemies . these means sejanus us'd to alienate the mind of tiberius from germanicus and these the holy spirit seems to condemn under the metaphor of plowing lyes which is the same as sowing tares in the mind , that they may afterwards reap the fruit of wickedness some , not with less cunning , first deceive those ministers in whom the prince has most confidence , by insinuating into them some falshoods , which they afterwards imprint in the prince . this was the art of that lying spirit of the prophet micaiah , which propos'd to deceive king achab , by being in the mouth of all his prophets , and god permitted it as the most effectual means there are others , who make advantage of the injuries the prince has receiv'd , and perswade him to revenge , either that they may themselves be thereby reveng'd of their enemies , or else cause him to be turn'd out of favour and trust. by this artifice iohn pacheco perswaded king henry the ivth . to apprehend alphonso fonseca archbishop of sevil , and afterwards advis'd him privately to provide for his own safety . these are the usual practices of courts , and though they are oft discover'd , yet they never want patrons , nay , there are those who will suffer themselves to be cheated twice ; whence we often see bare-fac'd impostors remain at court so long ; an effect of the weakness of our deprav'd nature , which is more taken with lyes than truth . we are more apt to admire the picture of a horse than a real one , that being but a lye of th' other . what is rhetorick with all its tropes and figures , but a kind of falshood and cheat ? from all which we may see , how much danger there is of a prince's being deceiv'd in his opinion , unless he with great application and diligence examine things , suspending his belief , untill he not only sees the things themselves , but also as it were , feels them , those especially which he has only by hear-say . for the breath of flattery , and the winds of hatred and envy enter at the ears , and raise the passions and affections of the mind , before there can be any certainty of the truth of the thing . 't would therefore be very convenient for a prince to have his ears near his thoughts and reason . as are the owl's ( for that reason perhaps sacred to minerva ) upon the top of its head , the chamber of the senses , all of which we have need of in hearing , least our ears should deceive us . let a prince therefore take great care thereof , for when the ears are once free from affections , and reason sits there as judge , every thing is well examin'd ; all things relating to government depend upon the relation of others : therefore what aristotle said of bees seems improbable ; that is , that they are deaf ; for that would be a great inconveniency for that prudent and politick little animal , since those two senses , hearing and seeing , are the instruments through which we draw wisdom and experience ; both these we have need of to prevent our being deceiv'd by passion , nature or inclination . the prepossess'd moabites thought the waters upon which the sun shone , were blood . the same noise of the people , to the ears of warlike ioshua , seem'd their shoots to battle ; and to those of gentle moses a harmony of musick . for which cause , god , though omniscient , would verifie with his eyes what he had heard of sodom and gomorrha . when therefore a prince shall have seen , heard , and felt things , he can't be deceiv'd , or if he be , 't will not be his fault . from all which we may see how ill contriv'd was that image of the thebans , by which they express'd the qualifications of their princes , for it had ears , but no eyes , these being full as necessary as those : the ears to know things , and the eyes to believe them , in which the eyes are most trusty , for truth is no farther distant from a lye than the eyes from the ears . nor has a prince need of less diligence and attention in discussing the counsels and proposals of his ministers , before he puts them in execution ; such as concern raising money , regulating the government , and other matters relating to peace and war , for their usual aim is their own particular interest , and effects don 't always correspond to our expectations . ingenuity often approves counsels which experience afterwards rejects . yet is it imprudence wholly to slight them , for the success of one only makes amends for the vanity of the rest . spain had never obtain'd the empire of the new world , if their catholick majesties had not gave more credit to columbus than other princes . yet to be over credulous or confident to act whatever is propos'd , is either levity or folly. first , the condition of the proposer is to be consider'd , his experience in the matter ; what end he may have in deceiving ; what interest if he succeeds ; also the means and time by which he thinks to accomplish it : nero , for want of these considerations , was much disappointed about a treasure which one told him he had found in africk . many projects at first seem considerable , which prove at last vain and useless . many seem light and frivolous , from whence result great advantages . many which have been successfully experienc'd in small matters , in affairs of greater moment succeed not . many seem easie to reason , which are difficult in the operation . many are prejudicial at first , and advantageous afterwards , and so on the contrary ; and many have different effects from what were at first propos'd . the lazy and blind vulgar don't know truth , unless they light on it by chance , for they foolishly form opinions of things before reason foresees the inconveniences , and promise themselves a more certain knowledge from the success , the guide of the ignorant , and so if any one should go about to argue these people out of their opinions he would lose his time and pains . there are no better means , than to make them see and feel their errors ; so startling horses use to be whip'd and spur'd to make them go forwards to see the vanity of the shadow which frightned them . this means pacuvius us'd to appease the people of capua , who rose against the senate : he first shut all the senators by their own consent , into a certain hall ; then calls the people together , tells them , that if they have a mind to take off or punish the senators , now is their time , for they are lock'd up without arms ; but withal tells them , it would be necessary to take them one by one , and immediately to elect another in the room of him whom they took off , for that without those heads the state could not subsist a moment . he puts all their names in a pot , draws out one , and asks the people what they would have done with him ; they all cry out , let him die ; then he advises them to elect another ; this confounds them , and they don't know who to propose ; and so a second and third time they could not agree upon their choice . at last their confusion taught them , that 't was better to bear with an ill already experienc'd , than to attempt a remedy , and so they immediately commanded the senators to be releas'd . the people is very furious in its opinions , and 't is often , especially upon any imminent danger , a piece of great management in a prince to govern it with his own hand , keeping pace with it in its ignorance . the people are often reduc'd to their duty , by laying before them the incoveniences which have hapned in the like cases ; for they are more mov'd by example than reason . emblem xlvii . even vertues have their dangers ; they should be always in a prince's mind , but not always in exercise . publick interest ought to dictate when and where to use them . us'd without prudence , they either become vices , or are not less hurtfull than them . in a private person they respect only him ; in a prince both him and the state too . they ought to suit with the common interest of all , not with that of particular persons . civil science prescribes certain limits to the vertue of him who commands and him who obeys . justice is not in the power of the minister , but ought always to be directed by the laws . in the prince , who is the soul thereof , it has certain considerations , which respect the government in common . in the subject commiseration can never be excessive ; in a prince 't is often dangerous . to demonstrate this in the present emblem , i have made use of that method , which according to sanaz●ro and garcilazo , the shepherds us'd to catch crows . which shews princes with how much circumspection they ought to interest themselves in the misfortunes and dangers of others . they fastned a crow by the pinions of its wings to the ground , this seeing others fly by , would , by making a grievous noise , excite them to pity , and come down to its assistance . cercavanla , i alguna mas piadosa del mal ageno de la companera . quae del fnyo à visada , ô timerosa , &c. for that which was fastned to the ground , catches hold of another with its claws , thereby to free it self , and that again of another , which the same compassion brought to their assistance ; so that for the sake of one another , they are all caught . in which something may be attributed to the novelty of the accident , for sometimes that appears compassion which is only a motion of natural inquietude . i allow the eyes and heart to be mov'd with compassion , at the misfortunes and complaints of foreign princes . but not to arm upon every slight occasion for their defence . for a private person to expose himself to dangers to serve his friend , is brave and commendable , but in a prince blameable , if he hazzards the publick safety for the service of a foreigner , without good grounds and reasons of state ; nor are those of consanguinity or private friendship sufficient . for a prince is born more for his subjects than his relations and friends ; he may indeed assist them , but without incurring any damage or danger . when assistance renders the danger so common , that the ruin of one draws after it that of the other , there is no tie of obligation or piety can excuse it : but when interests are so interwoven and united , that one must follow the fate of th' other , who-ever assists in that case acts his own cause ; and 't is more prudence ( as we have said ) to oppose dangers in a foreign state than to expect them at home . also when 't is the publick interest to assist the oppressed ; the prince who is most potent , is , without doubt , obliged to it . for between princes justice can't have recourse to the common tribunals ; 't is in the authority and power of the strongest , that it finds refuge . in such case 't would be a kind of tyranny to be an idle spectator only , and give way to that policy which aims to imbroil other princes , that themselves may be more secure through their dissensions , and raise their own fortunes upon the ruin of others , for such as these the supreme judge of the intentions severely punishes . these cases require great prudence , to weigh the ingagement with the interest , least we should ▪ entangle our selves in others misfortunes , and make their danger ours , for we must not afterwards expect the same return . spain pitied the misfortunes of the empire , and assisted it with its blood and treasures , from whence proceeded the invasions which france made in italy , flanders , burgundy and spain , the whole war lying at present upon this monarchy , yet won't some in germany acknowledge this , or believe that it is for their sakes . experience therefore in our own and others misfortunes ought to make us more cautious in our commiseration and assistance . how often , by assisting the misfortunes of our friends , have we lost both our selves and him , being afterwards ungratefull for the benefit ! how often have these incurr'd the hatred of a prince by those very means by which they have endeavour'd to serv'd him . germanicus was adopted by tiberius , appointed to succeed him in the empire , and so faithfull in his service , that he took it as an affront , that the legions should offer him the empire , and when they press'd him to it would have stabb'd himself ; and the more faithfully he behav'd himself , the less gratefull he was to tiberius . his care in appeasing the legions with donatives was distastfull . his piety in gathering and burying the relicts of var●s's army , he interpreted ambition . the compassion of his wife agrippina in cloathing the soldiers , seem'd a desire of rule . in a word , all germanicus's actions were misinterpreted . germanicus knew this hatred , and that he was call'd upon pretence of honour , from his true glory in germany , and endeavour'd to oblige him more by obedience and observance ; but this made him still more odious , till gratitude , oppress'd by the weight of obligation , he sent him to the eastern provinces , where he caus'd him to be poison'd by piso , rejoycing in the death of him , who was the support of his empire some princes are idols , whose eyes are , ( as ieremiah says ) blinded with the dust of those who enter in to worship them . they acknowledge no services , and what is worse , won't be convinc'd of them , nor that their liberty is subject to desert , and therefore take great care to disengage themselves from it . him who has perform'd signal services they charge with some crime or other , that his pretension to reward being reduc'd to a defence , he may take his pardon for a sufficient recompence . they seem dis-satisfied with those very services which they inwardly approve ; to avoid being oblig'd , or they attribute them to their own orders , and sometimes that very thing which they desir'd and commanded to be done , they repent of afterwards , and are angry with him who facilitated it , as if he had done it from his own motive . the heart of a king is unsearchable . 't is a deep sea which is to day boisterous and raging , from the same cause which made it yesterday calm and serene . the goods of fortune and mind , and also riches and honours , they sometimes e●●eem meritorious , sometimes injurious and criminal . the most officious diligence often displeases them . that of uzza● to god , in putting forth his arm to support the falling ark , cost him his life . princes usually recompence negligence rather than care , and reward the least services with greatest honours . to be oblig'd they reckon servile and mean , and chuse ingratitude rather than acknowledgment . the prompt zeal and liberality of iunius blaesus towards the emperor vitellius got him his hatred instead of thanks . the renown'd roger of catalo●ia , being at constantinople to assist fadricus king of sicily , was recall'd by the emperor andronicus to defend the empire ; he did things beyond belief ; with a small number of his valiant catalonians ; he repell'd the turks , and when he expected a reward for his services , the emperour upon some slight pretence , put him to death . and very often some frivolous pretence is more regarded than the greatest services ; for gratitude is esteem'd a burthen to the mind , but revenge discharges the bile . there is this misfortune in the service of princes , that no man knows when he obliges or disobliges them . and if we would form any method of policy from the light of history , and the misfortunes which we incur through our over●officiousness , we had need distinguish between vertues , that we may know how to use them , by considering that though they are all in us as their proper subject , yet do they not all operate within us . some are practised externally , others internally . these are fortitude , patience , modesty , humility , religion , among which , some are only so far for us , that those external ones contribute no more thereto , than the security of humane society , and an esteem for their own excellence , as are humility , modesty , and humanity . so that the more perfect these vertues are , the more they work upon the minds and approbation of others , provided we can keep a decorum . other of those vertues , though they are internal , yet their operation depends upon external actions , as valour and magnanimity . in these there is no danger , if they be govern'd by prudence , which prescribes time and manner to all vertues . for excessive and imprudent reservedness usually obstructs our interest ; we losing our selves under a notion of reputation and glory , while those who suit themselves to the times , necessity and fla●tery , obtain the rewards and commendations . in the exercise of those vertues which respect the good of others , such as liberality and compassion , there is always some danger , because neither the rewards of princes , nor the acknowledgments of friends are answerable to them ; we perswade our selves that our services will be acceptable , and that to assist our misfortunes , they will reciprocally expose their own lives and fortunes . into this error we are led by our own sense of gratitude , which often makes us heedless of our own ruin , to satisfie for obligations receiv'd . but if we fall into any calamity they withdraw and desert us . there were but three of iob's friends who visited him in his afflictions , and they too by god's command : nor did they assist him but with words and severe advice , which he had need of all his patience to bear . but after god again smil'd upon iob , and began to heap on him riches in abundance , then came flocking to him , not only his brethren and relations , but those too who knew him not but by sight , and sat down at table with him , that they might partake of his prosperity . this error , under pretence of mutual assistance and obligation has been the ruin of many , who have reap'd nought but ingratitude and hatred from their benefits and kindnesses , and created enemies of those who before were their friends , so that they die friendless and miserable . the holy spirit has cautioned us of this : my son , says he , if thou be surety for thy friend , if thou hast stricken thy hand with a stranger ; thou art snar'd with the words of thy mouth , thou art taken with thine own words . he advises us to deliver our selves from the hand of a friend , as a roe from the hand of the hunter , and as a bird from the hand of the fowler . do good but look about ye , is a spanish proverb drawn from experience . those are not subject to these misfortunes who live only to themselves , nor suffer themselves to be mov'd by compassion or charity , to assist the calamities of others , being deaf to their tears and groans , avoiding all occasions of intermedling with them , whence they live free from cares and troubles , and if they gain not new friends , they however keep those they have ; not being esteem'd for the good they do , but for the ill they don't do , this being in them accounted prudence . besides we naturally esteem them most , who have least need of us , who without being beholden to us , live content with their own . whence considering the usual custom of mankind , it may perhaps seem adviseable to be an idle spectator of others calamities , and minding only our own interests , not to engage our selves in their dangers and troubles . but this policy would be against our duty as christians , charity , and generous vertues , which gives us a nearer access to god. this would dissolve all civil society , which wholly consists in the mutual assistance of one another . vertue needs no outward acknowledgments ; being to it self a fair reward . nay , 't is then most perfect and glorious , when it expects the least return ; for 't is a kind of avarice to do good in hopes of a retaliation , which if not obtain'd creates a lasting resentment . let us therefore be guided by the consideration of what we owe our selves , and also by the example of god almighty , who bestows his blessings even on the ungratefull . yet 't is prudence to have respect to the time when and where acknowledgments may be expected , for 't is too hard for a man , after great expences , great hazards and hardships undergone for another , to meet with nothing but ingratitude in return . to him who understands the nature and usual ways of mankind , this will not seem at all new ; but foreknowing it , will ward the blow , and avoid being hurt . we should also well consider , whether it be really our friend's interest for us to undertake his assistance : for sometimes we do him an injury by our diligence , because 't is either unseasonable or imprudent , by which we ruin both our selves and him too . this officiousness thraseas check'd in rusticus arulenus , though in his own behalf , knowing that kindness would be prejudicial to the intercessor , and of no advantage to the criminal . nor is it less imprudent and dangerous to be over zealous for the publick good and welfare of the prince , then especially , when without obligation of duty , or certain prospect of remedy , we intermeddle with their concerns to our own apparent ruin . i don't mean , that we should be insensible at the sight of others sufferings , or that for our own ease and quiet we should basely truckle to the times and tyranny . but that we should not foolishly ruin our selves , and that we should follow the example of lucius piso , who in difficult and deplorable times , knew how to preserve himself with such prudence , that he was never the author of any servile proposition , and upon absolute necessity , did it with great moderation . oftentimes we are forward in giving our advice in things which don 't concern us , perswaded that therein consists the remedy of the publick ills : not considering how easily we are deceiv'd with a conceit of our own opinions , without particular knowledge of the motives upon which princes act . nothing is more dangerous than to advise ; even he who is oblig'd in duty to it , ought to avoid it if not ask'd ; for advice is judg'd by the event , and that depends upon future accidents , which no prudence can foresee , and that which falls out ill is attributed to the counsellor , but not that which succeeds well . emblem xlviii . how are princes arm'd against foreign enemies ! and how unprovided against domestick ones ! who follow them even through the midst of their guards , yet do they take no notice of them . these are flatterers and parasites ; nor is there less danger from their fawns than from an enemy's sword. flattery has ruin'd more princes than force . what royal purple has not this moth eaten ? what sceptre has not this worm gnaw'd ? it insinuates it self into the tallest cedars , and preying upon the root soon brings them to the ground . 't is a damage not discern'd , but by entire ruin ; the effect is sooner seen than the cause . 't is a false silk-worm which inhabits the gilded roofs of palaces . the present emblem compares it to a lizzard , with a gay sta●ry back and poison'd breast . it appears to the prince under the shining cloak of zeal , the better to conceal its pernicious designs . let a prince know , that all brightness does not denote the excellence of the subject ; for in the scripture it is a sign of a leprosie ; and rotten wood gives a kind of light in the dark . there are some glimmerings of good , even in the blackest soul. sometimes in the very bowels of severity , the assertor of liberty , and opposer of the prince . flattery basely discovers it self ; as when valerius mesalla propos'd the administring the oath of allegiance to tiberius each year , and being ask'd by whose order he did it , he reply'd , that 't was from his own proper motive ; for that in all matters of publick concern , he would follow the dictates of his own reason , even though he should offend by it . not unlike this , was that of ateius , who when lucius ennius was accus'd of having destroy'd the silver statue of tiberius , to make house plate on , and tiberius being willing to wave the accusation , openly oppos'd it , saying , that the senators ought not to be depriv'd of the power of judging , nor should such a crime go unpunish'd ; that he might indeed forgive his own grievances , but should not be prodigal of the injuries done the state . the lizzard changes its skin every year , so also does flattery , as oft , i mean , as the prince changes his mind . the ministers of king alphonso the tenth , advis'd him to divorce queen violante , for barrenness , arguing , that the marriage was void , which they afterwards declar'd valid , and perswaded the king to retake her to his bed † there is no animal more cunning than the lizzard , whence the lawyers call all false practice crimen stellionatus . who uses more cheats than the flatterer , imposing upon the will , the noblest faculty of man ; so much above the other senses , that without it the rest would be inslav'd . the lizzard does not kill him whom it wounds , but only benumbs him , and puts him , as it were , beside himself , by raising divers passions in him . the proper quality of a flatterer , who with specious pretences charms the eyes and ears of princes , and put them so beside themselves , that they can't search the truth of things . the lizzard is so inveterate against man , that when it casts its skin , it eats it up , least it should be usefull in the cure of the falling-sickness . a flatterer desires a prince may not recover from his errors ; for disabuse is the son of truth , which is an utter enemy to flattery . flatterers envy the prosperity of princes , and hate them as those who by their power , and a certain necessity oblige them to the slavery of dissimulation and flattery , and force them to speak one thing and think another . a prince has need of great prudence to distinguish flattery : for it consists in praise , which he will find from those who are far from that vice. this is the difference that a flatterer promiscuously commends all , honourable or base , good or bad ; but the other only that which is just and good . when therefore a prince sees things attributed to him which are due to others , or which are mere accidents ; frivolous things commended and extoll'd which don 't deserve it , such as tend more to pleasure than reputation . such as avert his mind from the toil of affairs , such as respect more his own advantage than the publick interest , and that the person who so commends these things , does not rightly govern himself , that he does not shew any concern or readiness to admonish him , when he commits any thing below his person and majesty ; nay , that he excuses his errors , and regards more his own interest than his service , that he never seems offended at any thing , that he may he always near him , that he does not associate with those who are zealous patriots and lovers of their country . that he praises those whom he thinks agreeable to him , and whom , if he would , he cannot turn out of favour , that when he finds himself fixt therein , makes it his business to gain the esteem of others , by attributing all good success to himself , and by accusing the prince in that he did not follow his counsel ; that to gain credit , he brags that he reprehended his errors , when in private he excus'd commended and approv'd . such a one as this a prince may well mark for a flatterer , whom he ought to avoid as the most venomous poison , and directly opposite to that sincere love with which he ought to be serv'd . but though these marks are plain enough , yet is self conceit generally so blind , as not to discern flattery , but suffer it self to be coax'd with its own praises , which exercise an agreeable tyranny over the senses , so that there is no flattery so gross , which it does not believe its due . sometimes this happens from a remiss and negligent goodness , which not duly considering the inconveniences of flattery , bears it , and interprets it submission and zeal . this was the fault of ferdinand king of galicia , who was hated of his subjects for listening too much to flatterers . and king alphonso the ninth , for the same reason , did not a little obscure the glory of his other vertues and exploits . let princes therefore believe , that they may be so deceiv'd either through self-conceit , or their natural goodness , that though there be sufficient tokens to distinguish flattery , which that they may know and avoid , i would advise them to read history , and observe by what tricks and cheats their ancestors were cajol'd , and what losses they have incurr'd thereby , and then consider , whether or no they are not serv'd in the same manner . one time only , when king ahasuerus could not sleep , and commanded the chronicles to be read to him , he presently learn'd from thence what never any one durst tell him , the designs and tyranny of his favourite haman , and the faithfull services of mordecat : those hid hitherto by dissimulation and flattery , these stifled through malice , by which being disabus'd , he punish'd the one and rewarded the other . yet even in this they ought to beware of flattery , wherefore let them read themselves ; for perhaps if another reads , he will either pass over those cases which should instruct them , or change some sentences and words . o unhappy state of majesty , which can't be sure of the truth even of books , which are esteem'd the faithfullest friends of mankind . a prince ought also to get a sight of all libels which are publish'd against him : for though malice dictate them , yet truth writes them , and he will find therein what his courtiers conceal , and gather prudence and instruction from his infamy . tiberius seeing how he had been cheated , in not discovering the practices of sejanus in time , caus'd to be publish'd the will of fulcinius trius , which was a satyr upon him , that he might see , though to his shame , the truths which flattery had conceal'd from him . let not a prince always view his own actions in the glass of those that are about him , but rather let him consult strangers , zealous men , and such as are of strict lives and conversation , and observe if they all agree in one opinion : for the variable and inconstant glasses of flattery never represent things as they really are , but as the prince would have them . and 't is better to be corrected by the wi●e , than cheated by the flattery of fools . to this end 't is necessary sometimes to consult one , sometimes another , making them lay aside modesty and fear , by letting them know the obligation they are under to speak truth . even samuel durst not freely tell what god commanded him , to eli the high-priest , until he entreated him . let a prince sometimes view himself in the glass of the people , in which the least spot immediately appears , for the mob can't dissemble . lewis the fourth of france , would , disguis'd , mix himself with the crowd , and hear what they said of his actions and government . he that would find truth , must seek her in the streets . lewis the eleventh of france us'd to complain , that he wanted one piece of furniture in his palace , which was truth . which is too modest and plain to live in courts , being confounded in the presence of kings . for this reason saul disguised himself when he went to consult the witch of endor , that she might answer him with more freedom ; and he did this himself without trusting to another . ieroboam also observ'd the same method , when he sent his wife to ahijah to enquire about their sick child . he commanded her to disguise her self , that he might not know her , least if he should , he might either give her no answer at all , or not tell her truth . since then truth is not to be found in the palaces of princes , she must be trac'd out else-where ; 't is the honour of a king to search out a matter . king philip the second had a favourite , whom he lov'd extremely , who us'd to inform him of whatever was said of him as well within as without the court. 't is observable , that though the discourses of the people in the absence of the prince , be true , yet when they come to his ears they are so softned , and gilded with flattery , that they rather encourage , and blindly make him pursue his vices , perswading him that his actions are highly approv'd by all . no government was more tyrannical than that of tiberius ; no favourite more hated than sejanus ; yet when they were at caprea , the senate earnestly begg'd , that they would please to let them see them . nero was so miserably deceiv'd by the flattery of the people , that he believ'd they could not bear his absence from rome , though for never so small a time , and that his presence comforted them in their adversity ; though he was really so odious , that the senate and nobility were in doubt , whether he was more cruel in his absence than his presence . there are other ways to know flattery , but few princes care to make use of them , it being so agreeable to their inclinations and nature ; and so we see coiners punish'd , but not flatterers , though the last are most guilty ; these gild and counterfeit our money , those our vices , putting them off even to our selves for vertues . this is a great fault , which is still decry'd , yet still maintain'd in the courts of princes ; where truth appears not without danger , especially with haughty and passionate princes . bernardo de cabrera lost his life for his friendly advice in some affairs to peter the ivth of arragon , notwithstanding his signal services , and his having been his tutor . he who advises or informs another , seems to accuse his actions and judgment , which princes won't endure ; for they think he don 't sufficiently respect them , who talks to them freely . gutierrez fernandez of toledo with an honest and well-meaning sincerity , told king peter the cruel , what he thought of his government , and advis'd him to moderate his severity ; which meritorious advice the king took for such a crime , that he caus'd him to be beheaded for it * . a prince looks upon him as his judge , who observes his actions , nor can he endure him who finds fault with them . the danger is in admonishing a prince what he should do , not what he would do : which is the reason truth is so timorous , and flattery so audacious . but if any prince would be so generous , as to think it base and mean to be coax'd by flattery , and look upon it as a contempt for others to pretend to impose upon him , by false praises , and speak more of his grandure than his person , he would soon be rid of this sort of cattle by arming himself with severity ; for none will dare attempt a stanch and severe prince , who fathoms the truth of things , and has learnt to contemn vain honours . tiberius with the same composure of countenance , heard the freedom of piso , and the flattery of gallus . and though he dissembled so well , he knew the flattery , as he did that of ateius capito , considering their thoughts , not their words . let a prince also publickly gratifie those who shall be so ingenuous as to tell him truth . thus clisthenes the tyrant of sicily did , who erected a statue to one of his counsellors , who contradicted his triumph , by which he wonderfully gain'd the hearts of his subjects , and encouraged his other counsellors to speak their sentiments more freely . king alphonso the twelfth , being once advising about an affair of great moment , with his sword in his right hand , and his sceptre in his left , spoke to this effect : come , says he , speak all your minds freely , and frankly advise me what you think for the glory of this sword , and the advantage of this scepter * . happy that kingdom , in which counsel is neither embarrass'd by respect , nor aw'd by fear ! all men know the baseness of flattery , but they know too the inconveniencies of truth , and see more danger from this than that . who would not speak with more sincerity and zeal to princes , were they all of the same temper with iohn the second king of portugal , who when one petition'd for some vacant office , reply'd , that he had long since promis'd it to a faithfull servant , who never spoke to please , but to serve him and the state † . but this generous sincerity is very rarely to be found ; princes being usually of king achab's mind , who calling a council of prophets , would have micah excluded , because , says he , he doth not prophecy good concerning me , but evil . for this reason , ministers often run great risques , who through zeal are too forward in telling their thoughts of future dangers , that they may be seasonably prevented . for princes had rather not know them than fear them ; their ears are prepar'd for the soft harmony of musick , but can't bear the jarring sounds of impending dangers . whence they chose for their counsellors and confidents , such as will tell them nothing but what they approve of , and not what god inspires as the prophet micah did . what wonder then , if without the light of truth they lose their way and are lost ? would these tell-truths be guided by prudence , doubtless a prince would more value truth , than vain and empty flattery ; but there are few who use it seasonably ; or with that modesty and address that is requisite . for all that are free are morose , and offend princes with the asperity of their looks , especially when arm'd with truth ; for some vertues are odious , such as obstinate severity , and a spirit not to be gain'd by favours . for princes think themselves slighted , when they see those measures , which are usually taken to obtain their favour are contemn'd , thinking he who does not study to acquire them , neither acknowledges himself their subject , nor has occasion for them . the superiour uses the lancet or incision knife of truth , to cure the distempers of the inferiour , but this only a caustick , which without pain benumbs , and wears away the parts infected in the superiour . to be troublesome with unseasonable and improper truths , is rather malice than zeal , rather sauciness that admonition . god himself uses singular prudence and caution in revealing them ; for though he might have told pharaoh and nebuchadnezzar their future calamities by ioseph and daniel ; yet he chose rather to do it by dream , when the senses were ●ull'd and majesty buried in sleep , and even then not clearly , but by figures and hieroglyphicks , that there might be some time allow'd for their interpretation , to avoid sudden terrour and consternation , as also the danger of the ministers , should they unask'd declare such things . 't is sufficient , if the minister can make the prince understand them ; which if he can effect by signs , let him not use words . yet are there some so imprudent , that they glory in bold truths , and are fond to be the bearers , nay sometimes the inventers of ill news . let these learn of what befell king balshazzar , to whom the hand that pronounc'd his death upon the wall , was not wholly visible , but only the fingers appear'd , and but the ends of them neither ; so that it could not in the least be discover'd , who guided them ; nor this by day light but by night , writing that decretory sentence by candle-light , upon the wall in such characters , as required some time to be understood . while therefore the intention is good , and accompanied by prudence , 't will be easie to walk a secure and middle path , between the slavery of flattery and the arrogance of truth ; for all truths may be spoken , provided it be with discretion , by proposing only the amendment of those to whom they are directed . thus the discretion and address of agricola mollified the stern humour of domitian . he who with his services and modesty mingles valour and industry , may live safe under the worst of princes ; and gain more reputation , than those , who by being too ambitious of glory , do foolishly ruin themselves , without any advantage to the state ; by this circumspection m. lepidus turn'd to his advantage many dangerous flatteries , and preserv'd the favour of tiberius . thrasea paetus's going out of the senate , to avoid being present at the votes , which to flatter tiberius , they were making against the memory of agrippina , was pernicious to the senate , and dangerous to himself , without giving any foundation to the peoples liberty , as he proposed . truth is yet more dangerous in those , who avoiding flattery , to seem free and plain , carp at the actions and failures of princes , with sharp jests , which stick long by the great ones , especially where they are grounded upon truth : as vestinus found by nero , who put him to death for reprehending his vices with too much freedom . to speak truth only to publish the faults of the government , is a kind of freedom which looks like advice , but is reflection ; it appears zeal but is malice . and this i look upon as not less pernicious than flattery it self . for if one be an odious slavery , the other is a false kind of liberty . hence the wisest princes dread freedom as much as flattery , neither being safe , and therefore the extremes of both are to be avoided ; which was observ'd in the time of tiberius yet 't is certain , there ought to be some allowance for flattery , thereby to introduce truth ; for not to flatter in somethings , is to accuse in every thing ; and in a corrupt government , there is as much to be fear'd from too much as too little flattery . the state would be in a desperate condition , and the prince inhuman and barbarous , if neither truth nor flattery durst approach him . he would be like an adder , if he should be deaf to that flattery which would persuade him to what is glorious and honourable . with such as these god threatned the people of ierusalem by the prophet ieremiah ; i will send serpents among you , cockatrices which will not be charm'd , and they shall bite you . that mind is wild and savage , which a gentle and modest flattery can't sooth into good temper , and compliance with its wholsome advice . truth being of it self something bitter , we must sweeten the brim of the cup , that princes may drink with more pleasure : they won't hear it if it be dry , nay are often worse for it . the more tiberius's cruelty was exclaim'd against , the more severe and bloody he grew . 't is of use sometimes to commend some famous actions in them , as if they had actually done them , that they may be thereby prompted to put them in execution ; or to be extravagant in the commendation of valour or other vertues , that they may be the more eager to follow them . this enflames the mind more to honour than flattery . these means , says tacitus , the roman senate us'd to nero in the beginning of his reign . 't is of very ill consequence to commend vices under the name of vertues ; for this is encouraging princes to commit greater . nero seeing his severity taken for justice , became a perfect tyrant . we ill consult our own liberty , fortunes and lives , in endeavouring to extend the unjust power of princes beyond their due bounds , by administring them means to satisfie their ambition and lusts. scarce any prince would be bad , were not his ministers flatterers . they gain that favour by publick mischief , which they can't merit by their vertues . prodigious villany ! for a momentary favour , which they are very often disappointed of too , or rather ruin'd with , to betray their country and promote tyranny ! what wonder , if god chastises subjects for the faults of princes , if they are the cause of them , while princes act all by their ministers , who teach them several ways of burthening their subjects with taxes , of oppressing the nobility , and turning the government into tyranny , by violating privileges , laws and customs , and so are at last their own executioners . emblem xlix . many reasons make me doubt , whether the chance of birth has any part of the favour or hatred of princes ; or whether our conduct and prudence , can , without ambition and peril , find a secure path , between a froward obstinacy , and a despicable slavery . there seems to be a certain occult force , which , if it does not compell , does at least move our will , and incline it to one more than another : and if in the senses and natural appetites there is a sympathy and antipathy to things , why not in the affections and passions ? they may perhaps , have more power and force over the appetite than the will , because that is more a rebell to free-will than this , but it can't be deny'd , but that the inclination too is of great force , being generally attended by reason , especially when art and prudence know how to adapt themselves to the humour of the prince . we see in all things as well animate as inanimate , a secret correspondence and friendship , whose chains are easier broken than parted . neither the injuries nor adversities which king iohn the second suffer'd for his affection to alvarez de luna , nor the apparent danger of the latter , could dissolve that firm bond of friendship with which their souls were united . and though this inclination be not natural , yet gratitude for past services , or the extraordinary merits of the subject usually produce it . vertue is of it self amiable , and gratefull to the will. 't would be barbarous to oblige a prince to balance his affections with indifferency to all , for they proceed from the heart by the eyes and hands : what stanch severity can always resist the charms of favour ? how reserv'd was philip the second ? yet had he not one but many particular favourites . god himself had some whom he peculiarly favour'd , giving them power to stop the course of the sun and moon ; the lord obeying the voice of man . and why ( as king peter observ'd ) is particular friendship allow'd to private persons and not to princes ? many are the troubles of government , to alleviate which , 't will be necessary to have some one near you in whom you can put a more particular confidence . there are many difficulties in it , which are not to be surmounted by one . the burthen of a crown is too weighty and cumbersome for one to bear , the strongest yield to it , and , as iob says , bend under it . for this reason , though god was assistant to moses , and supply'd him with ability and instructions to administer his office , yet he commanded to make use of the elders in the government of his people , that they might help to bear the burthen . and ieth●o his father-in-law , thought the burthen greater than he was able to bear . alexander took parmeno to his assistance ; david , joab ; solomon , zadock ; darius , daniel ; by whose directions they succeeded in their affairs . no prince is so prudent and discreet , as of himself to know all things , nor so carefull and diligent , as to manage all affairs alone . which natural impotency oblig'd princes to erect courts and counsels , and to create presidents , governours , and viceroys , in whom the power and authority of princes might reside . for alone ( says king alphonso the wise ) they can't penetrate and examin all things , but have need of the assistance of others , in whom they can confide , who should use the power which they receive in performing those things which princes can't do themselves † . and if princes use the assistance of ministers abroad , why should he not in the more private affairs of his cabinet ? 't is necessary he should have some one near him , whom he may deliberate with about the advice and counsel which is given him . that he may with him compare his own scruples and propositions , and be by him instructed . whom , in fine , he may safely trust to expedite and execute affairs . would it not be worse , if embarrass'd with such weighty cares , he should communicate himself to none ? besides , 't is absolutely necessary that the prince should have some assistant , who , disengag'd from all other business , should be as a mediator between him and his people : otherwise it would be ▪ impossible for him to hear and satisfie all , nor would it suit with his majesty . for this reason , the israelites besought moses that he would speak to god for them , for they themselves were afraid of his presence . and absalom , that he might render david odious to the people , urg'd that he had no ministers about him to receive the complaints of the distressed . the zeal and prudence of a favourite may with ease rectifie the defects of government , and the inclinations of princes . agricola by his prudent address , reclaim'd domitian , and though sejanus was bad , tiberius was worse , when without him he follow'd his own inclinations . and truly by such favourites god-often saves a whole kingdom , as he did syria by naaman , and aegypt by ioseph . since then 't is necessary that the weight of government should be divided ; 't is natural in the choice of such an assistant to be guided in some measure by inclination , or some secret sympathy in the persons of each ; which choice , if it be founded upon desert , can be no ways dangerous ; nay , 't is requisite that the humour of the party whom the prince takes to assist him , should be chosen to him the question is . whether one or many should be chosen to this office ; if many equally favour'd and respected , emulation will arise , and their counsels will thwart one another to the detriment of the state. so that it seems more agreeable to natural order , that affairs should be committed to one alone , who should supervise the rest , and by whom affairs should come digested and methodized to the prince , who should only substitute him to his cares and trouble , not his power and authority , in his counsels not his rewards . the sun alone imparts light to the whole world , and when he sets , he leaves not many but only one vicegerent , the moon , with a lustre much greater than that of the other stars , who seem but as so many inferiour ministers to assist her . yet neither this nor those shine with their own , but borrow'd light , which the earth acknowledges receiv'd from the sun. nor does this favour misbecome majesty , when a prince devolves part of the burden of affairs upon his favourite , so as to preserve the sovereign power and authority to himself : for this is not favour but imployment , not so much an obligation , as a communication of trouble ; nor is this so much to be envied , if princes would be so prudent , as to give it another name ; as president of the council , or chancellour ; as the magistrates call'd praefecti at rome , incurr'd no envy , though they were second caesars . the felicity of subjects consists not in the prince's being like a loadstone , attractive of iron and not of gold , but in his knowledge in chusing such a minister as will attribute whatever is great and commendable to him ; and take all the reflections and odium of the people upon himself ; one whose mind is wholly bent upon the publick good ; who manages affairs without ambition ; hears without disdain and debates without passion ; whose resolves and determinations have no respect to self-interest . in a word , whose whole aim is the service and advantage of his country , not himself , or the preservation of his master's favour . by this rule one may know whether this familiarity proceed from pure zeal or tyranny . princes ought to take great care in the choice of such a minister , endeavouring not to be byass'd by affection or fansifull inclination , but by rare and excellent qualifications and merits , for sometimes such friendship is not the result of deliberation but accident ; it is not favour but diligence : courts usually erect and adore some idol which they deify , and treat with royal splendor and magnificence ; they worship it upon their knees , burn tapers , and offer incense to it , imploring its assistance with prayers and vows . as industry can change the course of rivers , and turn them another way ; so it often happens that those who have business at court , not regarding the prince , the true channel of aff●irs , apply themselves to the favourite , whose arts do , by this , so secure the prince's favour , that he can never disengage himself from it . no prince was more cautious , none more free than tiberius , yet was he subject to his favourite sejanus . in which case 't is difficult to say , whether such favour be human choice , or some superiour power , for the greater good or ill of the commonwealth : the holy spirit says , 't is a particular judgment of god . tacitus attributes the favour and fall of sejanus to the anger of the gods for the ruin of the empire . a misfortune scarce avoidable , when this favour falls upon a person of great quality , as it usually does in courts where the chief of the nobility are ministers . for he who is once possess'd of it , will , by the preheminence of his birth and grandure of his family endeavour what he can to preserve it , nor will he easily suffer himself to be supplanted by any one : as was seen in iohn alphonso robles , in the time of king iohn the second † . the heart of a prince is never safe in the power of a subject , whose nobility and authority make him too much respected by others . though this inconveniency is lessen'd , when this favour falls upon some great man who is truly zealous and intent upon his prince's service , and the honour and welfare of his country , for then the people's envy and odium will not be so great , and the orders which are dispatch'd through the hands of such a one will be the more readily observ'd ; yet 't is always highly necessary , if a prince could balance his favour between his own authority and the merits of his favourite , to commit only that part of the administration to him , which he cannot manage himself ; for should he commit it wholly to him , he would experience the same misfortunes with king ahasuerus , when he entrusted hamon with the government of his people . let him not give by another's hand what he can dispose of with his own ; nor borrow others eyes , when he can see with his own . as to what is done in courts of justice and counc●ls , let him afterwards consult the presidents and secretaries , from whose relations he may receive a just account of the affairs therein transacted ; and his resolutions will be more concise and ready , when he confers with those by whom the aff●irs ●ave been managed . this method the popes and emper●●●se , as did also the kings of spain ●ill philip the second , who being an excellent pen-man , introduc'd the custom of taking debates and consultations in writing , which afterwards prevailing , gave rise to private favour : for the kings being embrass'd with such a vast number of writings were oblig'd to communicate them to some one , and this must of necessity be a favourite . on such a one let a prince bestow more peculiar marks of favour and benevolence . for he who merits his favour and shares his trouble , ought to have pre-eminence above others . the shadow of st. peter worked miracles . what wonder then , if a prince's favourite , who is but his shadow , acts with more authority than others ? nevertheless , some favours should be reserv'd for others ; nor should those other be so great , as to exceed the condition of a subject , and make him equal to the prince , so as to have court made to him as co-partner in the empire , and to draw the whole body of affairs after him , which derogates much from the authority and esteem of the prince . a favourite should act as the shadow not the substance . in this the kings of castile , who , in times past , had favourites , run● great risques ; for as the power of the kings being then not so large , how little soever they granted , it endanger'd the whole kingdom ; as it befell king sancho the strong , for his favour to lopez de hara ; king alphonso the eleventh , for his to count alvaro osorio ; king iohn the second , and king henry the fourth , for theirs to alvaro de luna , and iohn pacheco . the whole point of favouritism consists in the prince's knowing how much he ought to allow his favourite , and he how much he ought to receive from his prince . whatever exceeds this rule , creates ( as we shall mention anon ) jealousie , envy and danger . emblem l. the mountain looks down with disdain upon the other works of nature , and proudly rises above them , so as to have communication with the skies . let not the vallies envy it this glory , for though it be nearer the favours of heaven , 't is also more expos'd to the strokes of its . thunder too . about its head clouds gather , and storms prepare their rage , and upon it they first exert it . 't is the same in offices and imployments more immediately under princes . the activity of their power is most offensive to those who are nearest it . their conversation is as venomous as that of a viper . whoever walks among them , walks among snares , and the arms of his offended enemies . the favour and disdain of princes are so immediate , that nothing intervenes . their love knows no moderation ; when turn'd to hatred , it leaps from one extreme to th' other , from fire to frost . the same instant sees them love and hate , with the effects of thunder , which while the noise is heard , or the flash seen , reduces the bodies to ashes . the favour of princes is like flame , extinguish'd with the same ease 't was lighted . nay some have thought it absolutely fatal to those on whom it falls . and many examples as well past as present , are sufficient evidences of it ; we have fresh instances of the sudden falls of the most exalted favourites . the duke of lerma in spain ; the marshal d' ancre in france ; the duke of buckingham in england ; john olden barnvelt in holland ; cardinal clesel in germany ; at rome cardinal nazaret ; yet may this be ascrib'd to divers causes , either because the prince having given all that he could , or the favourite obtain'd all he desir'd , he was mounted to the highest step , and so must of necessity descend . but suppose there be moderation in the favours of the one , and the ambition of the other ; yet what constancy can there be in the minds of princes , which the more vehement they are , are the more subject to variety and contradiction ? who can fix the affections of him whose senses see double , and is like the first matter , not resting in one form , but pleas'd with variety . who can preserve that favour which is liable to so many chances and turns of humour ? who can behave himself with so nice integrity , as to maintain the prince's good opinion of him with the people ? the eyes of all are upon the favourite . the prince's friends think him an usurper of their rewards , his enemies that he incenses the prince farther against them . these , if they return to their duty , must make the disgrace of the favourite one of the conditions ; those if they forsake it , lay all the blame upon him . ambition and envy are always in arms , intent upon every occasion to ruin him . the people are so imbitter'd against him , that they impute even natural misfortunes , and the prince's vices , all to him . bernardo de cabrera lost his head for the tyrannies of mpeter the fourth , king of arragon , whose favourite he was . by the same means that a person endeavours to gain the favour of the prince , he incurs the odium of the subjects ; so that it was truly said by that great man , alphonso de albuquerque , governour of the e●st-indies , that a minister in obliging his prince , offended the people : and if he endeavour to gratifie the people , he disobliges the prince . if this favour be only founded upon exteriour adoration , fomented by court-artifices , 't is violent and momentary , and the prince will endeavour to free himself from this impos'd involuntary slavery . if it proceed from a natural propensity of the mind , 't is very subject to second causes , and is effac'd by time or the ingratitude of the subject , when he forgets from whence he took his rise . if a person's mein and carriage do , as it were , ravish the prince's favour , it either soon fades , or is only superficial , as in common friendship . if it be from some qualifications of mind greater than those of the prince , when-ever he knows it , there 's an end of his ●avour , for none can endure in another pre-eminency in 〈◊〉 valour , which is usually esteem'd above power and authority . if it be from assiduity and care in business , diligence is not less dangerous than negligence ; for success does not always correspond to means , because of the diversity of accidents ; and princes will be disappointed in nothing that they wish and desire . success is attributed to chance , or to the fortune of the prince , and not to the prudence of the favourite , but misca●●iages to him alone , though the fault be anothers , for all are willing to father success , but misfortunes are laid at ●nother's door , that is to the favourite . even casualties are imputed to him , as the falling of the amphitheatre , and the burning of mount caelius were to sejanus . nor do they only accuse him in affairs of his own management , but also in those of others , or in those accidents that depend upon the prince's will and nature . thus seneca was blam'd for that nero would have drown'd his mother . men cannot imagin a wickedness so strange as was not believ'd of sejanus . there is no natural death , of a great minister or relation of the prince , but is immediately reflected upon the favourite . as was that of prince philip emanuel , son to charles duke of savoy , to the duke of lerma . if this favour proceeds from obligation , and from signal services perform'd , the prince will by degrees grow weary of the burthen , and his love will turn into hate , because he looks upon him as a creditor , and being unable to pay him , he seeks pretences to break with him , and so strike off the debt . acknowledgment is a kind of slavery . for he who obliges another , makes himself his superiour , which is inconsistent with the sovereignty of a prince , whose power is diminished , if it be not greater than the obligation : and princes being oppress'd with the weight of gratitude and obligation , become notoriously ungratefull , that they may discharge themselves from them . the emperour adrian put titian to death , who had been his tutor from a boy , and to whom he ow'd his empire : not to mention that the fatigues of many years are effac'd by one oversight ; princes being more apt to punish a slight offence , than to reward signal services . if they are honourable , they create emulation and envy in the prince himself , for whose service they are perform'd , for some are more angry with those who have serv'd them successfully and gloriously , than with those who have been more remiss and less successfull , of this humour was philip of macedon ; a vice which his son alexander inherited ; and was visible in iames the first of arragon , who when don blasco de alagon had taken morella , he thought he had gotten more glory than he in that expedition , and therefore took from him that city , and gave him in exchange that of sagasto . the victories of agricola made domitian jealous , seeing that the fame of a private man exceeded his . so that in the most glorious and successfull exploits there is the greatest danger . if favour springs from the prompt obedience of the favourite to the will of the prince , it makes the government incur the above mention'd inconveniencies of flattery , and soon ruins both the prince and favourite ; obedience is as dangerous as disobedience ; for if the command succeeds , 't is ascrib'd to the prince , if not , to the favourite . if this command be not obey'd , 't is then the reason why it succeeded not . if it be unjust , he dares not make that his excuse , lest he offend the prince ; if he obey , the ●ault is all laid upon him ; and the prince , that he mayn't seem the author of the mischief , permits him to suffer either in the opinion of the people ; or in the hands of the judge . thus tiberius serv'd piso after he had by his command poison'd germanicus , whose cause he referr'd to the senate ; and coming to rome , he behav'd himself as if he knew nothing of the matter , leaving him confounded to see him so unconcern'd and reserv'd , without either pity or anger . if this favour falls upon a man of small qualifications and merit , he will sink under the weight of affairs ; for without a brave and vigorous mind , without a quick and piercing wit , the favour of princes cannot be long maintain'd . if it proceeds from a resemblance and conformity of vertues , when the prince bids adieu to them the other is at an end . for he will hate the favourite , as one who accuses his change , and whom he can't make use of in the prosecution of his vices . if a prince loves a favourite , for that he makes use of him as an instrument to execute his vicious designs and inclinations with ; what-ever ills do thence arise , either to the king's person , or to the government , all fall upon him ; and the prince with ease clears himself by disgracing him ; or else hates him as a witness of his vices , whose presence does , as it were , upbraid him with his crimes . for the same reason nero disgrac'd anicetus the murtherer of agrippina ; so tiberius discharg'd those ministers who had assisted his cruelty , and made use of others . the odium of the death , and the favour of him who commands it , end both with the execution , and the prince thinks he sufficiently clears himself in punishing the crime , as plancina found . if this favour proceed from the communication of important secrets , he is in danger from them , for they are vipers in the breast of the favourite , which gnaw his entrails till they eat their way out , for either levity or ambition of seeming a man in favour , reveals them , or they are discover'd by another , or by discourse , which are equally pernicious to the favourite . but though this should not happen , the prince will be willing to free himself from the care of having entrusted them , by tearing open the bag in which they are hid : as many secrets so many dangers . nor is the danger less , if this favour proceeds from the favourites being conscious of the prince's cowardice and baseness ; for such favour is rather fear than inclination , nor will a prince indure , that his honour should depend upon another's silence , or that there should be one who inwardly should despise him . if this favour be but small , it can't resist the fury of envy , but is blown down by every blast , like a tree not firmly rooted . if it be great , it creates envy and fear in the prince himself , and so makes him carefull to free himself from it ; as when we have pil'd stones upon stones , we at last fear lest the heap which we have rais'd , should fall upon our own heads , and so push them over th' other way . the prince sees the statue which he erected shades his own grandure , and so pulls it down again . i may venture to say , that princes seem to delight to shew their power , as well in pulling down those images as in erecting them ; for their power being limited , can't seem immense , unless it return to the center from which it proceeded , or keep in a circle . these are the rocks against which , if the ship of favour strike , 't is lost , so much the surer , by how much the more sail it makes . but if any one scape , 't is either because it recover'd port in time , or that it ran first upon the shore of eternity . is there then any pilot so skilfull as to know how to manage the helm of favour , and to sail in so very dangerous a gulf ? what prudence , what art can save him ? what chymist can fix this mercury of princes affections ? especially , when favour founded upon eminent merit can't resist envy and the machinations of so many as conspire its ruin . neither the kings darius nor achis could defend their favour to daniel and david , against the hatred of the princes and guards ; but were forc'd for their satisfaction , to banish one , and throw the other into a den of lions , though they were well assured of their integrity and innocence . though no prudence nor attention be sufficent to prevent those accidents which depend not upon the favourite , yet may he do much in things which depend upon him , and at least will be unblameable if he fall into disgrace . which consideration oblig'd me here to mark out to him the usual causes of his ruin , arising from his own imprudence and the malice of others , that being forewarn'd he may avoid them . if we would attentively consider the maxims and actions of former favourites , and especially of sejanus , we shall find , that most of them fell , because they could not continue those good methods by which they at first obtain'd the prince's savour . all to merit it , and gain the applause of the people , enter into favour zealous , humble , courteous , and officious , giving counsel for the glory of the prince , and preservation of his grandure , the method by which sejanus ingratiated himself , but being once masters of this favour , they loose the helm which before guided them , and believe they have no more occasion for it in their voyage , but can sail securely with the gale of the prince's favour . at first they are diligent to appear wholly disengag'd from their own affairs , and only intent upon the prince's interest , preferring his service even to their own lives and fortunes ; whence the prince , persuaded that he has got in this person a faithful associate in his labours , loves him and extolls him every-where ; as tiberius did sejanus to the senate and people . they endeavour farther by some generous and heroick action to prove their fidelity to the prince and win his heart . thus sejanus ingratiated himself with tiberius , by sustaining with his own hands and head , the weight of a precipice which would else have fallen upon tiberius , causing him thereby to put more confidence in his friendship and constancy . which good opinion of a favourites fidelity , if a prince once imbibes , he easily fancies himself secure of it for the future , and willingly takes his advice though never so pernicious , putting more confidence in him than in himself ; as tiberius did after that action . and hence proceed very great mischiefs . for he is blinded by this pre-conceiv'd opinion , nay , and himself promotes his favourite's credit and reputation , by permitting extraordinary honours to be paid him , as tiberius did , hanging sej●nus's picture in the theatres a●d publick places . this whisper passes immediately from one to another , whence is rais'd a new idol , like that of aaron out of the ear-rings , for either there would be no favour , or at least , 't would be but of short continuance , without the applause of the people : this honour creates arrogance and avarice to support it , the usual vices of the great ones . the favourite forgets himself , and those good qualities which made him at first esteem'd , by degrees fade , prosperity insensibly disclosing those vices which policy had a while conceal'd . so it happen'd to antonius primus , in whom prosperity discover'd pride , avarice , and other ill qualities which were before unknown . grandure disturbs the reason , and makes the favourite aspire to things above him ; thus sejanus offer'd marriage to livia . he manages affairs not as a minister , but a companion ( which was mucian's great fault ) ; and would have the prince but a bare name , reserving all the authority to himself . nor dares any say to him what bathsheba said to david , and now be●old adonijah reigneth , and now , my lord the king , thou knowest it not . and 't is the favourite's whole aim to exceed the prince in those qual●ties which are proper to royalty , that he may be esteem'd beyond him ; which way absalom made use of to disgrace king david , affecting affability and a readiness to hear the subjects complaints ; by which he stole the hearts of the people . a favourite does not think himself such , unless his servants , relations and friends participate of his authority , and so for his security he con●errs the chief offices of state upon them , and so cuts the nerves of envy . with this design sejanus preferr'd his own creatures . and because this power derogates from the authority of the princes of the blood , who always oppose favour , not being able to bro●k that it should be more esteem'd than birth , and that the prince should suffer himself to be govern'd by a subject , on whom they must depend , ( a danger which sejanus experienc'd in the family of tiberius . the favourite breeds discontent between them and the prince . thus sejanus inform'd tiberius , that agrippina conspir'd against him , and agrippina that tiberius design'd to poison her . if the favourite succeeds in any thing of this nature it emboldens him to proceed farther . after the death of drusus , sejanus had a design to cut off the whole family of germanic●s . so that the favourite being blinded with passion and excess of power , scorns private artifices , and acts openly against the prince's relations , as sejanus did against agrippina and nero. none dare warn him of the danger of his actions , for all tremble at the majesty of his presence , as the israelites did at that of moses , when he came from conversing with god and as he sees himself as much respected as the prince , he conspires against him , and oppresses his subjects , knowing he can't gain their good will ; which makes them in despair , doubt , whether his avarice and cruelty would not be less , were he really their prince , than now when not being so , he treats them as slaves and strangers . which otho consider'd in a favourite of galba . all attempts of this kind augment the danger , for envy encreases , and malice arms against the favourite , who thinking he can't overcome it , but by some greater , applies all the means that emulation of favour , more furious than that of love , can suggest . and since the security of his favour depends upon the constancy of the prince's will , he endeavours to oblige him , by pleasures and voluptuousness , the main instruments of favour , which vitellius's courtiers made use of to preserve his . and least the prince should give credit to any , he makes him di●fident of all , the good especially , for them he fears most . by this artifice vatinius , and sejanus ingratiated themselves . the favourite considering , that nothing is more opposite to favour than the capacity of the prince , makes it his whole endeavour , to keep him from knowing , understanding , seeing or hearing any thing , or having any one about him to inform him . he procures his aversion to business and fatigue , by filling his mind with the diversions of huntting , plays , and banquets , that his senses being diverted , neither his eyes may inspect transactions , nor his ears hear the murmurs and complaints of his people . thus in the sacrifices of the idol moloch , the priests made a noise with drums and trumpets , to drown the cries and groans of the dying infants . sometimes by a farther fetch , he embarasses and confounds him with affairs and papers , on purpose to tire him quickly , so we ride colts in a boggy ground to break them , and make them sooner take the bit. to which end he perswades him to assist at audiences , by which being wholly wearied , he may commit the management of all to the favourite , thinking it sufficient to have an account of affairs from him . whence ( as ieremiah said of the babylonish idols ) the prince is nothing but what the favourite pleases . he would not have affairs go smoothly and with success , for any one can sail in a calm , but he wishes that the sea may run high , and that the state may be so toss'd by the waves , that the prince may be afraid to put his hand to the helm , and so have more need of him . and then to stop at all avenues to truth , and remain sole manager of affairs beyond the reach of envy , he draws him from court to some retreat among his own creatures . so sejanus perswaded tiberius to retire from rome . all these arts redound much to the prejudice of the state , and the princes reputation , and he who hawks after a prince's favour by these means , does him more injury than one who openly offends him . for an offence is given by one fault , but favour is not acquir'd under many , and these always derogate from the honour of the prince , and are opposite to the publick welfare . a state suffers much upon the sudden death of its prince , but this grievance is soon remedied in his successor , which can't be , when the prince is by these arts render'd unserviceable to the government , this misfortune must continue as long as he lives , to the utmost detriment of the commonwealth . and as 't is daily more and more felt , it creates discontent and murmurs among all , who find that this favour is not voluntary but violent , not choice but force , and many grounding their fortune upon his disgrace , he being an impediment to their promotion ; these , i say , being always arm'd against him , 't is impossible but that at last they should find an opportunity to displace him , or that the prince should not at last perceive the trick , and that all the envy and odium conceiv'd against the favourite falls upon him , as tiberius at last found : and then the prince beginning to open his eyes , at the same time begins to fear the power which he has given his favourite ; which made tacitus doubt whether tiberius more lov'd or fear'd sejanus ; and as before his favour rais'd him , so now his hate procures his ruin . this is the critical point of favour , in which all are in danger , for neither can the prince dissemble his dis satisfaction , nor the favourite remain constant in his disgrace , whence both being disgusted the bond of amity is broken . the prince regards the favourite as unworthy his favour , and he him as ungratefull for his services , and believing that the prince can't be without him , and that he must shortly recall him , he wi●hdraws a while from court , and gives occasion to another to intermeddle in affairs , and foment the new rais'd disgusts , whence in a short time the favour is turn'd into hatred , the impatience of the favourite hastning his ruin . the report of his disgrace spreads , and all grow insolent and insult over him , it being now not in the power of the prince himself to assist him . his relations and friends fore-seeing his fall , and the danger which threatens them , fear lest they too should be involv'd in the ruin . as a lofty tree falling crushes all that grow under the shadow of its branches ; nay these are the chief promoters of his fall , that they may get out of danger themselves , all joining , some as friends , some as enemies , to push down this falling wall . the prince asham'd of himself , strives to free himself from this subjection , and to regain his credit , by making the favourite the principal cause of all miscarriages , so that he is caught in his own snares without being able to free himself , as sejanus was , and the more he strives to disengage himself , the more he hastens his ruin : for when favour once sickens it must die , there being no medicine can recover it . from all that has been said we may evidently see , that the greatest danger in favour is in the methods which ambition takes to preserve it ; it being the same with favourites , as with people who are too curious about their health , who thinking to preserve it by abundance of physick , rather destroy it and shorten their days . and as in distempers of the body there is no better remedy than abstinence , leaving the rest to nature , so when favour begins to sicken , the best advice is not to tamper too much with medicines , but to serve his prince with sincerity and integrity , without affection or interest , leaving the operation to merit and truth , more durable than artifice ; and using only some preservatives , such as respect the favourite , the prince or his ministers , or the court , or the people , or strangers . as to the favourite , he should preserve the same state of modesty , and affability that his fortune found him in . he should clear his looks from the dazling beams of favour , as moses did when he spoke to the people , after he came from communing with god . daniel , though he was a favourite to many kings , waited with the rest in the anti-chambers . let him refuse those honours , which either belong to the prince , or exceed the sphere of a minister , and if any would offer them , let him advertise both himself and him , that he is only a servant to the prince , to whom alone those honours are due : so the angel inform'd st. iohn when he would have worshipped him . let him not make his prince's favour the means whereby to execute his lusts and passions . let him hear with patience , and answer calmly , let him not affect others favour , nor fear their displeasure ▪ nor conceal his favour , nor covet sovereign power , nor arm against envy , nor provide against emulation , for in these precautions are very dangerous let him fear god and infamy . the favourite is also in danger from his family and relations , for though the prince and people do approve of his actions , it don't thence follow , that they must also those of his domesticks and relations , whose disorders , indiscretion , pride , avarice , and ambition render him odious and ruin him . let him not deceive himself by thinking , that his own creatures are the support and strength of his favour , for he who depends on many , is in danger of many , and therefore 't is better to keep them within remembrance of their former condition , and far from the management of affairs , that others may see they hold no part in the government , nor his favour , or that they are preferr'd meerly for being his servants . but if they are persons of worth and merit , i would not that their being the favourites servants and relations should prejudice them . christ has taught us this point , giving to his relations the dignity of forerunner and apostle , but not that of teacher of nations , and that of the pontificate , which were due to the faith of st. peter , and the learning of st. paul. with the prince let him observe these maxims . let him always presuppose , that his favour or affection is very subject to change , and if any such change should happen , he enquire not into the cause thereof , nor pretend to take notice of it , that the prince may not suspect him , nor his rivals hope his fall , for he is in danger of it when he but thinks of it . let him not build his favour upon the inclination and fancy of the prince , but upon his own merit ; for if the gold of favour be not well tempered with that allay , it can never endure the hammer of emulation . let him love more the dignity than the person of a prince . let him moderate his zeal by prudence , and guide his understanding by that of the prince , for none can suffer a a rival in sense . let him think himself his subject not his companion , and being a creature , let him not pretend to equal his creator ; let him esteem it honourable , and glorious to ruin himself to augment his grandeur . let him advise with a modest , agreeable and sincere freedom , without fear of danger or ambition of being accounted zealous and stanch in his opinion . let him make no affair his own , nor think his reputation concern'd in its success , nor be disgusted that his sentiments are rejected , or that being admitted they were afterwards altered , for such attempts are very dangerous . in debates and resolutions , let him be neither so hot as to flame , nor so cold as to freeze , but keep a moderate pace according to time and opportunity . let him be more intent upon his duty than his favour , but without affectation or vain glory , for he who serves only for reputation , robs the prince of his . let his silence be a propos , and his words close and ready upon occasion , which quality king theodorick commended in one of his favourites . let him prefer his princes service to his own interest , nay let them be both one . let him pay due veneration to the royal family , esteeming their friendship his greatest security , without fomenting differences between them and the prince , for blood is easily reconcil'd to the ruin of the favourite . let him take care that the prince has always good servants , and faithful ministers about him , and let him instruct him faithfully in the art of government . let him neither shut his eyes , nor stop his ears , but rather take care that he see , touch and feel all things himself . let him discreetly inform him of his errours and failures , without fear of offence , if necessity requires . for though his favour may sicken for a time , 't will recover again when he finds his errour , as it happen'd to daniel with the kings of babylon . when the prince resolves or determines any thing through heat or passion , he should endeavour to bend not break those resolutions , waiting while time and the inconveniencies thereof convince him of his errour . let him not prevent his hearing peoples complaints , and satyrs , for when they fall upon innocence , they are as grains of salt that preserve favour , and admonitions not to err or to amend . let him ascribe successful actions to the prince , but t●ke miscarriages upon himself . let him always think his ruin sure and certain , waiting for it with constancy , and a free and disinteress'd mind , without being over sollicitous to establish his favour , for he falls soonest from a precipice who fears it most . the reflection of the danger disturbs the brain , and we grow giddy with looking from an height . whatever favourites have been thus giddy have certainly fell , when those who have not been so sollicitous have pass'd secure . among the ministers of state , let him behave himself rather as a companion than a master , rather as a defender than accuser . let him encourage the good , and endeavour to reform the bad. let him not interpose his authority in their preferments or removals ; and leave to them their own business . let him not alter the course of counsels in consultations , nor deny any access to the prince . if the prince would have him confer with him , let him declare his sentiments frankly , without any other design than to consult for the best . the court is the most dangerous rock of favour , and yet all use it to establish and confirm it ; there is not a stone in it but would strive to fall , if in falling it might crush the statue of the favourite , which is as brittle as that of nebuchadnezar , by reason of the diversity of metals that compos'd it . not one courtier is a true friend to the favourite ; if he chooses some he incurs the hatred and envy of the rest ▪ if he introduces them , he is in danger of being supplanted ; if he does not he makes them his enemies . 't is there●ore the safest way to walk with indifference to all , and not to intermeddle in the affairs of any one , but endeavour to satisfie all , and ( if possible ) rather to promote than hinder them in their pretensions and interest . if any one shall have insinuated himself into the prince's favour , 't will be the best way to keep him there ; for he who wrestles with another to throw him down usually falls with him , and opposition confirms favour . more favorites have been ruined by striving to displace others , than by advancing them . let him slight accusations , or commendations to the prince , and leave them to fortune . favour is very subject to the people , for if they disapprove the favourite , the prince can never support him against the common cry ; or if he attempts it , the people usually turn his judges and executioners , we having seen a great many fall by their hands . if the people love him to excess he is in danger from thence , for that creates jealousie and envy in others , nay in the prince himself , whence the peoples loves are generally short and unlucky . and so that the favourite may walk safe between these two extreams , he must avoid all occasions of publick applause and acclamations . let him only endeavour to procure to himself a good esteem , by piety , liberality , complaisance and affability , making it his care to see justice duely administred , that there may be plenty of all things , that the publick peace be not disturb'd in his time ; that privileges be not violated , nor novelties introduced into the government ; but above all that there be no disputes in matters of religion , nor difference among the clergy : for he will soon feel the peoples rage , if he once incur the name of impious . foreigners who want this natural love for the prince , depend more upon the favourite than him , whence they pay him most respect , that they may by his means accomplish their designs , to the great dishonour of the prince , and prejudice of his states . nay , they often prove the ruin of the favourite , unless he abundantly satisfie them in their desires and requests ; wherefore he ought to beware of their respect , and refuse the incense and worth of foreigners , letting them who would pay him those honours know , that he is only the curtain before the image , and that 't is the prince that works the miracles . ambassadors usually affect the friendship of the favourite , as the most effectual means to accomplish their affairs , and judging that the disorders which result from favour , will be of service to them , they endeavour to foment it , being often introduc'd thereto by the favourite himself , and as they take occasion to commend them in audiences , and seem at first sight free from interest and emulation , it has often very good effect , yet for all this they are dangerous friends ; for the favourite can't preserve their friendship without great detriment to the prince and state. and if in consideration of his duty , he does not abundantly satisfie them , they are utter enemies and leave no stone unturn'd to ruin him . 't is therefore safest not to be more engag'd to them than the princes service will permit . endeavouring only to gain the reputation abroad of a sincere and affable person , and one who would rather preserve the good correspondences and alliances of his prince , than break ' em . a timely application of these preservatives may perhaps prevent a favourites fall , but when he has once incurr'd the odium and envy of the people , these are look'd upon as tricks and artifices , and more endanger him . as it happened to seneca who took no method to prevent his death , but endeavouring to moderate his favour , when he found himself persecuted . if notwithstanding the observation of all these cautions , the favourite shall fall into disgrace , his fall will be glorious , he having liv'd without the little fears , and the shameful care of preserving his favour by methods below a generous spirit , a torment much worse than the disgrace it self . if there be any thing valuable in a princes favour , 't is only the glory of having merited his esteem ; the continuation of which is full of cares and dangers . and he is happiest , who soonest and with most reputation quits it . i have describ'd , royal sir , the practices of favourites , but not how a prince ought to comport himself towards them , not supposing that he ought to have any , for though he must be allow'd to have more inclination to one than another , yet not so as to devolve all his authority upon one person , from whom the people must expect orders , rewards and punishments ; for such favour is properly an alienation from the crown , and dangerous to the government , even when favour succeeds in the election of the subject , for neither will the people so readily obey , nor so awfully respect the favourite as the prince , nor is he so much concern'd for the welfare of the state , nor is he so immediately under the care of god as the prince : so that though many of your royal highness's ancestors have had favourites , who with much care and zeal ( as we see at present ) have endeavour'd to act with the greatest integrity , yet have their attempts met with answerable success . let not your royal highness be deceiv'd by the example of france , whose territories we see indeed much enlarg'd by the counsels of a favourite , but not without detriment to the kingdom , and prejudice to the royal prerogative . whoever shall duely consider the persecution of the queen mother , and duke of orleans ; the blood of monmorency spilt , that of the prior of vendosme , of paul reny , and of monsieur de macraints , the imprisonment of the duke of bulloign , the exactions and oppressions of the subjects , the usurpation of the du●chy of lorrain , the leagues made with the dutch , protestants and swedes , the design upon charles emanuel duke of savoy , the peace made at mouzon without the knowledge of the allies , the curb impos'd upon the valtoline and grisons , the succours sent to scotland , and the english parliament , the sieges of fontarabie , st. omer , thionville , fornavent and catelet , the loss of so many soldiers at lovain , tarragone , perpignan , sa●e , valence upon the po , imbree and la r●que , the retaking aire and the bass. he , i say , who shall consider these things , will find that all his measures were grounded upon violence , and that his favour was founded upon force ; that the sword so daring against the persons of kings , has been timo●ous and cowardly against this minister , that fortune has favoured his temerity , that he has succeeded by the same means he should have fail'd , whereas we have lost by the same methods we should have gain'd ; a sure sign that god prospered this favourite for the exercise of christianity , and for our chastisement , forestalling our prudence , and confounding our valour . kingdoms destin'd to ruin , fall by the same means they should be supported ; thus the entrance into the adriatick created distrust , the protection of mantua jealousie , the opposition at nivers wars , the diversion , expence , the army in alsace rivals , the war for spain rebellions . at the siege of casal we lost an opportunity of putting an end to the war ; the counsel of secretary passiers to prince thomas , hindred the relief of turin and triumph over france . the same thing happed at aire , for a foolish piece of formality , the news that was brought of the siege of arras made them omit the care of relieving it . for a vain scruple d' amvilliers was not succoured , through cowardize or treachery , chapelle surrendred . o providence divine ! whither tend such variety of accidents , so different from their causes ? 't is not by chance that the government of europe is put into the hands of favourites . god grant success may answer the publick prayers . the end of the first volume . his royal highness william duke of glocester . printed fo● m. gilliflower and l. meredith . the royal politician represented in one hundred emblems . written in spanish by don diego saavedra faxardo , knight of the order of st. iago , plenipotentiary ambassador to the cantons of switzerland , at the imperial diet at ratisbon , at the famous treaty of mvnster , and of the supreme council of state for both of indies . with a large preface , containing an account of the author , his works , and the usefulness thereof . done into english from the original . by sir ia. astry . vol. ii. london : printed for mat● . gylliflower at the spread-eagle in westminster-hall : and luke meredith at the star in st. paul's church-yard , mdcc . of the education of a prince . emblem li. there is nothing better or more advantageous to mankind than prudent diffidence ; 't is the guard and preservation of our lives and fortunes , our own security obliges us to it ; without it there would be no caution , without which no safety ; that prince governs best who trusts fewest , there is but one confidence safe , which is not to depend upon the will of another . for who can secure himself of man's heart , hid in the privatest corner of the breast , whose secrets the tongue dissembles , the eyes and all the motions of the body contradict . 't is a gulf rowling with the tempests of different affections , a sea full of hidden rocks which no chart can discover . what prudence must the needle be touched with for a prince to sail by , through such dangerous and difficult seas . how well should he know the winds ? when to furl and loose the sails of confidence ? in this consists the chiefest art of government ; 't is in this that a princes danger chiefly consists , either through want of experience in affairs , or knowledge of his subjects , none of them appearing ill to him . for in his presence all compose their actions , and adjust their looks : their set speeches sound nothing but love , zeal and fidelity , and their attendance nothing but respect and obedience ; discontent , hatred and ambition being hid in the heart ; which made one say , a prince should trust no body ; but both extreams are equally to be avoided . to trust none is the suspicion of a tyrant , to trust all the easiness of an imprudent prince . confidence is not less important to a prince than distrust : the one is worthy a sincere and royal breast , the other is very necessary in the art of government , as an instrument by which policy works its ends. the difficulty consists in knowing how rightly to use one and t' other , so that neither a too credulous confidence expose you to infidelity and dangers , or a too suspicious distrust provoke hatred , or make the prince by reason of this diffidence incapble o● treating with any one : he should not measure all thing● by confidence , nor all by distrust . if a prince will trus● none , who can serve him without evident dangers ? 't is a● great a misfortune to lose a faithful minister upon vain and groundless suspicions , as by a too easie credulity to trus● those who are not so . let a prince confide , but at the same time suspect that he may be cheated ; this suspicion ought not to retard the course of his actions , but only to be a caution to him : if he was without suspicion he would be too careless . suspicion is a cautionary security , a due weighing of matters ; he who doubts nothing can never know the truth . let him give credit as if he believ'd , and distrust as if he believ'd not . confidence and diffidence being thus governed by prudence and reason , work miracles . let the prince therefore be well advised in the affairs which he treats of , in the alliances which he ratifies , in the peaces which he concludes , and in all other treaties in general which concern the government ; and when he signs them let his hand be full of eyes , ( as in the prefent emblem ) that he may see what he does . the bawd in plautus valued not the promises of the lover when she said , our hands are full of eyes , what they see they believe ; and elsewhere she calls the day quick sighted , in which she never traded but for the ready . blind are resolves made by confidence : pythagoras's motto was , not to shake hands with every body . credulity to all is very dangerous ; let a prince therefore consider well before he ingages himself , thinking always that his friends as well as his enemies design to cheat him , one more , the other less ; one to rob him of his territories and riches , the other only to reconcile himself to his favour and good-will . this pre-supposition should not be deriv'd from fraud , and villainy giving him the liberty to forfeit his word and promise , which would utterly confound the publick faith , and be a great blot in his reputation ; this caution should be nothing but a prudent circumspection and piece of policy . that diffidence the daughter of suspicion is then blameable in a prince , when 't is frivolous and vicious , which immediately discovers its effects and proceeds to execution , not that circumspect and general distrust , which equally regards all , without particularizing upon any one , until the circumstances well examined shall dictate otherwise , and perhaps you may not sufficiently confide in any one , whom you may nevertheless have a good opinion of , for this is not a particular distrusting of him , but a general caution of prudence ; there are forts in the very middle of kingdoms , in which there are garrisons kept , as if on the enemies frontiers . this caution is convenient , and reflects not upon the subjects fidelity . a prince may confide in his relations , allies , subjects and ministers , yet this confidence should not be so remiss , as to lull him asleep , and make him careless of all accidents , by which ambition , interest , or hatred usually pervert fidelity ; breaking the strongest bars of the law of nature and nations ; when a prince had rather chuse to suffer , than live in the continual alarms of so many cautions ; and rather let things run on , than remedy the inconveniencies which may happen . he makes his ministers wicked and sometimes treacherous , for they imputing his indulgence to incapability despise and slight him , and each reigns absolutely in that part of the government which is allotted him . but when the prince is vigilant , and if he does confide in any does it not without caution ; when he is always so prepar'd , that treachery shall never find him unprovided ; when he condemns not without hearing ; and reprehends not but to preserve fidelity , when 't is in danger , he may wear his crown in safety . king ferdinand the catholick had no reason to suspect the fidelity of the great captain † ; nevertheless he kept those people near him who should diligently pry into his actions , that he knowing how narrowly he was watch'd , might act with the more caution . this was not properly an action of distrust but prudence . for all this he must take care that this suspicion be not groundless and frivolous , as was that of the same king ferdinand to the same great captain ; for though after the loss of the battel of ravenna , he wanted him for the management of affairs in italy , he would not make use of him when he saw with what eagerness all the people strove to serve and fight under him ; and so endeavoured by al● the means he could to assure himself of duke valentine , 〈◊〉 that suspecting an experimented fidelity , he exposed himself to one suspected : so over jealous spirits to avoid one danger fall into a greater ; though sometimes the refusal of the services of such great men , may be rather a princes envy or ingratitude , than jealousie or suspicion . it may be also that this wise prince , thought it not convenient to make use of a man whom he knew to be discontented ; a prince must expect little fidelity from a person of whom he has once shewn a distrust . the more ingenious and generous a spirit is , the more it resents the suspicion of its fidelity , and so more easily quits it , which made getulius make bold to write to tiberius , that he was loyal , and unless suspected , would remain so . a prince ought to learn by the experience of his own accidents as well as others , how far he ought to confide in his subjects . amongst the cautions which king henry the ii. left his son don john , there was this , that he should continue the rewards given to those , who had follow'd his party against king peter their natural lord , but that he should not put so much confidence in them , as not to have an eye upon 'em , that in offices and places of trust he should make use of those , who adher'd to their master king peter like true and faithful subjects , and oblige 'em to make amends for past offences by future services ; but that he should not put any confidence in the neuters , who had shewn themselves more addicted to self interest than the publick good. traytors are odious even to those whom they serve by their treason , and the loyal are esteem'd by those against whom they are so ; upon this ground otho trusted celsus , who had faithfully served galba . 't is not good to raise a minister all at once to great places , for it makes other envy him and hate the prince , they taking this sudden promotion as an argument of his levity . there is no minister so modest , as not to be affronted , nor so zealous as to continue in his devoir , when he sees another so unjustly preferred . for one that 's satisfied many are discontented ; and when the ministers are disgusted 't is impossible the government should go well : such elections are nothing else but abortive births ; and fidelity takes deeper root , when it sees that offices and imployments are the reward of faithful services : the prince has in the mean while time to make tryal of his minister , first in places of small trust least it should cost him too dear , afterwards in places of greater importance , let him examine before he employs him in affairs of peace or war , what is the most likely to shake his fidelity , what his birth is , what his reputation and fortune ; this circumspection is particularly necessary in places of trust , which are as 't were the keys and security of governments . augustus would not permit any senator or roman knight to enter egypt without his special order , because that province was the grainary of the empire , and that he who made himself master of that had the other at command : for the same reason tiberius sharply reprehended germanicus for going into alexandria without his leave , but for the greater security , and the better to keep the minister in obedience , 't would be convenient to allow a little more authority to the magistracy of the province , for there are no curbs stronger than that , nor more ready to oppose the faults of the governor . mean and abject spirits , such as have no ambition of glory , or thirst for preferments , are fit for no employ . the chief quality which god found in ioshuah , to introduce him into the management of affairs , was that he had a great spirit . but yet the courage should not be so great , as to repine at his being born a subject , and not be contented with his condition ; for the loyalty of such is in great danger , because they aspire always to the highest step , which if they attain not , 't is either for want of power , or wit , besides they soon flag in their zeal for the publick , and obedience to their prince . great spirits are not less dangerous at least , if they are not docile and modest for being very positive and conceited of their own opinions , they are apt to slight commands , and believe that all should be governed at their pleasure . a person is as troublesome for his good qualifications , as for his having none at all ; for there is no satisfying him , who presumes too much upon his merit : tiberius never desired great vertues in offices of trust , and hated vices too ; for from one he feared danger to himself , from t' other scandal to the government . nor are those fit for ministers who are rich and of great families , for having no need of the prince , and flowing in plenty of all things , they won't expose themselves to perils and toils , nor can , nor will they be under command . whence sosibius britannicus us'd to say , princes can't endure riches in the commons . when a prince shall have made choice of a minister with all due circumspection , let him seemingly put an entire confidence in him , but always keep an eye upon his actions and intelligences , and if they are any ways suspicious , let him be removed to another post , where he will want opportunity to make a party to execute his ill designs ; for there is more prudence and kindness in preventing a crime , than in forgiving it when committed ; if germanicus's victory , and the soldiers applause pleas'd tiberius on one hand , on t' other they made him jealous and uneasie . and understanding the commotions in the east , he was glad of a pretence ea expose him to dangers , by making him governour of those provinces . now if any minister is to be removed , it should be done under the pretence of honour , and before the reasons are known , with such prudence as mayn't give him reason to mistrust the princes disgust : for as fear of being cheated is the way to be cheated ; so suspicion of loyalty makes traytors ; for which reason tiberius having a mind to recall germanicus to rome , did it under a pretence of a triumph which he design'd him ; offering him other preferments , of which princes are very liberal , when they would free themselves from their jealousies . if a subject once loses the respect he owes his prince , after confidence will never secure him . sancbo the first king of leon pardoned count gonzalo , for having taken up arms against him , endeavouring to reconcile him by his favours , but those by which he thought to have oblig'd him , only gave him opportunity to poyson him . when princes are concerned with one another , there is no obligation of friendship or affinity , a sufficient reason for their trusting each other ; don ferdinand the great king of castile , and his brother garcias of navarre were at difference ; he as he lay sick at nacar had a design to seize his brother who came to pay him a visit ; but his design not succeeding , he had a mind to dissemble his intent by visiting his brother , who caused him to be apprehended * . revenge and state-policy is of greater force than friendship , or consanguinity . the same befel don garcias king of galicia , for having trusted his brother alonso king of castile : the most irreconcileable falling out , is that between relations and dearest friends , and perfect hatred is the result of perfect love ; from all which we may infer , how difficult a thing 't is for a prince to trust himself in the hands of his enemies , it cost the king of granada his life for going , though with a pass port to ask assistance from king peter the cruel . lewis forza duke of milan , was more cautious , refusing an interview with the king of france , unless in the midst of a river , or upon a broken bridge . a true piece of italian policy , not to trust where they have once shew'd a jealousie , for which reason the italians were much admir'd at the interview between the great captain and king ferdinand the catholick , as also at that between the same king , and the king of france his enemy . in some cases confidence is more safe and necessary to gain peoples affections than distrust . don alonso vi. having lost his kingdom of leon , liv'd retir'd at the court of the king of toledo , who was a moor , when upon the death of don sancho his sates recalled him to his throne , with the greatest privacy imaginable , fearing lest if it should come to be known by the moors , they might retain him by force ; he like a prudent and grateful prince discovered the whole affair ; this confidence so oblig'd the barbarian king , who before understood the intrigue and design'd to seize him , that he not only let him go free , but also furnished him with money for his voyage : see the power of gratitude which disarms even the most savage spirits .. * distrusts between princes can't be cur'd by satisfactions or excuses , but by their contrary ; if time won't heal them , diligence never will : these are a kind of wounds which the probe and the hand does but more exulcerate ; and a sort of apparent jealousies , which are an introduction to infidelity . emblem lii . the scorpion translated to the skyes , and plac'd among the constellations loses not its malignity , which is greater , by how much more its power and venomous influences are extended over things below . let princes therefore well consider the qualifications of those subjects , whom they raise to places of trust , for there vices always thrive ; nay , vertue it self is often in danger , for the will being arm'd with power , bids defiance to reason , and often gets the better ; if vertue have not resolution enough without being dazl'd with the splendour of riches and prosperity to resist it . if promotion makes the good bad , 't will make the bad worse . and if vice notwithstanding the punishments and infamy that attend it find so many followers , what will it do when back'd with favour and preferments . and if vice be the ready way to preferment , who will seek it through the rugged road of vertue ? that is inherent to our natures , but this must be acquir'd by industry . the first forces rewards , the other expects 'em with patience , and we find the appetite much better pleas'd by its own violence than merit ; and being impatient had rather depend upon its own industry , than attend the pleasure and will of another ; to reward the bad , by promoting them to places of authority , is , to check the vertuous and incourage the vicious . a private knave while he is private can do no great matter of mischief , 't is but an inconsiderable number of private men , on whom he can exercise his villainy ; but promoted to places of trust , his villainy reaches all , being himself minister of justice , and having the whole body of government at his disposal ; villains ought not to be put into places where they have power to exercise their villainy , nature foreseeing this inconvenience , has given venomous animals neither feet nor wings , that they may do less mischief ? he who furnished villains with either designs it should either run or fly . but princes nevertheless usually make use of the bad rather than the good , the former seeming generally more cunning ; but they are mistaken , for vice is not wisdom , and he can have no true judgment who has no vertue ; for which reason don alonso king of arragon and naples , commended the prudence of the romaus , in building the temple of honour within that of vertue , that to go into that you must necessarily pass through this , esteeming him not worthy of honour , who was not a follower of vertue ; and that he should not arrive to offices and preferment , who enter'd not at the porch of vertue : without this how can a minister be serviceable to the government ? among a crowd of vices what room is there for prudence , justice , clemency , valour , and other vertues absolutely necessary for a commander ? how will the subject observe those proper to him , if he wants the example of the minister , whose actions he observes carefully , and imitates through flattery ? the people have a respect for a just minister , and imagine that he cannot err ; on the contrary , they never approve and commend the actions of one who is not so . demosthenes spoke very well one day in the spartan senate , but because the people look'd upon him as a vicious person , they rejected his counsel . whereupon it was ordered by the ephori , that a person whom they had a better opinion of should propose the same thing , that it might be received and executed : this good opinion of the people is so necessary , that though the minister be a person of integrity , the government is not safe in his hands , if the people mis-inform'd think him otherwise . henry the vth. king of england , for this reason at his coming to the crown , removed from him all those who had been his companions in his younger days , and turn'd out all ministers , putting in their places men of worth , and such as were agreeable to the people ; one can impute the success and victories of theodorick , to nothing but his good choice of ministers , having no other for his councellors than prelates of the strictest vertues . ministers are as it were the picture of majesty , which since it can't appear every where is represented by them ; who ought therefore to be as like him as possible in life and conversation , since the prince cannot of himself exercise in all places , the authority which he has received by common consent , he ought to take great care how he shares it amongst his ministers . for he who is not born a prince , when he sees himself deck'd with majesty , will take pride in shewing it , by exercising his authority and passions . and here may the question be decided ; which nation is in the better condition , that where the prince is good , and the ministers bad , or that where the prince is bad , and the ministers good [ for that may happen according to tacitus ] for necessity obliging a prince to substitute his power to several ministers , if they are bad they will do more damage to a nation , than the prince be he never so good can advantage it ; for they will abuse his goodness , and under pretence of publick good , will turn it to their own private interest and advantage . a bad prince may be reformed by many good ministers , but not many bad ministers by a good prince . some imagine a princes hands are bound , and his liberty infring'd , when he has good ministers , and that the more vicious the subjects are , the safer he lives among 'em ; a ridiculous and senseless phancy , for vertue is the only thing that keeps nations in obedience and quiet , and nations are never more quiet and firm than when at home , private people live justly and innocently , and justice and clemency flourish abroad ; 't is easie to govern the good . without vertue the laws lose their force ; the love of liberty reigns , and the aversion to government increases , whence proceed the change of states , and fall of princes . 't is necessary then that they have vertuous ministers , who should advise them with zeal and affection , and introduce vertue into the nation by their example , and by the integrity of their lives . tiberius held the extreams of both vertue and vice equally dangerous to a minister , and chose one between both , as we said elsewhere , but this is properly the fear of a tyrant ; if a vertuous minister be good , one more vertuous is better . but 't is not sufficient for his ministers to be endued with excellent vertues , if those necessary endowments , and ornaments of experience , which the management of affairs requires are not eminently visible in him : africk still mourns and shews upon the sooty faces of its inhabitants , the rashness of phoebus [ if we may use the philosophy and morality of the ancients ] in lending his chariot to his son phaeton , an unexperienced youth , and one who did not in the least merit such promotion ; and this is the danger all elections carry with 'em which are made at a jump , and not gradually , by which experience teaches 'em to know the people , and to rise by degrees . tiberius though a tyrant never advanc'd his nephews without this caution , and particularly drusus , whom he would not make a tribune till after eight years experience . preferment to an unexperienc'd person is favour , but to one of experience a just reward . yet is not experience in all things , as neither all vertues requisite for every office ; but only those who regard each in particular , for that which is proper and requisite for one is not always for others : experience of the sea is useless in affairs at land , and it does not follow , that he who knows how to manage a house or ride a horse , can also marshal an army . in this lewis forza duke of milan was mistaken , when he committed the conduct of his army against the king of france to galeaze st. severin , who was very dexterous in managing horses , but understood little of affairs of war. mottathias made a more prudent choice when seeing himself near his end , he chose for general iudas macchabee , a robust man , and well vers'd in arms , and for his counsellor his brother simeon a man of judgment and experience . in this we have seen great errors , in changing the reins and administration of governments . these are different in kingdoms and common-wealths . some respect justice , others plenty , some war , others peace ; yet though they are so different in themselves , there is nevertheless a certain faculty or civil vertue , which unites 'em , and makes them all tend one way , to the preservation of the state : each aiming at this by means proportion'd to the office he is in . this civil vertue is different according to the several forms of government , which differ according to the means , and methods of governing , for which reason a man may be a good citizen , but not a good minister , for 't is not sufficient that he be endu'd with several moral vertues , unless he has also civil ones , and this natural disposition so proper to administration and government . 't is therefore necessary for a prince to know the nature and inclinations of his subjects , that he may better know how to employ 'em , for upon this good choice all the actions of his government depend . the genius of herman cortez , was particularly proper for the conquest of india ; that of gonzalez fernandez of cordova for the war of noples ; and if they had been exchang'd , and the first sent against the french , and the latter against the indians , doubtless they had not been so successful . nature has not given man a like qualifications for all things ; but only one excellence for one office , whether it be frugality , or prudence , and 't is certain , instruments do most service when they are made use of by one , not by many . for this reason , aristotle blam'd the carthagians , for that among them one person officiated in many places , there being no man fit for all . nor is it possible [ as the emperour iustinian remark'd ] to mind two , without forgetting one or t' other . a nation is much better govern'd , when in that as in a ship every man knows his birth ; for though perhaps a man may be found capable of all affairs , it do's not follow , that they shall be all assign'd him . that great copper vessel for sacrifices called for its largeness a sea , and supported by oxen before the altar of the temple of solomon contain'd measures , yet they never put in above . 't is by no means convenient to accumulate all offices and preferments upon one person , to the envy and dissatisfaction of all ; but whether for want of knowledge of persons , or for that they won't take the pains to look for fit men , it usually happens that princes imploy one , or at most a very few of those who are about them : in all affairs , whence promotions and rewards are scarce , and so emulation grows cold , and all things move slowly . for the same reason 't is not good for two persons to be employed about the same affair , for that makes it confus'd like a picture drawn by two hands , the methods of painters being always different , one is quick , the t' other slow , one loves lights , the t' other is more for shades . besides this , 't is impossible two should agree in the same conditions , counsels and methods , or that they should not disagree to the great detriment of the negotiation and prince too . these second causes have each their distinct office and separate operations . for my part i think it more adviseable to commit an office to one person less capable , than to two though more sufficient ; since therefore the good election is a thing so necessary , and its success so difficult , 't is not adviseable for princes to relie too much upon their own judgments . pope paul the iii. and king ferdinand the catholick first consulted the people , suffering it as if carelesly to be published before they made their choice ; the emperour alexander severus , proposed his choice to all , that each person as if he were interested in it , might freely declare his thoughts of his capacity , or incapacity . though the peoples approbation is not always to be depended on : sometimes 't is in the right , sometimes 't is in the wrong ; 't is oft deceived in mens natures and hidden vices . moreover industry , self-interest , or malice , and emulation spread this report among the mob , either in their favour or otherwise . nor is a ministers behaving himself well in small offices sufficient to recommend him to greater , for preferment makes some more vigorous and active , others careless and lazy : much safer was the diligence of king philip the ii. who carefully observed his nurseries , and took particular notice what plants were like to bear , when transpanted into the civil or ecclesiastical government , and had private informations of their behaviour in their youth , before ambition could disguise their vices , whether they grew streight and upright , or crooked ; and had certain characters of the vertues and vices of the chief of his subjects ; whence he never made an ill choice , and in his time flourished persons truly valuable ; especially in ecclesiastical preferments , for he thought it better to make choice of such as he knew would not deserve punishment , than to punish them afterward . happy is that kingdom where there is no room for ambition , petitions , prayers , nor attendance , and where even concealed vertue has no need of a petition , or recommendation to be known to the prince , who of himself knows the merits of his subjects ; this was formerly spoken in tiberius's commendation . an auricular commendation depends upon others , but an ocular one not ; that may be deceived , this rot ; that only informs the mind , this both informs and moves too ; nay , as 't were forces to punishment or rewards . some countreys have chosen their ministers by lots , which in some cases is not improper , to decline envy , and avoid contention and emulation , often the grounds of tumults and seditions . but when a fit person is to be chosen for the administration of justice , or command of the army , upon whom the government and publick safety is to depend , a matter of that concern , ought not to be decided by the uncertainty of chance , but to pass the tryal of a due election for the lot or dye weigh's not qualifications , desert , and reputation , as counsels do , where all things are examined by weight and measure , and though all counsels are usually guided by interest , a prince may make a good choice , if he takes care privately to inform himself of the parties qualifications and vertues , as also the ends which his councellors propose in promoting them . for when a prince blindly approves all proposals , these above-mentioned inconveniencies will attend ; but when his counsellors see that he examines them , and that he does not always admit the persons propos'd , but chooses others more sufficient , they will advise with greater care and deliberation . emblem liii . the thebans represented the integrity of ministers , especially those of justice , by a statue without hands : for when they are shut they are the emblem of avarice , when open its instruments . this garden represents the same thing , by these statues without arms , which are at the corners of each walk , like those in the walks at rome ; nor are there any better guards than these ; for they have eyes to watch the flowers , but want arms to gather them ; if all ministers were like these statues , the exchequer would be more secure , and nations better governed , especially commonwealths , whose revenues are looked upon as common , every magistrate believing it no crime to make his fortune out of them ; one accuses t'other to excuse himself , and all wink at one another , and this vice being like fire , which with the same matter that should quench it is nourished and burns fierce , so they the more they get , the more they desire , and avarice once glutted with the publick treasure , then attacks private persons , whence they wholly confound the principal end of society which is common perservation . where avarice reigns , peace and quiet is banished ; all things are in disorder and confusion ; nothing but jars , seditions and civil wars , the forms of government are changed , and empires run to ruine , as most have been lost upon this account . avarice drove the phoenicians out of spain * ▪ that made the oracle of apollo foretell the downfall of the common-wealth of sparta . god warn'd moses to choose persons into places of trust who hated covetousness . 't is impossible that state should be govern'd well whose ministers are covetous ; for how can he who plunders every body rightly administer justice ? how will he procure plenty , whose whole gain is starving others ? how can he love the kingdom , who thinks of nothink but robbing on 't ? how can he whose mind runs upon nothing but filling his chests , mind affairs of state ? how will he indeavour to merit rewards , who is his own pay-master ? nothing succeeds well when self-interest manages . for interest is preferr'd before duty or honour . nothing great or glorious is enterpriz'd without a desire of glory , which a mean , abject , covetous spirit has no value for . there is scarce any crime but proceeds from avarice or ambition . nothing makes rebels sooner than the fraud and corruption of the ministers . they are first moved by their particular damages , then by the common injustice , then by envy against those who commit it , and so by hatred to the prince that suffers it ; if he knows it not , they accuse him of incapacity ; if he tolerates it , they say he 's remiss and negligent ; if he permits it , he 's an accomplice ; if he wishes it to the end , that the authors being glutted like spunges , he may take occasion to squeeze 'em afterwards , he is a tyrant . o unhappy prince and state , wherein the ministers don't thrive but by their ruine . nor would i have ministers so nice , as to 〈◊〉 ●e●sents in general ; 't is incivility to receive none ; many , s●●●dness ; all , covetousness . avarice in princes is the ruin of states , for the people can't bear to see their estates in danger , in the hands of him whom they choose to preserve 'em ; so that seeing this pretended defender of his countrey , the first that arms himself against it , they streight look out for another : in short , what can a subject hope for from a covetous prince ? for this vice even children hate their parents . where there is no prospect of interest , there is no love nor obedience ; that government is tyrannick which respects self-interest , more than the publick good. king alphonso , the wise , for this reason said : that a king ought not to covet abundance of riches only to fill his treasury , and not do good with them ; for 't is impossible but he who does so , must use indirect means to gain 'em , which is beneath the dignity of a prince * ; the holy writ compares a covetous prince who unjustly usurps his subjects estates to a roaring lyon , and a hungry bear , and his actions to a spiders web which perishes with it , or to a vineyard-keeper's arbour , which lasts but a little while ; that which is ill got is soon spent how like spiders are some princes , who spin their web from their own bowels , griping and draining their subjects to make their own fortune from the rock , and weave nets which soon break and deceive their hopes . there are several remedies against this vice , the best are those which prevent it ; for if once nature is tainted with it , 't is very difficulty cured ; 't is our last shift . if princes are naturally lovers of money , they should be kept from seeing or feeling it , as much as possible , for avarice like love enters at the eyes , and 't is more easie to order a payment than to make it ones self . the ministers of the treasury too should be generous , and not prompt the prince to enrich himself by sordid and unworthy methods ; to prevent also avarice in the ministers , care should be taken that offices and places be not bought and sold , as the emperour commodus observ'd , for he who buys 'em sells 'em too ; this the emperour severus knew , as also lewis xii . of france , who used this remedy , but has been since ill observ'd by his successours . it seems to be the law of nations , that a province , the command of which is bought , should be plunder'd , and that judgment should be given to the highest bidder at the court of justice , which is not to be approached but by golden steps . castile to this day finds the misfortune of these methods in the governments of their cities , because they are all sold , against a statute made by common consent , in the time of don john ii. that they should be for life , and given to none but whom the kings should nominate . 't is necessary besides to settle a competent salary upon each office , such as the incumbent may live handsomely upon ; this was the method of don alonso ix ▪ giving sufficient salaries to his judges , and severely punishing those whom he found guilty of bribery . the same was practis'd by their catholick majesties , ferdinand and isabella , who reduced lawyers fees to a certainty * . magistrates should not be suffer'd to traffick or merchandize , for they 'll never give good counsel , which they see is against their gain . besides the people is better satisfied with the honour and preferment which are conferr'd on others , provided they have the gain and profit , but they are incens'd and apt to rebel when they see themselves rob'd of both . and to this cause the feuds between the nobility and commonalty of genoua may be attributed . offices ought not to be given to poor and needy persons , for their poverty exposes 'em too much to corruption and bribery . in an election in the roman senate for a governour of spain , the dispute lay between sulpicius galba and aurelius cotta , scipio being asked his opinion reply'd , he lik'd neither , one for having nothing , and t'other for that he had never enough . the athenians always elected rich magistrates , and aristotle gives this reason for it , that 't is impossible for a poor one to govern justly or peaceably ? 't is true , in spain we have had several able states-men , who came poor into office and went poor out . ministers who have a great family are very burthensome to their provinces ; for though they are men of integrity themselves , yet their retinue mayn't be so , the roman senate for this reason would not suffer them to carry their wives into their governments ; and the kings of persia generally prefer'd eunuchs to the greatest places of trust , because being free from the trouble of wives , and cares of providing ▪ for children , they might be more careful of , and less chargeable to the publick . those who are too much addicted to self-interest , and a desire of raising their fortunes , are very dangerous in publick offices . for though some do strive to raise themselves by merit and renown , yet they generally think it the surest way to do it by riches , without waiting rewards and gratuities from the prince , who is usually most sparing to him , who deserves most . lucullus the consul whom want made covetous , and avarice cruel , brought an unjust war upon spain only to enrich himself . residents in courts after imployments are over , is a very effectual remedy , because of the fear not only of losing this ill gotten wealth , but also of punishment , in the severity of which there should be no favour , nor should it be bought off by resounding ; as sergius galba the praetor did at rome , when he was accused of treachery to the portugueze . if all the chairs of justice were cover'd with the skins of corrupt judges , as cambyses king of persia order'd , and since him roger of sicily , certainly justice and integrity would be more strictly observed . emblem liv. liberty is natural to men ; obedience forced ; that is arbitrary , this guided by reason , these are contraries , and continually jarring against one another ; whence proceed rebellions and treasons against the prince , and as no government can consist , unless some commanded and others obeyed ; every one would be head , and depend on none but himself , which being impossible , he imagines his liberty consists in changing the form of government : and this is the greatest misfortune that can befall states , and is often the chief cause of their ruine , wherefore 't is highly necessary to use such methods , as that this lust after liberty , and this humane ambition being removed far from the immediate administration , should be kept under by reason , and the force of government ; so that this supream authority which is the princes property should be granted to none else , for he exposes loyalty to evident danger ; who grants any one a power too absolute . the royal crown put upon a subjects head , tho' but in jest , will make him proud and think himself above what he is . the mind of a subject should not experience this royal grandeur and glory of reigning , for afterwards abusing it he usurps it , and that it mayn't return to him from whom he had it , he plots and contrives his ruine ; the divine writ in one chapter gives us examples of kings put to death by the hands of their subjects , for having raised them too high . solomon for all his wisdom fell into this misfortune and ran the same risque , for having made ieroboam president of all the customs of the house of ioseph , and we read that he had the impudence to lift up his hand against his king . let princes then take it for a maxim of state , not to promote one too much above others , or if they are oblig'd to it , let it not be one but several , that they may balance one another and mutually keep each other in their devoir , by a reciprocal examination of one anothers actions and designs . the emperour ferdinand ii. did not sufficiently observe this piece of policy , when he gave the absolute command of his armies , and provinces to the duke of fridland , whence sprang so many misfortunes , and amongst the rest the loss of that great man , which was meerly the effect of too much power . let not princes be deceived by the example of pharaoh , who committed all his power into the hands of ioseph , who preserv'd his kingdom ; for ioseph was the emblem of christ , and there are very few ioseph's to be found now adays . each would depend upon himself , and not upon the body ; which this present emblem represents , by a branch encircled with a wicker basket filled with earth , such as gardiners use , where it by degrees takes root , and so being cut off insensibly , becomes a tree independant of the stock , without the least respect to its greatness . this example shews the danger in making governments of provinces perpetual , for ambition having once taken root , claims 'em as its property , he who is so accustom'd to command , will afterwards scarce be brought to obey . france shews us many examples of this written in its own blood. even god's ministers in the kingdom of heaven are liable to slip , the perpetuity of great offices is an alienation from the crown ; the scepter will be useless and of no force , and will stand in awe of that very power it has been so prodigal of : liberality will want a dowry , and vertue a reward . the minister becomes a tyrant in the government which he is sure of for life ; that prince whom he sees preserves his authority , he respects as his master , but him who does not he despises , and at last rebells against him . therefore iulius caesar limited the pretorship to one year , and the consulship to two . and the emperour charles v. advised his son philip ii. not to continue ministers in office too long , especially in places military , to give the greatest to persons of mean fortune , and embassy's to the rich , thereby to weaken ' em . the bravery of the great captain in italy , made king ferdinand the catholick suspect him , so that he recall'd him , and if he did not then wholly mistrust him , at least he would no longer hazard his loyalty , by the continuation of the vice-royship of naples . and though that great politician tiberius continued ministers in posts all their life-time , but this was upon such tyrannick considerations , as ought not to enter into the thoughts of a prudent and just prince . princes ought therefore to take advice from nature , the mistress of true politicks ; who does not allow its celestial ministers of light a perpetual authority , and government of the world , but certain fixt seasons , as we may see in the motion and reigns of the planets , that they mayn't lose the right of disposing of 'em , and to prevent , the usurping her authority and power ; besides she considers , that the earth would be ruined , if it should always be governed by the melancholy of saturn , or the heat and fury of mars , or the severity of iupiter , or the subtilty of mercury , or the levity of venus , or the inconstancy of the moon . in removals of this nature great care ought to be taken , that ministers should not take it to be a slur upon their reputation , to be removed from greater to lesser places , for since there are not many , that minister would be of no use , who when he has been employ'd in the highest , would refuse to officiate in lower places ; and though reason requires that rewards should be equal to deserts ; yet in this point the subjects reason should be guided by the princes interest , when his service , or the publick advantage is in the case ; [ not that he ought to be put into any inferior post , out of contempt or disgrace ] for so the importance of the negotiation makes amends for the meannes● of the office. if any offices may be continued long , they are embassies● for their business is only to intercede , not command ; not to give orders , but to negotiate ; at their departure all acquaintance with their native countrey dies , and all intimacy with the prince with whom they negotiate and his ministers cease . forts and garrisons , which are as it were the keys of the kingdom , should be at the immediate power and disposal of the prince ; king sancho was ill advised , when by reason of the minority of his son don alonso iii. he order'd those of the nobility , who were governours of cities to remain till his son was fifteen years old , which occasioned many grievous calamities to that kingdom . as for other offices let 'em be but for a time , for their too long continuance makes the ministers proud , and endangers their loyalty : this tiberius knew though he did not practise . vertue is tired by industry and expectation ; yet should not offices be of too short continuance , so as the minister can reap no benefit or experience in 'em , or so as to make him too ravenous like hawks in norway , because of the shortness of the day ; but in troublesome and dangerous times , publick offices and places of trust ought to be continu'd longer , least they should upon removal be conferr'd upon raw , unexperienced persons . so augustus did upon the defeat of quintilius varus . but this doctrine of ministers being continued in offices but for a time , must not be understood of those supream offices of the princes counsel , or of justice . but on the contrary , they ought to be fixt and continued , because of the advantage of their experience and knowledge of affairs depending . these kinds of offices are in governments like the poles in the heavens , about which the lesser orbs move , so that if they should be chang'd or removed , the whole universe would be endanger'd by the disorder of its natural motions . solon knew this inconveniency in the four hundred senatours , which were yearly elected by lot at athens , and therefore he established a senate of sixty worthy men who were called areopagites , and while this continu'd the republick flourished . 't is moreover very dangerous to commit the government of kingdoms during the minority , to persons who have any pretentio●s thereto , though never so unjust ; so it fell out in arragon , by the imprudence of those who committed the government to sancho duke of roussillon , until king iames i. came to age . those persons who have no manner of pretention to the crown , either by birth , or any other cause , often thirst after it ; how much more then those , who in pictures and images see their ancestours brows incircled with it ? this age as well as the pass'd gives us many deplorable examples of relations , who have treacherously usurped kingdoms which they were entrusted with . those of the royal blood are more prone to tyranny , in that they never want means to accomplish their designs . few can be perswad'd of the justice of that law , which prefers birth to vertue ; and every one thinks he better deserves a crown , than another , and if this reason should be of force in any one , he is in danger from his favourites , who hoping to participate of his grandeur , strive to procure it by violent means , and to raise jealousies amongst his relations . if king philip had any jealousie of don john of austria they flow'd from this spring . a glorious example of this policy we find in the infant ferdinand refusing the crown , which was the right of his nephew don john ii. by which generous recusance of that crown on earth he merited many more in heaven . the generous loyalty which the infants of that name have paid the kings of their race , is of an ancient date . nor do we find less in this present infant towards the present king , whose respect and obedience is more like that of a subject than of a brother . the heavenly spheres pay not a more ready obedience to the first mover , than his highness does to his majestys will. o truly noble prince , whose glorious birth , though the greatest in the world , is yet the least of his excellencies , the effect of divine providence , that in a time of such troublesome and tedious wars , which strain'd the very axle-tree and poles of the government , to raise us up an atlas to support it by his valour , conduct and prudence . emblem lv. aristotle the better to instruct alexander the great , in the qualities of counsellours compared them to eyes ; which comparison don alonso the wise makes use of in his books of laws . nor is this thought new , for the kings of persia and babylon call'd 'em their eyes , their ears and their hands , according to the offices in which they officiated : the seven spirits god's ministers sent all over the earth , were the eyes of a lamb without spot or blemish . a prince who ought to see and comprehend so many affairs , should be all eyes and all ears , and because he can't be so , he must make use of the eyes and ears of other . whence there is no prince , though never so prudent and intelligent , but ha● occasion for ministers and to make use of them as his eyes , ears and hands . this is not of small advantage to him ▪ if he knows how to make a right use on 't , for by thi● means he sees with every body's eyes , hears with their ears ▪ and takes advise from them all . the aegyptians mean● this by the eye which they placed upon their scepter ▪ for counsels are the eyes by which we inspect futurity . this ieremiah seem'd to allude to , when he said , virga● vigilantem ego video . for this reason , in this present emblem you see a scepter full of eyes , to give the prince to understand , that he ought to inspect all affairs of the government by his ministers ; nor is it to be wonder'd at , that we place the ministers in the scepter , for formerly their names were engrave on the crowns of the emperours and kings of spain , nor without reason , for they shine brighter than the diadems themselves . this emblem of eyes sufficiently shews the qualifications that a minister ought to be endued with . for as the sight extends to all things far and near , so should the active spirit of the counsellour inspect all things present , past and future , that he may make a right judgment of things , and give a true opinion of all affairs , which can't be done without much reading , great experience , and a continual commerce with foreign countries : for if the counsellours ben't perfectly versed in the princes nature , and the manners and genius of the people , they 'll ruine both themselves and the government . and to know this requires use ; for the eyes don't know things which they have never seen ; he who has had experience and knowledge of things , will readily find expedients and remedies . there is such a correspondence between the eyes and heart , that the affections of the one immediately strikes the other , when this is sad they weep , when this glad they smile ; if the counsellour has not a particular esteem for his prince , he will take but little care of his affairs , and is therefore very little to be trusted , so said king alphonso the wise : * that councellours ought to be the princes true friends , otherwise he would be in great danger , for those who hate a person will never advise him cordially . the eye won't suffer the finger to touch its inside , but upon its approach immediately sculks within the lids ; how wise and learn'd soever the minister is in his counsels , if he is easie and free of his secerts , if he suffers his finger to probe his heart , he 'll be more prejudicial to the princers affairs than one who understands nothing , counsels are worth nothing when revealed , and there is more danger in good resolves unseasonably discover'd , than in ill ones executed with secrecy ; let a minister therefore avoid discourse with those who are not entrusted with the same secret . let him shut his heart against those who would dive into it : for in discoursing of affairs the design is easily discovered , with the maxims by which the prince governs . the lips are the windows of the heart , the opening of which discovers all within . the eyes are so pure and free from avarice ; that they won't admit the least atom , and if by chance any thing , though never so little gets in , it obstructs their sight , or at least makes them see things double , and different from what they are ; the minister who receives presents will be blinded with the dust of them , so as not to be able to discern things rightly , but only as self-interest shall represent ' em . though the eyes are two , yet they see but one and the same thing , they both agree in the truth of the species which they receive , and in transmitting them to the sence by the optick nerves which are united , that they mayn't enter severally and deceive it . if the ministers don't unanimously agree in advising for the best , without being divided in their sentiments by love and hate , or any other reason ▪ the prince will be always in doubt or confusion , without knowing which counsel is best . and this inconvenience falls out when one minister thinks he sees and understands more than another , or when he has not judgment enough to distinguish which is best . or when he is byass'd by his own passions or desire of revenge . but a minister should be free from all these , so as to have no other purpose or design than the service of his prince : such a minister [ says alphonso the wise ] is called in latine patricius , being as it were a father to the prince , which title is taken from the resemblance it bears to the natural father , for every father is naturally inclined to advise his son in all things for his advantage and honour ; so he who governs the prince by his counsels , ought to love him and advise him with sincerity , preferring his honour and interest above all things , not respecting the love or hatred , interest or prejudice , that may ensue , and all this without flattery , not minding whether he be good or bad ; like a father in instructing his child † . nature has divided the jurisdiction of the eyes by a line interpos'd , not but that they both agree in operation , assisting one another with a zeal so mutual , that if one turns to one side , the t'other does so too , that they may have a more certain cognizance of things , neither regarding whether they be within their sphere or not , the same agreement is absolutely necessary amongst ministers , whose zeal should be so universal , that they should not only regard those things which their office obliges 'em to , but also those that belong to others ; there is no member , but for the preservation of the whole body , sends its blood and spirits to the assistance of that which is out of order . for a minister to be an idle spectator of anothers calamities shews malice , envy and want of respect to the prince . this proceeds often from a love of self-interest and glory ; or least he should by assisting his friend endanger his own reputation , or else that he may flourish more upon his friends misfortune . such ministers only serve themselves not the prince . whence proceed divisions in the state , army and revenue , by which many good opportunities are lost , many towns , castles and provinces ruined ; ministers should mutually communicate their designs and actions , as the cherubims did their wings in the temple of solomon . as u●eful as eyes are to the body , nature has given it but two , because more would breed confusion and obstruct the susception of things : 't is the same in counsellours , for when there are too many , consultations are retarded , secrets revealed , and truth confounded , for their votes are only counted not duly weighed , and the greater number carries it ; and thence proceed generally all misfortunes in common-wealths . the multitude is always blind and thoughtless ; and the wisest senate , if composed of too many , will have a mixture of the ignorance of the vulgar . a few planets give more light than many stars , and the multitude thereof in the via lactea darken one another by the refraction of their own light , so that 't is darker there than in any other part of the sky . two great a number makes liberty sawcy and stubborn , and difficult to be reduced to the princes will . as it often happens in parliaments and general assemblies ; let therefore the prince have just so many ministers as are sufficient to govern his state , carrying himself indifferently to them all , not being ruled wholly by one , for he can't see so well with one as with all ; thus xenophon said when using the same comparison , he called the ministers of the kings of persia their eyes and ears ; such a minister would usurp all the dignity and majesty of the prince to himself , for that the prince is oblig'd to see with his eyes princes are generally so taken with some one minister , that with him they negotiate all manner of affairs , though he be never so great a stranger to them ; hence proceed so many errours in their resolutions , for neither can men of learning give proper advise in military affairs , nor souldiers in those which relate to peace ; upon which consideration the emperour severus advised with every one in those matters which particularly belonged to them . by all these qualities of the eyes the body is govern'd , without 'em it can't move one step securely ; 't will be the same in the government which wants good ministers . without these eyes the scepter would be blind , for there is no prince so wise as to be able to decide all affairs himself : † since royalty [ says k. alphonsus ] admits of no companion , nor has occasion for any , 't is necessary for the prince to have about him persons of integrity and wisdom , who may upon all emergencies advise and assist him . but if any prince imagines his own eyes so good as to believe he can see all things without the assistance of others , he is more vain than prudent , and will stumble each step of his administration . ioshua though he communicated with 〈◊〉 ▪ received instructions from him ; and particularly for the taking the city nai , he advised with his old captains about it . king assuerus's ministers never departed from his side , and he maturely advised with them about all affairs , a custom which kings always observed . only by pride cometh contention , but with the well advised is wisdom nature has qualified no man sufficiently to manage a government though never 〈◊〉 little by himself , it being impossible for one to know so much as many . and though one quick-sighted can see further than many others , for they are not like number● ▪ which are multiplyed by themselves , and make one great summ , it must be understood of things at a distance , not of those in a near circumference , for then many eyes discover more than one , provided the number be not so great as to create confusion ; one person has but one argument , for he can't have many at the same time , and being fond with that will go no further . in counsels the prince hears all , and following the best renounces his own opinion , and perceives the inconveniencies of those , which proceed from passion or interest . for this reason don john ii. of arragon writing to his sons their catholick majesties , upon his death bed , he advised them to do nothing without the counsel of vertuous and discreet ministers . 't is necessary , that these eyes of ministers should preceed each step of the administration , and mark out the way . the emperour antoninus sirnam'd the philosopher the wisest prince of 〈◊〉 time , had for his counsellours scaev●la , mutlanus , ulpianus and marcellus , all persons of exquisite merit , and when their counsel seem'd better than his own , he with ease ●quitted it and sided with them ; 't is fitter says he , for me to follow the advice of so many worthy friends , than for them to follow mine . a wise man hearkeneth unto counsel . an ignorant prince who will be advised , will succeed better in his affairs , than an understanding one who depends too much upon his own opinions . let not a prince's pride suggest● to him , that he divides the honour of the success , in taking the advise of his ministers ; for 't is as commendable to submit himself to be advised by others , as to succeed in any thing of his own management . * be advised , o king , and govern'd in your turn . this taking advice , is a particular mark of a prince's authority ; 't is the inferiours duty to give advice , and the superiours to receive it . there is nothing more becoming royalty , nothing more necessary than consultation and execution . 't is an action [ said king alphonsus xi . in the parliament of madrid ] worthy the royal grandeur , to have always , according to his commendable custom , worthy counsellours about him , and to take advice of them in all things ; for if every private man's duty be to have good counsellours , how much more is it incumbent upon a prince ? every fool can give advice , but he must be a man of prudence who resolves well . and there is no diminution of the honour of a prince , who knows how to take advice and make a good choice : whatever shall be well enacted by the assistance of your counsels , said the emperour theodosius in one of his laws , will redound to the honour of the empire and my own glory . the victories of scipio africanus proceeded from the counsels of laelius , whence they said in rome , laelius wrote the play , and scipio acted it . yet did not this obscure the lustre of his glory , nor was the honour of scipio's exploits attributed to laelius , 't is necessary that the prince should know how to act the play himself , and that the minister should not be both poet and actor too . for though a prince's ministers are his eyes , yet he should not be so stark blind , as not to see at all without them , for this would be to govern by guess , and he would incur the contempt and disrespect of his subjects ; lucius torquatus being chosen consul the third time , desired to be excused for the weakness of his eyes , saying , 't was a shame that the government , and the estates of the citizens should be committed to one , who must be forced to see with other men eyes . king ferdinand the catholick us'd to say , that ambassadours were a prince's eyes ; but that he would be very unfortunate who should see with no other : that great politician did not wholly rely upon his ministers ; see with them indeed he did , but as we do with spectacles , by applying 'em to his own eyes . when the ministers find that the administration of affairs is wholly in their power , they wil● wrest it to their own private ends , and their ambition increasing they divide into factions , every one arrogates 〈◊〉 himself that share of power and authority , that the prince thro' his laziness and insufficiency has granted him . all things are in disorder and confusion ; if the ministers aim to be any thing more than perspectives , by which the prince discovers the horizon of affairs , and takes those resolutions and counsels which he likes best , nature has given him eyes , and if god governs his heart , he directs also his sight , and makes it more clear and quick than his ministers . king philip ii. retir'd sometimes into himself , to meditate upon the affairs of his government , and after having fervently recommended himself to god ; he resolv'd upon the first method that offer'd it self , though against the opinion of all his ministers , and this generally succeeded . counsellours can't always be at the princes elbow , for the state of affairs and the urgency of opportunity requires sometimes , that their resolutions be quick and ready . orders are not respected and obey'd , when it appears that he gives them not , but receives them himself : 't is a presumptuous rashness to conclude all without ever taking advice , and a stupid slavery to act nothing without it . he who commands should have the liberty of changing , mending , and rejecting whatever his ministers propose to him . 't is sometimes convenient to hide from 'em certain mysteries , and to deceive them , as the same philip , did who differently reported to his council the negotiations of his ambassadours , when he had a mind to draw 'em to his own resolutions , or thought it convenient to conceal certain circumstances from them . a council of state should be like a colossus , that the prince standing upon its shoulders may see farther than it . the thebans did not desire princes so foresighted , as one may guess by the manner of painting them with their e●rs open , and their eyes shut , signifying that they ought blindly to execute all the resolutions of the senate : but this was not the emblem of an absolute prince , but only of a prince of a common-wealth , whose power is so circumscrib'd that 't is sufficient for him to hear , for the power of seeing what is to be done , it reserved for the senate . this is nothing but a dark shadow of majesty , and an empty appearance of authority . his power is nothing but a reflection of that of the senate , and so he has no need of eyes , who can't go where he pleases . but though 't is convenient for a prince to preserve this liberty in counsels , yet he ought not to be so vain as for fear of being thought to want their advice , to reject whatever they pro●●●e ; for so he would incur very great inconveni●ncies : as pettus did according to tacitus . if 't were possible kings should have kings for their counsellours , that 〈…〉 counsels might not deviate from 〈◊〉 a●thority and honour of 〈◊〉 ; a prince sometimes 〈…〉 beneath himself 〈…〉 instigation of an abject 〈…〉 . but since this is impossible they 〈◊〉 chuse 〈◊〉 ●●unsellours , as though they are not princes by birth , are so in grea●ness of mind and generosity . in spain there are several councils instituted , with a great deal of prudence ; for the government of kingdoms and provinces , and for all the most important affairs of the kingdom ▪ yet ought not all care to be rejected , by confidently relying upon this happy constitution , for no government is so strongly fenced , but that its foundations in time wear away , or are unsens●bly undermin'd by malice or abuse . 't is not sufficient for each distinct part to be well govern'd , if they don't sometimes all unite , to treat as well of themselves in particular , as of the whole body in general . for this reason we have in convents or religious orders , provincial and general chapters , and in the government of the church , councils . for the same reason every ten years there is held at madrid a general council consisting of two counsellours , of each particular council , and of two deputies of each province , to consult for the preservation not only of each part , but of the whole kingdom . for if these kingdoms were not so renewed , they would grow old and at last die . this assembly will unite the parts of the monarchy , and make 'em agree among themselves , to the mutual assistance of each other . for this reason the councils of toledo were assembled , where not only matters of religion , but also those of state were treated of . all these qualities of eyes ought also to be found in confessors to princes , who are their counsellours , judges , and spiritual physicians : these offices require men of zeal and intire affection for the service of god , and their prince ; persons who have sence to judge well , prudence to advise , liberty to reprehend , and courage to undeceive , by setting before his eyes , though at the hazard of his favour , the disgusts of his subjects , and the danger of his kingdom , without smearing over the craz'd and falling wall with untempered mortar . some princes use confessors only for conscience sake , others make use of them as councellors of state : i shall not pretend to examine into the reason of these two methods ; i only say , 't is thought convenient in spain , to admit the king's confessor into his council , as well to give his assistance in matters of conscience , as also that being as it were a sharer in the management of affairs , he may correct the prince , if in any thing he is deficient in his devoir . for some know the faults that they are guilty of as men , but not those which they commit as princes , though those are greater which belong to their office than those which respect only their person . no● only the confessors ought to assist in council , but also bishops , or other ecclesiasticks , who by their authority and learning may be very serviceable , and so the two arms , the temporalty and spiritualty will more firmly unite , for the defence and preservation of the body of the government . the gothick kings used to advise about all weighty affairs , with prelates who were to that purpose assembled in the councils of toledo . what we have said about confessors should be understood also of preachers , who are the trumpets of truth , the interpreters between god and men , in whose mouth god has put his word , the prince ought to carry himself with great circumspection towards them , they being the channels by which wholesome or poysonous doctrines are delivered to the people ; the mobb wholly depends upon 'em , they being the most proper instruments either to raise or appease them , as has been seen in the revolts of catal●nia and portugal . their zeal for declaiming against vice , often gives 'em occasion to reflect upon those in authority , which the people eagerly swallow , thro' their natural aversion to the ministers ; whence proceeds contempt of authority , and the peoples disgust , which is the occasion of seditions and tumults ; especially when the princes faults are reflected on , 't is necessary therefore , that these reprimands should be general , without pointing at persons when the scandal is not publick , or holy admonitions , or other circumstances have been ineffectual . god so modestly in the apocalypse reprehended the bishops , that he seems almost to ●latter them ; christ never reflected upon any person from the pulpit , his reprehensions were general , and if at any time he descended to particulars 't was not as preacher , but as king. that should by no means be heard from the pulpit , which is dissolute and punishable in the streets , in which zeal is often mistaken , either because 't is extravagant , or blinded with the applause of the giddy mobb , which eagerly crowds to hear the prince or magistracy reflected upon . emblem lvi . the office of a secretary depends upon the understanding , not the pen ; if it all lay in neatly cutting a letter printers would be the best secretaries . his duty is to consult , propose and bring matters to perfection , he is the right hand of the princes will , his instrument of government , the finger by which he points out his resolutions ; and as king alphonsus says , the second officer of the houshold , at least of those who are of the cabinet ; for as the confessor is mediator between god and the king , so is the secretary between the king his subjects † . discreet and prudent consultations in councils will be of small effect , if he who should methodize them should fail in his part ; the ministers give their opinions , and the prince declares his sentiments by his secretary , and a word now and then aptly apply'd , changes the face of affairs , as in a picture , a small shade or a stroke of the pencil , either spoils it , or gives more life to it ; the council forms the idea of the building , the secretary draws the plan thereof , which if it be irregular , the super-structure must of necessity be so too . the better to represent this , you see in the present emblem his pen is a pair of compasses , because his business is not only to write , but also to measure the resolves , and to set out fit times and opportunities for the execution of 'em , that they may neither be too soon nor too late : this office is so united to that of the prince , that if the trouble of affairs would permit , it should by no means be committed to another , for if it is not a part of majesty , 't is at least a certain reflection of it ; this i believe cicero meant , when he advised the then pro-consul of asia thus , let your ring [ which you must construe secretary ] be not as any other piece of goods , but as your own self , not a minister of another's will , but a witness of your own ; each other minister is the kings representative but in one office , but the secretary in all . it suffices others to know what belongs to their particular places , but he must have a perfect knowledge , a general and particular intelligence of practices , and arts , as well of peace as war. if they erre 't is but in some one particular ; but this reaches all in general , yet so privately , that the mis-carriage is imputed to the council ; as the ignorance of the physician is to the malignity of the distemper ; some affairs may be negotiated with bad ministers , but not with an ignorant secretary . he is the stomach , in which affairs are digested , and if they come thence crude and ill concocted , the life of the government will be sickly and short ; cast your eyes back upon pastimes , and you will find that never any government has been well manag'd without good secretaries . what signifies the princes careful resolves , if the secretary knows not how to apply them , by judiciously considering , and prudently observing certain circumstances on which affairs always depend . if he wants discretion and judgment , his written rules and instructions are of small use , for there is scarce any affair for which you can find an exact precedent . for time and other accidents alter the very nature and form of all things . apothecaries have different medicines prescribed by several physicians , for several diseases ; but they 'd be notoriously mistaken , if they should ignorantly apply them without a due knowledge of the causes whence they proceed , as also of the constitution of the sick person , the time , and other circumstances ; which experience , reason , and speculation shall dictate . the same affair should be differently prescrib'd to a phlegmatick and cholerick minister , differently to a timorous and bold one . the secretary ought to instruct each how he should behave himself . what are secretaries offices , but certain schools for the education of able statesmen ? from what practice and experience teaches them , they learn the true art of government . there they observe what counsels have succeeded , what mis-carried . from all which appears the necessity of choosing such for secretaries , as are endu'd with good natural parts . those great ministers or secretaries of god , which we call evangelists , were represented in the apocalypse , by four wing'd animals , full of eyes both within and without , signifying by their wings , their expedition and execution , their knowledge of all things by their external eyes , and their contemplation by their internal ones . being so busie that they never rested night or day , so intent upon their duty , that their wings were always stretch'd upwards , so conformed and united to the holy spirit in all things , that they never parted from it . to make a good choice of a secretary , 't would be convenient for princes to train up such persons as by their natural qualifications and perfect knowledge of the latine tongue seem fit for it , under their ambassadours , or chief ministers , making tryal of them in several posts beyond sea ; and afterwards let them call 'em to the secretaries office at court , where they may serve , and capacitate themselves for secretaries of state , high treasurer , and the like , upon whose knowledge and experience , the success and good management of affairs very much depend . by this means the ill choice which ministers of state usually make of their secretaries would be avoided , for they employ only them , who have served 'em formerly , and who are usually most unfit for that office , being chosen commonly more from the neatness of their hand-writing than their understanding . whence it falls out , that a good minister who has a careless ignorant secretary , is more prejudicial to the princes affairs , than a bad minister whose secretary is discreet and careful ; besides the secretary being chosen by the prince himself , on whom he solely depends , will make the minister more vigilant and attentive in the performance of his office ; king alphonso well knowing of what importance it was to have a good secretary , said , that a king ought to make choice of for that charge , a person well born and well bred , of good sence , good temper , and good manners ; who can read and write latine , as well as his vulgar tongue † . king alphonso seems to thing it not sufficient that he can read it , but that he must readily speak it too ; for this is absolutely necessary for him , who is to treat with all nations . especially at present , now the spanish monarchy is extended over so many foreign kingdoms , and provinces , because o● the frequent correspondence in latine . the most essential thing in a secretary is secrecy , whence his name is derived , that he may upon hearing it be put in mind of his duty . the tongue and the pen are the most dangerous instruments of the heart , by these 't is usually expos'd , either through levity , or vanity , to be thought the repositories of very important secrets , by discovering them , either by discourse or writing , to those from whom they should conceal 'em : so that he is not fit for the charge of a secretary , who can't modestly hear others , rather than talk himself , without changing the air of his face at any thing ; for oft-times the secrets of the heart are discovered thereby . emblem lvii . the wheels of a clock perform their office with such silence , that their motions can neither be heard nor perceived , and though the whole contrivance depends upon them , yet do they not attribute to themselves the honour of it , but lend to the hand its motion , which alone distinguishes and points out the hours , and is esteem'd by all , the only rule and measure of time . this mutual correspondence and agreement should be between the prince and his counsellours ; for 't is highly convenient to have them : for [ as king alphonsus the wise said ] though emperours and kings are great persons , yet can neither of them by themselves do more than a single man ; ‖ and the government of a nation requires many , but them so modest as not to attribute their successful resolutions to their own counsel , but to the princes ; let 'em share the trouble but not the power ; let 'em be ministers not companions ; let 'em know that the prince can govern without them , but not they without him . where a prince can shew his authority and greatness without the assistance of others , let him do it . in aegypt where the heat of the sun is more powerful than in other parts , it breeds animals without any assistance ; if a prince does nothing without advice , he 's more like a client than a prince . the force of government is lost , unless the summ of affairs be reduced to one ; monarchy is distinguished from other methods of government in that one only commands , and the rest obey , and if the prince shall permit several to rule , 't will not be a monarchy but an aristocracy , there is no command where all are masters . the holy spirit takes this for a punishment of the sins of the people , and on the contrary a blessing when only one commands , when the ministers shall find a prince so careless as to let others reign , they usurp to themselves what authority they can . pride and emulation grows among them , every one tears a slip from the royal robe , so that at last it remains a mere ragg . the people confounded between so many masters , no longer acknowledge their true and lawful one , and so begin to despise and contemn the government . for they believe nothing can be well done , but what they think the prince does of himself , whence they prepare a remedy by force . histories furnish us with deplorable examples of this , in the deposition and death of garcias king of galaecia , who would not be so much as the index to point out the motion of the government ; but left all to the management of a particular favourite of his , who was afterwards kill'd with him . we find sancho king of portugal depos'd , because his queen , and a few other scoundrel servants had the whole management of affairs ; the same thing be●el king henry iv. for being so easie as to sign all dispatches which his ministers brought him ▪ without ever reading or knowing the contents of ' em . the prince exposes himself to all manner of inconveniencies , who without perusal or consideration , agrees to whatever others desire him : for upon him as upon soft wax every one makes what impression he pleases ; so it was with the emperour claudius . god plac'd the government upon the princes own shoulders , not upon his ministers ; as samuel intimated to saul , at the entertainment when he anointed him king , when he on purpose ordered the cook to set by for him a shoulder of meat . yet would i not have a prince like a camel merely to bear burthens ; but his shoulders should be full of eyes , like the animals in ezekiel's vision , that they may see and know what they bear : elisha call'd elias the chariot and horsemen of israel , because he sustain'd and manag'd the government † . he does not deserve the name of prince , who cannot of himself give orders and contradict 'em , as is visible in vitellius , who not being capable of commanding nor punishing , was no longer emperour , but only the cause of war ; wherefore a p●ince should not only perform the part of the hand in the clock of the government , but that also of the pe●dulum , which regulates the motions of the wheels : in short , upon that depends the whole art of government ? not that i would have a prince perform the office of a judge , counsellour or president , for his dignity is far above it , if he apply'd himself so to all business , he would want time for affairs of greater moment . he ought , says king alphonso , to have understanding , loyal , and trusty persons to assist him , and serve him faithfully in all things , as well to advise him as to administer justice to his people ; for he can't of himself duely weigh and examine all things , so that he has need of some in whom he can confide . he should use them as the instruments of government , and let them operate ; yet so as he may inspect what they do , with a superiour direction , more or less immediate or assistant , as the importance of affairs requires . those things which properly belong to the ministers , let the ministers perform . those which are peculiar to the princes office , let him only manage . for which reason tiberius check'd the senate for leaving the whole burthen of affairs to him , the weighty thoughts of princes , ought not to be disturb'd by ●rivolous consultations , when without any offence to their majesty , they may be decided by the ministers . wherefore sanguinius advised the roman senate , not to trouble the emperour with such matters , as without molesting him were in their power to remedy . but if a prince relying upon the prudence and integrity of a minister , shall intrust him with the management of any affair , let him leave it wholly to him . after god had made adam lord of the whole earth , he brings all the animals which he had created , that he might give 'em names , god would not so much as reserve that to himself . for the like reason a prince ought to leave ordinary cares and troubles to others : for the head intermeddles not with the business of the hands and feet , nor does the pilot intermeddle with the common sailers duty , but sitting in the stern does more with the gentle motion of his hand , in guiding the boat , than all the other with their toil and labour . but if a prince either by reason of his minority or old age , or any other natural defect , be incapable of attending the direction of affairs , let him choose an assistant . for 't is much better to govern well by another , than ill by himself . the first years of nero's reign were happy , because he took advice from good councellours ; but when he took the management of all into his own hands he ruin'd himself . king philip ii. finding that age and infirmities had render'd him unfit to govern , chose certain trusty and experienced ministers for his assistants . yet even when necessity urges , a prince ought not wholly to omit the care of affairs , be his ministers never so prudent and faithful , for the body politick resembles the natural , in which if the heat be deficient , no remedy , no art , nor industry can preserve its life . the prince is the soul of the government wherefore to keep that alive , 't is necessary that this should assist the members and organs ; if he can't absolutely do this , let him seem to see and hear all things , with such assiduity , that they may be attributed to his disposal and judgment ; the princes presence though it has no other effect , at least influences the ministers , and makes 'em more careful and assiduous . to know only that all orders come through his hands , gives them authority , though he never alter nor see 'em ; what will it do then if he shall particularly examine , and being privately instructed , shall correct and reprehend his ministers faults ? if he do this but once , they will be ever after fearful and cautious , they will imagine that he actually sees , or inspects all things . let them treat in councils not only of affairs of state , but also of what worthy persons , they should promote to offices and preferments ; but let his hand confirm their resolutions , let it be that which bestows all rewards and gratuities , not suffering as in a sun-dial his shadow , i mean his ministers and favourites ▪ to point 'em out , and publish them , and ●o cause them to be ascrib'd to them ; for by this he woul● lose his esteem , affairs their authority , rewards their acceptance ; and the prince is slighted by those whom he 〈◊〉 most oblig'd ; for which reason tiberius when he saw the senate inclin'd to reward m. hortalus , vigorously oppos● it . and sharply check'd iunius gallio , for proposing gratuities to the praetorian souldiers , giving him to understand that it was only the emperours prerogative ; so 〈◊〉 prince is not respected because he is a prince , but becaus● as such he commands , rewards , and punishes . if any piece of severity is to be committed , or any rigorous punishment to be inflicted , let it be done by the hands of hi● ministers , but let the prince conceal his own as much 〈◊〉 possible . let the peoples indignation , and the odium 〈◊〉 severity , and punishment fall upon them , not him ▪ the ancients said of iupiter , that of himself he darte● forth none but benign rays , without hurting any one , bu● only to shew his power , but that malign ones were by th● council of the gods ; let the ministers be thought sever● and cruel , the prince tender and merciful ; 't is their 〈◊〉 to accuse and condemn , his to forgive and pardon . em●nuel king of portugal thank'd a certain person , who fou●● an argument to sa●e a criminal . also iohn iii. king 〈◊〉 portugal being present at the tryal of a criminal , whe●● the judges were equally divided , and his opinion ask'd 〈◊〉 decide the matter spoke to this effect , you , says he , 〈◊〉 having condemn'd this man have done justice , and could wish you had been all of the same opinion ; 〈◊〉 i am for acquitting him , least any should say , that 〈◊〉 kings vote alone took away a subjects life . the princ● is made for the subjects preservation , and he ought to 〈◊〉 no one to death , but for the sake of that . the hand of a clock has no effect upon the wheels , but permits them to do their duty , and only denotes their motion , so the emperour charles v. was of opinion , a prince ought to behave himself towards his council , to let them alone in their debates without intermeddling with 'em ; this precept he left to his son philip the ii. a princes presence obstructs their freedom , and gives opportunity for flattery , and though in matters of greater moment , the prince's presence seems very convenient , in that he can't be so throughly inform'd by reading , as by hearing their debates , for by this he will learn much , and begin to love business , and be instructed in the qualifications , and designs of his councellours , a prince ought to be extremely cautious in declaring his opinion , least either flattery , respect , or fear should make it received . for this reason piso , when marcellus was accus'd for taking down the head of augustus's statue , and putting his own up ; being ask'd his opinion by tiberius , what 's your sentiment , sir , said he , if you speak first i know what to follow , but if last i am afraid least i should imprudently think otherwise for the same reason 't was a prudent order of the same emperour , that his son drusus should not vote first in the senate , least others should think themselves oblig'd to follow his opinion . this is a thing of ill consequence ; is it less inconvenient not to declare his mind at all , for so that counsel which seems best may with more secrecy be executed . henry king of portugal proposed matters with so much discretion in his council , that it could not be discover'd , either by his words or looks , which way he inclined ; whence came the custom of presidents and vice-roys , not giving their votes in council , which is an anci●nt practice , and was used by the etolians . but in a matter in which the prince desires rather their approbation than advice , he may open his mind and declare his opinion , for he will find they will generally ●ide with him either through a desire to please , or because we naturally incline to follow our superior . in affairs of war , especially when the prince is involv'● therein , his presence in council is of more importance , 〈◊〉 well for the above-mentioned reasons , as that he thereby animates them , and that their prudent resolves may be pu● in speedy execution , and least while they are brought to him the opportunity be slipt . he must know that some minis●ers desire to be thought vigorous and active , rathe● than discreet , and so in the princes presence o●t●n are the authors of rash counsel , not that they would be th● persons that should execute them , nay they have a particular aversion to all danger , as it was with those who advis'd vitellius to take up arms . 't is a common question among politicians , whether 〈◊〉 no a prince himself should not assist in the courts of justice ; 't is a too weighty employ , and would take up 〈◊〉 much of that time which is necessary for affairs of state and the administration of the government . though tib●rius after he had assisted in the senate , went to the court● of judicature . king ferdinand the holy was ofte● present in those courts , where he heard and defended the poor , and protected the weak from the strong . k. alphon●● the wise ordain'd , that the king himself should undertake the causes of widows and orphans , for tho' , says he , he is oblig'd in general to defend his subjects , yet ought he particularly to assist them , because they are more helpless than others * . solomon's great judgment in the decision of causes got him the general esteem of all ; the israelites desired a king , who as in other nations might be judge over them ; the presence of the king makes judges just , and his power only can defend the poor ; the chief reason why god chose david king was , because he who had freed his flocks from the jaws of the lion , best knew how to protect the impotent from the powerful : so grateful and acceptable is this care to god , that for that only he promises to blot out all the rest of his sins , and make them as white as snow . wherefore i can't deny that this is the main part of a prince's duty , yet i think he fulfils it , if he chooses persons of integrity for his ministers of justice , and takes care that they justly and uprightly perform their offices . 't will suffice sometimes in the most important cases , i mean such as may be oppress'd by power , to be present at their giving their opinions , so as to make the judges always in fear , least he should be in some corner of the court and hear all that is said and done . for which reason all the judges live in the royal palace at madrid ; and in the courts where they sit , there are windows , from whence his majesty uses to hear all that passes . the same is usual in the turks divan , where when the bassa's meet to treat about affairs , he hears them when he pleases , from a window cover'd with sarcenet . and this harmony of the clock , and the mutual agreement between the wheels , and the hand which points the hours is evidentl● visible in the government of the kingdom of spain , which is so well constituted , that those kingdoms and provinces which nature has dis-joyn'd , she unites by the prudence of her government each has its particular court at madrid , c●stile , arragon , p●rtugal , italy , the netherlands and the indies , to which there is but one president , they take cognizance of all affairs , whether of justice or rewards belonging to any of these kingdoms or provinces . and their debates are brought to the king who orders what he thinks fit , so that the councils are as 't were the wheels , and his majesty the index ; or they the optick nerves , by which visible species are transmitted to the prince , and the king the common sense which discerns and judges them . the affairs of the kingdom being so dispos'd and presented to his majesty , all 's manag'd with that ease and prudence , that for above a hundred years since it began to flourish ; there has happened no considerable mis-carriage , which is almost incredible , in such a dis-united body . the roman empire was more succinct , and yet it almost continually felt convulsions and disorders , an undeniable proof that ours is better founded than their's , and govern'd by men of greater judgment , prudence and integrity . since then the summ of all affairs should be reduc'd to the prince , he should not only be a father to the republick in love , but economy too , nor should he think it sufficient to have counsellours , and ministers to manage his affairs , but he should also keep by him a certain private memoir of them , by which he should be guided in all things ; as merchants keep their accounts in a particular book for that purpose , such a book as this the emperour august●s kept . in which he took an account of the revenue , of the number of the citizens and auxiliaries in his service , also o● the fleets , kingdoms , provinces , tributes , taxes , and gratuities , all which he wrote with his own hand ; the memory is the treasury of experience , but is very short and weak without the assistance of the pen to strengthen and perpetuate it upon paper . he 'll find a great advantage , who for memory's sake takes an account of all actions good or ill , in his book ; which diligence if your royal highness when setled upon the throne shall neglect , and think it beneath your grandeur to stoop to , and that your presence is sufficient without this troublesome assiduity , leaving that to your ministers , i dare aver● from the excellent constitution , and order of this government , both in its courts and counsels , your highness might finish your course without any considerable danger ; but you would be no more than the hand to the clock , wholly govern'd by the wh●els , nor would there appear any thing conspicuous or glorious in your whole reign ; as there will , if [ which god grant ] your highness imitating augustus , shall make your remarks upon each kingdom distinctly , with an addition of all garrison'd towns , also of all persons famous for war or peace , with their qualifications , characters , services and the like ; particularly inserting all a●fairs of great concern , what has been their issue , in what they succeeded , in what fail'd , and several other observations , which are instructive in the art of government . hence proceeds the harmony in the order of the jesuits , which all so much admire , for every three years the general has a particular account of all things that have pass'd , together with a private list of those of the order ; who because they may in time alter their nature and manners these catalogues are renewed every year ; besides , he has particular informations every year of what ever in necessary for him to know . by which they always succeed in their elections , by suiting the capacity of the person to the office , not the office to the person . and if princes had such characters of things and persons , they would not be so often deceived in their resolves and counsels ; they would be better instructed in the art of government , and need not depend wholly upon their ministers ; and these would serve the prince with more care and circumspection , when they knew that he understood and took notice of all things ; and so these gross faults which we see at present , i mean , in not timely providing necessaries for peace and war , would never be committed ; in a word , the fear of this catalogue would make vertue flourish , and vice perish ; nor would these short memoirs breed any confusion , especially if some were made by the princes own hands , and others by his chief ministers , who are persons of understanding , and whom he can trust to do it sincerely and carefully ; wherefore if as cicero says , this knowledge is necessary for a senatour , who is but a small member of the government , how much more is it for a prince on whom depends the universal welfare of his state ? and if philip king of macedon , caus'd the articles of the roman league to be read over to him twice every day , why should a prince disdain to read in one book , an epitome of the whole body of his empire , viewing in that as in a map , all the parts of which it consists ? emblem lviii . honour is one of the chiefest instruments in the art of government ; if it were not the off-spring of glory , i should think it a politick invention ; it is the prop of empires ; without it none could stand long ; a prince without it wants a guard for his vertues , the spur of renown , and bond , which makes him to be loved and respected ; a thirst for riches is tyrannick , but for honour royal ; nor is honour less requisite in the subject than the prince ; for without that the laws would not be able to keep the people in their devoir , it being certain , that they are more restrain'd by the fear of infamy than punishment . the economy of government would soon be ruined , were not obedience , loyalty , integrity and such like vertues in esteem . ambition for honour preserves the authority of the laws , to attain it we inure our selves to labour and vertue . that government is in as much danger where all would be slaves , as that in which a●l would be masters . a nation too abject and base , is a prey to every invader , and soon forgets its duty to its lawful prince ; but that which is of a more lofty spirit , and which sets a value upon honour , slights all toils and perils ; nay , even despises its own ruine , to remain firm in its obedience and loyalty ; what wars , calamities and devastations by fire and sword , has not the dutchy of burgundy felt for preserving their faith and allegiance to his catholick majesty , neither the tyranny and barbarity of their enemies , nor the infection of the elements , though all seem'd to conspire against them , could shake their constancy . they might indeed take from those loyal subjects , their estates , their countrey , and their lives , but not their sincere faith , and generous loyalty to their lawful prince . the usual remedies against intestine disorders , is to make the people strangers to honour and reputation , which piece of policy is us'd in china , which is in no danger but from its own subjects : but in other kingdoms which are exposed to invasions , glory and renown is absolutely necessary for the subjects , that they may have courage to repulse an enemy ; ●or where there is no honour , there is no valour . that prince is not truly great , who does not command great spirits , nor can he ever without such make himself formidable , or enlarge his territories . the subject's honour obliges them to procure the prince's , for upon his grandeur depends their's . the very shadow and empty appearance of honour , makes 'em assiduous in labours , and valiant in dangers . what treasures could make sufficient compensation for the estates , and blood which subjects squander away for the prince's will and fancy ; were it not for this publick coin of honour , wherewith every one pays himself in his own opinion ? 't is the best price of worthy and brave exploits , the cheapest reward that princes could have found , so that if not for their own grandeur , they ought at least for their conveniency and interest , maintain it among their subjects ; by either taking no notice of , or lightly punishing the faults which they commit to defend it , and on the contrary , by encouraging with rewards and publick acknowledgments , such actions as are generous and honourable . but they should beware of giving the least incouragement to that vain fantastical honour so much in vogue , which depends upon peoples fancies , not true vertue , thence proceed disputes among the ministers about precedence , to the prejudice of the publick , and the prince's service : hence duels , affronts , and murthers ; and from these come tumults and seditions . this makes obedience stagger , and defiles it with the prince's blood ; for if once the subject shall be perswaded in his own opinion , or by the common cry , that he is a tyrant and not fit to live , he soon contrives his death , to obtain the honour of assertor of his countrey 's liberty . it should therefore be the princes care to abolish this superstition of false honour , and to promote the worship of the true . let not a prince disdain to honour merit , either in subjects or strangers , for this does not derogate from the prince's honour , no more than the light of a torch is diminished by the lighting of another by it ; for which reason ennius compares the charity of a person , who instructs a wandring traveller in his way , to a flame . he who t' a wandring man his way has shewn , lights t'others torch and never hurts his own * from whence proceeds cicero's advice , that whatever kindness can be done another without detriment to ones self , let it be done even to a stranger . from both these sentences the present emblem is taken ; a lighted candle in a candlestick , the emblem of divinity , and supream authority , at which two others are lighted , to signifie that a prince may bestow honour upon those who deserve it without detriment to his own . his honour , is borrowed , not his own , who is afraid of wanting it , when he confers it on others . springs continually flow , and are never empty . the fund of honour in princes is inexhaustible , be they never so profuse : all respect them as the only magazines of honours , from whence every one expects his share ; so the earth with its vapours refreshes the air , which returns them in dew upon the earth again . and this mutual correspondence between the prince and his subjects , king alphonso the wise knew , when he said , that these in honouring him , honour'd themselves , because from him they expect honour and preferment ; where this mutual honour is , there affairs flourish in peace and war , and the government is established . nor does a prince shew his majesty more in any thing , than in the honours he confers . all natural bodies the more noble they are , are the more generous and free of their vertues and gifts . to give riches is humane , but the distribution of honour belongs to god or his vicegerents . in these maxims i would perfectly instruct your highness , especially in that of honouring the nobility , who are the main support of monarchy . let your highness hearken to your glorious predecessor , king alphonso the wise , who in laying down maxims for his successors , speaks to this effect : furthermore he ought to respect and honour the nobility for their riches , and for that they are an honour to his state ; and he should respect and honour the gentry , as being his guard and the bulwark of his kingdom . without rewards services flag , but rewarded they flourish , and make the kingdom glorious under an ungrateful king never any great action was a●chieved , nor any glorious example transmitted to posterity . those three brave souldiers , who broke through the enemies squadrons and fetch'd water from the cistern , scarce did any thing else remarkable , because david did not gratifie them . a prince by once rewarding the merits of a family , binds them to his service for ever . the nobility is as much urg'd to glory , by the noble exploits of their ancestors , and by honours with which they were rewarded , as by those which they themselves expect ; 't was upon this account that your royal highnesses predecessors bestowed eternal marks of honour upon the services of some great families of spain . so king iohn ii. rewarded those of the counts ribadeo , by permitting them to eat at the king's table upon tw●lfth-day , and to have the same coat which his majesty wore that day ; his catholick majesty granted the same honour to the marquess of cadiz . and order'd , that they should have the coat which he wore upon the feast of the blessed virgin : to the marquesses of moya , he gave the cup which the kings should drink out of upon st. lucia's day ; to the earls of roca , of the family of vera , and to all of that house a grant for each , to exempt thirty persons from all taxes ; the same king ferdinand , when he met the king of france at savona , invited the great captain gonsalvo to table with him , at whose house also he staid at his entry into naples ; and what wonder since he ow'd him his kingdom and all spain , its glory and success † ? of him might well be said , what tacitus says of another brave and valiant general . in his body was all the beauty of the cherus●i ; and whatever was done with success was the result of his counsel . the valour and conduct of one minister is often the foundation and rise of a kingdom that which is founded in america is owing to herman cortez , and the pizarrs . the single valour and industry of the marquess of aytona , kept the netherlands from revolting upon the death of the infanta isabella , and some of our present ministers have been the chief instruments in preserving the empire in the house of austria , and of the tranquility which italy has so long enjoyed , whose great rewards have been a spark to kindle a glorious emulation in others . by recompencing one service you purchase many more ; 't is a noble usury which enriches princes , and enlarges and secures their estates ; the ottoman empire flourishes , because it encourages and prefers valour in whomsoever it is conspicuous . the fabrick of the spanish monarchy arrived at this perfection , because king ferdinand the catholick , and after him charles v. and philip ii. knew how to hew out , and proportion the stones to its bigness . princes complain of this age of being barren , and not productive of such great spirits , not considering that the reason is that they don't look for them , or if they do find them , that they don't give them sufficient encouragement , but only promote those who are about them , which depends more upon chance than choice . nature always produces some great genius's , but princes don't always make use of them . how many excellent genius's and great spirits are born and die in obscurity , who if they had been imployed and exercis'd in business , had been the admiration of mankind : ossat had died chaplain of st. lewis in rome , without the glory of having done so many signal services to france , had not henry iv. of france observing his great abilities procur'd him a cardinals hat. if a prince suffers a great soul to herd with the common rout , he will live and die like one of them , without performing any thing remarkable or glorious . christ went up to the mountain tabur with three of his disciples only , leaving the rest with the multitude , upon which their faith immediately cool'd , so that they could not cure a posses● person . great spirits do not flourish nor blossom , unless they are water'd by the dew of favour . that prince therefore , who shall sow honours shall reap able statesmen . but he ought to sow them in season , and to have them always ready upon all occasions ; for then they are rarely t● be found . in this princes are usually careless while they li●● in peace and quiet , thinking they shall never have need o● them . nor should a prince honour and prefer only his nobility and ministers , but also all others of his subjects , whose actions shall be meritorious . as king alphonso prudently advises in his laws , where he says , that a prince ought to honour vertue wheresoever he finds it , though it be in the very meanest of his subjects . a prince ought to be very cautious in the distribution of honours , considering the time and weighing the qualifications of the persons , that they may be exactly adapted to their merit . for that distinguishes dignities , as the intrinsick worth of a diamond makes it more valuable ; if honours were all equal , they would be less valued ; 't is a kind of tyranny not to reward desert , and nothing more incenses the people than it ; a whole government is disordered by the unequal distribution of preferments , rewards above desert are a scandal to the receiver , and an affront to those who deserve better . one is gratified ; many offended . to gratifie all alike is ●o reward none . vertue thrives not by equality , nor will valour ever attempt any considerable action , without the hopes of some particular reward . a statue erected for one , affects many with a glorious desire of obtaining the same honour . in a word , honour suited to a persons merit , is a spur to him , an encouragement to others , and a means to preserve obedience in the people . but though nothing more firmly settles , or more gloriously adorns a prince's throne than distribution of honours , yet ought he diligently to take care , not to grant away those which are proper to his own dignity , and distinguish him from others : for they are not like flames which passing to another subject , still remains entire in its own ; but all such which he shall confer on others , will no more shine in him , so that majesty will be obscur'd , nor will any make their applications to him , but to them to whom he has granted such honours ; tiberius would not permit even his mother livia to receive those particular honours which the senate design'd because he thought 't would diminish his authority . even ceremonies which were introduced either by chance or flattery , and are now peculiar to the prince , he ought not to make common to others . for though they are vain and empty , they mark out the borders of majesty to respect and veneration . tiberius was disgusted , that the same publick prayers were made for nero and drusus which were made for him , tho' they were his sons and successours in the empire ; the honour of princes vanishes , when made common by promiscuous flattery ; sometimes though , as when ministers do personate the prince in his absence , the same honours and ceremonies are to be paid them , as are due to the prince if present ; as we fee in vice-roys and courts of supream authority , which like stars shine in the suns absence ; but not in his presence , for then those marks of honour are paid to the royal dignity represented in the ministers , who are as it were the pictures of majesty , and the reflection of supream authority . emblem lix . nature , the provident disposer of all things , has divided countries from one another , and hedg'd 'em in sometimes with mountains like ●ast walls , sometimes entrenched 'em about with deep rivers , and sometimes with the ocean it self , that she ●ight put a stop to the designs of humane ambition ; for ●he same reason she has constituted different climates , na●ures , languages , and customs , that in this great diversity of nations , each might live amicably , and in unity among themselves , not easily giving way to the power and tyran●y of invaders . yet are not all these bars and fences of nature , able to check this insatiable desire of rule ; for ambition is so great and so deeply rooted in man's heart , ●hat it thinks the five zones too narrow for it . alexander , ●hey say wept , that he had no more worlds to conquer . all the blessings of life , nay life it self , for all our natural inclinations to preserve it , are all slighted for a moments reign . humaya going to invade the kingdom o● cordova , some of his friends di●swaded him from it , urging the danger of the attempt : call me king to day , say● he , and to morrow kill me ; there is no passion in ma● more blind and dangerous than this . this has cost many their lives , as well as estates , which they would have there by enlarged . a certain prince of tartary usually drank ou● of a cup on which was engraven the head of a prince o● muscovy , who in invading his kingdom lost his own , wit● his life ; about the edge of which was this inscription : this prince by coveting mine , lost his own . almost the same thing befell king sancho , who woul● have rob'd his brothers of the kingdoms , which their father king ferdinand had divided between ' em . ambitio● is in danger , when it but puts its arm out of its territories like the snail which runs a risque whenever it peeps out o● its shell . and though tyridates said , that 't is for private men to maintain their own , but for kings to invad● others ; yet this is only then ; when reason and pruden●● advise it , and when power has no other tribunal than that o● arms ; for whoever unjustly robs another of his kingdom gives others opportunity and right to do the same to him first let a prince consider the danger of his own , before 〈◊〉 thinks of invading another's kingdom : for which re●son the emperour rodolphus i. us'd to say , 't was bett●● to govern well than to enlarge a kingdom ; if king ●phonso the wise had took this advice , he had never pursu● his pretentions to the empire , to the so evident peril his own kingdom ; so that the comparison of alphonso ki●● of naples was very applicable to him : that such ambit●ous princes were like gamesters , who cheated by a vain hope of winning , lose even what they had . to defend ●his state is a prince's duty , but to invade another's is ●erely arbitrary . ambition hurries men to new and dangerous attempts ; and the more it has the more it co●ets . it encreases with empire . opportunities , and the easiness of the means charm princes eyes and hearts , and hinder them from understanding , that they ought not to covet all that they can obtain ; a generous mind should be regulated by reason and prudence ; he is not safest who ●ossesses most , but he who possesses most lawfully . too great an extent of power , creates emulation and envy , and ●ncreases danger . for they arm and unite against the ●trongest , as the kings of spain did against alphonso iii. whose greatness and prosperity they suspected . for which reason 't is more desirable to have power well grounded and ●stablish'd , than to exercise it ; for there is as much danger ●n maintaining as in procuring it . were there no foreign enemies , affluence of plenty would sufficiently enervate it ; ●s the grandeur of old rome found , which augustus ●oreseeing , proposed to remedy it by prescribing bounds to ● , which the emperour adrian afterwards effected . let a prince bridle his felicity and he will reign well . t is no difficult matter for injustice and tyranny , if arm'd with power , to raise and extend kingdoms ; the difficulty ● in the preservation thereof , it being a harder matter to govern well than to conquer . for in arms usually fortune takes place , but govern●ent depends on prudence . success enters the gate ●ithout being called , by merit or industry , but 't is pru●ence only that keeps her there . alphonso the wise gave this reason , why 't was less difficult to get , than to ma●●tain when got ; because the preservation depends upo● judgment ; but the acquisition upon chance . ho● fortune with both hands , or she 'll slip from you a hedge-hog [ from whence i took this emblem ] is fou● with ease , but to hold it requires prudence ; that is , yo● must apply your hand so as gradually to smooth down 〈◊〉 thorny bristles , which when erected resemble a squadr● of pikes . claud. arm'd with her self she does securely go , her self , the quiver , arrow , and the bow. scarce were the arms of spain retir'd from the netherland● in the time of don john of austria , when those of the r●bels enter'd . 't was an easie matter for the king of fr●● against the laws of god and man to seize upon the dutch● of lorrain , but to maintain it now , he finds it expensive a● dangerous ; so he is oblig'd always to keep an arm'd ha● upon it , and the causes which occur in the acquisition do● always in the preservation . but if 't is once setled , time will help to fix it ; whence happens , that sometimes one person may easily maintain government which was not rais'd , but by the great to● and perils of many . wherefore since 't is a prince's chief duty to preserve 〈◊〉 states , i will here subjoyn the means which it may be do● by , whether they descend by succession , or are acquir'd● conquest or election . i first premise the general caus● which usually concur in attaining and maintaining the and those are god ; that is , when he assists us with religi● and justice ; opportunity , when a concurrence of causes pen the way to grandeur ; and prudence , either in maki●● these opportunities , or in using them when offer'd . the are other instruments common to the art of governme●● as valour , the prince's assiduity and prudence , the peop●● esteem , respect and love for him ; the reputation of ● crown , the force of arms , unity in religion , a due administration of justice , the authority of the laws , the distribution of rewards ; the severity of punishments ; the integrity of the magistracy ; the good election of ministers ; the preservation of privileges and customs ; the education of youth ; the modesty of the nobility ; the purity of the coin ; the encrease of trade and arts ; the peoples obedience ; concord , plenty , and publick riches . by these means all states are maintain'd , and though the government of each requires great care and attention , yet do those which descend lineally from father to son require ●east ; for sovereign power and obedience being become habitual , and as it were natural to the subjects , they forget that it was of their own institution , not an original pro●riety . no one dares deny him respect and veneration , whom he has own'd for his lord from his birth ; all are ●w'd by fear of punishment from the successour , for crimes which they shall commit in the present reign : the sub●ects easily bear and wink at his failures . the very tide of affairs , which long custom and experience has con●in'd to a channel , secures him , though he be incapacitated for government , provided he be of an easie docile nature , ●nd one that will act for the best in all things , and can ●ake choice of good ministers , or should happen on them ●y chance . but those states which descend by an indirect line , or ●y marriage ; a prince ought to manage with particular care and circumspection , especially at the beginning of is reign ; in this those princes run great risques , who thro' ●o much zeal , or too fond a desire of glory , reverse the ●ctions and institutions of their predecessours , introducing ●ovelties of their own , without that due moderation and ●rudence which is necessary even in changing 'em into bet●er ; for plato's opinion that all change is dangerous except ●om bad , must not be understood of governments , which 〈◊〉 great risques unless remedied by degrees , according to 〈◊〉 order of nature , which does not leap from one ex●eam to the other ; but interposes the temperature of the ●ring and autumn , between the extremities of the winters cold , and summers heat : a sudden and violent chang● is troublesome and doubtful ; that which is slow and gr●dual is always more easie . 't is dangerous in sailing to shift the sails upon a contrary mind , because they mu● on a sudden be changed from one side of the ship to th● other . wherefore 't is requisite for a prince at the begi●ning of his reign , to observe the methods of the last , 〈◊〉 king care to reform it by degrees with that easiness a● moderation , that the people shall find themselves on t'othe● side without knowing how they got over . tiberius du● not at the beginning of his reign abolish the publick sport● introduc'd by augustus . galba reigned but a f●● months , because immediately upon coming to the thron● he began to punish past crimes , to moderate extravaga● donatives , and to curb the licentiousness and insole● which the people had been so us'd to in nero's time that they as much loved their princes vices , as former they esteem'd their vertues . the same befel the empero● pertin●x , for designing to reform the militia , enerva●● under the luxurious reign of commodus . lewis xi ▪ ki●● of france fell into the same errour , for that he began 〈◊〉 reign with the severe punishment of some of his princip● nobility . the excellence of a new government ought 〈◊〉 be benignity ; since too much rigour and severity is 〈◊〉 vice of an old one . what dare not old kings do ? the softest chai● , of kingdoms is in a new princes reign . to settle a government is a work of time , for 't is troublesome to reform , as to new model one ; for 〈◊〉 reason david excus'd himself from punishing ioab for the murther of abner , as being weak and newly anointed king ; that is , he fear'd by too much severity , he should make his new gotten government odious . rehoboam had never ruined himself had he considered this , when by the counsel of the young men , he answer'd the people of israel , who desir'd he would treat 'em with less severity than his father had done ; my father made your yoke heavy , and i will add to your yoke ; my father also chastised you with whips , but i will chastise you with scorpions . there is nothing more serviceable to a prince at his entrance upon the government , than to signalize himself by some glorious exploits , for reputation once got is not immediately lost ; for which reason domitius corbulo , when he was sent into armenia took particular care to raise his reputation . the same agricola did in his government of britain , knowing that the reputation of his first actions would byass all the rest the comparison which the people make between the past and present administration is always of ill consequence , when they don't find in this the same felicity they did in t'other , or don 't perceive the same parts and qualifications in the present prince , as in his predecessor ; let him therfore take care as much can be , that there be no difference ; but that the same hand may seem to hold the reins . but if the prince , either cannot , or knows not how to adjust his actions to the peoples humour as his predecessour did , let him more particularly avoid occasion , which may breed comparisons . which was the reason that tiberius was never present at publick shews , fearing that his rough melancholy temper , compar'd to the complaisant gaiety of augustus , would be offensive to the people . wherefore as soon as a prince comes to the helm of affairs he should diligently enquire , what things were distasteful in the past reign , that he may avoid them ; this was nero's maxim at his accession to the throne , prescribing it as a plan of his future government , sedulously declining those things which had lately bred disgust . let a prince also adjust his actions to the customs of the countrey , and methods of his predecessor , for even the vertues of the successour which are new , and such a● the predecessour and the nation in general were unacquainted with , the people look upon as vices and loath ' em . the parthians demanded vono for their king , a person endu'd with the gentile accomplishments of rome ( where he had been as hostage ) but those vertues lost him the affections of his people , who regarded them as nothing but new vices ; they were disgusted , that he did not give his mind to horses and hunting , as his predecessors did ; and on the contrary they all loved nero , because he accommodated himself to their customs . and if this difference of manners in the princes person produces these effects , how much greater will the alteration of the customs and ways of the people create ? but if correction be necessary , it must be apply'd with such moderation , as may neither make the prince seem severe nor remiss , but when the negligence of the predecessour was very great , and the people require a remedy , then the activity and diligence of the successour is very opportune ; as was visible in the first years of your royal highnesses renown'd father 't is a generous piece of justice , for a prince to begin his reign with pardoning all offences against himself , and punishing those committed against others ; nothing gai●● people's esteem and respect more than this . as the emperours vesp●si● and titus found , as also charles vii . king of france . upon this consideration witiza remitted the banishment of those whom his father had condemned , and caused their tryals to be burnt , by this great means the better to secure the crown upon his head. though these acts are highly requisite , yet the main point is the gaining the love and obedience of the subjects ; which two kings of arragon were absolute masters of † : one was king alphonso i who going to take possession of the kingdom of castile for his wife terraca , behaved himself with great complaisance and affability to all ; he heard causes , and administer'd justi●e himself ; he protected widows and orphans , reliev'd the poor , honour'd and reward'd the nobility according to their desert , prefer'd vertue , and made the kingdom plentiful and populous , which acquir'd him the affections of all . the other was alphonso v. king of naples , who made himself extreamly beloved by the people , by his care and prudence in affairs , by a due disposal of rewards and punishments , by liberality , complaisance and easiness of access , by his love for the publick well-fare , and by so exact a conformation to the manners and customs of the kingdom , that he seem'd a natural , not a foreign prince . those kings who have their residence among their subjects , may gain their hearts more easily , than those who reside in distant provinces , for if their loyalty does not grow quite cold , 't is at most but luke-warm , and nothing but the excellence of the constitution can preserve its heat ; that is by providing able ministers , and by severely punishing their faults , especially those which they commit against justice , and the reputation and estates of others , all the comfort absent subjects have is that if the prince be good , they shall feel the effect of it as well as if present , but if otherwise , they should be least under the lash of his tyranny . but because such kingdoms love novelty and change and require the presence of the prince himself to govern them ; the confidence which he puts in them , should be arm'd and senced from all accidents , using the same means which we prescrib'd for the preservation of a conquer'd kingdom ? elective kingdoms which are obtain'd by favour are also maintain'd by the same , though this very rarely continues long . and though all new empires begin with applause , yet in this 't is but short and soon over ; amidst the very acclamations , when saul was anointed king , the people began to distrust and slight him , though he was chosen by god himself . but there are ways by which the person elected , may preserve the peoples good opinion of him , that is to say , by maintaining those vertues and qualifications , which made him at first thought worthy of the crown ; for men usually change their manners with their fortunes . tiberius had a very good character and reputation , while he was a private person and liv'd under augustus ; as also had galba ; let him be courteous and obliging to all . grateful and liberal to those who elected him ; civil to those who gave their votes against him ; let him be a zealous lover of his countrey . and a vigorous assertor of its laws and privileges ; let his council be compos'd of the natives of the countrey , imploying them alone in offices and places of trust , not admitting foreigners and relations ; let him maintain his family with modesty ; let him temper majesty with consideration , and justice with clemency ; let him so govern as if his kingdom came by descent , which he should transmit to his posterity , not as if it were elective , fleecing it of what he can during his reign ; according to the poet. a short reign never spares the people : for 't is very difficult to be moderate in grandeur which must die with us . the prince ought moreover to be peaceable , not an invader of others : for elective kingdoms fear such a master , whose mind is bent upon conquering others ; but they love him who is only careful in preserving his own , as we see in poland , for 't is evident that all kingdoms were at first elective , and that 't was only ambition of enlarging them by invading their neighbours , by which so many have lost that liberty , which they would have taken from others . nor is it possible , that among so many casualties and dangers of election , this enlargement of states should be lasting , for those very arms which make those additional conquests , will reduce them to hereditary kingdoms ; which was galba's excuse for not converting the empire into a commonwealth . elective monarchies love liberty , and so ought not to be governed without it , and since election is the scale in which they weight it , the prince should always stand on that side , for if he gives the least suspicion that he intends to make the crown hereditary , he will certainly lose it . in states acquir'd by conquest , there is more difficulty in attaining than preserving them , for they are like wild colts , in which the main trouble is backing them , for afterwards they willingly take the bitt , and submit to the burthen . fear and flattery open the way to dominion ; the first asc●nt of which is steep and difficult , but once setled you want neither partizans nor ministers ; yet since these services are generally forced and counterfeit , they easily revolt when they have opportunity , and are therefore to be entertain'd and cherish'd with great care , especially at first , since from the first actions we easily judge of the future government ; as vitellius experienced , who grew hateful and odious to all , for the death of dolabella . and though piso said , that a kingdom acquir'd by ill practices could never be maintain'd by good ones , yet king sancho did this way establish his doubtful title to the kingdom , which he got by conquest . princes are soon ruin'd by striving to preserve that by force which they got so . this pernicious piece of policy has been the ruin of all tyrants , and if any one has preserved himself ; 't is because he chang'd his tyranny into benevolence , and his cruelty into clemency : vice cannot subsist long unless vertue be its substitute ; ambition unjust in acquiring at first , must change into zeal for the publick good to maintain it self . subjects love their prince for the publick , and their private interests , and when they succeed in both , their fear soon changes into reverence , and their hatred into respect : but care must be taken that this reformation of vices , which are now publickly known , be not so sudden nor affected , as to proceed from design not nature , whose operations are slow and methodical , so otho thought ; that a sudden modesty , or affected gravity could not preserve the empire which he had attain'd by villany . the people are more apprehensive of such changes than of vices themselves ; for they suspect greater mischief at the bottom . feign'd vertue is worse than vice ; for this is executed under the shape of the other . augustus was an admirable pattern of prudence and valour , in raising and supporting his empire , which all princes ought to copy . at nineteen years of age he shew'd himself worthy of the empire , by sustaining the civil wars . from which time he began to raise his fortunes . empires are not obtain'd by deserving , but by having merited them . one victory proclaim'd him emperour , because he knew how to make use of opportunity and prudence ; of opportunity in triumphing over anthony and lepidus , of prudence in not entering by open force , every one was weary of civil wars , the empire was naked and defenceless , all the most couragious being taken off , by the wars or proscriptions . the provinces were disgusted at the government of the senate , and shew'd their inclination to change it ; dissentions and civil discords , oblig'd 'em to apply the usual remedy of turning aristocracy into monarchy . all these concurrents manag'd by prudence , facilitated his access to the empire ; which by the same conduct he maintain'd , he oblig'd the mobb , by defending them by the authority of a tribune ; and to avoid giving disgust , he neither took upon him the name of a king , nor dictator , but only that of prince . he continued the titles of the magistrates , he engag'd the souldiery by gratuities ; the people by plenty , and all in general by the sweets of peace , by affability , civility and clemency . he was courteous even to his rivals , anthony and lepidus , and reward●d those with honours and riches , who had been zealous in his service . he very rarely was severe , and then not through passion , but to procure the publick quiet . he captivat'd the minds of all , by a ready and copious eloquence , very becoming his dignity ; he us'd justice among his subjects , and modesty to his allies ; he shew'd his integrity , in punishing the debauching of his daughter and neice . he took care to preserve noble families , as is visible in his bounty to marcus hortalus . he severely punish'd the authors of libels upon any of the nobility , and slighted , those upon himself and government . he very much adorn'd and beautified the city of rome . he fix'd the bounds of the empire , keeping a book of his revenues and expences he erected a military treasury , and so dispos'd his forces , that his armies , fleets and provinces might as it were take hands : these good qualities made the romans chose the present government which was secure and safe , rather than run the risque and uncertainty of the past ; hence they first became fond with tyranny . i don't relate all these arts with a design to instruct tyranny , but that tyrants may be these ways reform , by joyning these to the fear , which force and oppression have created . for that which is gain'd by the sword must be preserved by it . for which reason in such states , 't is requisite to erect castles and forts , but so contriv'd as they mayn't seem a curb to the peoples liberty , but a protection against foreign invasions , garrisons appointed for their safety not to keep 'em in awe , for this always makes 'em desperate . the spaniards were so offended , that the emperour constans should commit the guard of the pyrenaean hills to foreigners , that they invited ( though to their great detriment ) the vandals , alans , swedes , and other nations into spain . confidence makes subjects loyal , which made the scipio's give the celtiberi●ns leave to march under the same colours , and lodge in the same tents with the romans . also augustus's life guard were spaniards of the colaguritan legion . let a prince endeavour gradually to transplant into his conquer'd provinces , the customs , genius and language of the conquering nation , as they did in spain , in those colonies which were founded in the time of augustus , this they are easily brought to , being inclin'd to imitate their conquerours , flattering them by accommodating themselves , to their manners and genius , and esteeming their privileges , and honours more than their own . for which reason the romans gave their friends and confederates the title of citizens , thereby to preserve their fidelity . the emperour vespasian to oblige the spaniards granted them all the privileges of italy . acquir'd provinces if they are used like strangers , never forget their enmity ; this was the reason , why the emperour claudius gave the dignity of roman citizens to galli● comata , saying , that the laced aemonians and athenians were ruin'd by nothing , but by using their conquer'd nations as foreigners , but that their founder romulus acted with more prudence , who in the same day saw his enemies , his fellow-citizens . by these and such like means , foreign government becomes natural , after continuance of time has fix'd and setled it , and blotted out the memory of former liberty . spain in its restauration slighted this policy . esteeming more the preservation of its nobility , than to debase it with the blood of africk , and so would not share any of its privileges , and honours with this conquer'd people , whence though united in one body , they kept their own customs , and language , together with such an indelible hatred , and treachery that they were forced , that they might free themselves from them , to drive 'em quite out , and to deprive themselves of so many subjects , so useful in agriculture ; which made all the world wonder at their policy , in preferring the splendour of their nobility , to their advantage and interest , and their religion to humane prudence . in changing one form of government into another , such skill should be us'd that the people mayn't perceive the change , and regret the loss of the former . it was at the expulsion of kings at rome , where all things , as well sacred and profane were manag'd with that prudence , that the people did not perceive the want of those kings , who had before the care and management of both , and afterwards when the commonwealth was turn'd into an empire , the magistrates retain'd the same titles , and the same order of the senate remain'd , with a shew of their ancient liberty , and 't was this established the empire . the dukes of tuscany did the same in the dukedom of florence . the emperour augustus was a great master of this policy : disposing things by degrees , executing some out of hand , and remitting others to another opportunity , fearing he should not succeed in endeavouring to do all together . but samuel was more worthy of admiration , in changing as he did the government and policy of the people of god , without giving any one occasion of complaint . the very shadows of liberty should be so dissipated , that they should insensibly disappear as dominion takes root ; this agricola judg'd the best way to manage britain . there is no force more mild and effectual in maintaining and preserving acquir'd provinces than liberality . men have worshipped and attributed divinity , even to things inanimate , which they have received any benefit from ; they are easily gain'd by interest ; nor do they much care what hand holds the scepter , whether foreign or natural , provided it be liberal ; they who suffer themselves to be oblig'd by benefits received , and afterwards prove false , can never do the prince any great damage by their designs against him , for no body will take the part of an ungrateful person . for this reason scipio upon the taking of carthage , order'd all their goods to be restor'd to the inhabitants ; and sertorius gain'd the affections of the spaniards by moderating their taxes , and constituting a senate in spain like that at rome , and king ervigius the better to secure his throne , lessen'd the imposts which were laid upon his subjects , and forgave all that was due to his treasury . the romans in their conquer'd provinces lessen'd their taxes , to make their dominion seem the more easie ; for subjects can better brook slavery it self , than avarice in their commanders , as the romans found in the rebellion of the frisians . a prince ought therefore to be very cautious of oppressing his new acquir'd provinces with taxes , but especially of introducing those which are us'd in other parts ; for such an introduction is odious : the cappadocians revolted , because archelaus would have introduced taxes among them , after the roman fashion . modesty is also necessary to the preservation of acquir'd kingdoms ; the senators were more disgusted at caesar's not rising up when they entred the senate , than at the loss of their liberty . which tiberius observing , carried himself reservedly and modestly toward them ; the people take more notice of accidents than the substance of things , and sometimes for frivolous empty punctilio's of honour princes lose their esteem , and become odious to ' em . sejanus thought 't was better to slight the empty shadows of grandeur , and to augment real prower . the romans valu'd not vain ceremonies , but were intent upon the increase and preservation of their empire : for which reason tiberius like a prudent politician , was a vigorous contemner of honour . nor would he ever permit the farther spain to erect temples to him , nor admit of the title of father of his countrey , well knowing the danger of inordinate ambition , when expos'd to the view of every one . for the same reason of state the dukes of florence , demean themselves with great civility to their subjects not permitting them to stop , to pay their respects when they pass by , as is usual at rome . after that castile had refus'd obedience to kings , they banish'd those high sounding titles , calling their governours only judges , that they might be the better received by the people . by the same prudence and moderation ; don ferdinand the catholick refus'd the name of king [ after the death of the queen ] and would be call'd only governour of castile . some states in italy which aspire to royal dignity , will i believe at last ( pray god i may be mistaken ) find the ill consequences of their having left their former modesty , for italy will not be able to support itself , when she shall see so many crown'd heads within her territories . 't is less inconvenient to extend the limits of any state , than to alter the form of its interiour greatness ; either through the jealousie of the nobility , or the contempt of the commons , for about those they are both mighty captious ; from the inequality of communities proceeded common government ; in which not to admit sovereignty is the means to preserve their freedom ; but if the seeds of royalty are once sown , they will produce the desire of monarchy , which puts an end to their liberty in a word , 't is peace alone ( as we shall shew elsewhere ) that preserves a●quir'd kingdoms ; provided that peace be cautious and arm'd . for so it gives opportunity to possession , to settle its government , and justifie its title , without the trouble of war which confounds all right , and gives opportunit● to turbulent uneasie spirits , and robs the commander o● his authority . wherefore a prince ought not only to endeavour to procure peace , to his new kingdoms , but also to the neighbouring provinces ; for the same sparks of fire easily catch , and the fury of arms soon embroils those that are near them . this was the reason that king philip iii. took up arms against emanuel ▪ duke of savoy , when he would have taken monferrat from the duke of mantua , his majesty endeavouring to decide those pretentions by justice , not force , nor would he suffer the ambition of one person to disturb the quiet of all italy . the same danger is at present to be fear'd , unless these animosities which have put so many princes in arms , be accommodated ; for the sword once drawn , either revenge thinks of satisfaction for affronts received , or justice of recovering her right , or ambition of extending its dominions , or mars himself of trying his strength . i conclude this discourse with four verses of tasso , in which he very judiciously , and concisely comprehends the true grounds , upon which any new kingdom should be established . emblem lx. an arrow sent from a bow , either mounts or falls , without suspending in the air ; like time present , which is so imperceptible , that it no sooner is , but is past : or like angles in a circle , where the acut● becomes obtuse , without ever forming a right angle . the first point of the arrows consistence is the first of its declination ; the higher it mounts , the nearer 't is to its fall . all things when they arrive at their highest pitch , mu●● necessarily decline : hippocrates observ'd this in human● bodies , that when they are past thriving , they immediately begin to decay . nothing in nature is permanent ; the heavens themselves never rest , no more do their effect● which they imprint on things below ; for which reason socrates attributed all changes of government to them . monarchies differ not from animals and vegetables , they are born , live and die like them , nor have they any time of consistence , so that their falls are natural . in not increasing they decrease . there is no interval in the fall of the highest fortune ; when it once begins to fall 't is impossible to stop it ; 't is more difficult for the majesty of princes to fall from the highest pitch to the middlemost , than from thence to the lowest degree . but all kingdoms don't rise and fall by the same degrees ; when they are got up to the highest point , they fall with more speed than they rose . alexander was twelve years in raising his kingdom , which decay'd in a very small time , being rent and divided at first into four , and afterwards into more principalities . the causes of the rise and fall of states are many ; those who attribute them to motion , or the power of the stars , or the number of plato , or climacterick years , deny providence the care of sublunary things . he who has design'd to make the world , will not disdain to govern it : nay to create , and not take care of the world , would be disapproving his own work . if god vouchsafed himself to paint the peacocks tail , and the butterflies wings , shall we think he will commit to chance the management of empires and monarchies , upon which depend the happiness or ruin of mankind , for whom all things were created ? 't would be impious to believe it , and to attribute the success of things to our own counsels , the highest arrogance . by him kings reign , and with his own hands he disposes of scepters , and though in their preservation he give their free course to those natural inclinations , which were either born with us , or imprinted in us by some other influence , without giving any check or restraint to free-will ; yet does god himself order and dispose them 〈◊〉 that no government was ever ruin'd , without the interv●ning of some humane folly and bindness . i cannot for●bear thinking that empires would be pepetual , if prince● would accommodate their will to their pow●● , their power to their reason , and their reason to accidents . since then prudence and humane counsel have their 〈◊〉 in the falls of empires , we may easily find the causes ther● of ; which are either general or particular ; general which comprehend all kingdoms , whether acquir'd by successio● election or conquest , and are many , but may be redu●● to four principal ones , from whence proceed the rest ; 〈◊〉 in the horizon of the world , from the four cardi●● winds proceed many collateral ones . these causes are r●●ligion , honour , life and estate ; for the conservation 〈◊〉 which civil society was first instituted , and the people ●●●came subject to the government of one , a few , or many and whenever they find themselves oppres'd in any one 〈◊〉 these four , they rebel and change the form of the govern●ment . we will therefore touch upon these , with as mu●● brevity as the subject will admit . though religion , as we said before , be the strong● bond of governments , yet is it that which disunites th●● most , and reduces them into many forms , when it is 〈◊〉 universal , for those who are of different opinions 〈◊〉 god , never live in unity among themselves . if they ●●●gree and quarrel about trivial customs and manners , 〈◊〉 much more will they about their affection and loya● due to the creator of all things , and furious zeal of ●●●derstanding things of such importance . liberty of c●●●science is the ruin of any state. those who disagree matters of religion , are to one another ( as the holy s●●rit says ) pricks in their eyes , and thorns in their sides the duty of subjects , and the greater ties of friendship , and relation are loos'd , and broken upon account of religion . king witeric was put to death by his own subjects , for endeavouring to introduce arianism , the same befel witiza for altering the rites and ceremonies of divine worship . galicia rebelled against king froilus for the abuse of the marriage of the clergy : as soon as dive sity of religions was introduced among the dutch , they rebell'd against their lawful king and master . so honour , as it is the defence and preservation of states , and the chief spur to loyalty , so it also disturbs them to clear it self from affronts , contempt and injuries , the people preferring honour before life and fortune . count iulian invited the moors into spain , because he suspected that king roderick had violated the honour of his daughter cava ; the nobles of castile took up arms against alphonsus iii. for that he would infringe their privileges , and oblige 'em to pay taxes ; as did the subjects of ramires iii. king of leon , for his severe and servile usage of them . for affronts received by the people always provoke to revenge upon the prince ; and contempt creates seditions . and this either , when the prince contemns the people , or the people the prince , which is when they don't find him fitly qualified , thinking it base to obey one who knows not to command , and make himself respected , and takes no care of the government . so the people of arragon served their king iohn i. the same thing befel iohn ii. of ●astile for his insufficiency , henry iv. for his vices , and alphonso v. of portugal , for suffering himself to be govern'd by others nor do subjects take it as ● less injury and contempt , for the prince to make foreigners his chief ministers , and to dispose of all dignities and preferment among them : for ( as king henry said ) that is declaring plainly , that his own native subjects are insufficient and unworthy * . this was the cause of the commotions of castile , in the time of the emperour charles v. the same thing happens upon an unequal distribution of honours , for that men of great spirits can't brook ; and take it as an affront , that men of le●● desert are preferr'd before them . the greatest disease of a government is incontinence and lust in the governours ; hence proceed seditions and revolutions of states , for that violates the honour of many , and is severely punished by god. one such action buried spain in ashes for many ages ; the same call'd down great plagues upon egypt . and david suffered great troubles , both in his own person , and in his posterity , who were continually persecuted and destroy'd by the sword. there is danger in those states , where many are excluded from offices ; for they are all so many enemies ▪ no man is so stupid as not to desire honour ▪ and take it ill to be deprived of it . those states also are subject to the same inconveniency , in which the magistracy is divided among a set number of the nobility , all the rest being excluded . the third cause of the revolutions and troubles of states is the desire of preserving life , that is , when the subjects think the prince so lazy , and cowardly as that he can't preserve and defend them ; or else when they hate him for his severity , as they did king alphonso iii. or for his cruelty , as they did king peter ; or for his injustice and tyranny , which endangers all their lives , as they did king ordonius , for the ill usage and murther of the counts of castile , whence proceeded the change of his state * . the last is , estates , that is when a prince idlely squanders away his subjects fortunes ; which occasion'd garcias king of galicia , to lose both kingdom and life too ; or when he extravagantly spends his revenues , which was ramon's pretence for killing ● his brother-in-law , sancho king of navarre ; or when he is very covetous , as was king alphonso ; or when through his ill management , the state suffers by scarcity , or when the price of things rises , or trade fails , which render'd the same alphonso so odious ; or when the coin is bad , as 't was in the time of peter ii. king o● arragon , and in many other kings reigns ; or when places of profit , or riches are unequally despos'd of . for envy and necessity take up arms against the rich and so raise commotions . this also happens from the male-administration of justice , from the quartering of souldiers , and from other burthens , which oppress the subjects estates and goods . besides these general causes , there are others particular to the three distinctions which i made of kingdoms , in the last emblem , which may be inferr'd from what i propos'd for their preservation ; for the knowledge of preserving a state , implys the knowledge of what will ruin it , and so on the contrary ; for all this i cannot but enlarge a little , though i run a risque of repeating what has been already said . hereditary states are usually ruined , for want of care and diligence in the successour , especially when they are considerable ; for then their greatness makes him secure and negligent , careless of all danger , and dubious in his councels . in execution timorous , least he should disturb the quiet he injoys ; he takes no care to prevent misfortunes , but thinks it sufficient if he can remedy them ; not considering that this latter is more chargeable and less effectual . he thinks bravery too dangerous ; and in procuring peace by certain idle and uncertain means , he brings a war upon himself , and so ruins himself by the very means he us'd for his preservation . this is the misfortune of monarchies , that in taking repose they find ruin , endeavouring to stop they fall , and ceasing to labour they grow feeble . ezekiel aptly represents all this in his vision of the four wing'd animals , which are the emblems of princes and monarchies : which when they went i heard the noise of their wings , like the noise of great waters , as the voice of the almighty , the voice speech as the noise of an host ; when they stood they let down their wings . but 't is not necessary to a prince's preservation to be always making new conquests , for this would be endless , and run into tyranny and injustice ; a state may easily maint●in it self within the circumference of its own circle , provided it preserves its activity and vigour , and those arts by which it at first acquir'd its gra●deur ; running water preserve their purity , but once standing they taint ; yet is it not necessary , that they should be always running ; it suffices that they keep a motion within themselves , like lakes mov'd only by the winds ; so monarchies in which discipline flourishes , and which are fenced against all accidents , are of long continuance , though they make no excursions ; for without war arts military may be exercised ; so cassius in time of peace caus'd all the old military discipline to be observed . a prince for want of exercise of his arms , should not grow wholly enervate by the sloth and laziness of peace ; but should then enterpize some glorious action , that may preserve his reputation . augustus during the repose of his empire , suffer'd not his fiery soul to be extinguish'd by the ashes of idleness , for when he wanted what to do as man , he employ'd himself as god , studying the motion of the spheres , correcting the months , and prescribing laws to time . to this end philip ii. erected that admirable fabrick of the escurial ; in which he aim'd to outdo nature her self in art , and to shew the whole world the greatness of his soul , and of his piety . but hereditary kingdoms are also in danger , when the successour forgetting the laws and institutions of his ance●●ors , thinks that the subjects duty , and subjection is from nature , and not remembring that his grandeur is deriv'd from them , he looks upon 'em as slaves , and is more bent upon his own interest , than the publick good , his administration being turn'd into tyranny . whence the people conceive a disrespect to the prince , and an odium and abhorrence of his person and action , by which the reciprocal union between the king and people is broken ; since one obeys , and t'other commands by the mutual benefit they receive , one in the splendour and grandeur of his government , t'other in the happiness of being well govern'd ; without this reciprocal bond , heredi●ary kingdoms would go to ruin , or at least suffer a change ; for the prince seeing himsel● despised and slighted by all , is in perpetual fear , from which fear proceeds cruelty , and from that tyranny ; which the nobles not being able to bear , conspire against him , and by the assistance of the people dethrone him : whence it comes that the people looking upon them as the restorers of their liberty , offer them the government , and thus aristocracy is introduc'd ; but even this soon falls into the inconveniences of monarchy ; for as their children succeed , the magistracy and government becomes hereditary , and they abuse them , and convert them to their own interest , whence the people finding themselves oppress'd by them , wrest their power from 'em , and will set up for governours themselves , as if their liberty was greater in a democracy , in which it being impossible to preserve equality , insolence , and injustice rule , from whence proceed seditions and tumults , and thence confusion , which obliges 'em to choose some one person to command 'em , and so the government becomes once again monarchical . this circle usually states run , in which they very often wholly lose their liberty , when some potent neighbour makes use of the opportunity of their commotions , to conquer and enslave them . elective kingdoms , or at least the peoples affections for the prince are lost ; when the actions of the elected prince correspond not to the opinion which had been once conceived of him ; for many appear capable of government , before they come to it , as galba did ; those who voted not for the election are in continual danger and fear , which makes them desire and contrive a change. those who assisted him with their votes , promise themselves such a share of his favour , that finding themselves disappointed in their hopes , they fall into disgust and complaint ; it being impossible for the prince to satisfie all . or whether it be that humane gratitude is tir'd with the coutinual sight of its benefactors , and looks upon them as so many creditors . subjects us'd to frequent elections are always fond of them , and still fanc● the new prince will be better ; those who have the privilege of voting take it to heart , that their power in which their honour consists should lie so long dormant and useless . the prince elected on t'other hand , proud of his power endeavours to extend it , and so break the oaths and covenants of his election , and despising the natives of the countrey , if he be a foreigner , admits only his own countreymen into offices , and endeavours only the preferment of his own family , by which he incurs the hatred of his subjects and his own ruin : for few nations can endure the command of strangers . ieremiah told this as sad tidings to ierusalem . kingdoms acquir'd by conquest are also soon lost , for luxury enervates the strength and vigour of the mind ; felicity disturbs counsels , and misleads princes from those ways by which they attain'd their grandeur ; they obtain'd it by valour , clemency and reputation , and they lose it by laziness , severity and contempt . which changing the government , changes also the affection and obedience of the subject ; the reason why the carthagenians were expell'd spain was , that they did not know that states should be maintain'd by the same arts they were acquir'd by ; which usually the conquerours of provinces are more observant , than their successours , for they imploy all their courage and wit , in attaining and preserving them , but succession makes these negligent and careless . whence 't is an observation , that those who acquire kingdoms usually keep 'em , and those who receive them lose them . the holy spirit says , that kingdoms pass from one nation to another , because of injustice , injuries and deceit . i conclude the present discourse with two cautions , first that the preservation of states does not always depend on their being far from the causes of their ruin , but sometimes on their being near them ▪ for fear creates care and diligence ; the other is , that 〈◊〉 in the person of the prince , or in the body of the state , the least ill should be taken most care of , for they increase insensibly , without being perceived till they are past remedy . a small worm destroys the tallest cedar ; the little remora stops the course of a ship under sail ; frivolous losses caus'd the ruin of the roman empire . a slight disorder of body is often more dangerous than a real sickness , for that is not minded , this diligently taken care of : we immediately apply medicines to a fever , but never heed a cold , from which the greatest distempers proceed . emblem lxi . an harp forms a compleat aristocracy , compos'd of monarchy and democracy ; understanding presides , several fingers govern , and many strings obey , not with a particular , but general and common harmony , so that the disproportion between the great and little ones don't spoil the tune . one may justly compare to a a harp every republick , in which long practice and experience , have appointed who shall command , and who obey ; in which they have establish'd laws , elected magistrates , distinguished offices , prescribed set rules and methods of government , and instituted in each part of the republick , such customs and laws as are most conformable and consentaneous to its nature . this makes the first institutions durable , and not easie to be chang'd . this harp of kingdoms and commonwealths being thus fitted up , and all the strings tun'd and dispos'd in order , though any one should ●ansie he could better tune any one of them , he ought to have a better opinion of the prudence and judgment of his ancestors , whom long practice , and dear bought experience had instructed : for some ways and methods of government , though they have some inconveniences are yet better born with than alter'd . a prudent prince tunes the strings in the same order they stand in , not changing them without time or other accidents have so discompos'd them , that they can't perform the office they were first design'd for , wherefore a prince should perfectly understand this harp of his empire , and the grace and majesty that attends it , and be throughly vers'd in the nature , qualities , and genius's of the nobility and commons , which are its main strings . for as king alphonso says in one of his laws : a king 's greatest care should be to know men , for since tis them he has to do with , an exact knowledge of them is absolutely necessary * . in this consists the principal art of government . to know his subjects is a king 's best art † . those who have most apply'd themselves to this study have govern'd with most success . many take this harp in their hand , but few can finger it with judgment , few understand its nature , and can touch it agreeably . let therefore a prince know , that a kingdom is nothing but an union of many cities and people ; and a joynt consent to the command of some one , and the obedience of the rest , which consent , ambition and force introduc'd . concord at first rais'd , and concord preserves it . justice and clemency keep it alive ; 't is the care of others safety ; its sp●rit consists in unity of religion ; its increase , preservation or ruin depends upon the parts of which it is compos'd . it admits of no companion ; is expos'd to all dangers . in it more than any thing ▪ fortune shews her inconstancy . 't is liable to envy and emulation ; 't is in more danger in prosperity than adversity ; for then it lives in security , which creates pride , from whence proceeds its ruin ; when young 't is weak , and when old decrepid ; 't is as much in danger in continual peace as in war. it falls of its self , when not exercis'd by foreign arms , and when it once begins to fall it cannot stop it self ; there is no interval between its highest elevation , and its ruin. emulation sometimes raises it , and sometimes oppresses it . if it be small it can't defend it self , if great it can't govern it self , it is better govern'd by art than force ; 't is fond of novelties though they are its bane , vertue is its health , and vice its sickness . labour raises it , and idleness is its ruin ; 't is fortified by forts and alliances , and establish'd by laws , the magistracy is its heart , counsel its eyes , arms its hands , and riches its feet . this harp is attended with a certain majesty , which is a harmony springing from the strings of the people , and approv'd by heaven . an emblem of power , and splendour of supream jurisdiction ; a certain force which draws authority and obedience to it ; the safeguard and preservation of the government . opinion and fame give it life ; love , security ; fear , authority ; ostentation , greatness ; ceremony , reverence ; severity , respect ; pomp , esteem ; in retirement the more venerable ; 't is in danger of contempt and hate . it neither bears equality nor division , for it consists in admiration and unity ; 't is constant in either fortune ; respect strengthens it ; arms and the laws maintain it ; it lasts not in pride , nor falls in humility ▪ it lives by prudence and beneficence , and dies by force and vice. the strings of a harp are the people , which are naturally monstrous , different from themselves , inconstant and various ; govern'd by outward appearances , without searching to the bottom of things ; they take counsel of report , so void of means and reason , that they cannot distinguish truth from falshood , always prone to mischief . the same minute of two contrary affections , by which they are always guided not by reason ; by violence not prudence , by the shadow not the reality . only to be tam'd by punishment . their flatteries are an aukward medly of truth and falsity ; they know no medium ; they love or hate to excess ; are extreamly complaisant , or extreamly insolent ; either fear or frighten ; and when they fear , are most contemptible . small dangers at hand terrifie them strangely , but great ones at a distance , they are unconcern'd at . if a servant slavish , if a master haughty ; know not what liberty is themselves , and will not suffer it in others . bold and courageous in words , but cowardly and base in action . they rise upon the least occasion , and are soon compos'd . do not lead , but follow ; bear themselves the same to all ; are sooner forc'd than perswaded . in success arrogant and impious , in adversity timorous and superstitious ; as prone to cruelty as mercy . equally blind in their favours as their persecutions ; they abuse clemency by licenciousness , and rebel against strict discipline ; if they once shall attack the rich , neither reason nor shame will reclaim them . they raise and are fond of stories , and by their own credulity enlarge them ; they follow the advice of the many , not the wise few ▪ they attribute ill success to the malice of the magistracy , and common calamities to the prince's f●ult . nothing makes them more supple and obedient than plenty of provisions , for upon that their care and thoughts are fixt . interest and dishonour soon put them in commotion . loaden they fall , lighten'd they kick back ; they love hot and rash spirits , and an ambitious and turbulent way of government ; they are never content with the present state of affairs , but are always greedy of change. a servile imitator of the vertues and vices of those in authority . they envy the rich and wealthy , and plot against them ; are mighty fond of plays and shews , nor is there any other way , than that to gain their favour . superstitious in religion , paying more respect to the priests than their principles . these are the chief qualities and affections of the mob . but a prince may be satisfied that there is no community , or councel , though never so great and grave , and of select persons , in which there is not something of the vulgar , and which does not in many things resemble the popularity ? the court makes another part of the strings of this harp ; which if a prince can't touch with great prudence and dexterity , the whole harmony of government is spoil'd ; wherefore that he many know to tune them well , 't is necessary he should know their nature . the court is presumptuous and inconstant , changing its colour , camelion like , each moment according as the wind of prosperity or adversity blows ; though it all speaks one language , yet all don 't alike understand it ; it worships and adores ●he rising prince , but slights him when declining towards his west ; it censures and carps at his actions , and yet imitates them ; it hawks after his favour , with the nets of flattery ; ever bent upon ambition and self-interest ; it lives by lyes and hates truth . easily swallow● vice , but vertue not without difficulty ; loves change and novelty ; fears every thing , and distrusts all . haughty and arrogant in authority , servile and cringing in obedience . envys even it self as well as others ; wonderful cunning and dissembling , in concealing its designs ; it veils its hatred with smile and ceremony . praises , and commends in publick , and defames privately . is its own enemy , fantastical in its appearance , and unperforming in its promises . this instrument of government being known , and the qualities and sound of each string , the prince ought to touch 'em with that dexterity , that they may all sound harmoniously without jarring ; in which he ought to keep time and measure , and not favour one string more than another , in those which are to make the consort , and wholly forget others ; for in this instrument of the government all have their proper functions , tho' they are unequal and easily jarr , which discord is very dangerous , when he shall grant too great authority to the magistracy ; or too much favour the commons , and slight the nobility ; or administer to some , and not to others ; or confound offices military with civil , or does not well know to sustain his majesty by authority ; his kingdom by love ; the court by gravity ; the nobility by honour , the people by plenty justice by equality ; the laws by fear ; arms by rewards ; power by frugality ; war by riches , and peace by reputation ; every one of these instruments are different , both in their nature , and the disposition of the strings , which are the subjects ; and so should be manag'd and play'd upon by different ways , and a different hand ; one kingdom is like a harp , which not only requires the softness of the fingers ends , but also the hardness of the nails too . another is more like an organ , which requires both hands to express the harmony of the pipes . the third is so delicate , like a guitarre , that it won't bear the fingers , but must be touch'd with a fine quill , to make it exert its harmony . a prince ought therefore to be well vers'd in the knowledge of these instruments , and their strings , to keep 'em always in tune , and to take care not to strain too hard upon the notes of severity or avarice ( as st. chrysostom observ'd in god himself ) for even the best string when too much strain'd , if it does not break , at least spoils the sweetness of the consort . emblem lxii . the ingenuous and industrious bee cautiously conceals the art by which it makes its combs . they are all busie , and none can find out their oeconomy and method of government . and if any one more curious than ordinary shall endeavour to inspect it , by means of a glass hive , they soon plaister it over with wax , that they may have no spyes , nor witnesses of their domestick transactions . o prudent commonwealth , mistress of the world ! thou hadst long since extended thy empire over all animals , had nature furnish'd thee with strength equal to thy prudence . let all others come to thee to learn the importance of silence and secrecy , in the management of affairs ; and the danger of discovering the artifice and maxims of government , negotiations and treaties , counsels and resolutions , the ails and inward infirmities of states ; if drusus the tribune had duly consider'd this prudence of bees , when a builder promised him to make the windows of his house , so that no body should look in , he had not given him this answer : rather , says he , so contrive my house if you can , that all may see what i do ; this was a piece of pride of an open ingenuous spirit , or the confidence of a private person , not of a publick minister , or a prince , in whose ▪ court there should be some retirements , where they may unseen treat and deliberate of affairs . counsel is like a mystery , to be communicated but to few . ancient rome erected altars to the god ( whom they called consus ) who presided over counsels , but they were subterraneous ones , to intimate , that counsels ought to be private ; by the benefit of which secrecy it grew to that greatness , and maintain'd it self so long ; for silence is the best and strongest bond of government . their senate was so close and trusty , that never any of their debates were publish'd ; there was not one for many ages who discover'd ' em . they had all ears to hear , but none tongues to divulge . i question whether the same may be said of present governments . that which was yesterday debat'd in council , is to day the subject of womens chat ; who with ease ( notwithstanding the prophet micah , coaks them out of their husbands , and so tell 'em again to others ; as it was in that secret , which m●ximus told his wife marti● , and she to livia . by these channels , those secrets soon come to the ears of foreign ambassadours , whose inquisitiveness nothing scapes . they are publick spies , and plummets that always search the bottom ; prudent are those governments , which allow them not continual residence . they are more prejudicial , than beneficial to the publick peace , and they oft'ner breed disturbances than promote tranquility . they are ever making glass hives , that they may treacherously inspect the deliberations of councils . let a prince therefore attentively indeavour to stop all those crevises , through which inquisitive curiosity may pry into his concerns . for if any enemy penetrates them , he easily prevents and frustrates them . as germanicus did , who understood all the designs of his enemies . this was the reason of the advice which sallust gave livia , that the secrets of the family , nor the counsels of friends , nor the ministery of the militia , should by no means be divulg'd . sampson in discovering wherein his strength lay to dali●h , gave his enemies opportunity of robbing him of it . private designs strike a fear upon all , and create a veneration for the prince ; and though at first they are not well grounded , yet may a prudent judgment afterwards find means to make them successful . the respect and esteem which we have for princes and common-wealths , would all be lost , if their private consultations were made publick . they are carv'd gyants , which seem tall and vast to the eye , and which frighten more than hurt , but if that fear shall approach nearer , 't will find them govern'd and fram'd by men of no higher statu●e than themselves . states which are close in their counsels , and actions are respected , but otherwise despis'd by all . how smooth and pleasant does a deep river glide along ; and how rough and uncouth that , which discovers the pebbles and weeds at the bottom ! none dare wade that , but this every one skips over . those things which opinion magnifies , the eye shews less . reverence proceeds from distance . for this reason , god when he conferr'd with moses upon mount sinai , about the laws and government of his people , he veil'd its top not only with fire , but also with a thick cloud , least any one should treacherously observe them ; he also commanded upon pain of death , that none should approach the very foot of the mountain . if god himself , is so cautious in his commands and consultations , what then should man be , whose wisest counsels are ignorance ? when their resolutions are publish'd in due time , they seem elaborate and compos'd with profound judgment ; they shew the majesty and prudence of the prince , and we believe there are reasons and considerations which we can't comprehend ; nay we many times imagine some , that the ministers never so much as thought of . but if we were to hear the debates , grounds , and reasons of their resolves , we should perhaps deservedly ridicule them . as upon the stage the actors appear , gay and splendid , and move the respect of all ; but behind the scenes is despicable misery and confusion . 't is yet more dangerous to entrust the mysteries of government to foreigners , these king henry ii. ever suspected * . and though perhaps many would be true , yet the safest way is , not to admit any of 'em to the management of affairs , especially those of the treasury ; chiefly when they are not subjects , or of equal capacity . least they should dive into the maxims of the government ; 't is our unhappy temper to slight and contemn our own , and admire all foreign commodities . we think there is no courage , knowledge , or prudence but is imported , not regarding the advice of the holy spirit : admit not a stranger within thy door , for he will raise a whirlwind against thee , and at last turn thee out of thy own dwelling . if a prince would have his counsels kept secret and close , let him himself set a good example of prudence and taciturnity . let him imitate q. m●tellus , who we are told us'd to say , that if his shirt knew his thoughts , he would order it to be burnt . let him diligently endeavour to conceal his mind ; for he who is master of his thoughts , has already the main instrument of government . this tiberius knew , who even in matters which he had no design to conceal , either naturally , or through use , always spoke intricately and obscurely ; but then most of all , when 't was discours'd of his succeeding augustus . secrets are not to be communicated to all ministers , though they are never so faithful ; but only to those to whom they some way belong , or those from whom they can't be conceal'd without greater damage . christ when he desir'd to have one of his miracles private , made only three of his apostles privy to it , thinking it not safe to intrust it to them all . the keeping of a secret requires great care ; for though we can be silence , yet it is not in our power to command the interiour passions , or to suppress that quick motion of the blood , which betrays the secrets of the heart , by the face and eyes . the mind being like the finest paper , which discovers on the other side what is written within ; so britannicus's death appear'd in agrippina's face , though she did what she could to stifle it . augustus and tiberius knew this , and because they doubted they could not enough dissemble their joy for germanicus his death , durst not appear in publick . the tongue is not the only blabb of the secrets of the heart ; man has many as great tell-tales as that about him ; as love , which being a fire gives light to , and discovers the darkest designs : anger which froths and boils over ; fear of punishment ; violence of sorrow ; self-interest , honour or infamy ; vain-glory of our own thoughts , which prompts us to disclose them before they are put into execution . in short , the weakness of the mind , either from wine , or any other accident . no caution can deceive these natural spies . nay , the more care is taken to blind them , the sooner they discover the secret. as it befel sevinus in a conspiracy , which he was concern'd in , who discover'd his care and concern through all his pretended joy , and though long use may in time correct nature , and make it more retentive , as octavia , who though very young could hide her grief and other affections ; and nero who beside his natural propensity ▪ had almost an acquir'd faculty of disguising his hate with false flatteries ; yet art can't be so vigilant and attentive , as not sometimes to forget it self , and give nature its free course , especially when urg'd and provok'd by designing malice ; which is done many ways , which i will here describe , that the prince may beware of them , and not suffer any one to fathom his private sentiments . malice then sometimes touches the peccant humour , that it may exert and declare it self . so sejanus egg'd on agrippina's relations to incense her haughty spirit , that she might be urg'd to discover her desire of reigning , and so give tiberius occasion to suspect her . injuries and affronts also do the same , being the keys of the heart . as close and reserv'd as tiberius was in his thoughts , he could not contain himself when agrippina affronted him . he who concealing his real sentiments pretends contrary ones , will soon discover peoples thoughts of them ; with which artifice the emperour tiberius us'd to fathom the thoughts of the senate , making a shew as if he would not accept of the empire . there is yet another piece of cunning , which insinuates 〈…〉 or discommending that , 〈…〉 bottom of , 〈…〉 be of the party to gain credit , and induce the other to disclose his sentiments . this way latiaris by commending germanicus , pitying agrippina's misfortune , and accusing sejanus , so ingratiated himself with sabinus , that he discover'd to him his aversion to sejanus . many questions ask'd at a time , are like so many bullets discharged at once , which no caution can avoid , and which disarm the most retentive breast ; as were those of tiberius , to piso's son ; the mind is also confounded by sudden and unexpected questions ; as tiberius on●● found , by those of asinius gallus , when though he had taken time to answer , yet he could not hide his concern so , but that afinius took notice of it . the authority of the prince , and the veneration due to majesty , are means to discover truth , and sometimes more than truth ; as tiberius found , as often as he examin'd the criminals himself . by discourse and talk , which some can promote with great dexterity , the mind is discover'd ; as by joyning the several pieces of a torn letter , you may read the sence of it , and by this method the conspirators against nero , knew that fenius rufus was of their party . from all which a prince may inferr , how difficult a matter 't is to keep a secret , and if it is safe within our own breasts , it is much less so , when committed to others ; wherefore it should without absolute necessity be entrusted to none ; 't is like a mine , which if it has too many vents the force of the powder is lost , and it proves ineffectual , but if there is a necessity of a prince's communicating his secrets to his ministers , and he seeing 'em divulg'd would know by whom , let him feign several important secrets , and commit one to each , and by that which he hears of first , he will find who was tardy before . let not these cautions seem frivolous for from very small causes , great commotions often proceed . the most potent empires are in danger of being sapp'd by the sea , if its curiosity could find but the least chink to enter at when this worm has once found the root of the secret , it soon brings the tallest tree to the ground . emblem lxiii . in all affairs the beginnings and ends ought mutually to correspond ; the form should be perfect , and not easily to be chang'd . the potter does not give his wheel so much liberty , nor use his hand so carelesly , as to form a different pot from what he began . let any undertaking be uniform and agreeable to its self . * when you begin with so much pomp and shew , why is the end so little and so low ? be what you will , so you be still the same . there is nothing more pernicious than this , inequality of actions and government , when the beginnings don't answer the ends. he makes himself ridiculous to all , who begins his reign with care and diligence , and afterwards grows negligent and careless . it had been better always to have kept the same pace though dull and slow , the commendation which the beginning of his reign merited accuses the end . galba lost his reputation , for that , at the beginning of his empire he promis'd to reform the militia , and afterwards admitted persons wholly desertless . many princes seem very good , and are very bad . many talk and discourse prudently , and act without discretion . others promise much , and perform little ; some are very valiant in peace , and mere cowards in war ; others undertake every thing and do nothing . this disagreement is much below the majesty of a prince , in whom a firm constancy should appear in all his words and actions . the people can never be firm in their obedience to a prince , who staggers thus himself . wherefore he should attentively consider , before he concludes any thing , whether in the executions of his counsels , the middle will be answerable to the beginning and end ; as godfrey advises . let him who does at great begin●●●g●●m , * make the thread even ; and both ends the same . the web of government , tho' never so finely wrought , cannot be good and strong unless it be even . nor is it sufficient to know , how to enter upon an affair , but 't is expedient too , to know how to end it . by the head and stern of a ship , the ancients represented perfect counsel , duly weigh'd from the beginning to the end . whence i took the figure of this present emblem , representing prudent counsel , careful of its beginning and end ; by a ship moored between two anchors , one a head , and the other a stern , to preserve it from the violence of tempests ; only one at the bow would be of small effect , if the wind blowing hard a stern , should drive her upon the rocks . there are three things requisite in resolutions , prudence to deliberate , diligence to dispose , and constancy to proceed . all the heat and toil about the beginning of affairs would be insignificant , if ( as it usually is ) we are careless about the end ; 't is at each end that prudence ought to cast anchor . but since prudence only regards things present and past , not future , upon which all affairs depend ; 't is necessary by discourse and reason , to conjecture and foresee what such and such means should produce ; to make use of deliberation and counsel ; which are as the wise alphonso says , the best foresight a man can have in dubious matters . and in those there 's three things to be consider'd , the probability , justice , and profit of the thing propos'd ; and also the capacity and experience of the minister , who gives the counsels ; whether he be moved by interest or private ends ; whether he offers himself to the danger , what are the difficulties of the enterprize , and upon whom the blame and honour of the event will fall . these cautions premis'd , and the matter stated , such means ought to be applys'd , as are conformable to the above mentioned qualities ; for nothing will be just and beneficial , which shall be attain'd by indirect or extravagant means : in this also should be consider'd , four distinctions of time , which occur in all affairs , but especially in diseases of states , as well as those of humane bodies , and these are the beginning , the growth , or progress , the consistence , and declension ; by which , and a timely application of proper means , the desir'd end is easily obtain'd ; as on the contrary , by transposing these methods , 't is retarded ; 〈◊〉 the course of a ship would be , if the rudder were chang'd to the head ; the art consists in selecting means proper to the ends design'd , using sometimes these , and sometimes tho●● those being not less useful and assistant which are omitted than those which are apply'd ; as in a consort of voices , where some cease while others sing , and yet all equally make the harmony . affairs will not move of themselves , tho their good disposition , and justice , or common interest seem to drive 'em , and if not guided by judgment , they certainly miscarry ; few princes would err , if they govern'd with assiduity and circumspection ; but either they tire , or else despise these arts , and will obstinately accomplish their designs by their own methods . this is the way of stubborn ignorance , but prudence uses other means . what force can't subdue , is easily obtained by dexterity , adapted to time and circumstance . so caecinus , when he could neither by prayers , nor by threats stop the flight of the german legions possess'd by a vain fear , he at last threw himself in the gate way , and by the horror , they conceiv'd of trampling over their generals body , stopt them . the same thing pompey did in another case ; one single word spoken to purpose has gained the victory . ferdinando gonsalez count of castile , having drawn up his army against the moors , a certain person putting spurs to his horse , rode out of his rank towards the enemy , and immediately the earth open'd and swallow'd him , the whole army was in a consternation at it , but the count turning to 'em : courage gentlemen , says he , if the earth can't bear us , much less will our enemies , and instantly joyning battle he gain'd the victory . that which happen'd at the battle of cirniola is not less remarkable ; an italian thinking the spaniards were routed , set fire to two waggons of powder , the great captain gonsalvo readily and cheerfully animated them with these words : courage my friends , these are the bone-fires for our victory ; which the event prov'd * ; so much it imports a minister to have a quick ready wit , and address to make use of opportunities , and by proper means to turn misfortunes to his advantage . if after the election of good ministers , and the application of proper means , events don't answer the prince's desire , let him not be discouraged , but rather shew his constancy ; for resolutions should not be measur'd by chance , but prudence . casualties which can't be foreseen , or prevented , accuse not the action ; and to blame a man for doing his endeavour is impudence . this usually befalls princes , who either want judgment or courage ; who being oppress'd by ill success , and as it were beside themselves , give themselves up to melancholy , and lose that time in vain reflections upon what has happen'd , which should be imploy'd in remedying it , quarrelling with themselves , that they did not take another method ; and laying all the fault upon him who was the author of this , not considering whether 't was grounded upon reason or no. whence 't is that ministers are afraid of declaring their opinions , and let slip many opportunities , without advertising the prince thereof , for fear of exposing their favour and reputation to the uncertainty of casualties . these inconveniences a prince ought most industriously to avoid , by persisting constant in adversity , and excusing their ministers , when they are not notoriously to blame , that they may more readily and couragiously assist him in overcoming them . and tho' there are palpable errours in some resolves and executions , yet he ought to bear it calmly ; for what is once done , as we say , can't be undone ▪ we ought to reflect upon past actions , for instruction not affliction ; it requires as much courage , to pass by faults , as to encounter dangers ; there is no empire free from ' em . he who is too timorous cannot resolve , and oftentimes irresolution is worse than errour it self . business requires a quick and ready genius ; if each particular should take up his whole time , many must of necessity be neglected , to the utmost detriment of the parties concern'd , and of the government in general . emblem lxiv . the ancients in war made use of certain chariots arm'd with scythes , which mov'd and executed at the same time ; the wheels and scythes being both govern'd by the same motion ; those were no sooner whirl'd about , but these did execution , with equal speed and effect , and are therefore in the present figure , the emblem of speedy execution ; as those fiery wheels in the throne of god , signified the activity of his power , and the quickness of his operation . let prudence ( as we said before ) chuse a fit time for consultation , but let its resolves , and executions have such a mutual correspondence , as they may both seem to move together , without any interpos'd delay . for consultation and execution should joyn hands , that they may assist each other in the production of the desir'd effects . the emperour charles v. us'd to say , that delay was the soul of counsel , and speed that of execution , and that both joyn'd together were the quintessence of a princes prudence . king ferdinand the catholick had not been so successful in his undertakings , had he not maturely weigh'd , and speedily executed his resolutions . were a prince indued with both these vertues , he would never want success , which is ever the daughter of opportunity , which once past is not to be recall'd . one minute brings us great advantage , or great detriment , wherefore demosthenes blam'd the athenians , for spending too much time in preparations , saying that opportunities would not wait their delays . if the counsel be advantageous , that time which is spent in delay deducts from its advantage . there is no room for delay in counsels which are not valuable , but in their effects . counsel is an embryo , and unless execution which is the soul thereof gives it life , it dies . 't is the product of the understanding , and an act of practick prudence , which if it exert not it self but remains in contemplation , 't is nothing but a vain imagination and fancy . resolution , says aristotle , should be executed with haste , but deliberated with leisure . iames i. king of england , advised his son to be prudent and cautious in his deliberations , firm and constant , in his resolutions , and prompt and resolute in his executions ; for that , for this last nature had supplyed the hands and feet with so many joynts and such ready motion . delay is base and mean ▪ but speed great and royal. . this vice of delay is very frequent in great kingdoms , and proceeds from their too great confidence of their power , as was visible in the emperour otho . as also from the unweildiness of the wheels , upon which its grandeur is carry'd , and least the prince should run the risque of losing what he already has , he lives content within the bounds of his own empire . that which is really laziness and sloth is call'd wisdom , as was that of the emperour galba . empires in their infancy acquire strength and vigour by dispatch , whilst the blood boyls , and the spirits of glory and ambition are active . the roman state throve by action and bravery , not by those dilatory counsels which cowards call cautions . but after they are at their full growth , their very majesty and authority supports 'em long , though that vigour and heat of glory , and ambition be extinguish'd , as the sea keeps its motion for a considerable time after the wind ceases . when therefore empires are in this vigour , i don't so much disapprove of these tedious deliberations . for so they gain more time to enjoy quietly what they have gotten : too speedy resolutions being often attended with danger . in this sence that of tacitus is to be understood , that power is better preserv'd by cautious than rash counsels . but when this age decays , and the esteem and authority of the empire begins to flag , other methods ought to be us'd , counsels should be speedy , and other means apply'd to recover its former vigour , before decrepid old age comes on , and renders it irrecoverable ; this difference of ages is not considerable in small states , but they should always be ready to spread their sails to every favourable wind , which sits sometimes this way , sometimes that . as in the circumference of the horizon , the winds rule alternatively upon the earth ; the goths and other nothern nations , had formerly very favourable winds , of which they made so good use , loosing all their sails , that they penetrated even to hercules's pillars , the then utmost limits of the world ; but this wind ceasing another succeeded more favourable to other empires . constancy in executing resolutions , whether they are the prince's own , or given him by others , is always of great importance . for want of this paetus could not triumph over the parthians . all eager and fiery spirits quickly resolve , and soon repent , they are hot at the beginning , but cold in the end of affairs ; they aim at all , but bring nothing to perfection ; they are like the animal call'd calipes , which mo●es with great haste , but advances not a foot in an hour . the management of all affairs requires conduct and valour , one to form and t'other to execute them ; to a resolv'd and brave spirit nothing is difficult ; but he who is scrupulous , and timorous , meets with a world of difficulty , and loses many lucky opportunities . great men are long in their deliberations , and jealous of what may happen , but once resolv'd they act with vigour and confidence , without which the courage sails , and not applying convenient means , wholly desists from the enterprize . there are few affairs which cannot he accomplished by wit , or which time , and opportunity cannot facilitate ; wherefore 't is not proper wholly to confound them , but to preserve 'em entire . chrystal once broken can't be rejoyn'd , and so affairs ; be the tempest never so great , ●tis safer to keep some sail abroad , than to fu●l all . most affairs die by being despair'd of . ' ti● also highly conducive , that he who is to execute orders , should first approve them , otherwise he will not ●hink 'em necessary , or else find difficulties in them , and so ●ot apply himself to them as he ought , not caring whether they succeed or no. that minister is most proper to exe●ute who first gave the counsel . for his honour and re●utation 〈◊〉 concern'd in its success . emblem lxv . a stone cast in a pond creates such a continual series of waves , that they at last become innumerable , and wholly disturb that transparent element , and calm looking-glass ; from which the species of things which were before distinctly represented , appear now in disorder and confusion . 't is the same with the mind , in which from one errour proceeds many , so that the judgment being confounded and blinded , and the waves of passion raised , the understanding can't perceive the truth of things represented , but striving to remedy the first errour falls into another , and thence into a third , which at length become infinite , and the further they are from the first the greater they are , like waves that are most distant from the stone that caus'd ' em . the reason of this is , that the beginning is said to be half of the whole , so that a small errour in the beginning correspond to the other parts . wherefore great care of the first errour should be taken , for from thence all others proceed . this is visible in m●smissa , who being checked by scipio for marrying sophonisba , thought to remedy that fault by a far greater , in poisoning her . king witiza by his vices obscured the glory of the beginning of his reign , and that the number of the mistresses he kept might not seem scandalous , he allow'd all his subjects the same liberty ; nay , and made a law for impowering the clergy to marry ; and at last finding his errours contradictory to religion , he deny'd the pope's authority , and thence incurr'd the odium of the whole kingdom , wherefore to prevent their rebelling he demolish'd the fortifications of most cities and castles , and so laid all spain open to the incursions of the moors * , and all these faults proceeding , as you see , at last occasion'd his death . the same series of crimes is visible in duke valentine : he endeavoured to build his own fortune upon the ruin of others , to which end he omitted no sort of tyranny , one piece of cruelty being follow'd by a greater , which at last cost him his state and life too , proving himself an unfortunate scholar , and machiavel , a pernicious master . the faults of princes are difficulty corrected ; for that they usually affect many ; or sometimes because of obstinacy or ignorance . great spirits which are often more ingenuous and tractable than others , easily acknowledge their errours , and being convinced of them , study to amend them , pulling down the ill built edifice stone by stone , to rebuild it with more firm and durable materials . the motto of the emperour philip iii. was , be not asham'd to alter that which was ill began . he who returns by the same way he went , will find his mistake , and soon recover the right road ; repentance would be afterward insignificant . to own you , have at last your errour found * , is of small use , when once the ship 's aground . policy is a certain chain , in which if one link be broken , the whole is useless , unless soon solder'd : a prince who knows the danger of his resolutions , yet still persists in them , is a greater lover of his own opinion , than his countrey ; esteeming an empty shadow of glory more than truth ; and while he would be thought constant , he is stubborn and perverse , 't is the general vice of sovereign power , to think it beneath 'em to retire when they have once advanced . — he thinks it brave † who grasps the scepter in his royal hand not to retreat — though the emperour charles v. was better advised , who having sign'd a grant , which he was afterwards informed was illegal and disallowable , order'd it to 〈◊〉 brought him , and immediately tore it : i had rather , say● he , tear my writing than my soul. to know ones ●●rours , and still to persist in them is tyrannick obstinacy ; but to defend them●upon pretence of honour , is to resolve to sin on , and to incourage ignorance and folly , 't is gilding iron with gold , which soon wears of , and the iron appea●● in its rusty hue. an errour corrected makes us more ca●tious for the future , and to commit faults sometimes is a means to prevent greater . so small is our capacity , that we are to be instructed by our very faults , and are taught by them how to act discreetly . 't is certain , that the be● laws and examples proceed from others crimes . the most prudent state committed many miscarriages , before it arriv'd to perfection . god alone could compleat the fabrick of this world without errour , and yet even he did afterwards in a manner repent him , that he had made man . we are sometimes more indebted to our miscarriages , than to our success ; for those instruct us , but these are only the seeds of pride and vanity . the patriarchs instruct not on●y the wise , but the sinful , 't is the shades give light to a picture , to them we owe the excellency of that art. errour does not always proceed from imprudence , time and other accidents are often the occasion of it . for that which was at first convenient , is afterwards prejudicial . the greatest prudence can't give counsel , which will be proper at all times ; which makes it necessary to alter resolutions , and repeal laws and statutes , especially when there is an apparent advantage ; or danger , or when the prince finds himself mis-inform'd of matters , upon which such resolutions were grounded . this was the reason king ah●suerus gave for recalling the sentence , which he had pronounced against the people of god , upon the unjust accusation of haman . in these and the like cases , 't is not levity of mind , but prudence to alter counsels and resolutions , nor can it be called inconstancy , but a firm zeal to be guided by reason in all things , as the weather-cock is by the wind ; and the needle by the north pole. the physician varies his medicines according to the accidents , having respect to nothing , but the recovery of his patient . the different diseases which states labour under , require different methods of cure. let a prince then think it a credit to review , and correct his decrees , and his errours too , without being asham'd of 'em to commit 'em might be inadvertency ; but to amend is prudence ; obstinacy is ever a certain sign of folly. yet 't will be prudence to make this alteration with such address and dexterity , that the people may not perceive it : for they ignorant and foolish as they are , call mistake want of prudence , and amendment , levity . but tho' i advise a prince to correct his errours , yet i would not be understood of all in general ; for some are so small and insignificant , that the danger of being censur'd for levity in the amendment of them is more than the damage they can do by continuing . so that where they will by degrees cease of themselves , without drawing on greater , 't will be better to let 'em remain . there are some of that nature , that 't is better to follow 'em , nay , and vigorously to persist in them , there being perhaps more danger in retracting ; and these frequently happen in war ; there are some affairs , in which that you may succeed , 't is requisite to use indirect means , tho' you incur some small inconveniencies , as the way to straiten a crooked stick is to bend it the contrary way ; in these cases small errours are not to be valu'd , nor their causes , nor means , provided they be not wholly opposite to honour and justice , and when the advantage to be reap'd from 'em is considerable : for so they are allowable , and ought rather to be call'd disposition to success than errours . others are so interwoven in great attempts , that like roses there is no approaching them without pricking ones hand . and this in those counsels which concern the general good of a nation , which are always prejudicial to some private persons . the bodies of states are compos'd of different and opposite parts , as to their qualities and humours , and a remedy which is apply'd to the whole body , is usually disagreeable to some part : a prince therefore has need of great prudence , to weigh and compare advantages with damages , and of a great courage to execute without hazarding the loss of those for fear of these . emblem lxvi . renovation perpetuates the most fading things in nature ; each individual eternizes it self in another , and by that means preserves its species . 't is for this the husbandman carefully preserves young plants to substitute in the room of those trees which die . he does not leave this to chance , because perhaps they will either not spring at all , or not such as he desires , or else not in proper places , nor will they of themselves grow strait and handsome , without his care in setting them while they are young ; for when once grown up no force can straiten them . the same care ought to be taken in the education of youth ' , especially in those countreys , where the constitution of the climate is apt to produce great and noble spirits , which are like fertile fields soon over-run with wood and brambles , unless their fertility be corrected by the art and industry of the husbandman . the greater the spirit is , the more dangerous it is to the state , unless timely moderated by education . a high aspiring spirit cannot contain it self ; it shakes off the curb of the laws , and is eager for liberty , and should therefore be restrain'd by art and instruction , and afterwards by being busied in some honourable exercise , but when a little more advanc'd in years , the cure for its levity is , to employ it in affairs of state ; i take this to be the reason , why some states admitted young persons into their senates . but the best way is , that which gardiners use , to transplant their young trees into another ground , that the superfluous roots may be prun'd , and the tree grow strait and tall . youth seldom thrives well in its own countrey . for their friends and relations by too much indulgence make them extravagant . in other countries 't is otherwise , for their necessity obliges them to regulate their actions , and to endeavour to gain people's esteem . at home we generally expect a little more liberty , and are apt to promise our selves pardon ; but abroad when we are not known , we are afraid of the rigour of the laws , besides travel polishes our behaviour , and corrects the roughness of our nature , and that foolish vanity , which attends our home-bred gentlemen . there languages , and men are learn't , and their manners and customs observed , the knowledge of which qualifies a man for affairs , as well of peace as war. 't was travel made plato , lycurgus , solon , and pythagoras , such prudent lawgivers and philosophers . at home men are born and die with the same fortune , but abroad they raise it . no planet is exalted in its own house , but in anothers , though not without detriment and inconveniency to it self . travel is the great mistress of prudence , if made for information , as well as direction . in this the northern people are very much to be commended , who with great curiosity and attention travel the world over to learn languages , arts and sciences . the spaniards who have greater conveniency for travelling than any other nation , because of the great extent of their kingdom , have the least inclination to it , lazily spending all their time at home , unless sometimes they are call'd out by war ; when nevertheless 't is absolutely necessary for princes , who have often occasion to bring their armies into several countries , to have a perfect knowledge of them . the two chief reasons which detain our spanish nobility at home , are first , because spain being almost wholly surrounded by the sea , 't is more inconvenient sailing , than travelling by land ; the other is a vain conceit , that they can't appear abroad without great pomp , and expensive equipage , in which strangers , though persons of the best quality are more modest . nor is it sufficient only to transplant youth , but nurseries should be also rais'd , of which vacant offices may be supply'd , to avoid the necessity of employing fresh persons , who must buy their experience at the hazard of the state. this is represented in the present device by a bundle of rods , the emblem of magistracy ; for these being planted produce more of the same ; and because in each of the three forms , that 's to say monarchy , aristocracy , and democracy , the methods of government are different , so should also the methods of education of youth , according to the different institutions and customs of each state ; and according to those things , in which they have most occasion for able men. the persians , aegyptians , chaldaeans , and romans were particularly careful about this ; but principally about the education of youth for the magistracy , the welfare or ruine of states , depending upon the capacity , or insufficiency of the magistrates , who are as it were their soul , and according to the affections of it the whole body is govern'd . there were several colleges erected in spain for this purpose , which were so many seminaries of able men for the administration of the government ; these though their institutions might seem vain and frivolous , yet were they of great use upon this account , that they first taught those to obey , who were afterwards to command . i have elsewhere said , that the knowledge of sciences was a necessary qualification for a prince , and will now examine whether it be proper for subjects , or whether the young commonalty should be instructed therein . nature has plac'd in the head , as having the command over the whole body , the understanding to apprehend sciences , and the memory to retain them . but to the hands and other parts she has given only a disposition to obedience . men at first enter'd into society , for the mutual assistance of each other , not for contemplation ; more for the conveniency of action , than the subtilty of nice speculation : the happiness of governments proceeds not from the vivacity of the wit , but the activity of the hands . the leisure of studies is imploy'd in vices , and eternizes all those upon paper , which the wickedness of the times shall invent ; plotting against the government , and raising seditions among the people . the spartans thought it sufficient to learn obedience , patience , and conquest . too subtil and learn'd subjects are always fond of novelty , continually reflecting upon the government , and disputing the princes orders , and raising commotions among the people ; obedience should be prompt not ingenious , sincere not cunning . ignorance is the principal foundation of the turkish empire . and the readiest way to ruin it is to sow literature among the people . the happiness and tranquility of the swisse proceeds from the same cause , for frivolous sophistry is forbid among them , yet are they govern'd with as much policy and prudence , as any nation whatever . study enervates the body , and deba●es the mind , giving it too quick an apprehension of danger . most men are charm'd by the pleasure , honour , or profit of learning , so that few would apply themselves to arms , or military exercise for the defence of the state , whose interest is in having its people valiant , rather rather than learned . the genteel politeness of learning , makes the mind wholly averse to all laborious exercises . study makes men melancholy , and lovers of a retired and single life ; which is wholly opposite to the design of government , which is to multiply , and raise men fit and capable of publick imployments , and such as are able to act offensively , or defensively with an enemy . the neatherlands shew us , that it is not learning and ingenuity , but arts , industry and trade , that makes a nation flourish . the germans and other nations consider'd these inconveniencies , and therefore founded their nobility upon arms , not regarding the honour and reputation of learning ; whence almost all the nobility apply'd themselves to war , and arts military . though literature conduces much to the knowledge of the true religion , yet 't is evident , that from thence arise different opinions , which create as many sects , whence proceed the confusion and ruin of empires , so that the true religion being now found , a sincere and credulous ignorance would be much safer , than a presumptuous and conceited knowledge , which is expos'd to so many errours . these and some other reasons which might be alledg'd , seem to advise an utter extirpation of learning , according to the rules of policy , which regard more the authority of the prince , than the advantage of the subject ; but these are maxims of a tyrant , not a good and just prince , who should have no other object than the honour and welfare of his people ; to whom learning is absolutely necessary to confute the errours of sectaries , which always flourish where ignorance reigns , and also to administer justice , and to preserve and improve arts military , as well as civil . for scholars are as useful in defending cities as souldiers ; as syracuse formerly found in the person of archimedes : and dole in its learn'd senate , by whose prudent counsel , ingenious machines , and vigorous and resolute defence , it resisted the whole power of france ; changing their libraries into magazines , their gowns into coats of mail , and their pens into swords , which dip'd in french blood , recorded their names and actions to eternity . 't is only too great a number of universities and students , which is prejudicial to the publick , as spain found , whence 't is highly necessary , that the greatest number should apply themselves to arts of navigation and war , not to law or speculative sciences : for which reason there should be greater incouragement given to those than the other , that men may be the more inclined to follow them ; for want of such incouragement in spain , there are so many apply themselves to learning , that there wants souldiers to defend the kingdom . this ought to be remedied by the care and prudence of the prince , who should so judiciously dispose the education of youth , that the number of scholars , souldiers and tradesmen might be proportioned to his state. the same proportion should be observ'd in those who would lead a religious monastick life , of whom too great a number is very prejudicial , both to the prince and state. though religion and piety ought not to be measur'd by the rule of policy , and in the church militant , spiritual arms are of more use than temporal , he who was the first founder of that state , will maintain and preserve it without detriment to the publick ; nevertheless since human prudence ought to believe , not expect miracles , i leave it to him whose duty 't is , to consider , whether if the number of ecclesiasticks , and religious orders should exceed the laity which should support 'em , it would not be of great detriment even to the church it self the council of lateran in the time of innocent iii. provided a remedy for this inconveniency , by prohibiting the introduction of new religions . the royal counsel of castile , also perswaded his majesty to request of the pope , that there might be none admitted into any convent under the age of sixteen years , and not be ordain'd under twenty ; but pretended piety and nice scruples of conscience , easily pass over these inconveniencies . but this proportion in those who are design'd for business or speculation , will be of small use , unless the prince also take care of the nurseries of the commonalty , which should produce a sufficient number of well qualified citizens to succeed in the room of those whom death daily takes off . the ancients were always very careful of propagation , that each individual might be succeeded by another . of the necessity of this , the romans in particular were so well satisfied , that they not only proposed rewards for procreation , but also looked upon a single life as infamous . germanicus the better to oblige the people to revenge his death among the rest of the services , he had done the government , he urg'd , that he had six children by his wise . tiberius also told it , as a good omen to the senate that drusus's wife , was brought to bed of twins . the strength of kingdoms consists in the number of subjects ; and he is the greatest prince whose state is most populous , not he whose territories are largest : for they of themselves can neither defend nor offend ; but by means of their inhabitants● , on whom all their glory depends . the emperour adrian us'd to say , that he had rather his empire should ab●und with men than riches ; and with a great deal of reason , for riches without subjects do only invite wars , without being able to defend themselves , as on the contrary , subjects without riches , want neither power to acquire , or maintain them , in the multitude of people is the king's honour : but in the want of people , is the destruction of the prince . the wise alphonso would have a prince take particular care to people his state , and that not only with commonalty , but also with nobility ; in which he judg'd with great prudence , for one without the other is like a body without a soul , the commonalty being insignificant without the nobility , which are their life , and by whose example they learn to covet glory , and despise danger . it ought therefore to be a prince's chief care , to preserve and maintain them . as augustus did , who not only caus'd hortalus to marry , but also allowed wherewithall to his quality , that that noble family might not be extinct . the germans are very circumspect in this point , for which reason they anciently gave no portion with their women , and even now give very small ones , that their vertue and nobility might be their only dowry , and that their lovers might respect the endowments of their minds and bodies , more than their fortunes , that marriages might be sooner concluded , without losing so much time in fortune-hunting ; for which reason lycurgus wholly prohibited the giving dowries to women ; and the emperour charles v. regulated them ; 't is said also , that aristotle reprehended the la●edaemonians , for giving such large fortunes to their daughters . king alphonso also advises , that a prince unless upon extraordinary occasions should not people his state with foreigners , and truly with a great deal of reason , for different manners and religions are the worst domestick enemies . this made the spaniards drive the iews and moors out of spain . foreigners introduce with them their vices , and errours , and are ready upon every occasion to rise against the natives . but this inconveniency would not be much to be fear'd , if only labourers and husbandmen were admitted , nay , this is sometimes of great advantage . so the grand signior selim sent a vast number of labourers from cairo to constantinople . the poles having elected henry duke of anjou king , among other articles 't was agreed , that he should bring with him several families of artificers . nebuchadnezzar upon the taking of ierusalem , carried away all the men of might even seven thousand , and crafts men , and smiths a thousand , and all that were strong , and kept for war , even them the king of babylon brought captive to babylon . but because this method may be too troublesome and chargeable , and also because such a supply may be insufficient , i will here set down the usual causes of want of people in nations . and these are either internal or external ; external are wars and plantations ; war is a sort of monster which feeds on humane blood ; and since 't is the interest of each state to maintain it abroad as the romans did , it must necessarily be done at the expence of the lives and estates of the subjects . neither can plantations be long ma●ntain'd , without great suppl●es of men , as we have found in spain ; for which reason the romans during the war with hannibal , and for some years after , took little care of planting new colonies ; they having more reason to recruit than weaken their forces . velleius paterculus esteem'd the planting colonies out of italy as very pernicious , because being so far distant from the heart of the empire , they could ●ot assist it upon occasion . the other causes are internal . the principal of which are taxes , want of husbandry and trade , and too great a number of holy days , the inconveniencies , and remedies of which i have set down elsewhere . the court is also a great cause of the want of people , for as a hot liver draws all the natural heat to it self , leaving other parts of the body spiritless and faint , so the pomp , ease , delight , profit , and hopes of reward at court , allure the minds of most , especially of the artificers and tradesmen , who think it a more pleasant and easie life to serve some person of quality ; than to toil at their own trade ; the nobility also , invited by the prince's presence , or the charms of the court , leave their estates in the countrey for a court life ; whence not being able to look after them , but spending their revenu●s upon extravagant and unnecessary expences , their estates become poo● and uninhabited , whereas they would have been rich and populous , had their lord resided there . the emperor iusti●●n prudently reflected upon these inconveniencies , and appointed an officer on purpose to prevent them . king iohn ii. also order'd , that all the nobility at his court should at certain times , visit their own estates , as also the emperor trojan did before him . birth-right also , especially in spain is very prejudicial to propagation ; for the eldest brother claims the whole estate ( which king theodorick thought very unjust ) , so that the youngest not having wherewithal to maintain a family , instead of marrying , either shut themselves into convents , or turn soldiers . for this reason plato call'd riches and poverty , the ancient plagues of commonwealths , knowing that almost all their misfortunes proceeded from an unequal distribution of riches . if the citizens had all an equal dividend , state would undoubtedly flourish more . but though the advantage redounding from hence wou●d be great , the preservation of the nobility by means of fie●● would not be less , for by that means they would be in a capacity to serve the prince and state ; so that those may be allowed to the ancient nobility , not to the modern , by making a law , that all relations to the fourth degree , should be joynt heirs , if not of the whole , yet of the greatest part of the estate ; thus the inconveniencies of legacies and gifts would be prevented , which are more the effects of vanity , than a design to serve the publick , as also of that religious prodigality , which observing neither bounds , nor proximity of blood , gives all to the church , not leaving so much as subsistence to brethren , or any other relations , whence families become extinct , the royal revenues are exhausted , the people impoverish'd , and unable to pay taxes , the power of those who are exempted is increased , and the authority of the prince diminished . this moses considering forbid by edict , any one from offering any more towards the work of the sanctuary , though god himself was the author of those offerings , and th●y were offer'd through pure devotion ▪ ; the republick of ●e●ice have made very prudent provisions against this . 't is necessary also , that a fit time should be observed in marriages : for if too late the succession is endanger'd , and the government would be too much expos'd to the incontinency of youth : and if soon the children being almost of the same age with their fathers , would soon forget their duty , and grudge 'em the time they live . emblem lxvii . the policy of our times presupposes malice and fraud in all things , and therefore arms it self with greater , without any regard to religion , justice or honour . it thinks nothing disallowable that is advantageous ; but as these practices are now common , they must need justle and confound one another , to the detriment of the publick tranquility , and without obtaining their propos'd ends. but let a prince cautiously avoid such doctrine , and learn rather of nature the mistress of true policy , without malice , fraud , or any ill practice , there being none so certain , firm and solid , as that which she observes in the government , of vegetables and animals , more especially that which she dictates to every man by his reason . particularly to shepherds and husbandmen , for the preservation of their flocks , and improvement of their ground : hence may be 't is , that those kings who have been chosen from the crook or the plow , have made the best governours . though the shepherd ( whose office is almost the same of a prince's ) enjoys the benefit of the wool and the milk of his flock , yet 't is with such moderation , that he neither draws blood from their duggs , nor shears their skin so close as to leave 'em wholly expos'd to the inconveniences of cold and heat . so a prince , says king alphonso ) ought more to value the common good of his people , than his own particular interest , for the common good and riches of his subjects , are as it were his own * . the husbandman cuts not down the body of the tree , for his domestick occasions , but only lops the branches , and not all of them neither , but leaves enough to sprout out and serve his occasions the next year ; but the farmer is not so careful , who is for making the best of his farm while his lease continues , not caring how much he impoverishes his ground for his landlord . this is the difference between a lawful prince and a tyrant , in respect of taxes and impositions . this having an unjust title , and fearing soon to be dethron'd , makes the best use of his time , stocking up all by the roots , fleaing instead of shearing his flock , instead of feeding them he gluts himself , and instead of defending them , leaves them a naked prey to every wolf . but a just and lawful prince in imposing taxes , considers the justice of the cause , the quantity , quality , and occasion , and also proportions them to his subjects estates and persons , treating his kingdom not as a body which is to die with him , but to remain to his posterity ; knowing that though princes are mortal , states are eternal , and since he expects a new crop from his kingdom every year , he preserves it carefully , as his best treasury , which he may make use of upon urgent occasions : for as king alphonso said in one of his laws , borrowing his thought from a precept of aristotle to alexander the great : the best and most lasting treasure of a king , is his people , when they are well defended ; according to a saying of the emperor iustinian , that the kingdom was always rich , and the exchequer full when the subjects were wealthy , and the land plentiful * . when therefore a prince raises taxes with this moderation , the subjects ought chearfully to pay them , nor can they without a sort of rebellion refuse them ; for sovereignty has no other portion , nor publick necessity any other assistance ; there is no peace without soldiers , no soldier without pay , no pay without taxes . for this reason when nero would have remitted the taxes , the roman senate oppos'd him , saying , that without them the empire would be ruin'd . taxes are the prince of peace : but if they are too heavy , and the people not well satisfied of their necessity , they soon rebel against their prince . 't was for no other reason that king alphonso sirnamed the great , grew so odious to the people , that after many troubles and vexations he was oblig'd to quit his crown ; for the same also garcios king of galicia lost both his kingdom and life too † . k. henry iii. consider'd this danger , when being advised by some , to raise new taxes to defray the expence of war , he answer'd , i fear the discontent of my people more than my enemies . money collected from unjust taxes , is mingled with the subjects blood , as was seen to drop from that piece which st. francis of padua broke in the presence of ferdinand king of naples , and this ever crys for vengeance against the prince . great taxes therefore ought not to be rais'd till the people be well convinced of the necessity o● them ; for when they are satisfied of that , and of the justice of the cause , they patiently bear the heaviest impositions , as we see in those which were rais'd by k. ferdinand ivth , and in the grant which the parliament , of toledo made of a million , in the times of henry iii. permitting him also to raise more of his own accord , to carry on the wars against the moors . for though 't is not for private persons to examine into the justice of taxes , though they cannot often apprehend the causes of expences , nor can they be communicated to them without evident danger , yet are there some general reasons which they may without damage be inform'd of , and though natural and divine reason do allow the power of levying impositions to the prince , without the subjects consent , when they are just and necessary ( as king alphonso us'd to say ) yet will a prudent prince so manage the matter , and dispose the minds of his subjects , that it may seem to be done with their approbation ; taxes are ( according to the scripture ) the bridle of the people ; they keep them in obedience , and uphold the prince's authority . those who are free from all taxes are ungovernable ; yet this bridle should be so easie , as not to gall them too much ; as king flavius herwegi●s prudently consider'd in the thirteenth council of toledo , saying , that that government was best which neither oppress'd the people with too great taxes , nor made them remiss and negligent by too little * . the command which princes have over the lives of their subjects , is executed without danger , it being done by law , which punishes some as examples to the rest ; but not so that command which they have over their goods and estates , for that comprehend● all in general , and people are more sensible in what concerns their estates than their bodies ; especially when they are got by sweat and blood , and are to be imployed to supply the prince's luxury . in which that remarkable action of k. david ought to be consider'd , when he refus'd to drink the water which his three soldiers brought him from amidst the enemies camp , least he should seem to drink the blood of those men . 't is no good policy to impoverish the people by taxes the better to keep them in obedience , for though poverty , whether original or accidental , debases our spirits , which always rise and fall with our condition ; yet does oppression provoke our minds , and urge us to rebellion . all the israelites that were in distress , and every one that was in debt , and every one that was discontented joyn'd david against saul . the people are always most obedient when they are richest . the plenty of egypt made the people of god , though very severely us'd , forget their liberty ; but afterwards when they came to want in the wilderness , they complain'd heavily of their slavery and bondage . when a kingdom is given upon condition , that no taxes shall be levy'd without its consent , or if this be afterwards provided by some general decree , as was in the parliament of madrid , in the time of king alphonso xith . or when it has acquired this privilege by long prescription , as in spain , and france ; in such cases the prince must wait the consent of the parliament , least he should expose himself to the same danger , as charles viith . of france did formerly , when he went to raise a certain tax without communicating it to his council . 't is also of great advantage to a prince to be so well es●eem'd of his people , that from their opinion of his zeal for their good , they may think whatever taxes he imposes upon them are just and reasonable , and blindly agree to whatever he proposes , committing themselves wholly to his prudence and management , as the egyptians did to ioseph's , when he exacted the fifth part of their estates . when the people have once this confidence in the prince , he ought diligently to take care , not to burthen them without sufficient cause , and mature deliberation . but if necessity does require it , let him at least take care that the taxes be well expended ; for the people take nothing more hainously , than to see no advantage from their oppressions , and to see their estates squander'd away to no purpose . they are also very uneasie to see taxes continued , when the occasion for which they were rais'd is over . as 't was in vespasian's time , when the taxes rais'd for the necessity of war were continued in time of peace . for afterwards subjects dread them , and grudge to pay them though never so small , thinking that they will be perpetual . queen mary gain'd the hearts of her subjects , and preserv'd their loyalty in the most difficult times , by remitting the excise which her husband king sancho ivth . had laid upon provisions . 't is difficult to perswade people to part with their money to maintain a foreign war , nor can they easily apprehend how much it conduces to their interest , to keep war from their own doors , and maintain it in foreign states , and how much safer is the defence of a shield than that of a helmet , that being farther distant from the head. the purblind mobb can seldom see so far . they weigh rather the present burthen , than the future benefit , not thinking all the riches of the kingdom will be afterwards too little to make good the damage they have suffer'd by their obstinate negligence . it requires therefore , all the prudence and dexterity of a prince to make them know their interest . in raising taxes , care ought always to be taken not to oppress the nobility : for exemption from taxes being the chief distinction between them and the commons , they can't brook to see themselves degraded , and their privileges violated , which were acquir'd by the valour and vertue of their ancestors . this was the reason why the nobility of castile took up arms against henry iii. who tax'd 'em at fi●e marvedees of gold apiece , towards the charge of the war. neither should taxes be laid upon such things as are absolutely necessary for life ; but rather upon toys , curiosities , pride and vanity : for so besides correcting luxury , they would fall in the greatest measure upon the rich , and would be encouragement to husbandmen and tradesmen , which part of the government ought most to be cherished and supported ; so the romans laid great taxes upon the spices , pearls and jewels , which were imported from arabia ; as alexander severus did upon those offices which tended more to debauchery , than use and necessity , 't is the readiest way to reformation , to inhance the price of vanity . there are no taxes paid more easily than those which are laid upon commodities imported ; for the greatest part of them is paid by foreigners ; wherefore in england the royal revenue is very prudently raised from these kind of taxes , the kingdom it self being exempt . the greatest inconveniency in raising taxes and excise is , in the collectors and receivers , who are often more burthensome than the taxes themselves ; for there is nothing that the subjects take more grievously , than the violence and importunity of these sort of men in collecting their money . 't is an observation that only sicily endur'd them with patience : god himself complains of them by the prophet isaiah , that they oppress'd his people . in egypt some prophet was always president of the customs , for they thought it not safe to trust 'em to any but god's immediate servant ; but now they are committed to pedlars and broakers , who wreck a ship in port , which had escaped the fury of the wind and sea , like robbers plundering travellers of their goods and money . what wonder therefore that trade decays , and that riches and merchandice are not imported , if they are expos'd to such as these , who plunder 'em by authority , what wonder , i say , that the people complain of taxes , if for one shilling that comes to the king , ten goes to the collectors and receivers for this reason , when in the parliament of guadal●jara , the kingdom of castile offer'd to raise ducats , it was upon condition , that they themselves should keep books of the receipts and disbursements of it , that they might know what was imployed to the publick interest , and how it was expended , without trusting it to the management of those who had the government of the kingdom during the kings minority . for the same reason , the people of france propos'd to king henry ii. that if he would discharge his collectors , they would themselves pay in their assessments , where-ever he should order ; which the king had agreed to , had not some of his ministers disswaded him . the kingdoms of castile have often offer'd the same thing , nay , and also to pay off the crown debts ; but 't was judg'd that it would be a diminution to the royal authority , to be instructed and tutor'd by the kingdom , and besides , that such a power could not be without danger . but i believe the true reason was , that the court was unwilling to lose so many beneficial offices , and such ready means of getting money . a prince's credit consists not in the administration , but in the possession of riches . the roman state was not less careful of their authority than any other , yet by reason of the trouble and charge of collecting , it order'd each province to collect and pay in their own taxes ; taking care to keep the officers in their duty , that they might not oppress the people through avarice and extortion ; in this tiberius took particular care . modesty in the collecting of one tax , obliges the people more readily to grant others . emblem lxviii . the ingenious greeks included in certain pretty fables , as the aegyptians in hieroglyphicks , not only all natural philosophy , but also moral and politick ; either to hide them from the vulgar , or else that they might be the better imprinted in their minds , by these pleasant and delightful fictions . so , to represent the power of navigation , and the riches thereby acquir'd , they feign'd , that the ship argo ( which was the first that durst venture upon the main ocean ) obtained the famous fleece , which instead of wool , yielded gold ; for which glorious exploit it was consecrated to pallas , the goddess of war , and placed amongst the constellations , as a reward of such dangerous voyages : shewing the world , that by the help of oars and sails , they might make way through mountains of waves ; and by the assistance of the wind , carry arms and merchandise all the world over . this morality , and the preferment of that ship to the skies , occasion'd me to draw two in this present emblem ; as the poles of the globe terrestrial , to shew that navigation is the support of the world , by commerce and arms : these poles are movable , but in their motion consists the stability of empires : there 's scarce any monarchy which has not receiv'd its rise and preservation from thence . if the grandeur of spain were not supported by both those poles , the mediterranean and ocean , it would soon fall : for 't is evident , that provinces so distant from one another , would be in imminent danger , were it not , as 't were , united by oars and sails , and timely supplied with recruits for its support and defence : so that ships and gallies seem to be nothing but a kind of sea-bridge . for this reason , the emperor charles v. and ferdinand duke d' alva , advis'd king philip ii. to maintain a great fleet at sea. king sisebutus well knew the advantage of it , being the first that kept a fleet upon the spanish seas . themistocles gave the same adice to his state ; and the romans made use of it afterwards to conquer the world. this element begirts and conquers the earth : in it strength and speed are united ; and whoever can make use of them with valour , has the world at command . arms at land attack and terrifie only one nation , but at sea they alarm the whole world. there is no circumspection , or power sufficient by land , to defend the sea coasts . 't is the sea which has civiliz'd all nations , which had been rude and barbarous , without the use of navigation and commerce , which has taught 'em to know one another's languages and customs : this antiquity meant , when they feign'd that the rudder of the ship argo spoke ; intimating , that by the help of that , foreign languages were learn'd . 't is navigation that supplies each nation with the goods and riches of others , all nations mutually furnishing each other with what they want ; which advantage promotes that mutual love and correspondence between men , which is necessary for their reciprocal assistance . this marine power is more necessary for some kingdoms than others , according to their several situation and disposition . the asiatick monarchies have more occasion for a land than sea force . venice and genoa , of which one lies upon the sea , the other near it , being utterly unapt for husbandry and agriculture , apply themselves wholly to navigation : and as long as they maintain'd their power at sea , they were the terrour and glory of the world. so spain , which is in a manner surrounded with the ocean , must establish its power at sea , if it would aspire to universal monarchy . the situation of its ports is very commodious , not only for the support of such force , but also for hindring the navigation of other nations , who , by our trade , get riches and strength to make war upon us afterwards . for which reason , 't will be convenient to provide sufficient security for commerce and traffick , they being the principal causes ; 't is they turn all the ports into magazines and stores , furnishing the kingdom with all things necessary , making it flourish , and grow populous . these and other conveniences the prophet ezekiel intimated , in the allegory of the ships which belong'd to sidon ( a city situate at the entry of the sea , ) which was full of merchants and mariners . they of persia , and of lud , and of phut , were in its armies , men of war : they hang'd the shield and helmet in it , they set forth its comeliness . tarshish was its merchant , by reason of the multitude of all kind of riches ; with silver , iron , tin , and lead , they traded in its fairs . in a word , there was nothing in any nation , which was not sold in its fairs ; so that it might be truly called glorious in the midst of the seas . we find also its prince exalted , and lifted up by its traffick . the republicks of si●● nineveh , babylon , rome , and carthage , flourish'd bo●● in war and peace , as long as they maintain'd the●● trade and commerce . when venice and genoa fail'd ● traffick and navigation , their grandeur and glory soon faded . holland , situate upon a barren sand , 〈◊〉 capable of being manur'd by either spade or plow supports very numerous armies by their trade an● commerce ; and maintains such populous cities , as the most fertile plains would not be able to supply . fr● ●● has neither mines of silver nor gold , yet does it enri●● it self by its trade in several kind of toys and guga● in iron , lead and tin : whereas we , through laziness , neglect these riches , which the conveniency 〈◊〉 the sea offers us . we , with great toil and danger bring home the treasures of both the indies , as diamond● pearls , spice , &c. without proceeding any further ; where●as other nations reap the benefit of this our labour , b● transporting them into all the countries of europe , asia and africa . we support the genouese with gold 〈◊〉 silver to trade with , and afterwards pay 'em extravaga● prices for their commodities , so paying interest for o● own money . we furnish other nations with silk● wool , steel , iron , and many other commodities which , after they are wrought , are brought to us again and we buy them at a prodigious rate , by reason of th● carriage and workmanship : so that we pay very de● for the ingenuity and industry of other nations . th●● bring us trifling , insignificant ware , and carry hen●● our substantial gold and silver . whence it is , ( ● king henry ii. said ) that foreigners , nay , sometimes 〈◊〉 very enemies , grow rich and powerful , while our own 〈◊〉 are impoverish'd and beggar'd . this the emperor tiber●● formerly complain'd of , when he saw the extravagan● of the roman ladies in pearls and jewels . yo● r. h. would gain immortal honour , in encouragi● and promoting trade and navigation , both in the citizens and nobility ; for the products of the earth are not more natural than those of traffick and commerce . the kings of tyre did not disdain to trade ; and the fleets which solomon sent to tarshish , carry'd not only necessaries , but also merchandize and effects to trade with , that he might exceed all the kings of the earth for wisdom and riches . we read , that pompey put out his money to use. the nobility also of rome and carthage thought it not beneath 'em to traffick . rome instituted a college of merchants ; whence , i believe , the dutch took the institution of their companies . how much more commodiously might spain establish them , by securing them with men of war ; which would make it not only rich , but formidable . these conveniencies the kings of portugal considering , setled their commerce in the east , by force of arms ; maintaining their arms by their trade ; and by the help of both , founded a new and large empire ; establishing religion , before unknown to those remote countries : as it was also to the western part of the world , till introduc'd by the valour and prowess of the castilians , who instructed that heathen country in what before they never so much as heard of ; so that receiving from them the true religion of the gospel , and the mysterious bread of the encharist , brought them so far , that they cried out for joy , with the prophet isaiah , who hath begotten me these ; seeing i have lost my children , and am desolate , a captive , and removing to and fro ? and who hath brought 〈◊〉 these ? behold , i was left alone , these , where had they ●een ? 't would be also conducive , that if , as the romans formerly establish'd garrisons at constantinople , rhodes , ●pon the rhine , and at cadiz , as in the four principal angles of the empire ; so now the spaniards should erect military orders in several places in the mediterranean and ocean , who might cruise about the seas , and clear them of pyrates , and secure our trade with other nations . these badges of honour and nobility , are sufficient rewards for vertue and valour ; and the presidency of these orders are rich enough to give a beginning to so glorious and royal an undertaking . but if their revenues should not suffice , nor the crown be willing to be depriv'd of so many noble posts , the administration of which is invested in it by the apostolick see , some ecclesiastical rents might be apply'd to that use . this was the advice of king ferdinand the catholick , who would have constituted the knights of st. iames at oran ; and the orders of alcantara , and calatrava , at bugia and tripoli ; having obtained leave of the pope , to convert the revenues of the conven●● del villar de venas , st. martin , in the diocese of saint iames , and that of oviedo , to that use . but by reason of the war , which soon after broke out in italy , this design was not accomplish'd , or perhaps because god reserv'd the glory of this institution for some other king. nor is the state-objection , against intrusting such potent offices to the nobility , of force . military orders were , 't is true , the occasion of so many rebellions in castile : yet now , when the power of our king is enlarg'd by the addition of so many crowns , tha● inconveniency is not to be fear'd ; especially if these orders were setled out of spain , and the presidency of them ingrafted , as it were , in the crown . emblem lxix . divine providence would not suffer this monarchy of the world to be one moment without gold and iron ; one to preserve , and the other to defend it : for if it did not create them at the same time with the world ; yet did the sun , the second governor of all things , immediately after its creation , operate in purifying and refining the mineral matter , and locking it up in mountains , as in publick treasuries ; where also mars , after the matter was harden'd and re●in'd into iron and steel , erected his armory . arms are the hands of governments ; and riches their blood and spirit : and if these don't supply the hands with strength , and they again preserve and defend them , the whole body will soon fall , and be expos'd to ruine and violence . pliny tells of a sort of ants , in india , which instead of grains of corn , heap up grains of gold. nature has not granted those laborious animals the use of this metal ; yet it would have them , like masters , inform every government of the importance of laying up treasure . and though it be the opinion of some statesmen , that hoarding up riches , serves for nothing but to invite enemies , as hezekiah found , when he had shewn his treasure to the embassadors of assyria ; and as the egyptians knew , who , for this reason , employ'd all their royal revenues in building ; yet are their reasons invalid , and these two examples of no force : for 't was not hezekiah's shewing his riches , that brought the war upon him ; but his vanity and pride , in putting his trust in them , more than in god : 't was this that made isaiah prophesie , that he should lose all that he had . nor did the egyptians employ their treasure in building , through fear of losing it , but through vain-glory , and a design to amuse the peoples minds , as we shall observe in its proper place . if a prince amasses treasure , through avarice , not making use of it , when occasion requires , to defend his country , and offend his enemy , and , to save charges , leaves his state unprovided of arms and men , he will soon invite his enemies to forge keys to open his chests , and plunder him of his riches . but if he applies those treasures to the use and service of his state , he will at once strike an awe and respect into his enemies . for riches are the nerves of war : 't is they procure friends and allies . in a word , a full exchequer does more execution than artillery , fleets , or armies . when thus apply'd , hoarding riches , and moderation of expences , are not avarice , but prudence ; as was that of king ferdinand the catholick , who , while living , was call'd miserable and covetous ; but after his death , was clear'd of that aspersion , he leaving behind him but a very inconsiderable summ ; whatever he hoarded , he used to expend upon the fabrick of the kingdom , placing his glory not in spending , but in having what to spend . it must be observ'd , that treasures are sometimes collected with a true and heroick design , to execute some great and glorious action : yet does this , by degrees , dwindle into avarice , and the ruine of states happens before the treasury is open'd for their relief . man's mind is easily taken with the love of riches , and is wholly possess'd with a desire of obtaining them . nor is it sufficient , that these treasures be divided among the whole body of the state , as chlorus in eutropius desired : for riches secure the prince , but endanger the people . cerealis told the people of treves , that their riches were the chief cause of their wars . when the publick is poor , and private persons rich , misfortunes arrive , before they can be prevented . counsels are prejudiced ; for the people avoid those resolutions , which seek to redress the publick grievances , at the expence of particular persons , so that they can very difficultly be induced to make war. aristole , for this reason , blam'd the constitution of the common-wealth of sparta , it having no publick treasury . and if the people are more intent upon their own private , than the publick interest , with how much regret will they be induced to remedy the grievances of the publick , at their own particular expence ? the republick of genoa feels this inconveniency . and plato ascribes the ruine of that of rome to no other cause , in an oration which sallust says he made in the senate , against the accomplices of cataline's conspiracy ; having ( as st. augustine explains it * ) stray'd from their first institution , in which private persons were poor , but the publick rich. of which horace complains † : non it a romuli praescriptum , & intonsi catonis auspiciis , &c. great princes , relying too much upon their own power , lay aside all care of laying up treasure , or of preserving what they already have ; not considering , that if the necessity of their affairs should require money , they must be oblig'd to oppress their subjects with taxes , to the great hazard of their fidelity ; and the greater the kingdom is , there will be need of greater expence and charge . princes are briareus's , who , what they receive with fifty hands , spend with a hundred ; nor is any kingdom rich enough to supply the extravagance of one . clouds , in one hour , spend all the vapours which they have been many days in collecting . those riches which nature had for many ages hoarded up in the close treasury of the earth , were not sufficient for the extravagant prodigality of some of the roman emperors . and this extravagance is usual to successors who find the treasury filled to their hands : for they spend that carelesly and lavishly , which they never knew the trouble of acquiring ; they soon pull down the banks of the treasury , and drown their state in pleasure and luxury . in less than three years time , caligula squander'd away sixty six millions of gold , though then one crown was as much as two now . power is self-will'd and foolish , and should therefore be corrected by prudence ; for without that , empires would soon fall to ruine : that of rome seem'd to decline , from the time that the emperors began to squander away its treasures . the world is wholly ruled by arms and riches . which is represented in the present emblem , by a sword and golden bough , which a hand holds over a globe ; to intimate , that by both these the world is govern'd : alluding to virgil's story of aeneas , who , by the help of both these , conquer'd even hell it self , and subdued its monsters and furies . the sword wounds most , whose edge is gold ; and valour without conduct , and magazines without treasuries , are insignificant . a prince ought therefore to consider , before he declares war , whether he is sufficiently furnish'd with these means to prosecute it : for which reason , 't will be convenient , that the president of the treasury should be one of the council , that he may give an account of the state of the revenue , and what grounds they have to proceed upon . power ought to be cautious and circumspect , and diligently consider of what it undertakes . prudence does the same in the mind , as the eyes do in the head ; without that , kingdoms and states would be blind : and polyphemus , who having once lost his eye by the cunning of vlysses , in vain threw stones about , and storm'd for revenge : so will they vainly squander and throw away their treasure and riches . what prodigious summs have we seen spent in our times , upon some vain fear , in countermining enemies designs , in raising armies , and making war , which might have been avoided by a friendly composition , or by dissimulation ? how much in subsidies and taxes ill apply'd , and in other necessary expences , by which princes , thinking to make themselves powerful , have found the contrary : the ostentations and menaces of gold extravagantly and unseasonably squander'd away , render themselves ineffectual , and the second are less than the first , for one weakens the other . strength lost , is soon recruited ; but riches once spent , are hard to be recover'd . they ought not to be us'd but upon absolute necessity . aeneas did not first shew the golden bough , but offer'd to force his passage with his sword. the chief unsheath'd his shinning steel , prepar'd , though seiz'd with sudden fear , to force the guard. but when he found that neither force nor fair means could oblige charon to waft him over , the golden bough was produc'd , which had been hitherto conceal'd : at the sight of which , the angry god was pacified . * if neither piety , nor heaven's command , can gain his passage to the stygian strand , this fatal present shall prevail , at least , ( then shew'd the golden bough , conceal'd within her vest. ) no more was needful ; for the gloomy god stood mute with awe , to see the golden rod , &c. let princes therefore take care to keep those eyes of prudence upon their scepters , clear , and quick-sighted , not disdaining oeconomy , which is the safety and preservation thereof ; princes being , as 't were , the fathers of their people . the great augustus condescended , as we have said before , for the good of the publick , to take the accompts of the empire with his own hand . spain had had long since the universal empire of the world , if it had been less extravagant in war , and more regular and methodical in peace ; but through a certain negligence , the usual effect of grandeur , it has suffer'd those riches which should have render'd it invincible , to be made use of by other nations . we purchase them of the simple indians , for toys and baubles ; and afterwards , we our selves , as silly as they , permit other nations to export them , leaving us brass , lead , or some such worthless commodities , in their stead . 't was the kingdom of castile , which , by its valour and prowess , erected our monarchy ; yet others triumph , and that suffers , not knowing how to make good use of the vast treasures which are brought to them . so divine providence , in a manner , levels and equals states ; giving to the great ones strength , without industry ; and to the little , industry to acquire strength . but lest i should seem only to discover wounds , and not heal them , i will prescribe some remedies ; not drawn from the quintessence and nicety of speculation , which are approv'd at first , when new , but afterwards rejected by experience ; but such as natural reason shall suggest , and such as ignorance slights as vulgar . the chief wealth and riches of nations , are the fruits of the earth ; no mines in the world being richer than agriculture . this the aegyptians knew , who made the lower end of their scepters like a plow-share ; to intimate , that its power and grandeur was founded upon that : the fertile sides of vesuvi●s , are richer than potosus with all its gold. 't is not by chance , that nature has so liberally imparted the fruits of the earth to all , and hid gold and silver in the very bowels of the earth : it made those common , and expos'd them upon the superficies of the earth , on purpose for man's nourishment ; and hid these in the bowels thereof , that they might not easily be dug out , and refined , knowing they would prove the bane and ruine of mankind . spain was , in former times , so rich , almost only from the fruits of the earth , that lewis king of france , coming to toledo , in the time of king alphonso the emperor , was surpriz'd at the splendour and magnificence of that court , affirming , that he had not seen the like in all that part of asia or europe , which he had travell'd through , in his voyage to the holy land. such was then ●he grandeur of one king of castile , though distracted with civil wars , and the greatest part of his kingdom possess'd by the moors . there are some authors affirm , that there was in this kingdom , in the time of the holy war against the heathens , a rendezvouz of a hundred thousand foot , ten thousand horse , and sixty thousand waggons ; and that king alphonso iii. daily paid both the soldiers , captains , and generals , according to their office and quality . these vast expences and provisions , which at present seem incredible , the single kingdom of castile could afford ; nay , and at the same time maintain'd a greater number of enemies , without the assistance of foreign riches ; until a certain biscayner , roving upon the sea , by fortune , got a sight of this new world , either unknown to , or forgotten by the ancients , and preserv'd for the honour of columbus , who , after the death of this spaniard , diligently considering the observations that he , the first discoverer had made , undertook to demonstrate the discovery of the provinces which nature seem'd designedly to separate from us by mountainous waves . he communicated this his project to several princes , hoping , by their assistance , to facilitate his great and difficult enterprize : but all slighted it , as vain and notionary . which if they had done through prudence and caution , and not distrust and misbelief , they had merited the same praise which carthage gain'd of old ; which , when some sailors were boasting in the senate , of the discovery of a wonderful rich and delicious island , ( supposed to be hispaniola ) caus'd 'em immediately to be put to death , thinking the discovery of such an island would be of more detriment than advantage to the commonwealth . columbus , at last , applies himself to their catholick majesties , ferdinand and isabella ; whose generous spirits , capable of many worlds , could not be content with one alone . so that having received necessary assistance , he put to sea ; and after a tedious and hazardous voyage , in which he encounter'd as great danger from the diffidence of his companions , as from the sea it self , he at last return'd to spain , laden with gold and silver . the people flock'd to the shore of guadalquivir , to admire these precious products of the earth , brought to light by the indians , and thither by the valour and industry of their countrymen . but this great plenty of them soon perverted all things ; the husbandman soon leaves plough , gets into his embroider'd silks , and begins to be more curious of his tawny , sun-burnt hands ; the merchant steps from his counter into his sedan , and lolls it lazily about the streets ; workmen disdain their tools , and all , forsooth , must now turn gentlemen . no money is current now but silver and gold ; and our coin being wholly unmix'd and pure , is coveted and desired by all nations . gold and silver now growing common , all things raise their price . in fine , it befel our kings , as it did the emperor nero , whom a certain african put a trick upon , telling him , in his grounds he had found a vast treasure , which he believ'd queen dido had buried there , either lest too much riches should enervate the minds of her subjects , or lest they should invite others to invade her kingdom . which the emperor giving credit to , and thinking himself already sure of the treasure , squander'd away the old stock , upon the hope of these new-found riches : the expectation of riches being the cause of the publick want . cheated by the same hopes , we were persuaded that we had no more need of fix'd and standing treasuries , but think our ships sufficient , not considering that all our power depends upon the uncertainty of the winds and seas ; as tiberius said the lives of the romans did , because their provisions were all brought them from foreign provinces . which hazard aleto consider'd , when dissuading godfredo from going to the holy wars , he said , * shall then your life upon the winds depend ? and as mens hopes are generally above their estates , state and pomp encreases ; the salaries , wages , and other charges of the crown are enlarged , out of confidence and expectations of these foreign riches ; which being afterwards ill and negligently managed , were not sufficient to defray such expences : and this made way for debts , and those for usury and interest . necessity daily encreas'd , and occasion'd new expences : but nothing was so prejudicial to the publick , as the alteration of the coin ; which , though not consider'd , should be preserv'd in as much purity as religion it self ; the kings , alphonso the wise , alphonso xi . and henry ii. who did offer to alter it , endanger'd both themselves and kingdoms ; and their misfortunes ought to have been a warning to us . but when ills are fatal , neither experience , nor example , can move us . king philip ii. deaf to all these cautions , doubled the value of copper coin , which was before convenient for common use , and answerable to bigger money . foreigners coming to understand the value that the royal stamp gave to this paultry metal , began to traffick with nothing else , bringing us in vast quantities of copper ready coin'd , in exchange for our gold , silver , and other merchandise : which did us more damage , than if all the monsters and venomous serpents of africa had been brought among us : and the spaniards , who us'd to ridicule the rhodians for their copper money , became themselves the jest and laughing-stock of the whole world. trade was ruin'd by this troublesome , scoundrel metal , all things grew dearer , and , by degrees , scarcer , as in the time of alphonso the wise. buying and selling ceas'd , and at the same time the revenues of the crown were diminish'd , so that new impositions and taxes were unavoidable ; whence , for want of commerce , the wealth of castile was spent , and the same inconveniencies renew'd , proceeding one from another in a pernicious circle ; which will at last prove our ruine , unless a remedy be timely apply'd , by reducing that king of money to its former and intrinsick value . who would not think that this world must be subdu'd by the riches and wealth of the other ? and yet we see there were greater exploits perform'd formerly by pure valour , than since , by all these riches ; as tacitus observ'd , in the time of vitellius . foreign nations did soon after find the same damage , from the discovery of the indies , from their too great dependance upon their riches ; all things grew dearer with them ; as with us , their expences surmounted their revenues : in a word , they suffer'd all the same inconveniencies with us ; which were so much greater to them , as being farther distance from those provinces ; and the remedy of gold and silver which is brought us from the indies , and which they must receive from us , being more uncertain . these are the inconveniencies which the discovery of the indies caused : in knowing the causes of which , we know also their remedies . the first , is , not to neglect agriculture , upon hopes of those riches : those which we receive from the earth , being more natural , sure , and common to all : wherefore husbandmen should be encourag'd and exempted from the oppressions of war , and all other incumbrances . the second , is , that since all things are restored by the contrary means to which they were ruin'd , and the expences are greater than the hopes and expectation of those metals ; the prince should , like a prudent governor , provide , as the senators of rome advis'd nero , that the publick revenues should rather exceed , than fall short of the expences ; that he should moderate those that were superfluous and unnecessary : imitating the emperors antoninus pius , and alexander severus , the last of which us'd to say , that 't was the part of a tyrant , to support them with the intrails of his state. such a reform would only disgust some few , not the whole nation . and if abuse or imprudence has rais'd the salaries of offices , and charges in peace and war ; and if they are only introduc'd by vanity , under the title of grandeur ; why should they not be corrected and reform'd by prudence ? and as the greater the kingdoms are , those abuses will be greater ; so also will be the effects of this remedy . frugality is the best revenue . gold once spent , returns not . by damming up the streams , the fountain-head rises . and the way to keep silver , is to fix the mercury of it ; that being the true and approv'd philosopher's stone . wherefore , i am satisfy'd , that if a prince be inform'd by his ministers , of all superfluous expences by sea and land , and would resolve to moderate them ; he would soon find himself enabled to pay his debts , lessen his taxes , and fill his treasury . as king henry iii. who finding the crown much in debt , consulted with his parliament , how to remedy it : and they could not find a better expedient , than what we have here propos'd ; that is , to reduce salaries and pensions , and regulate superfluous expences . the treasurers also , and other officers in the treasury and exchequer , should be reduc'd to a less number , as also the collectors of taxes , who all , like the thirsty sands of africk , soak and drink up all the streams of the revenue , which pass by them . the great emperor of the turks , though he has immense revenues , has but two treasurers , one in asia , and 'tother in europe . henry iv. of france ( not less a statesman than a soldier ) was satisfy'd of the inconveniency of this , and therefore reduc'd the ministers of his revenue to a less , yet sufficient number . the third remedy , is , that since princes are , by importunity , often forced to grant those things which are not in their power ; all such grants , privileges , immunities and rewards , as are prejudicial to the crown , should be revok'd ; especially when the same causes concurr , as mov'd their catholick majesties to repeal those of king henry iv. for , said they , in another law , a princes liberality should not be so great as to ruine him ▪ and the immunities granted to subjects , should be such as may not prejudice the crown . but if a prince , through negligence or necessity , has not consider'd this ; it must be remedy'd afterwards . as was after the abdication of ramirez king of arragon ; at which time , all grants that had weakned the crown , were made void . king henry the liberal , and queen isabella , did the same thing : and king iohn ii. repeal'd the privileges and immunities which himself and his predecessors had granted . 't is with princes , as 't was with the idols of babylon ; from whose crowns , according to ieremiah , the people took the gold and silver , and apply'd it to their own use . king henry iii. perceiving the same abuse , imprison'd several of his nobility , and made 'em refund what they had purloin'd from the crown ; by which , and a just administration of his revenues , he amass'd a prodigious treasure in the castle of madrid . the last remedy , ( which should have been the first ) is , that a prince should first regulate the expences of his own family , if he would reform those of his people : for their reformation , as king theodatus said , must be begun by the prince , that it may be effectual . st. lewis , king of france , advised his son philip to take care that his expences were moderate and reasonable 't is a misfortune , that princes think it becomes their grandeur to be careless , and keep no accompts ; and take extravagance to be liberality , not considering how contemptible they are when poor ; and that true greatness does not consist in shews , and gaudy ostentation , but in castles , strong garrisons , and armies . the emperor charles v. in the parliament of valladolid , moderated the expences of his houshold . the true greatness of princes , consists in being liberal to others , and moderate and sparing to themselves . for which reason , sisenand , king of spain and france , ( so stiled by the fourth council of toledo ) us'd to say , that kings should be mais escasos que gastadores ; that is , rather rich than lavish . i well know the difficulty of these remedies ; but , as petrarch said , in the like case , i do my duty : and though all that is requisite , cannot be executed ; it ought to be represented , to accomplish the design of this book . i dare hardly say any thing about the remedies of money , it being the apple of the eye of the state , which you cannot touch , without hurting ; so that 't is better to let it alone , than to alter the ancient method : the acutest judgment cannot foresee all the inconveniencies which attend every alteration thereof , until they are discover'd by experience : for it being , as it were , the rule and measure of contracts , every one feels the least variation of it ; commerce is disturb'd , and the whole state disorder'd . wherefore , after king peter ii. had abdicated the throne , it was prudently enacted by the kingdom of arragon , that all their kings thenceforward , should take an oath , not to alter any thing about the coin. this is the duty of a prince , as pope innocent iii. wrote to the same king peter , when his subjects began to rebell against him . of which this seems to be the reason ; that the prince is subject to the law of nations , and as publick trustee , ought to take care that there be no alteration in the nature of the coin , which consists in matter , form , and quantity ; nor can any kingdom be constituted , where that is not pure . but not to be wholly silent in a matter so important to government , i 'll mention two things . first , that money is then just and convenient , when the coin or stamp adds nothing to the intrinsick value of it , and when the gold and silver have the common alloy of other nations ; for this will prevent its being exported . the other , is , that it should be of the same weight and value with that of other nations , permitting also the currency of foreign coin : nor will it at all derogate from the prince's authority , since the coin serves only to shew the weight and value of it . and this seems most commodious , i● those kingdoms which hold correspondence and trade with many nations . emblem lxx . empire admits of no companion , nor can majesty be divided : for it is impossible that each should command and obey at the same time ; especially since power and accidents cannot be so nicely shar'd between them both , nor ambition so equally balanced , but that one will desire to be above the other , or that envy and emulation will disturb their agreement . * rivals in empire still mistrustful are ; nor can authority a part'ner bear . it seems next to an impossibility , that the orders and commands of two governors should not thwart one another . moses and aaron were brothers ; and yet when god made them part'ners , he thought it necessary to be in the mouth of one , and in the mouth of the other , and to teach them what to do , lest any dissention should arise between them . a republick has but one body , and should therefore be guided but by one soul . a king will hardly entertain even a depos'd prince within his kingdom . this was the king of portugal's excuse , for not admitting king peter , when depos'd by his brother henry . nothing but matrimony , which unites bodies and souls , and the singular prudence of king ferdinand and queen isabella , could have prevented the inconveniencies of their joint-reign in the kingdom of castile . for power and concord are very rarely found together . and though there was some consent and union in the joint-empire of dioclesian and maximinian , yet was not that without its troubles and inconveniencies ; for which reason , the roman consuls used to command by turns . but if there be occasion for more princes than one , 't is better to have three ; for the authority of one , will check the ambition of the other two. there can be no faction , where there is no equality ; which was the reason why the triumvirates of caesar , crassus , and pompey , and of anthony , lepidus and augustus , continued for sometime . the kingdom was well govern'd , during the minority of king henry iii. by his three guardians * . upon which consideration , king alphonso the wise propos'd , that during the nonage of kings , the administration of affairs should be committed to one , three , five , or seven . which not being observ'd in the minority of alphonso xi . the kingdom of castile felt great commotions , from the government of the two infants , iohn and peter , which at last oblig'd the royal council to take upon 'em the administration . though empires are always violent , and of short continuance , which are divided , and depend not upon one ; as it happen'd to alexander's , which , vast as it was , ended with his life ; for that after him , 't was divided among many . that which the moors had founded in spain , had lasted longer , had it not been divided into many kingdoms . this is represented in this present emblem , by a crown'd tree , which signifies a kingdom : to intimate , that if two hands , tho' of the same body , should pull this tree two different ways , they would rend , burst , and ruine the crown . for humane ambition sometimes forgets the bonds of nature . when states are divided among brothers , the crown can never remain entire , and in union ; for every one is for himself , and grasps at the whole sceptre as his father held it . so it befell king sancho the elder . divine providence united all the kingdoms of spain to his empire , that by their joint-force they might expell the moors , and free themselves from their tyrannick slavery : but he , through fatherly affection , rather than prudent policy , divided his kingdoms among his children , thinking that so they would be stronger , and more ready to unite against the common enemy * . but instead of that , each of the brothers set up for king himself . so that the crown being thus rent in pieces , lost its strength and splendour . and as domestick feuds and grudges are more inveterate than other , they soon grew to civil wars , each endeavouring to depose his brother , to the utmost detriment of the publick . this example might , one would have thought , have been a warning to all princes , for the future ; yet we find king ferdinand the great , the emperor alphonso , and iames i. king of arragon , guilty of the same fault , dividing the command of their kingdoms among their children † . i know not whether this be the effect of self-conceit , or humane nature , ever greedy of novelty , and fond of old rejected opinions , thinking that best , which was done by their ancestors ; if 't is not that we seek for examples to excuse our own resolutions . iames ii. king of arragon , was more prudent upon this score , when he firmly enacted , that the kingdoms of arragon and valence , and the province of catalonia , should never be separated * . nor can these errors be excused , either by the law of the twelve tables , or the common law , which shares the father's estate equally among the children ; or by natural reason , which seems to urge , that as the children receiv'd their being in common from their father , they should also be sharers of his estate . for a king is a publick person , and ought to act as king , and not as a father ; and ought rather to attend the good of his subjects , than his children . besides , a kingdom is a kind of publick chattel , and so belongs to no one in particular ; it not being in the king's power to dispose of that , as of his own private goods : for the subjects , in submitting themselves to one , have requir'd a right to be preserv'd , defended and maintain'd by him ; which is inconsistent with the division of the empire : and since this right is common and universal , it ought surely to be preferr'd to private love , and paternal affection , or to desire of making peace among his children , by the ruine of the publick . besides , instead of making them agree , it arms 'em with power to quarrel with one another about the dividends , which cannot be made so equal as to satisfie all . brothers would live much more quietly , if their maintenance should depend upon him who commands in chief ; for so each would receive a revenue sufficient to support the grandeur of his birth . thus iehosaphat did . there being no occasion for that barbarous custom of the turks , or that impious policy of some , who think no government firm and secure , unless its foundation be mix'd with the blood of all such who have but the least pretensions to it ; as if that , like cement or mortar , fasten'd the stones of the building . for the said reason , almost all nations preferr succession to election ; well knowing that an interregnum is liable to dissentions and civil wars , and that 't is safer to accept a prince , than to seek one . wherefore , since succession is best , 't is most agreeable to follow the course of nature , preferring him whom she first sent into the world ; so that neither minority , nor any other natural defect , is a sufficient objection to this right , especially when there are greater inconveniencies attend the admittance of another , of which the scriptures afford us very many examples . there is the same reason and right for the succession of women to the crown , in default of heirs male ; for otherwise the crown would be subject to divisions , by collateral pretensions . and though the salique law , under the pretence of the frailty and imbecility of that sex , ( if it mayn't rather be call'd the envy and ambition of men ) does , contrary to the many glorious examples of the valour and conduct of the female sex , urge many inconveniencies , which may seem to exclude them from the administration ; yet is there none so weighty as to balance the advantage of preventing an interregnum . nay , there are strong reasons why they ought to be admitted , it preventing pretensions and civil wars about the succession : and besides , matching the heiress to some great prince , there acceeds a considerable addition to the crown ; as it happen'd to the kingdom of castile and the house of austria . if the above-mention'd inconveniencies are ever of weight , 't is in small principalities ; where the heiress marrying with other princes , the family may become extinct , and one state be confounded with the other . emblem lxxi . what does not labour overcome ? it subdues iron , softens brass , draws out gold into the finest wire , and cuts the hardest diamonds . a soft rope does , by continual motion , wear the marble edge of the well . by this consideration , st. isidore , when he apply'd himself to study , overcame the dulness of his genius . what fort was ever so strong , as that assiduity could not conquer it ? the continued force of that engine , which the ancients call'd a ram , would make a breach in the thickest and strongest walls . and we see now a-days , that castles , though defended by artillery walls , ramparts and ditches , are at last forced to yield to the spade and mattock . no difficulty retards or checks a constant spirit . the temple of glory is not situated in a delightful valley , nor in a delicious plain , but upon a rugged mountain's top , not to be arriv'd at , but by rough , uncouth paths , over-run with thorns and brambles . the temples of minerva , mars , and hercules , ( deities glorious for their vertue ) were not built of corinthian or carv'd work , finely imbellish'd with curious engravings , as were those of flora and venus ; but after the dorick fashion , rough and unpolish'd : nor did the cornices and chapiters of the pillars shew any thing , but that they were built by labour and industry , not by luxury and ease . 't was not the ship argos's lying at anchor in port , that preferr'd it to the skies ; but it s daring the wind and sea , and resolutely exposing it self to all dangers and difficulties . never did any prince enlarge his territories by effeminacy , luxury and ease . labour , traffick and industry are necessary to all , but to none more than to a prince ; for others are born only for themselves , but a prince for all. a kingdom is not an office of repose and rest. certain courtiers once were discoursing before alphonso , king of arragon and naples , against the necessity of a prince taking pains ; do you think then , says he , that nature gave princes hands to do nothing . that wise prince had , doubtless , considered the admirable composure of them , their joins , their readiness to open , and their strength to hold , and also their mutual aptness to do whatever the mind proposes , being , as it were , the instruments of all arts : whence he concluded , that this exquisite structure was not accidental , or merely for no use , but for pains and toil , labour and industry . the prince whose hands are careless and unclinched , will soon drop his sceptre , and give his courtiers opportunity of catching at it . as it befell king iohn ii. who so wholly gave himself up to the diversions of poetry and musick , that he could not endure the weight of affairs , and either carelesly transacted them himself , or left 'em totally to the management of his ministers ; rather chusing this sottish ease , than the glorious labour of government ; not at all regarding the examples of his heroick predecessors . so we often find , that the vertue and ardent courage of ancestors is wholly extinguish'd in their posterity , by the luxury and voluptuousness of empire , and so the race of great princes becomes degenerate ; as we see in horses , when they are remov'd from a dry and lean pasture , into one too fat and fertile . this consideration mov'd frederick king of naples , upon his death-bed , to write to his son the duke of calabria , to inure his body to military exercise , and not suffer himself to be debauch'd by pleasures , nor vanquish'd by difficulties and dangers * . labour and employment is , as it were , the anchor of the mind : without which , it would be toss'd about with the waves of passion , and dash'd to pieces upon the rocks of vice. god enjoyn'd labour to man , as a punishment ; yet so , as it might be at the same time the means of his quiet and prosperity . those foundations and noble superstructures of the monarchies of the medes , assyrians , greeks and romans , were not founded by sloth and laziness , but by toil and labour . it was that which so long supported their grandeur ; 't is this which still preserves oeconomies in kingdoms : for since it partly depends upon the mutual assistance of peoples labours , when they flag , all those conveniencies at the same time cease ; which oblig'd men to society and order of government . divine wisdom proposes the example of the ant , to instruct men in their duty ; for that , with great care and prudence , lays up a store in the summer , to supply its necessity in winter . let princes learn from this little , prudent animal , timely to provide their cities , forts and garrisons with necessaries ; and to make preparations in the winter , to meet the enemy in the spring . nor is the commonwealth of bees less assiduous than these ; you shall never find them idle , but continually employ'd both within and without their little cells ; the diligence of each , causes the prosperity of all . and if the labour of these little animals can enrich the whole world with honey and wax ; what would a kingdom do , in which all the people should be equally industrious ? for this reason , in china , tho' it be so populous , that it reckons seventy millions of inhabitants ; they all live in the greatest affluence and plenty , there being none among them but exercises some trade . the scarcity of things in spain , proceeds from the want of this , not from the infertility of the soil ; for in the countries of muroia and carthagena , wheat returns a hundred corns for one , and might thereby sustain a war for many ages : but this misfortune arrives from the neglect of husbandry , trades , business , and commerce ; the people , even the meanest of them , being so excessive proud , that they can't be content with what lot nature has given them , but aspire to something greater , loathing those employments which are not agreeable to their affected grandeur . the reason of which , seems to be , that the bounds between the nobility and the commonalty are not so well distinguish'd with us , as in germany . but as noble and well-employ'd labour is advantageous , that which is nice and superfluous is prejudicial . for mens minds are not less effeminated by soft and easie employments , than by idleness . wherefore the prince ought to take particular care to employ his subjects in such arts as tend to the defence and preservation of the state , not to luxury and debauchery . how many hands are vainly wearied in adorning one finger , and how few in the necessities of the body ? how many are employed in making conveniencies for pleasure and recreation , and how few in making necessary works for the defence of cities ? how many in gardening , and forming curious figures in box or myrtle ; and how few in agriculture ? whence we see kingdoms abound so much in superfluous trifles , and want those things which are most necessary . since therefore labour is so conducive to the preservation of a state , the prince ought to take care that it be continual , and not be hindred by too great a number of holy-days , such as the people , through a kind of pious levity , dedicate to divine worship : for experience shews us , that such are more employ'd in profane games and sports , than religious exercise . but if labourers would spend those days , as we read st. isidore of madrid did , 't were to be hop'd that the time would not be lost , and that angels would descend and hold the plough : but experience has taught us the contrary . one holy-day in which all arts and trade ceases , is more considerable than any tax ; and , as st. chrysostom says , saints take no delight in being worshipp'd , at the expence of the poor . so that holy-days and working-days should be so divided , as that those might not hinder the other . and it was argued in the council of mentz , in the time of pope leo iii. whether 't was not better either to reduce them to a less number , or else to transferr some of them to the next sundays . though generally the end of all actions is rest , yet 't is otherwise in those which belong to government : for 't is not sufficient for princes and states to labour , but their labour must also be continual . one hour's negligence in a garrison , frustrates the care and vigilance of many months . the roman empire , which had been supported by the labour and valour of six ages , was ruin'd by the negligence of a few months . spain would scarce repair the loss in eight year , which it sustain'd in eight months . there should be no interposition of idleness between the acquisition and preservation of empires . the husbandman has no sooner got his harvest into the barn , but he immediately goes to plough again ; his labours never end , but continually renew . if he should rely upon his grainery , and leave his lands untill'd ; he would soon find one empty , and the other over-run with weeds and bryers . but there is this difference between the husbandman and the prince ; that he has his set-times of sowing and reaping , but the prince has not : for in government , all months are septembers to sow , and augusts to reap in . let not a prince believe that the pains and labours of his ancestors excuse him , for this motion must be continual : and as declining things surely fall , unless supported by some new force ; so do empires , unless sustain'd by the strength of the successor . this is the cause ( as we have observ'd ) of the ruines of all kingdoms . when any monarchy shall be once instituted and founded , it should ne'er be idle , but should imitate heaven , whose orbs continue their motion from their first creation ; and if they should once stop , the generation and production of all things would cease . the exercise of states should be always continual and vigorous , and not be corrupted by idleness or intermission ; as we see the sea , if not agitated by the winds , is kept in motion by its tides . citizens who carelesly give themselves up to pleasure and luxury , without ever moving their hands to work or labour , are their own greatest enemies . such idleness plots against the laws and government , and is nourish'd by vice , from whence proceeds all the internal and external misfortunes of states . that repose only is commendable and beneficial which is the gift of peace , and which is employ'd in trade , and employments and exercises military and civil , by which all enjoy a serene , peaceable and secure tranquility . emblem lxxii . the steel would lost its spring , and the string its force , if a bow were always bent . labour is necessary and beneficial , but cannot continue without some intermission . the yoke does not always hang upon the oxe's neck . the force and vigour of things consists in vicissitude . from motion comes rest , and from thence motion again . nothing , ( says the wise alphonso ) can continue long , which takes no respite . even land must be fallowed , that it may afterwards brings better crops . vertue is refresh'd and strengthned by rest , like the stream of a fountain ( the figure of the present emblem ) when stopp'd by the hand . a seasonable rest , refreshment gives ; and weary valour , after ease , revives . for this reason , day and night have divided the hours into labour and rest. while half the world wakes , th' other sleeps . and the ancients feign'd , that even iove himself sometimes eas'd himself , by laying the burthen of the world upon the shoulders of atlas . the most robust constitutions are not able continually to bear the fatigues of government . continual toil weakens the body , and besots the mind ; so does also too much ease . it should be therefore only as a watering to plants , which refreshes , not drowns them : or like sleep , which , if moderate , corroborates ; if excessive , rather enervates the body . there are no diversions better than those which at the same time recreate and instruct the mind , as does the conversation of ingenious and learned persons . such the emperor adrian always entertain'd at his table ; which , for that reason , philostratus call'd , a rendezvouz of the learned . the same , pliny commends in trajan ; and lampridius in alexander severus . alphonso , king of naples , always retir'd with them , after dinner , into another apartment , that he might ( as he us'd to say ) feed his mind , as he had done his body . tiberius never travell'd from rome without nerva and atticus , men of excellent learning , to direct him . francis , the first king of france , learn'd so much from his constant and continual conversation with such learned men , that though he had never apply'd himself to literature , he would discourse very pertinently upon any subject . but this commendable custom is out of date ; and instead of it , princes keep buffoons , jesters , and ridiculous fellows , for their entertainment at table . the errors and shame of nature are become now their diversions . they love to hear themselves prais'd , though undeservedly : and though reason and modesty would reject those praises , as coming from some fool ; yet self-conceit easily receives them ; and the ears being by degrees us'd to them , soon give way to flatterers and pick-thanks . their jests impose upon the will , being generally obscene , sometimes vicious . and if such buffoonry can divert the mind , how much more will the neat and witty discourses of the learned , who not being too grave and rigid ( as they are sometimes ) can be facetious and witty upon occasion ? if there be any diversion in looking upon some mishapen , ridiculous monster ; what satisfaction will it be , to hear of the prodigious works of nature , and to discourse of her wonders and secrets ? athenaeus mentions of anacharsus , that some of these buffoons being once brought to table , to promote mirth , he remain'd grave and serious , but laught heartily at the sight of an ape , saying , that th●● animal was naturally ridiculous , but man only by art , and base affectation this composure was great , and becoming the dignity of a prince . these fools are a kind of publick spies in courts , corruptors of manners , and very often plotters against the prince and state : for which reason , the emperors augustus , and alexander severus , would never entertain them . if they are good for any thing , 't is for the truth they tell the great ones by way of jest. some princes , through the glory and ambition of affairs , think themselves sufficiently eas'd , in resting from matters of importance , and employing themselves in those of less moment ; as the hair of a mad dog cures his bite . but because then all minds are not diverted by this means , and that there is no affair , though never so little , but requires attention enough to tire the mind ; 't is necessary to be sometimes wholly unemploy'd , and to quit , for a time , the trouble and toil of government . business ought to be so mix'd with diversion and pastime , as that the mind may neither be oppress'd by the first , nor enervated by the latter : it being like a mill , which having nothing to grind , wears out it self . pope innocent viii . sometimes laid by the helm of the church , and diverted himself in his garden , in planting trees . in these truces of repose , age , time , and the quality of the diversion , ought also to be consider'd : so that gaiety mayn't be offensive to reserv'dness , ingenuity to gravity , nor recreation to majesty . for some pastimes not only debase the mind , but also diminish the prince's authority . so artaxerxes was infamous for spinning ; viantes , a king of lydia , for fishing for frogs ; augustus , for playing at even or odd with the boys ; domitian , for killing flyes with a bodkin ; solyman , for making pins ; and selim , for embroidering with the women . while the prince is young , there are no diversions more proper than such as confirm the mind and body ; such as fencing , horse-races , tennis , and hunting ; and also those noble arts of musick and painting , which we elsewhere commended in a prince's education ; which are very requisite to refresh the spirits , when exhausted by assiduity of affairs , provided they be us'd with moderation : so as not to waste that time therein , which should be employ'd in matters of state. king ferdinand the catholick diverted himself so profitably , that even amidst his recreations he forgot not his affairs ; but while a hawking , he gave ear to the journals and dispatches which his secretary read to him , and at the same time observ'd the game . emanuel , king of portugal , never deny'd audience amidst his diversions . a prince should divert himself upon affairs , as the dolphin does upon the waves , though never so deep , not seeking the quiet retreat of some river . his repose should not be idleness , but refreshment . 't will be convenient sometimes to entertain the people with publick diversions , that they may breath a little , and return more vigorously to their work , upon which their thoughts are employ'd : for if they are always sad and melancholy , they turn them against the prince and magistracy ; whereas if they are allow'd some refreshment and recreation , they submit their necks to any burthen ; and losing their heat and restiness , live in obedience . for this reason , croesus told cyrus , that he must learn his lydians to sing , dance , and revel , if he would keep them in obedience . these diversions keep the people as firm in their obedience , as did that method of pharaoh , in employing the people of israel in making bricks . for the same reason , agricola granted the britains many of these diversions ; and they looked upon that as a favour , which was part of their slavery . this the embassadors of the tencteri knew , when being sent to cologn , they propos'd the ●estitution of their ancient native customs , and the abolition of those pleasures which the romans had introduced , by which they subdu'd more than by force of arms . states being more observant of this policy , than princes , permit every one to live according to his pleasure , conniving at vices , that the people may less apprehend the tyranny of the magistracy , and be more in love with that way of government , taking this licence for liberty ; they being ever more prone to a dissolute , than a regular way of living . but this policy is none of the safest : for when people have once laid aside respect for vertue and the laws , they begin to despise the authority of the magistracy ; nay , almost all mischiefs in states proceed from libertinism ; it being sufficient to keep the people in peace and tranquility , and to allow them some honest and agreeable recreations . to live conformable to government , is not slavery , but liberty . but since in all things the publick good ought to be the only aim , 't is conducive to convert all these diversions into such pastimes as exercise the strength , prohibiting all such as depend upon luck , as pernicious both to the government and subject : to these , because they give themselves so much to them , that they neglect their business ; to that , because by such games the people squander away their livelyhood , and so , through want , are necessitated to plunder and rebel . emblem lxxiii . the diseases of states are hidden : nor can any one judge of them by their present disposition ; for when they seem in full health and vigour , they are taken ill of a sudden , the distemper breaking out when least thought of ; like the vapours of the earth , which are not visible till gathered into clouds . wherefore a prince ought carefully to remedy the first symptoms ; nor are they to be slighted , as seeming frivolous and distant : as neither the first rumors of ills , though to appearance never so unreasonable . who can penetrate the unsetled designs of the frantick mobb ? upon the least occasion , the least shadow of slavery , or male-administration , it rises , and takes arms against the prince . seditions arise from small causes , and afterwards proceed to greater . if they are neglected at first , they will be at last incurable ; they spring like rivers from small fountains , and afterwards flow into large streams . their beginnings always create too much fear , or too much confidence . these considerations kept tiberius in suspence , when he had notice that a certain slave pretended to be agrippa , and began to raise commotions in the empire : for he was in doubt whether he should punish him out of hand , or let time discover the cheat ; sometimes considering that nothing should be slighted , then again , that he ought not to be frighted at every thing , being dubious between shame and fear , but at last he resolved upon a remedy . certain it is , that sometimes the torrent of the mutinous mobb is so rapid , that unless care be taken , it leaves its own channel dry , or falls into civil wars , the consequences of which are always terrible , but are , if taken in time , moderated by accidents and chance , and wholly quash'd by care and prudence . experience shews many ways to appease the commotions and seditions of kingdoms ; sometimes chance offers them , and sometimes the inclination of the seditious . as it happened to drusus , who seeing the legions repent of their having mutiny'd , because of an eclipse of the moon , which happened at that time , and which they took for an ill omen , made use of that inclination to appease 'em . the same also herman cortez did , upon another occasion . nor are these means to be slighted as frivolous ; for the mobb is often quieted with the same ease it is rais'd : neither of which motions are guided by reason . a blind hurry puts them in motion , and an empty shadow stops ' em . all the art lies in knowing how to humour their rage ; while that works , they are uncontrollable ; they always either fear , or are fear'd . if any one should endeavour , by a set , premeditated speech , to appease and quiet them , he would lose his time and pains . a sharp sentence , or severe check , has more force than all the rhetorick in the world. iulius caesar with one word quash'd a mutiny among the soldiers ; * — begone , ye roman drones , and leave our ensigns to be born by men. but the most effectual means to pacifie a sedition , is division ; by drawing the heads thereof into divers factions and parties . this way we use with bees , whene'er that wing'd people begin to mutiny , ( for even that republick has its intestine broils ) and leaving their waxen houses , begin to gather in the air , by throwing a little dust among them , they are soon separated : † throw but a little sand , they settle straight . whence the figure and motto of this present emblem is taken . but though this division be always good , 't is more prudence thereby to prevent ills e're they happen , than to remedy them afterwards . king ferdinand iv. understanding the commotions of some of the nobility of galicia , sent for them ; and giving them commissions , sent them to the wars . the romans us'd to send all turbulent and seditious men to their colonies or armies . publius aemilius transported the chief authors of seditions to italy ; as also charles v. did the nobles of saxony . rutilius and germanicus , instead of punishing some mutineers , made 'em freemen . drusus appeas'd the mutinous legions , by separating them from one another . loyalty , and military vertue , are maintain'd by division , because it hinders forces and vices from joyning . for this reason , the armies were separated , in the time of galba 't is for this reason , that many think it requisite to prohibit all cabals and meetings of the people : for the same cause , grand cairo was divided into several districts or parishes , by very high walls , that the people might not so easily associate . nor is it any thing else that has so long preserv'd venice in quiet , than that all its streets are divided by the sea. separation makes people dubious and unresolv'd , not knowing which part is safest ; but without that , they would all unanimously side with the strongest . this made pisander sow discord among the athenians , that he might divide and separate them . in military seditions , 't will be sometimes conducive to set them together by the ears : for one mutiny is generally remedied by another . the roman senate was advis'd , upon a certain popular insurrection , to appease the mobb by the mobb , weakning their force by division . and doubtless this is the meaning of that law of solon , which condemn'd a citizen , who , in a sedition , did not adhere to some one party . but this is rather to enflame , than quench and divide it ; since , at this rate , there would remain none who might be mediators to compose it . there is also another effectual remedy , which is the presence of the prince , bravely and resolutely confronting the fury of the people : for as the sea , which foams and dashes against rocks and hills , runs smooth upon the even sand ; so is the mobb hush'd and quieted by the serene presence of its prince . augustus , with his looks , frighted the actian legions into obedience . in the disorders of the german legions , when the soldiers look'd upon the multitude , they shouted ; but when again they cast their eyes upon caesar , they seemed to tremble . sedition is soon quash'd by authority and presence . as the blood hasts to the assistance of the part wounded , so ought the prince to assist with his presence at the disorders of his state. majesty easily reduces subjects to their obedience ; for in that nature has plac'd a certain occult force , which often produces wonderful effects . certain conspirators had enter'd the very palace of peter iv. king of arragon , with a design upon his life ; and he readily going to meet them , quite dash'd their resolutions . the rebellion in the belgick provinces had never gone so far , had philip ii. been himself upon the spot . but this remedy ought well to be weigh'd and consider'd of , whether or no absolute necessity requires it : for 't is the last ; and if that fails , there is no other . for this reason , tiberius sent drusus and germanicus to compose the mutinous legions in hungary . the prince's presence is also dangerous , if he be hated , or a tyrant ; for then the subjects are willing and eager to shake off the yoke of obedience . but if any kingdom be divided into factions , by the private grudges of families one to another , 't is prudence to prohibit their names from being mention'd . thus did king francis of navarr , forbidding any one , upon severe penalties , to be call'd agramont or biamont , which were two families in that kingdom at continual enmity . but if the peoples dissatisfaction and sedition proceed from the male-administration of some minister , there is no dust more effectual to appease them , than the punishment of that person . if they impute to the minister that which is really the prince's fault , and so rise against him , their errour must have its free course ; since neither force nor reason can stop it , without greater detriment to the publick . innocence , 't is true , will thereby suffer , but not through the prince's fault . in all such great accidents there is no remedy without injustice , which is compensated by the publick good . sedition is a poison which strikes at the heart ; and 't is therefore necessary sometimes to lop off a limb , to save the body ; and to give way to the torrent of fury , though disagreeable to reason and justice . thus did queen isabella , in a rising of the people of sevill : for when they insisted upon her turning andrew cabrera , governor of the palace , out of his office , and were running on to further demands , she cut 'em off short ; gentlemen , says she , what you demand , i had before resolv'd on ; go , remove not only the governor , but also all my other domesticks . by which answer , she seem'd to command that which she was forc'd to , and the mutineers took it as her favour and kindness ; and having satisfy'd their rage , by tumbling down those headlong , whom they found upon the towers , they were quiet ; and afterwards she , upon examining the accusations which they laid to the governor's charge , finding them unjust and groundless , restor'd him to his office. when the mutineers think that the punishment of the heads of the sedition will be sufficient , they spare none , hoping by that means to expiate their crime ; as the german legions did ; though patience and connivance did encrease their insolence ; and the more you grant them , the more they crave , as did the soldiers which flaccus sent to rome : yet this chiefly happens , when the person so granting is but of small authority among them , as was flaccus , whom the whole army despised . but in the fore-mention'd case of germanicus , the demands of the mutineers ought to be comply'd with , though violent and unreasonable , that their fury might have been qualified , or that he might have had some honourable pretence , to wave their punishment . he knew the injustice and inconvenience of a general punishment , and that it would of necessity involve the innocent : but though it could not wholly be avoided , it seemed not to be done by his command , but was rather to be imputed to chance , and the fury of the seditious . the fault of the minister ought to be excused , as a piece of policy , when by popular constraint he becomes head of the sedition ; that he may afterwards , when their fury begins to abate , with more ease reduce them to obedience . so spurinna gave way to the soldiers rage , and pretended to countenance them , that he might preserve his authority among them , when they began to repent . sometimes the people , upon pretence of preservation of their liberties and privileges , encroach upon the royal prerogative : a piece of arrogance that ought by no means to be connived at , lest they should thence become more saucy . in this case , the punishment of the delinquents should be speedy , and the heads of the promoters stuck up , as a terrour to the rest , when they least think on 't . for there is nothing quells their insolence more , than the punishment of their leaders ; it being an approved truth , that the body of the mobb dare attempt nothing without them . ramirus , king of arragon , being embroil'd in the insurrections of his people , ask'd advice of the abbot of tomer : who gave him no answer , but with his switch , imitating periander , lopt off the heads of the tallest flowers in his garden , ( where he was then walking ) and by that shew'd him what he was to do . upon which he beheading the chief authors of the rebellion , and restor'd peace to his kingdom . the same was the advice of don lopez barrientos , to king henry iv. yet will it be convenient to use this method with such moderation , as that the execution may fall but on few : but those who cannot be punish'd , must be conniv'd it , or so dealt with , as that their affections may be gain'd ; as we read otho did , when his army mutiny'd . severity with moderation , appeases all commotions : for when the bad begin to fear , the good will obey ; as vocula found , who , in a general mutiny of the legions , punish'd but one man . the method also of the punishment ought to be so mild , as not to give the people occasion to resent it as a national grievance , for that would make them more resolute . slavery , wounds , and all the miseries of war , were not so grievous to the germans , as that trophy which germanicus erected out of the spoils of the rebellious provinces . ferdinand duke d'alba did not forget this precept , when he erected a statue of the rebels heads : nor had he omitted it , though he had read or heard , that vitellius would not put to death iulius civilis , a man of great authority among the dutch , lest he should thereby alienate the minds of that warlike people ; for he thought a severe animadversion more proper : which nevertheless created no disturbance ; though there were not wanting those who urg'd it as an aggravation , to make that people revolt . there is another sort of disobedience , which proceeds from a too zealous and inconsiderate fidelity ; in which case the subjects are to be brought to their duty , by benign and mild means . such as iohn ii. king of arragon , us'd , in an insurrection at barcelona , upon the death of his son , prince charles : for he wrote to that city , that unless compell'd by necessity , he would never use violent methods ; but that if they would return to their obedience , he would use them as his own children . this mildness , and his promise of a general pardon , reduced them all to their devoir . a prince ought always to discover an inclination to clemency ; for without hopes of that , criminals grow desperate . for which reason , valentinus , after he had mov'd the people of treves to a rebellion , order'd the roman embassadors to be kill'd , that he might , by the peoples despair , strengthen his crime . sedition turns to obstinacy , where there is no hopes of pardon ; and the seditious had rather die rebels , than malefactors . upon this account , those who follow'd the faction of vitellius , were pardon'd . this generosity is particularly necessary in insurrections of the mobb . this king ferdinand the holy us'd in the commotions of castile ; and iohn i. in the convention of the states of guadalajara , pardoning all those who sided with the portuguese . but if a prince has lost his reputation , and is in contempt with his subjects ; then , i confess , clemency will be of small use : nay , those very remedies which should cure these wounds , do more exulcerate , and render them incurable . for his authority once lost , he can neither maintain the severity of punishment , nor terrifie the offenders by example : so that he must give way to his misfortunes , and as prudently as he can , circumvent them by policy and stratagem . thus vocula did , when he saw he was unable to punish the mutinous legions . for the same reasons , king iohn ii. releas'd those noblemen whom he had in prison . nor are those favours and benefits more effectual in appeasing seditions , which proceed from a prince who has lost his reputation : for the receiver either imputes them to cowardice , or persists in rebellion to preserve them ; and sometimes sets up another king , by whose protection he may enjoy them : as did those who conspired against king henry iv. for they would never be obliged by his favours , though never so great and numerous . when a prince resolves to quench the fire of sedition , 't will be conducive , that those resolutions should be thought to proceed from his own vertue , not from the persuasions of others ; for the people are generally more incens'd , when they find the prince does nothing but by the instigation of his ministers . but when a general pardon is once granted , the prince ought punctually to observe it , wholly forgetting all former offences and injuries ; for otherwise he would give occasion for fresh commotions : as ferdinand king of naples did , when he offer'd to punish some noblemen whom he had already pardon'd , and who had put themselves under the protection of king ferdinand the catholick . but if they are afterwards found delinquent , they should be punish'd with the utmost rigour of the law , to curb them , and prevent others from abusing the prince's authority . in these , and all other remedies , there is nothing more useful than expedition : for the people grow arrogant and saucy , when their insolence meets wi●h no check nor opposition . time confirms them in their revolt , and makes those who were dubious declare for them , and so endangers the most loyal . therefore artabanus endeavoured , with utmost speed and diligence , to compose the commotions of his kingdom . as seditions are suddenly raised , they ought suddenly to be remedied . there is more need of action than of consultation , before the venom takes root and spreads . when the people are once us'd to murther , rapine , and all other ills that sedition brings with it , 't is very difficult to recall and pacifie them . this king henry well knew , when , upon the death of his brother , king peter , he immediately seized upon the chief cities and garrisons of the kingdom ; and by this diligence , soon establish'd its tranquility . seditions therefore , and civil wars , being distempers which consume the life of the state , and enervate the prince , by the losses which he receives , and the gratuities which he is oblig'd to give , 't is the best way to compose them upon any terms . this mov'd king ferdinand the catholick to agree with alphonso king of portugal , in his pretensions to the crown of castile . for in such disorders , the weakest , and most oppress'd , are strongest . princes are at the discretion of those who have their arms in their hands , and the soldiers have more authority than their commanders . emblem lxxiv . animals naturally endeavour nothing but the preservation of their individuals ; and if at any time they injure one another , 't is generally from that reason , and a certain natural fierceness , which is not subject to the command of reason . on the contrary , man , animated with that celestial flame , which gives him the command of all things , easily persuades himself , that he is not born only to live , but also to enjoy all those things , even beyond the bounds which reason has prescribed him ; and his imagination being cheated by the false appearance of good , seeks this enjoyment in several objects , and therein places his felicity and satisfaction . some think it consists in riches , others in dainties and luxury , others in dominion , and every one in what the errors of his appetite or fancy suggest ; for the enjoyment of which , they apply those means which their rambling and unquiet minds prompt 'em to , though never so unjust . whence proceed murthers , rapine , and tyranny , which make man the most unjust of all animals : and since one cannot be secure from another , several kind of arms were invented , to repell villany , and preserve innocence and liberty , and so war was introduced into the world . this was the original of this monster , unless it came from hell , after the fall of the rebellious angels . war is so hateful to god , that he would not permit david , as just as he was , to build the temple , because he had shed much blood . all good princes dread it , as knowing the various events and success thereof . war disturbs the order and harmony of states ; changes religion , violates justice , silences the laws , destroys friendship and relation , makes arts forgot , agriculture cease , ruines trade , depopulates cities , and alters governments . king alphonso calls wars , the alienation from peace , the disturber of quiet , and the destruction of order . a civil war is like a burning fever , which soon scorches up the state : a foreign war cuts its veins , and dreins it of its riches , strength and vigour . war is a vice contrary to reason , nature , and the end of man ; for god created him after his own image , and gave him the command of all things here below , not to destroy them by war , but to preserve 'em by peace : he did not create him for war , but peace ; not for rage , but quiet ; not to ruine , but to preserve : for which reason he sent him into the world naked , without arms to offend others , or a thick hide to defend himself ; so indigent of the assistance and government of others , that even in his most flourishing estate he can't subsist without foreign aid . this necessity oblig'd him to society , and civil correspondence ; from which , by the joint-labour of all , he might be supply'd with necessary conveniencies for life , and that this politick felicity might unite all in the firmest bonds of mutual friendship ; and that one country , haughty with its own riches , might not disdain communication with the rest , he has shar'd his blessings among all ; wheat he has given to sicily , wine to crete , purple to tyre , silk to calabria , aromaticks to arabia , gold and silver to spain and the west-indies ; diamonds , pearls and spices , to the east-indies . the desire and want of the riches and rarities creating commerce , by which the whole world became as one common house , and that they might understand one another in this correspondence , and mutually express their affections of love and benevolence , he endued them with a voice articulate , smooth and pleasant , to explain their conceptions ; laughter , to shew their satisfaction ; tears , to shew their sorrow ; hands , to exert their faith and liberality ; knees , their submission and obedience : which are all tokens of a civil , benign , and pacifick animal . but those animals which nature designed for war , she created with arms offensive and defensive , for that purpose ; to the lion she has given claws , to the eagle talons , to the elephant a trunk , to the bull horns , to the bear fangs , to the porcupine sharp quills ; she has made adders and vipers formidable by their poison , for their defence consists in our danger , and their security in our fear . for which reason , she has cloathed almost all beasts with a thick skin , for their defence ; the crocadile with a breast-plate , serpents with a coat of mail , scorpions with scales : she has given all an aspect terrible , and a voice horrible and dreadful . let therefore savage war be for them , not for man , in whom reason is predominate over rage . nature has hid iron , steel , gold and silver , in the bowels of the earth , lest men should make ill use of them ; but revenge or injustice has found them even there , some for the instruments , and some for the price of murther . great abuse of mankind , to employ gold and silver to the destruction of life , which was given for its preservation ! but because many men ( as we have said ) more savage than the very beasts themselves , are more sway'd by lust and ambition , than reason , and so unjustly covet to oppress and govern others , war became necessary for natural defence ; for there being two methods of deciding matters , one by justice , the other by force , which is common to all animals , when the one can't be us'd , the other must , provided the cause and intention be just , and the authority of the prince be lawful ; in which also nothing should be resolv'd on , without due deliberation . so the athenians us'd to consult their orators and philosophers , about the legality of their wars ; for 't is in our power to begin , but not to end them ; he who undertakes them in haste , will repent at leisure . war ( says king alphonso ) ought to be well weigh'd e're 't is begun , that it may be agreeable to reason and iustice ; for from hence proceed three great advantages : the first , is , that god favours those who do so : the second , is , that they themselves are more encourag'd , upon confidence of their iustice : the third , is , that those who know it , if they are friends , join more chearfully ; if enemies , they have the less hopes of success * . war ought not to be undertaken for slight and frivolous matters , such as were those which mov'd xerxes to bring war upon the greeks , and the lumbards to make an irruption into italy . that prince is a tyrant , who wages war for another state ; but he just and commendable , who does it for the defence of his own , or the recovery of unjust usurpations ; in such case especially where justice cannot be obtained otherwise , or where it is more securely decided by the sword , than the book so subject to deceit and cavil . the success of war is a just judge , giving the right of victory to him to whom it belongs . king philip ii. was so desirous to clear his right to the crown of portugal , upon the death of king sebastian , that after having had the opinions of many divines and lawyers , and his army being then upon the frontiers , he stopp'd , to conferr with them further about it . a prince who desires gradually to raise his fortune , may do it by war , provided he has just occasion . but he who is already in quiet possession of a competent greatness , ought diligently to consider how he engages himself in war ; and to endeavour , as much as possible , to avoid it by honourable means , without loss of authority and reputation ; for if he loses them , the refusal will rather kindle it . the emperor rodolphus i. us'd to say , that 't was more commendable to govern a state well , than to enlarge it . 't is not less glorious for a prince to preserve peace with his sword , than to conquer in war. happy is that kingdom , in which the reputation of arms maintains plenty , and where lances support the vines and olive-trees ; where ceres is protected by bellona's head-piece . the greater the courage is , the more averse 't is to war , as knowing to what it must be obliged . many times , cowards advise and promote it , and the brave act it . if war is commenc'd for the sake of peace , what need of that , when we may enjoy this ? the choice of it ought not to proceed from the will , but from force or necessity . the ancients feign'd , that pallas was born out of the head of iupiter ; to intimate , that war ought to proceed from prudence , not from the perverseness of the mind . sebastian , king of portugal , who carried it into africk , more by the impulse of his courage than counsel , with his blood imprinted on those sands the truth of this precept . the bees don't chuse an armed king , that he mayn't be given to war , and neglect the government of his own state , for foreign conquests . if francis king of france , and gustavus king of sweden , had duly consider'd this , the first had not been taken at pavia , nor the last kill'd at lutzen . ambition of rule , is that which begins the ruine of many states . this hanibal knew at last , when he told scipio , that ' t would have been better , had the gods given men more modest thoughts , that the romans might be content with italy , and the carthaginians with africk . great princes ought to carry on war with their utmost power and vigour , that they may the sooner end it , as the romans did ; for the protraction of it is both chargeable and dangerous . the enemy is also thereby disciplin'd , and forewarn'd , and encouraged . power , without vigour , loses its esteem . for these reasons , two wars ought not to be commenc'd at the same time ; for the forces being divided , they can't be ended so soon , nor is any power sufficient to maintain 'em long , nor subjects capable to command them . the romans ever endeavoured , as do the turks at this day , not to be engaged in two wars at a time . upon this were grounded the threats of corbulo to the parthians ; telling them , that all the empire enjoy'd a firm peace , and that they had only that war . emblem lxxv . medea ( to facilitate the conquest of the golden fleece ) sowed serpents teeth in col●hos , whence immediately sprang troops of armed men , who falling together by the ears , destroyed one another . so some princes and states , the pernicious medea's of the world , sow discord among princes , and reap wars , and confusion , the fruit thereof , in their own states . they think to enjoy themselves that repose which they molest in others , and the event proves contrary . cosmographers say , about the aequilibrium of the world , that it is so equidistant from the center , that the least weight moves the earth . 't is the same in war ; there is none so distant , but it changes the center of rest of other kingdoms . war is a raging fire , which kindled in one place , runs on to others , and very often to its own home , according as the wind drives it . the prudent farmer dreads the storm he sees gathering upon the mountain's top , though at never so great a distance : much greater need has he to fear , who raises it , by supplying it with vapours . those who foment the dutch power and grandeur , may in time repent it , when subject to the yoke of their slavery ; as it befell those who favour'd the rise of the roman grandeur . the venetians , jealous of the portuguese , for that by their voyages they depriv'd 'em of the traffick of the persian sea , and the east-indies , sent an embassador against them to cairo , and engineers and carpenters to arm the king of cal●cut against them , persuading the dutch to oppose their passage by the cape of good hope . but they having comply'd with their desires , and establish'd their own factories and commerce , quite disappointed the republick , who had better have left the portuguese trade free , since so they might have made use of their ships to import the eastern commodities ; which when they had brought to their ports , the inhabitants might with more industry and profit disperse over europe . thus we see the means which humane prudence makes use of for its own safety , turn to the ruine of the author . the dukes of savoy and parma thought to maintain the war in the state of milan ; and the one utterly ruin'd his own , and the other made his the seat of war. ill advice impos'd upon the goodness of the french king , made him fearful of himself , diffident of his mother and brother , and of the whole kingdom , being persuaded , that without war he could not subsist , and that his preservation depended upon the ruine of the house of austria ; and for that end , he rais'd ( with the blood of the nobility of that kingdom , engag'd in civil broils ) clouds which created a general tempest against all christendom ; the rhine , moselle , danube , and elbe , being summoned to his assistance . he foments the clouds in england , holland and denmark . he breaks the ice of sweden , that he might pass the baltick sea by those northern streights , to the ruine of empire . he thaws the snows of the switzers and grisons , and scatters them through germany and italy . he turns the river po upon the state of milan , summoning the tyber and adriatick to his assistance . he raises the fogs of africk , persia , turkey , tartary and moscovia , that they might in clouds of arrows and lightning invade europe . he forces through the secret crannies of the earth , earthquakes which shook brazil and the east-indies . he sends through all parts furious hurricanes , which made one continual tempest ; and he disturbed the heavens with such diligence and art , that it darted fire , hail'd shot , and rain'd blood upon the earth . he reaches from pole to pole with the shot of his artillery , and with his dragoons , more swift ( by the negligence or malice of some ) than the imperial eagles . their neighings are heard in all parts , and mars triumphs in blood and dust . the author of so many wars , verifying what isaiah said of lucifer , that he disturbs the earth , ruines kingdoms , dispeoples the world , and destroys its cities . for when god makes use of one as a scourge to the rest , he gives him his power , by which he succeeds in whatever he undertakes , while his divine anger continues . he told moses , that he had made him god over pharaoh ; and so , as god , he wrought miracles , to punish him and his kingdom . but i am not so bold to say , that in pharaoh's person , and his kingdom , is represented that of france , and the punishment that divine sun of justice threatens it , and that we must hope for other miraculous actions for the preservation and grandeur of the house of austria , that his displeasure being appeased , will by little and little dispell the clouds which obscure its pinnacles , discovering thereupon the triumphant imperial eagle , which having sharpned its talons and its beak , and refresh'd its feathers in the waters of its trouble , shall join that divine lightning , which shall be light to it , and fire to france , causing to fall upon them the whole tempest which they had raised against other kingdoms . the spirit of so many tempests shall waste it self , their counsels being rash and violent . french shall war with french , friend with friend , brother with brother , city with city , and the kingdom with the kingdom , by which it shall become the bloody scene of that war which it has so industriously procured other nations . such counsels are like spiders webs , drawn from their own bowels ; their due punishment is , to fall into the same nets which they have spread for others . perillus invented a brazen bull for the exercise of his tyranny , and was himself the first that made it bellow . no possession is secure , which is founded upon the destruction of others . a certain french embassador advised the league of cambray against the republick of venice , insinuating , that she should sow dissentions among the princes , and build her own fortune upon their ruine : and several of them uniting , disarmed her , and took from her all the lands she possess'd upon the continent . it may be , that those times required such artifices ; or that the prudent noblemen , of which that illustrious senate always consists , knew those inconveniencies , but could not prevent 'em , either through the furious torrent of the multitude , or through fear of rendring themselves suspected by opposition . this is the misfortune of republicks , that malice , tyranny , fomenting hatred , and self-interest , without respect to justice , pass for zeal and love to their country , hindring persons of integrity from appearing . that the prudent endeavour to procure the peace of the state , while giddy fellows , who have no prospect of the time to come , molest it by their vain and dangerous enterprizes , and that in their resolves , their votes are counted not weighed ; and that communities are always fuller of raw , ignorant persons , than of those of prudence and experience ; thence happen grievous inconveniencies . and we see at present that republick governs with great applause by the best maxims , and that she always promotes the universal peace and good correspondence with her neighbouring princes , not being to be prevail'd upon by the continual importunities of france to join in the present war ; by which she has not only oblig'd the house of austria , but has been also freed from this general influence of mars , by which she has gained more than she could have done by the sword. the neighbourhood of greater power is not always dangerous ; it is sometimes like the sea , which ebbing , leaves whole provinces to the continent . there are not few princes and republicks which owe their preservation to this monarchy . 't would be a dangerous attempt for the lesser powers always to join in making war upon the greater , ( as we observ'd elsewhere . ) states gain more by their good correspondence with princes , than by force . they are cunning ladies , who easily captivate their heart and will , and guide their actions to their particular ends. let 'em not therefore be disturbed , if princes are sometimes angry with them ; for such anger is like the petty quarrels of lovers , which are the renewing of love : let them blame rather jealousies , and credulous suspicions , which make them doubt the fidelity of their best friends ; which is the vice of the multitude , who measure things not by reason , but by their vain suspicions . these arts of sowing discord , and procuring the rise of one by the fall of others , are most in use in courts and palaces : they proceed from ambition ; for rewards being already divided , and there being no means to introduce new forms , but by the corruption of others , they procure it by scandal and violence . sometime 't is the envy of one minister to another , for some excellent qualifications , endeavouring to prevent his continuance in a post where they may be conspicuous , or else to ruine the reputation he has already acquir'd , by false accusations : and when he can't obscure the truth , he sneers , joaks at , and ridicules it , under pretence of a kind of friendship ; that losing his credit in things of small concern , he may afterwards gain it in things of greater moment . such malicious , sly tricks , are ever perni●ious to their author , as tacitus remark'd in hispon , and in those who followed him . notwithstanding , lucinus proculus succeded well , by accusing others . this sometimes happens , when goodness and modesty are so reserv'd as to live privately , despising the honours and favour of princes , as it befalls those , who , through distrust of their own abilities , are thought unfit for the management of publick affairs ; such as these , assiduous malice , such as is intent upon gaining mens opinions , easily robs of the due rewards of their vertue , as tigillinus us'd to do but such artifices fall with the same speed they rise ; of which tigillinus is an example , who died infamously by his own hands . emblem lxxvi . the sun darts the rays of his light upon a concave-glass , and thence proceeds , in rays of fire , the figure of this present emblem ; intimating , that in the good or bad intention of the ministers consist peace or war. the reverberation of the orders they receive , is fatal . if the breast be of clear and plain crystal , the orders flow thence as pure , if not purer , than they entred ; but if it be steel , they will imbroil the whole world in wars . to this end , princes , desirous of peace , should beware of making use of warlike ministers ; for as they found all their fortune upon arms , they continually seek occasions to exercise them . france had never bewail'd the effects of so much discord , nor europe of so many wars , had not the preservation of that king's favour consisted therein . we find , in holy writ , that the priests carried the trumpets wherewith they declared war ; that the modesty and gravity of their sacred office would not use them without great occasion . the breasts of princes are seas , which swell with mountains of waves , when their ministers are blustering boreas's , but are calm and serene when they are gentle zephyrs ; for a generous and peaceful mind tempers the hot and dangerous orders , and turns them to good ; like the sun , whose rays , though they pass by angles , endeavour to free themselves from this imperfect form , and return spherical in their reverberation . and sometimes it suffices not that their intention is good , if they pass for warriors ; for either none believe that men of their courage would neglect an occasion , and fear arms against their bravery , or at least malice takes it as a pretence . the count of fuentes , foreseeing what would happen to the valtoline , from the revolt of the grisons , upon account of the league with the republick of venice , built a fort at the mouth of the river ada , for the security of the state of milan . the duke of feria , in the same country , summon'd the catholicks to defend themselves from the protestants . the duke d' ossuna endeavour'd , by a fleet which he had in the adriatick , to divert the arms of venice upon friuli . and to these three ministers are ascrib'd the wars which were afterwards occasion'd through the troubles of the duke of savoy . in those who assist at treaties of peace , the danger is yet greater , each acting according to his inclination and passion , and not according to the good intention of the prince . don lopez de haro being disgusted by king sancho the strong , reveng'd himself in the treaties of peace between that king , and peter iii. king of arragon , differently reporting the answers of both ; which incens'd them more than before . the greatest misfortune of princes , is , that they can't personally assist at all affairs , but are oblig'd to be guided by others reports , which are like streams which are always tinctur'd with the quality of the minerals through which they pass , proceeding always infected with the malice , passion or affection of the ministers , and answer their conveniencies and designs ; by these they strive to flatter the prince , preparing them so , that they may be grateful to his taste and inclination . ministers , and principally embassadors , eager to shew their abilities , and that they penetrate all things , report to the prince for certainty , not that which is , but that which they fansie may be ; they are too prone to suspicions , which they form from the least shadow , and then give credit to them , whence proceed great equivocations and errors , and is the chief cause of quarrels and wars among princes ; for no minister but has power to promote broils and discord . let princes therefore be cautious of giving credit to the first relations of their ministers , but compare them first with those they receive from others : and to form a more certain judgment of what is written to them , let them be perfectly acquainted with their humour and genius , and with their method of conceiving things , whether they act by private interest and passion ; for it happens sometimes , that the minister is taken with a love for the country or prince with whom he treats . and thinks all things right and just ; and sometimes suffers himself to be oblig'd by their favours and civilities , and being naturally grateful , is of their side , and acts their cause . sometimes is deluded by plain appearances , and by contrary reports , cunningly spread , and so easily deceives his prince ; for there is none more apt to deceive others , than one who has been impos'd upon before . many ministers are mov'd by slight reasons , or by some passion or private aversion which disturbs their judgments , and turn every thing to ill . there are some also naturally enclin'd to misconstrue all actions and designs ; whereas others are so frank and generous , that they think nothing ill design'd . both the one and the other are dangerous , and these last not less so than the others . sometimes the minister , thinking it part of his duty to discover to the prince his enemies , and that by that means he shall gain the character of a zealous and understanding person , becomes so nicely suspicious , that no one is safe from his tongue and pen ; and to make his surmises and apprehensions sure , gives occasion , by his distrust , to friends to become enemies , to the great detriment of the prince , to whom it were much better to have a good confidence in all , or for the minister to apply remedies to cure , not to infect the minds and wills of the subject . ministers also , weary of embassies , that they may retire to enjoy the conveniencies and ease of a domestick life , stick not to promote a rupture between the princes they assist , or at least to suggest counsels not less pernicious . princes are much deceived , who think their ministers act always as ministers , and not as men. if it were so , they would be much better served , and find less inconveniencies . but they are men , and their office does not strip 'em of their inclination to ease , and to the pleasures of love , anger , revenge , and other affections and passions , which zeal nor duty are not always capable to correct . but let princes be apprized , that those who can't seduce good and loyal ministers , ( for that they fathom their artifices and counsels , and know what is their prince's interest , what not ) they traduce them as distrustful , passionate , perverse and obstinate , and therefore endeavour to remove them from the management of affairs , and to introduce others less knowing , or to treat immediately with the prince himself , tendring him specious propositions , which oblige him to resolves more prejudicial . he must not give the least grounds to any one , to think that he can't change the course of affairs , or displace ministers ; for if such thoughts take place , the prince will be ill served : for such confidence causes disdain and disobedience in the accuser , and the fear of it discourages the minister . the errors of these are less dangerous than those to admit the accusations against them , especially if they are foreigners : and were they true , yet 't is more prudence to deferr the remedy , till he from whom they came can't ascribe it to himself . emblem lxxvii . the farther those two luminaries of day and night are distant from each other , the greater their influence and light is below : but when they are in conjunction , their being brethren ; does not prevent the one from obscuring the other's rays ; and such eclipse creates shadows and inconveniencies to the earth . princes , by the benefit of their ministers and letters , maintain and uphold mutual correspondence with each other : but if they should conferr personally with one another , their interview would create shadows of suspicion and jealousie , which would put all their states in confusion , for that they never find in one another what they promis'd to themselves , and that neither measures himself by his own rule , but pretends always to much more than his due . an interview of two princes , is almost like a duel , in which they fight with ceremonies , each endeavouring to conquer t'other . the families of each assist at the engagement , like two hostile troops , each being zealous for his prince's triumph over the other , in personal accomplishments or grandeur ; and as in such a number all can't be men of prudence , some light expression , or slight affront , causes dissatisfaction in the rest . so it happen'd in the interview between king henry , and lewis xi . of france ; in which the spaniards exceeding them in pomp and greatness , and scouting the meanness and slovenliness of the french , those two nations departed enemies , who had till then maintain'd a good correspondence together * . the hatred between germanicus and piso was private , till they saw one another . the interview between ferdinand iv. of castile , and dionysius , his father-in-law , king of portugal , caused great disorders ; as did that of king philip i. and king ferdinand . and though the meeting of iames i. and king alphonso , produced very good effects , yet is it the safest way for princes to manage their affairs by embassadors . sometimes favourites sow discord between the prince and those of the blood-royal , ( as we have before observ'd ) of which there are many examples in our histories . don lopez de haro procured a separation between king sancho the strong , and the queen his consort . the domesticks of queen catharine , mother to king iohn ii. incens'd her against the infant , don ferdinand . don alvarez de lara endeavoured ( thereby to keep the government in his own hands ) to persuade king henry i. that his sister , queen berenguela , design'd to poison him . those who were interested in the quarrels between the infant sancho , and king alphonso the wise , his father , took what care they cou'd , to prevent their meeting and agreement . the grandees of castile hindred the reconcilement of king iohn ii. to his son henry . don alvarez de luna , that of king iohn of navarre , to his son prince carlos of viana . the favourites of king philip i. dissuaded him from an interview with king ferdinand . such artifices we have seen us'd in france , in these times , to the detriment of that kingdom , and of all christendom . the only remedy is , to despise the difficulties and inconveniencies which these favourites represent , and to come to an interview , when the secret operation of the blood has appeas'd their minds , and discover'd the malice of those who procur'd the misunderstanding . upon these reasons , king ferdinand gave a meeting at segovia , to king henry iv. his brother-in-law , not fearing the danger of exposing himself to the resentment of an offended king , who , either through natural affection , or to disguise his infamy , procur'd his daughter ioanna 's succession to the crown * . for though he was sufficiently pre-advis'd by his ministers of the danger of the thing ; yet in the scales of prudence , this consideration out-weigh'd , that no force nor treaty was so effectual as presence . emblem lxxviii . what we see of the mermaid , is beautiful ; what we hear , melodious ; that which the intention conceals , pernicious ; and that which is hidden under water , monstrous . who could imagine so great an inequality in so fair an appearance ? such beauty as to charm the mind , and such harmony as to intice ships upon rocks ? antiquity admir'd this monster as an extraordinary prodigy : yet is nothing more frequent ; courts and palaces are full of them . how often is a fair , smooth tongue , the snare to entrap a friend ? how often does a friendly , smiling look , conceal a heart full of rancour and malice ? how often are tears forc'd from a spring of joy ! those who shew'd most sorrow for the death of germanicus , were those who rejoyc'd most . when the head of pompey was brought to caesar , he , by his tears , dissembled the satisfaction of the sight : caesar , at first , his gift would not refuse , nor turn his eyes away , but fix'dly views till he perceiv'd 't was true , and plainly saw 't was safe to be a pious father-in-law ; then shed forc'd tears , and from a joyful breast drew sighs and groans , as thinking tears would best conceal his inward ioy — * we see much of the syren in the pretexts of some princes : how full of religion and concern for the publick good ? how obliging , kind , and promising ? and what cheats do they impose upon each other , under these feints and appearances ? they have the face of angels , but end in serpents ; and embrace , only to sting and poison : the wounds of a well-meaning sincerity are more wholsom than the kisses of such lips . the words of those are smooth and balmy , but of these sharp-pointed arrows . how often has treason took rise from honours ? tiberius , designing the death of germanicus , as jealous of the glory of his victories , and to extinguish thereby the race of augustus , call'd him to triumph , and made him his companion in the empire . by such arts he strives to disguise his mind : he burns with envy of germanicus ; and makes his glory blaze more , only the sooner to extinguish it : what appears is honour and affection , what is conceal'd is hatred and malice the more frank and sincere a man appears , the more fraud and design he harbours . we are not so apt to be deceiv'd by muddy as by clear fountains , which hide their poison , and invite by their clearness . for this reason , prudence should be upon her guard , to penetrate these arts of princes , suspecting them most when they seem most fair and obliging , and acting against their custom and nature ; as agrippina did , changing her morose temper into good humour and dalliance , to take nero off from the love of his slave : which alteration was suspected by nero and his friends , who advis'd him to beware of her subtilties . we should be more cautious against what princes conceal , than against what they shew ; more against what they are silent of , than what they declare . the elector of treves delivers up that city to the french king , to put therein a garrison , though he knew 't was imperial , and under the hereditary protection of the king of france , as duke of luxemburgh , and lord of the lower burgundy , and that thereby he not only ran counter to that protection , but also to the constitutions of the empire ; for which reason , the troops of spain surprize this city from the french , and accidentally detain the person of the elector , and treat him with all respect due to his dignity : and the king of france having eighteen days before concluded a league with the hollanders against the netherlands , makes use of this pretext , though happening afterwards , and enters with his forces in their behalf , under pretence of setting at liberty his friend and allie . he who seeks occasions , easily finds or makes ' em . malice is like light , which enters at the least chink ; and such is our inclination to liberty , and so blind our ambition , that there is no pretence which respects either of them , but we immediately embrace it , suffering our selves to be deceived by it , though never so unlikely or unreasonable . italy does not yet apprehend the designs of france , to lord it over her , under pretence of protection , though she has seen the publick faith so often violated , as in the treaties of ratisbon , carasco , and mon●on ; the usurpation of montferrat , the valtoline , and pignerol , and a garrison put into monaco . by such pretexts princes mask their ambition , their avarice and designs , to the expence of the lives and fortunes of their subjects . hence proceed all the commotions and wars that the world labours under . as interests alter , so also do these pretexts ; for they give umbrage to them , and follow them . the republick of venice enter into league with the grisons ; the french oppose it , lest it should diminish their alliance with them . whereupon the people are divided into factions , to the prejudice of the catholicks , whom the protestants endeavour to extirpate . the switzers hereupon summon a diet , and can find no better remedy , than to invite the spaniards into the valley ; an expedient before thought on by pope clement viii . in the instructions given to the bishop of veglia , when sent to the catholick cantons in quality of nuncio . which method was also approv'd of by gouffier , who managed the affairs of france , and who persuaded count alphonso casati , embassador from spain to the switzers , to write to the duke of feria , to enter the valtoline with his majesty's forces ; that thereby shutting up the passage of valcamonica from the venetians , they might desist from their pretensions , and that the valley might be clear'd of the protestants . the duke , moved by these instances , and by the common danger of this sect , which threatned the state of milan , and all italy , and also by the complaints and tears of the catholicks , enter'd the valtoline ; and immediately the french , upon new considerations , change their minds , and oppose this intent , entring into league in avignon with venice and savoy , under pretence of the liberty of italy , though that consists more in the stopping that passage from the protestants on t'other side the mountains , than in any acquisitions the spaniards could make in this country ; and the valtoline being only the pretence of the league , the arms of the allies serv'd only as a diversion , and all the force and design were turn'd to the oppression of the republick of genoa . so that pretences vary according to the alteration of interests . times by their effects discover the falsity of these pretences ; for either they don't perform what they promise , or don 't act where they propos'd . the republick of venice had a mind to seize gradisca , and took for a pretext the incursions of the vscoques in croatia : they made a feint to defend the liberty of the sea , and made war upon the land. many times they make war , upon pretence of zeal for the glory of god , and rather hinder it ; sometimes for religion , and confound it ; sometimes for publick peace , and disturb it ; sometimes for the peoples liberty , and oppress 'em ; sometimes for protection , and enslave them ; sometimes to preserve their own state , and they invade others . o men , o people , o states , o kingdoms ! whose tranquility and happiness depends upon the ambition and capriche of a few . when the ends of actions are just , but are in danger of not being so interpreted , or of miscarrying if they are understood , we may so dispose them , that our actions may appear different to the eyes of the world , and be thought to be guided by other honest causes . he who acts so , cheats none , but acts justifiably , but only amuses malice by false appearances , by which it deceives it self , and prevents its opposition to the just designs of the prince ; for no reason obliges him to point at the mark at which he levels ; for it would be impossible for him to strike one , if at the same time he did not seem to aim at another . there is not less danger to states , in the feign'd zeal with which some would seem to respect the publick , and regard only their own particular interest . they pretend to reform the government , to weaken its authority : they propose means , and suggest counsels after the effect , to discover errors already past remedy : they affect liberty , to gain the applause of the people against the magistracy , and confound the state , by reducing it afterwards to slavery . these artifices are us'd by all tyrants of republicks . what feints did tiberius make of restoring liberty to that of rome , when his whole design was to oppress it . the same methods the prince of o — us'd to make the netherlands revolt , which his family have made use of since to lord it over the vnited provinces . time will shew them , to their cost , the difference between a natural prince and a tyrant ; then they will repent of having preferr'd rebellion with their ruine , to obedience with security , as cerialis advis'd those of treves . the people blindly fly to the call of liberty , and don't know it till they have lost it , and find themselves intangled in the nets of slavery . they suffer themselves to be moved by the fears of these false crocodiles , and rashly intrust them with their lives and fortunes . how peaceable would the world be , if subjects knew , that whether the government be of all , of many , or of one , it would have its inconveniencies , with some kind of tyranny : for though speculation may invent a perfect form of government , as it must be of men , not of angels , it may be commended , but not practised . so that liberty consists not in this or that form of government , but in the preservation of that which a long use and experience has constituted and approved , in which justice is defended , and publick peace preserv'd , supposing that some sort of government must be obey'd ; for liberty never suffers more than in such changes . we think to find a better , and we fall into a worse ; as it happen'd to those who survived tiberius and caius ; and when we better our selves , it does not countervail the damage we sustain in the change of one form to another . so that 't is better to bear with the present , though unjust ; and hope , that if the prince be bad , god will be pleas'd to send another good one . 't is he bestows kingdoms ; and 't would be accusing his divine decrees , not to obey those whom he has constituted . nebuchadnezzar was a wicked prince , yet god threatned a severe punishment to those who did not obey him . as we are contented with the seasons , and bear patiently the inconveniencies of nature ; so also we should the defects of our princes . while there are men , there will be vices . where is there to be found a prince without them ? these evils are not continual . if one prince be bad , another good one succeeds , and so one makes amends for the other . emblem lxxix . no bird so much resembles man in the articulation of the voice , as the parrot * . it s vivacity is so great , that some philosophers have doubted whether it did not participate of reason . cardan says , that it surpasses all birds in ingenuity , and quickness of apprehension ; and that it not only learns to speak , but also to meditate with a desire of glory . this bird is very candid and ingenuous , the quality of great spirits : yet is not its candour exposed to deceit , but she knows how to prevent it ; and as sly and crafty as the serpent is , it evades his artifices , and to secure its nest from him , it hangs it at the end of the highest and slenderest twig of a tree , in the manner here represented , that when he would pass by them to devour its young ones , he falls by his own weight . so artifice must be frustrated by artifice , and counsel by counsel . in which case , king ferdinand the catholick was an exellent master for princes , as he sufficiently shewed in all his designs , particularly in his marriage with germana de foix , niece to lewis xii . of france , to break the peace clapt up at hagenaw , between the emperor , and his son-in-law , king philip i. without his knowledge , and to his prejudice . nor did he use with less address the opportunity offer'd by the same king of france 's desiring a league with him , to get liberty to invade the kingdom of naples , contriving the matter so that he might recover the governments of rousillon and sardinia : and when he saw the french king had already made an inroad into italy with that intent , and withal how dangerous a neighbour he would prove to the kingdom of sicily , which his eye was upon , he put a stop to his progress , broke the treaty , and denounc'd war against him , entring into an alliance with the republick of venice , and other princes . and these weapons are more necessary in war than peace ; for their wit does more than strength . and certainly that commander deserves no small praise , who despising the vain-glory of conquering his enemy with the sword , steals the victory , and triumphs by policy and stratagem , whereby the law of nations is not the least violated . for if the war be just , the methods thereof are so also : 'twixt force and fraud , what difference in war ? and indeed , what reason can be given , why you may not deceive him , whom it is lawful even to kill ? it is a piece of magnanimity to preferr the publick safety before a triumph , and make sure of victory without exposing it to the manifest fortune of war , when there 's none , in humane judgment , can appear so certain , but it is subject to a thousand chances . in countermining the cunning designs and intrigues of an enemy , we must not always regard what a prudent man would do in the like case , ( though to have also some fore-thought of that were adviseable ) but a judgment must be formed from the condition and capacity of the person to be dealt with ; for all men take not always the most proper and prudent methods . ferdinand duke of alba 's entring portugal with an army , upon king sebastian 's death , was amazing ; by several blamed as a very dangerous enterprise , in a person so eminently versed in the art of war. to whom he reply'd , that he was not ignorant of the danger ; but he trusted in having to do with a nation , which by a continued enjoyment of peace , had probably forgot the affairs of war. even when we have to do with men eminent for prudence , the judgment and conjecture we pass upon their actions , even by the rule of reason and prudence , is not infallibly certain ; for sometimes they suffer themselves to be carry'd away by passion , and the wisest men are now and then guilty of the greatest errors , self-conceit rendring them negligent , or too much confidence in their discretion , making them presume , that though they have a little lost their way , they can easily find it again . sometimes in things they presuppose , time and other events deceive them . wherefore it is the safest way , ever to suspend one's judgment in things that depend upon another's pleasure , and not to go about to regulate them by our own private discretion ; for every one has his particular reasons unknown to others , and consonant to his nature , which are the spring of his actions . what to one seems impossible , another thinks easie : and there be some genius's that fear not the most hazardous enterprises ; some that are guided by reason , others that are utterly averse to it . the most secret artifices of enemies , or those who under colour of friendship , aim wholly at their own interest , are such particularly whereby they make their proposals with so much subtilty , that they seem to redound to the prince's advantage , when they really tend to his ruine ; a thing his integrity is easily deluded in , if he want experience , or smell not their drift . it requires therefore no small prudence and attention to turn such counsels to the destruction of the authors thereof . into what precipes will that government fall , which is directed by foreign councils , contrary to the advice of the holy ghost . but although an enemy's designs are usually discoverable by bare reasoning , yet is it convenient to trace them also by spies , the principal instruments of government , without which a crown can never be secure , or admit of encrease , nor a war be carry'd on with success . vitellius was condemned for being improvident in council , in warfare ignorant , how to draw up an army , what belong'd to scouts , when to prosecute , when protract a war. and indeed , of what ill consequence this negligence is , germany can abundantly testifie , which has lost several advantageous opportunities , and its soldiers been oftentimes surprized and cut off in their quarters , for want of intelligence of the enemies designs and marches . ioshua made use of spies , though god himself took care of his arms . moses never march'd , but an angel carry'd a pillar of fire before him , to shew where to encamp ; yet by god's command , he sent out men to search the promis'd land . embassadors are nothing but publick spies ; and without prejudice to the law of god , or that of nations , may endeavour , by bribes and presents , to corrupt the fidelity of ministers , who even by oaths are oblig'd to it , and to sift out what ill contrivances are in agitation against their prince ; for these are no way obliged to keep the secret , and the other have on their side the natural reason of self-preservation . emblem lxxx . the stone-cutter at home first prepares and polishes the marbles he designs for the ornanament of a building ; because afterwards it would be more troublesome , and the work imperfect . for this reason , i conceive , those of solomon's temple were fashion'd , that it might be erected without noise , and the sound of tools . thus wise princes ought to polish their designs , and bring their resolutions to maturity , before they put them in execution ; for not to consider of them but in the field , is more like a gladiator than a prince . the bull ( the figure of this emblem ) before he engages his rival , practises by making trial of himself , and by often running his horns against a tree , by degrees learns the art of defending himself , and goring his opposer . he who is to consult in heat of action , fears all things , and knows not what measures to take . but because occasions happen not always as we wish , and sometimes it is not in our power to retard or hasten them , it will be the part of prudence to consider whether it is better to execute our resolutions with leisure or expedition , for that some affairs require speed in their resolutions , others time , and mature consultation ; and to offend on either hand , will be to the prejudice of the government . consideration , when of worse consequence than rashness , is by all means to be avoided . in sudden emergencies , counsels are better snatch'd than taken . whatever time is spent in deliberation , will either overcome the danger , or lose the opportunity . fortune's nimble , but the generality of men move but slowly , and that 's the reason so few overtake her . the greatest part of our deliberations are upon things already past , and the counsel comes after the event . our affairs run with so much swiftness , that counsel must be speedy to pursue them ; nay , even that will be too slow , it ought to be in a readiness to expect them . when time favours , it is assisted by delay ; otherwise expedition surmounts it , and then counsellors of lively , active spirits , are chiefly necessary . other affairs , which allow time , should be transacted with maturity ; for nothing is more opposite to prudence , than haste and passion . impetuousness ever miscarries , and examination and attention are confounded by it . hence it is that hot , rash counsels almost always please at first sight ; are difficult in the execution ; in the event grievous ; and the persons who suggest them , though they may appear at first daring , yet when they come to execute , are at a stand , being embroiled by their own counsels : for haste is blind , and without forecast . wicked counsels require precipitation , but good usually get strength by delay . and although the common people love to see effects before they do causes , and so always condemn slow counsels ; yet the prince ought to be proof against these murmurings , which , upon success , will afterwards redound to his glory . nevertheless , delay must not be so great , as to let slip the opportunity of execution ; a fault the emperor valens was guilty of , who idly spent the time of action in consultation . this is a general error in imprudent counsellors , who , perplex'd with the weight of affairs , can neither judge of the danger , nor come to any conclusion ; whence they start at the least shadow , nay , and think by these very doubts to pass for discreet . they suspend their counsels , till time it self furnish them ; and then begin to resolve , when the opportunity is gone . counsels therefore should be ripened , not hurried ; for maturity errs neither in excess nor defect of time : as it is admirably express'd by augustus , in his device of a dolphin twin'd round an anchor , with this inscription , festina lente ; with which that of alexander the great is not incompatible , nihil cunctando : the one being understood of affairs of peace , the other concerning those of war , where expedition gives success to the greatest designs . cerealis succeeded well in all things , by resolving and executing with expedition . but notwithstanding speed does generally produce great effects in war ; yet care should be taken , that it be not blind and inconsiderate , beginning briskly , but in the end languisheth . when the thing it self admits of delay , and there is room for deliberation , this is of more service than rashness : though both in the one and the other prudence should measure time , either lest through want of it the counsels be like whelps , born blind , or as hedghogs with prickles and difficulties , by being too slow . when therefore orders come first out of the prince's hand , let them be absolute , to prevent confusion or doubt in their execution . for the most prudent ministers can never perform as they ought , such as come to them rough and deformed : it is for him that commands to prescribe the form , for the subject to execute it . and if each do not keep to their distinct duties , the work will remain defective . the prince should do the part of a master-workman , the minister that of an inferior labourer . that prince who leaves all to the disposal of his ministers , either is ignorant or weary of his office. 't is an ill-constituted government , where ●ower is lodg'd in many ; nay , it is indeed no government , which is not under one head. if ministers rule , all authority and the order of government will perish . then only they may and ought to suspend the execution of orders , when the same appear evidently unjust , inasmuch as they are born for god , before their prince . as also when the prince's commands are prejudicial to his patrimony or reputation , or inconsistent with good government , and depend upon the knowledge of some particular matters of fact , or lastly , when distance or other accidents shall seem to have made such an alteration in the state of affairs , that it may be probably gather'd , that had the prince known these before , he would not have given those orders ; in this case , provided however there be no other considerable danger in delaying , they may be deferred and excepted against , modestly however , and with all the respect due to his authority and judgment , with this hope at least , that upon better information , he may command what is more proper to be done . thus the great captain did , when , contrary to the orders of ferdinand the catholick , he stay'd at naples with his army , considering with what impatience the italian princes expected the result of the interview between the two kings , ferdinand , and his son-in-law , philip i. and what a desperate condition the affairs of naples would be in , if he abandon'd them at that juncture . for all this , if the minister know his prince to be so great a lover of his own counsels , as rather to do amiss , than admit of instruction , he may hold his tongue , and dissemble ; for it were downright folly for him to expose himself to danger , without hopes of a remedy . corbulo was already engaged in some considerable enterprize ; but the emperor having commanded him to desist , he retir'd : for tho' he knew those orders were unadvisedly given , yet he would not ruine himself by disobeying them . no orders require so punctual observance in the minister , as those which relate to matters of state. in this case ( unless the above-mention'd circumstances occurr , or there be otherwise any considerable evident danger in the execution ) he is implicitly to obey , without giving any heed to his private opinion and arg●ments . for the designs of princes are often too deeply rooted , to be penetrated by the minister , or rather they would not have him dive into them ; and therefore he should side with the prince's commands , and presume upon his prudence that so it ought to be . hence dolabella , when commanded by tiberius to bring the ninth legion out of germany , readily obeyed , although he wanted not reasons to the contrary . if every one had liberty to canvas and examine what is enjoined , all things would be confounded , and infinite opportunities lost . a kingdom ( as has been said elsewhere ) is like a musical instrument , whose strings the prince tunes , who runs them all over with his fingers ; whereas the minister touches only one , and not hearing the rest sound , cannot know whether it be too high or too low , and would very easily be mistaken , if he went to set it according to his own fancy . the count de fuentes , by the liberty of his years , zeal , services and experiences , crowned with so many signal trophies and victories gave him , sometimes ( while he governed the state of milan ) suspended his obedience to king philip the third's orders , because he ●udged them improper , and to proceed rather from the self-interest or ignorance of his ministers , than his own mind : which example many afterwards have followed , to the great prejudice of the publick repose , and regal authority . it would be of very ill consequence , for ministers to be always allow'd to question , whether what is commanded , be the prince's will or not ; an abuse which usually has its first rise from their knowing it not to be his own hand that proportions and polishes the stones designed for the edifice of government . but suppose it be another's , yet due honour and submission ought to be paid to the commands , no less than if they came from his own will and judgment , or else there would be nothing but confusion and disorder . zealous and prudent obedience reverences the bare hand and seal of its sovereign . but if princes are too remote , and there is danger of their orders coming too late , even after the event , or that variety of accidents ( particularly in affairs of war ) may not allow time for deliberation , and there be certain intelligence that the opportunity will be in the mean time lost , it will be prudence to give full power of acting as occasion shall require , lest that happen which befell vespasian , in the civil war with vitellius , when distance of place made the counsels come after the events . to avoid which inconveniency , tiberius , upon sending drusus to command the german legions , joined with him some prudent and experienc'd counsellors , whom he might consult as occasion required , but a full power to act as he saw opportunity . when helvidius priscus was sent into armenia , he had a commission to act as he saw occasion . in●fine , this was the usual practice of the roman senate , to leave all to the discretion and conduct of their commanders , and to recommend nothing in particular to them , but only all possible care that the commonwealth suffer'd no damage . an example the republicks of venice and florence are far from imitating ; who , unwilling to let their liberty lie at the mercy of one man , restrain the power of their generals ; being forewarned by the example of augustus , who turned the arms upon the commonwealth , which he had taken up in its defence against mark anthony . this freedom of power the ministers who are near the king's person are wont to limit , to encrease their own , and render it necessary for all to pass through their hands . whence it is that so much time is spent in deliberating , and that resolutions are taken too late to be executed , or at least to have the success that might be expected from them ; and consequently the charges and pains in preventing is utterly thrown away . it happens also sometimes , that while there passes so great a space of time between the accidents themselves , and their being known and examined , fresh advice is brought of the state of affairs , with new circumstances , which make it necessary to alter the former orders ; and after this manner days and years slide away , without any effect either of resolution or action . emblem lxxxi . the forces of all powers are limited , those of ambition alone ( the common vice of humane nature ) infinite . this , the more it has , the more it desires to have , or rather is a kind of fiery appetite by the heart exhaled , which draws strength and encrease from the very matter it is apply'd to . this failing is greater in princes than in other men ; for to the desire of getting is joined that glory of commanding , both which neither submit to reason nor danger , and hate to measure themselves by their abilities . wherefore the prince ought to weigh well what his sword is able to strike , what his shield to defend , always remembring this , that his crown is a finite and limited circle . king ferdinand the catholick , in all his undertakings , never failed to consider every circumstance of them , their cause , disposition , time , means , and end. he who attempts nothing but what he can effect , will pass for invincible ; whereas one that aspires to a thing impossible , or too difficult , discovers the bounds of his power , and the frustrated designs are , as 't were , publick records of his weakness . there is no monarchy so potent , but it is upheld more by opinion than reality , by reputation than strength . desire of glory and sovereignty hurry us on , so that all things seem easie , but in the end we meet with difficulties unobserved before . almost all wars might be avoided , were their means and end throughly examined at first : it is therefore incumbent on the prince , before he engage in them , perfectly to know his forces , as well offensive as defensive , the state of his malitia , and what officers he has to command them , the substance of his coffers , what contributions he may expect from his subjects , and whether they be like to continue loyal in adversity , also by study , reading and conversation , to instruct himself in the disposition and situation of countries , in the customs of nations , the natures of his enemies , their wealth , auxiliaries and allies . let him measure every one's sword , and examine wherein his strength consists . henry , king of castile , notwithstanding his sickness , never neglected this , but sent several embassadors as far as asia , to inform him of the manners and customs of those parts . the same did moses , before the israelites entred the promised land . and lest the prince we frame by these emblems should want this matter also , i shall here , in general , touch upon some points of it , with what brevity the present design requires . nature , willing to shew her beauty and power , by the variety of her productions , has stampt a difference not only upon the faces , but also on the minds of men ; there being a vast disagreement between the tempers and morals of nations . to this end , she has variously disposed the causes themselves ; which either jointly all operate in some places , or separately ; in these some , in those others . geographers have divided the globe of the earth into divers climates , each of which is subject to a particular planet , as to the principal cause and fountain of that diversity : and because the first climate , which is drawn through meroe , an island of the river nile , is subject to saturn , they say its inhabitants are black , barbarous , rough , suspicious , treacherous , and cannibals . that those of the second , which is attributed to iupiter , and passes through siene , a city of egypt , are religious , grave , honest and prudent . those of the third , which is subject to mars , and reaches through alexandria , are restless and warlike . those of the fourth , which is under the sun , and is stretch'd through the isle of rhodes and the midst of greece , are men of learning , orators , poets , and ingenious artists . those of the fifth , which passes through rome , dividing italy from savoy , and is ascribed to venus , are effeminate , lovers of musick and luxury . those of the sixth , govern'd by mercury , and passing through france , are fickle , inconstant , and addicted to sciences . lastly , those of the seventh , where the moon presides , and which is extended through germany , the low-countries , and england , are flegmatick , lovers of good-fellowship , fishing , and trading . nevertheless , this one cause seems not to be always uniform , nor sufficient : for under the same parallel or climate , with the same elevation of the pole , and an equal rising and setting of the stars , we see opposite effects , particularly in the climates of the lower hemisphere . in aethiopia , for instance , the sun's beams scorch and blacken mens bodies ; but in brasil , which has the same latitude , their skins are white , and the air temperate and agreeable . the ancients held the torrid zone , for its excessive heat , to be uninhabitable , yet in armenia it is very temperate , and well peopled . and though those eternal luminaries of heaven have some energy , yet the disposition of the earth contributes more ; for we find the effects of their rays to be greater or varied , according to the various situation of hills and valleys , and temper'd even by rivers and lakes . this is undeniable , that nature is wonderful in her works , and that she sometimes seems to swerve from the ordinary laws of causes , and from reason , as it were on purpose to baffle humane curiosity . who can account for what we see happen in the country of malabar , where calecut is ? vast high mountains , which touch the very clouds , and end in a promontory call'd anciently corus , now cape comorin , divide this country into two parts , and altho' both have the same elevation of the pole , yet when on this side the mountains winter begins , and neptune's billows rage and swell , on the other side the fields and towns are burnt up with the scorching heats of summer , and the waters continually calm . this diversity then which is in climates , in the situation of places , the temperature of the air , and food , variously distinguishes mens complexions , and these again their very natures . for the manners of the mind follow the temperament and disposition of the body . the northerns , by reason of the sun's remoteness , and the coldness of their countries , are sanguine , robust , and valiant ; whence they have almost ever had dominion over the southern nations ; the assyrians over the chaldaeans , the medes over the assyrians , the parthians over the greeks , the turks over the arabians , the goths over the germans , the romans over the africans , over the french the english , and over these the scotch . they love liberty , as those also do who inhabit mountains , as the switzers , grisons , and biscayners , their temperament being not much unlike the constitution of the northerns . in nations very near the sun , excess of heat quite dries up the blood ; which makes the inhabitants melancholy , and profound in the penetration of nature's secrets ; whence all other northerly nations have received the mysteries of sciences from the egyptians and arabians . those countries which lie between the two torrid zones enjoy a favourable air , and there religion , justice and prudence flourish . but because every nation differs from others in many particulars , although they are all situate under one climate , i shall here set down what i have by long experience and study observed of each , lest this necessary piece of knowledge should be wanting to your highness , who exercise dominion over almost all . the spaniards love religion and justice , are patient of toil , in counsel profound , in execution slow ; of such great souls , that neither good fortune elevates , nor ill dejects them . what is in them a natural glory , and greatness of mind , is imputed to them for pride , and a contempt of other nations , when notwithstanding it is that which is most agreeable to all , and makes them most esteemed ; that , i say , which above all follows the guidance of reason , and by the dictates of that checks its passions and appetites . the africans are subtile , deceitful , superstitious and barbarous , and observe no military discipline . the italians cautious and prudent : there 's no species or image of vertue which they represent not in their words and behaviour , to promote their ends and interest . a glorious nation , whose temporal empire did heretofore , as its spiritual one does at this day , rule almost the whole world. they are no less able and fit to command , than obey ; of prodigious courage and ingenuity in arts , as well of peace as war. their excess of judgment makes them enclinable to suspicion , to the prejudice of themselves , and other nations . they are in continual fear and jealousie of greater powers , and make it their endeavour to balance them . there 's not a sword drawn , nor pike trail'd in any part of the earth , but what has been first made and sharpened in the forge of italy . in germany , variety of religions , civil wars , and the soldiers of other nations serving there , have corrupted their ancient candour and ingenuity of mind . and as things of a delicate make receive most damage by being corrupted ; so where foreign malice has infected these people , it has render'd them more mistrustful and depraved in their morals . some of them have wholly thrown off allegiance to their prince . the horror of so many cruelties has render'd their minds so savage , that they are neither touch'd with love nor compassion towards their neighbours or one another . one cannot , without tears , compare what this illustrious heroick nation has been , with what it is now , ruin'd no less by the vices , than arms of others . although this must be confess'd , that in a great many nature has had more force than example , several still refaining the candour and generous sincerity of their ancestors ; those ancient manners are yet in our time sufficiently demonstrated by the integrity and nobleness of these . nevertheless , tho' the case be thus in germany , yet we cannot deny but good manners have more in●●●nce there , than in other places good laws . all arts are in request there ; nobility is most diligently preserved , in which thing it may boast above all other nations . their obedience and patience in war is great , their hearts strenuous and valiant . the power of the empire perished , by being too prodigal of it grandeur and majesty among the princes , and suffering the usurpation of so many provinces , and the too great liberty of the free towns , the chief rise of its troubles , by the disunion of the parts of so puissant a body . the french are civil , affable , and warlike : their first onsets , with the same speed they are heated , cool again . they neither know how to keep within the bounds of their own , nor preserve themselves in another land ; are impatient and fickle ; in look lovely , in manners intolerable ; their vivacity , and freedom of action , being very disagreeable to the gravity of other nations . all arts and sciences flourish among them . the english are grave and resolute , have a good opinion of themselves ; and , when occasion requires , undauntedly expose their lives to the greatest dangers , though sometimes carry'd on by too bold and impetuous passion , rather than premeditated choice . they are excellent and powerful by sea , and good soldiers also at land , when by long use inured to arms. the irish are hardy ; despise arts , and proudly boast of their extraction . the scots are constant and faithful to their kings , having continued the crown in one line for twenty ages down to these times . they know no other tribunal of their anger and revenge , but the sword. the netherlands are industrious , men of candour and sincerity , fit for arts both of peace and war , in which that soil has always produced eminent men. they love religion and liberty ; know not how to cheat others , nor will they suffer themselves to be cheated . their kind natures are like melted metals , which afterwards consolidated , always retain the impression of their jealousies . hence the wit and address of count maurice were able to give them an aversion to the spaniards , ●●d under a pretence of liberty , bring on them that yoke of slavery under which the vnited provinces live even at this day . the rest of the northern nations are wild and ungovernable ; know how to conquer , and maintain their conquests . the polanders are martial , but better at preserving than acquiring . the hungarians haughty , and resolute assertors of their privileges . they retain also many of the manners of those nations which have took up arms for or against them . the sclavonians fierce . the greeks vain , superstitious , and without faith ; forgetful now of what they have been heretofore . the asiaticks are slaves to their sovereigns , to their vices also , and superstitions . that vast empire was at first raised and is still supported more by our cowardice than the courage of that people , more for our punishment than their desert . the moscovites and tartars are naturally servile ; rush with heat into the battel , and as presently fly . but these general observations comprehend not without exception every individual : for there are found some grateful and loyal persons in the most ungrateful and perfidious nation , inasmuch as alteration of governments , passing from one nation to another , conversation , inter-marriages , war , peace , and those very motions of the spheres which from the poles and from the zodiack of the primum mobile derive on things here below celestial influences , change customs and manners , nay , even nature it self . for if we consult histories , we shall find the germans were noted for their bravery ; the italians , on the contrary , branded with cowardice : a difference not visible now . nations have been uppermost by turns ; and while monarchy lasted in them , vertues , arts and arms flourished , which have been afterwards , with the empires ruine , buried in its ashes , and with it revived again in another place . nevertheless , all nations have some peculiar inclinations and passions , which insensibly stick to foreigners , if they make any considerable stay amongst them . the customs then of nations being known , the prince will be able far better to manage affairs whether of peace or war , and know how to rule foreign countries , every one of which enclines to a particular manner of government , as conformable to its nature . they have not all an uniform reason of state , no more than one medicine is a cure for all their diseases . and herein unexperienc'd counsellors are generally out , who think others can be govern'd by the maxims and principles of their own states . the bit which is easie to the spaniard , is not so to the italian and netherlander : and as the ways of dressing , managing and breaking the horses of spain , naples and hungary are different , though they are all of one species ; so nations also should be differently govern'd according to their natures , customs and habits . from this variety of peoples conditions , we may gather , how careful the prince ought to be in sending embassadors , to see that they be not only endued with all the qualifications necessary for the representation of his person , and exercise of his power ; but withal , that their natures , wit and manners , agree with those of the nation they are to treat with : for if this conformity be wanting , they will be fitter to kindle war , than to make peace ; to excite hatred , than procure love. hence god himself was , as it were , in suspence , and dubious in the choice of a minister to send to his people , and therefore deliberates thus with himself ; whom shall i send , and who will go for us ? every court requires a minister suitable to its nature . in that of rome , men of thought are approved , who are perfectly versed in the art of dissimulation , so as not to betray any passion , either in their speech or looks : such as appear sincere , and are subtile and prudent ; who know how to oblige all men , and be obliged to none ; are civil in negotiations , easie in treaties , reserved in counsels , constant in resolutions , friends to all , intimate with none . the emperor's court requires a man who maintains his authority without pride , who speaks with sincerity , proposes with modesty , answers with truth , and expects with patience ; who anticipates not accidents , but makes use of them when they happen ; who , in a word , is cautious in promising , exact in performing . the french court likes men of facetious , pleasant humours , that can mix seriousness with gaiety ; that neither despise , nor very much regard promises ; who change with the times , though more according to the present than future . in england , the grave and reserved are commended , such as are slow both in negotiations and dispatches . at venice are valued men of eloquence , of a ready lavention , ingenuous in reasoning and proposing , and quick-sighted into others designs . at genoa , persons of frugality , loving rather to compose than breed dissention ; who keep up their authority without state , are patient , and time-servers . the suissers require such as can , upon occasion , lay aside publick grandeur , and be familiar in conversation ; as have learn'd to ingratiate themselves by presents and hopes , to have patience , and watch their opportunities ; for they have to do with a subtile and jealous people , differing from each other in religion , factions , and methods of government , but are unanimous in their resolutions and decrees , and in their counsels avoid extremes , which each canton afterwards executes according to its own method . now , as these qualities are proper for every court before-mention'd ; so are complaisance , civility , and splendour , of universal use in all , if accompany'd with a good mien and carriage , with some learning and knowledge of languages , particularly the latine ; for these affect every body , procure the applause and esteem of foreigners , and credit to one's own country . as nations differ in manners , so do they also in strength . that of the church , consists in the respect and obedience of christian believers ; that of the empire , in reputation of grandeur ; of spain , in its infantry ; france , in the nobility ; of england , in the sea ; of the turks , in their number ; that of poland , in its cavalry ; that of the venetians , in their prudence ; of the savoyards , in their judgment . almost all nations differ from each other in arms both offensive and defensive , which are adapted to the genius and disposition of each country ; wherein it is principally to be considered which are the most common and general , and whether those of our own country are inferior to others , that the most advantageous may be made use of ; for excellency in one kind of weapons , or the novelty of the late-invented ones , often give or take away empires . the parthians enlarged theirs by the use of darts : the french and northerns opened a way to theirs by that of the armed lance , forc'd on by the swiftness of their cavalry : the art of fencing , which the romans practis'd in their publick sword-plays , ( wherein judgment has great effect ) made them masters of the universe : and the spaniards have conquer'd a new world , and establish'd a monarchy in europe , by the invention of several sorts of fire-arms ; for these , above all , require courage and resolution , which are the particular vertues of that nation . to this element of fire the very earth has opposed it self , ( so that now all the four elements conspire the destruction of mankind ; ) and by introducing the pick-ax and shovel , the industry of the dutch has made such advances , as to be able to resist the valour of spain . the greatest politicians often mistake the balance of governments ; particularly some of the italians , who vainly strive to keep them always in aequilibrio ; for that government is not the most dangerous or potent , whose dominions are of the largest extent , or subjects most numerous , but which knows best how to use its strength . if you put the forces in a pair of scales , and one fall down , the other hang in the air ; yet , upon adding to this but one drachm of prudence and valour , or else if the quantity of ambition and tyranny exceed in that , the former shall poise , if not out-weigh the latter . they who have raised their fortune in this world , and ruled it , have all had but slender beginnings . the grandeur of the house of austria inflamed the envy of many , and all conspired to bring it down , while not one so much as thought of sweden , which had undoubtedly enslaved germany , and perhaps italy too , had not the king's death prevented it . powers that begin to grow , are more to be feared than those that are already grown ; for in these their declension is natural , as in those their encrease . the one strive to preserve themselves by the publick quiet , the other to advance themselves by disturbing foreign dominions . suppose one power be in it self stronger than another , this has not therefore less valour than that , to defend and protect it self . one planet has more force and vigour in its own house , than another in its elevation . nor are these fears of a neighbouring power always well grounded ; on the other side , they often turn to its advantage . italy was under apprehensions of slavery from the west , when it saw the kingdom of sicily united to the crown of castile ; which were not a little augmented when naples was added , and both at once paid obedience to castile : but when the emperor charles v. annexed the state of milan to the crown of spain , it seemed absolutely to despair ; yet for all this , the princes lost not their liberty ; on the contrary , have been effectually preserv'd against the turkish and transalpine arms , and enjoy'd a whole age of peace . the fort de fuentes , built by the spaniards , was a great eye-sore to many , who look'd on it as a bridle to italy , yet experience has shew'd its only design was their defence . but all these examples are not sufficient to cure the pannick fears of that hypochondria of state-interest , as they call it , especially complicated with the ill humours of envy and emulation , so as to make it shake off those melancholy whimsies . his catholick majesty lays siege to casal , to dispossess the french of it , and put it into the hands of the right owner , to promote the peace of italy : and what do the envious , but immediately enter into a new league to oppose him ? as if one city , more or less , were of any moment to so vast a dominion . from this false apprehension of future evils and dangers , which perhaps would never have really come to pass , proceed other present ones , much greater , by the anticipation of their remedies . let such persons then as are thus solicitous to poise the balance of governments , lay aside their emulations ; for it cannot be effected without prejudice to the publick repose . who can so keep the globe of the world in this equinox of power , that some shall not come nearer the solstices of grandeur than others ; nations would be in perpetual war ; nothing giving more disturbance to them , than to be once possess'd with such empty chimera's which never have an end , especially since the union of inferiour powers against a greater cannot be of long continuance : and should they pull this down , who will they find to share the grandeur among them , so that each shall be satisfy'd , and not every one desire the whole ? who shall keep them so even , that one shall not encrease faster than another ? since man's body is preserved by the inequality of its members , why should not states , as well by the greatness of one and mediocrity of another commonwealth ? it is the securer policy to follow the most powerful , and conform to their fortune , than to oppose them . opposition awaken● power , and gives a pretence to tyranny . the orb● of heaven suffer themselves to be whirled by the violence of the prim●m mobile , which they cannot resist ; and in following the motion of that , perform their own course . ferdinand de medicis , duke of tuscany , learn'd at rome the art of molesting superior powers , and practised it against spain by certain new devices , in france , england , and holland ; but he afterwards found the danger of it , and left it as a lesson to his successors never to use them ; which they observe to this day , to the great benefit of the publick tranquility . emblem lxxxii . some adorned their helmets with swans and peacocks , by the generosity of these creatures to animate their minds , and inflame them with a desire of glory ; others with a bear 's or lion's head , letting the skin hang down their shoulders , to strike terror into their enemies . so that of this device ( the design of which is to shew what a price the prince ought to set upon arms ) i have chosen for the crest a porcupine , whose quills , no less agreeable for their roughness , than the ostrich's feathers are for their smoothness , at once defend and assault . there 's no garb more graceful than armour adorned with arms. the splendour of purple , however sparkling with gold , pearls and diamonds , is insignificant ; and the magnificence of palaces and attendance , and the pomp of courts useless , except flaming swords , and the glittering of arms , contribute to render princes illustrious . solomon , the wisest of kings , gloried not so much in his costly wardrobes , as in his rich arsenals , which were stored with shields and targets of an inestimable value . the spaniards of old prized a war-horse more than their blood : now that esteem is sunk , by the convenience of coaches and chariots , the use of which was prohibited among the romans to all but senators , and ladies of quality . to remedy which abuses , and once more introduce the custom of riding , the emperor charles v. spoke thus in the assembly of the states of madrid , in the year : the natives of these kingdoms ( said he ) have ever been esteemed and honoured both at home and abroad , for their skill in chivalry ; and it is by this alone they have obtained so many glorious victories over their enemies , as well christians as infidels , conquered so many kingdoms and dominions as at this day depend on our crown . the scripture says , in the praise of men of courage , that their shields are of fire ; intimating how careful they are to keep them bright and well polish'd : and in another place observes , that their rays reflected on neighbouring mountains were like lamps of fire . david said , a sword added grace even to the majesty of god . hannibal's habit was mean and modest , but in equipage he surpass'd all others . the emperor charles v. took more delight in military pomp , than in robes embroider'd with gold. ottocarus , king of bohemia , being overcome by the emperor rodolphus , came with great splendour to swear homage to him , and , as he was exhorted by his attendance , to deck himself as became his majesty : he replied ; arm , and march in rank and file , and shew these men , that you place your bravery and gallantry , not in fine cloaths , but in your arms , for they best become both me and you . that majesty begets princes most authority , which proceeds from power . the people chuse them for their defence ; which was intimated by the navarrois , when , in their coronations , they seated the kings on a shield : this was their throne , and heaven their canopy . the prince should be a buckler to his subjects , armed against all assaults , and exposed to dangers and injuries . he will never appear more beautiful either to them or foreigners , than when in armour . the first ornaments and marks of honour the ancient germans gave their youth , was a sword and buckler : till then they were part of their family , but afterwards became members of their government . the prince never looks like himself , but when in arms. there 's no equipage more splendid than a troop of curiassiers ; no train more pleasing to the eye than that of squadrons , whose sight is then most agreeable , when they are martially equipt with all things necessary for an attack , and want nothing either for their defence or subsistence . an army requires no other ornament but what is necessary for them . splendid furniture is but luggage and cumber . that makes the best appearance in war , which conduces most to the principal end of victory . hence scipio the african , upon going into spain , commanded each of his men to carry on his shoulders thirty days provision , and seven stakes for intrenchments . such was then the equipage of that warlike nation , so inured to hardships , that they took the city to be built for the roman senate and people , the temples for the gods , but thought their glory was in the fields , under tents and pavilions . by such discipline they were able to rule the world. delights , costly cloaths , and riches , are for courtiers ; in soldiers they do but excite the enemy's avarice . hence hannibal had just cause to smile , when antiochus , shewing him his army , rather beautiful in apparel , than strong in arms , demanded whether this would be enough for the romans : yes , ( answer'd he , with an african subtilty ) certainly enough , be they never so covetous . let not the empty show and glittering of gold and silver terrifie you , which neither defend nor wound , said galgacus to the britains , to take away the fear of the romans . and solyman , going to relieve ierusalem , to encourage his men , tells them : their glorious equipage you view from hence , shall be our plunder , ' stead of their defence . * and tho' iulius caesar was for having his soldiers rich , because he thought fear of losing their estates would make such men more resolute ; yet large spoils expose victory to sale , and arms adorned with nothing but their own strength buy it : for the soldier is generally more solicitous to preserve what he has , than even to get the victory . he that goes to fight , with a spirit of covetousness , is desirous to conquer his enemy , only that he may afterwards rifle him . interest and glory are powerful incentives to man's breast . how would hannibal have laugh'd to have seen the soldiers of these times so fine and spruce , and with such sumptuous equipages , that there are scarce horses and carriages enough for them . how could he have pass'd the pyrenaean hills , or open'd a way over the snowy alps , with such a number of chariots ? they now ( particularly in germany ) look not like armies , but large colonies of nations , removing from one place to another , with their whole families , and all their houshold goods , as if they were instruments of war . the like remissness in discipline tacitus observ'd to be in otho's army . there is no prince rich enough , no province plentiful enough to supply them with provision . they are equally injurious to friends and enemies . the same slackness was introduc'd by duke fridland , to raise a great number of soldiers , suffering them to forage whole countries , with a design , as some thought , to oppress and weaken them , so that they should never after be able to make head against his forces , or else by this licentiousness to enervate the army it self , following herein the practice of caecinna . this abuse threatens great inconveniencies , unless a timely remedy be applied , and that one which shall not appear desperate . for tho' it costs no less pains to correct undisciplin'd soldiers , than resist enemies , as corbulo ●ound in syria ; yet this must be understood , when the enemy gives not time , or at least when it is improper to make so sudden a leap from one extreme to the other . but if time allow , nothing hinders but an army may be reduced to order and discipline , by exercise , severity , and example ; without which three , it is impossible it should be reformed , at least long continue so , as vitellius experimentally found true . corbulo was sensible of the same , when he was sent into germany , and therefore reduced those slothful , disorderly legions to their ancient discipline . the same he did afterwards with his army in syria , where he found soldiers so ignorant in the affairs of war , that there were many , even veterans , who had never kept guard , or stood centinel , who were utter strangers to trenches and fortifications , unarmed , but rich and magnificent , as having served all their time in good garrisons ; and cashiering such as were unserviceable , kept the rest encamped all the winter , to inure them to cold , himself in a thin habit , and his head uncovered , always attending them , whether on a march or in their works , commending the valiant , comforting the weak , and giving example to all ; and when he perceiv'd the inclemency of the weather made many leave their colours , he remedy'd that by severity , not pardoning ( as was usual in other armies ) the first and second transgression of that nature , but whoever deserted was immediately put to death . and that was found to be of more use than clemency ; for fewer deserted his camp , than did those where it was pardoned . the soldier could never be brought to undergo those great fatigues , and expose himself to the present hazards of war , without some other severity , or some reward to equal those two . princes , by honours and recompences , make good generals ; and these good soldiers , by example , rigour , and liberality . godfrey well knew courage to be encreased by glory , and hopes of advantage , when , upon the point of giving battel , he clears the doubts , and elevates the hopes of those whose bravery deserves reward . — some he with wealth , with honour some excites , and diff'ring genius's as each delights . * i dare affirm , no soldiers can be good , unless their commanders be something enclin'd to prodigality and severity . and 't is probably on this account the germans call a regiment , and all that belongs to it , the colonel's staff , ( den regiment oder colonelstah , ) for with that soldiers are to be ruled . moses kept his in such strict discipline , that suing once for passage through the king of edom's country , he withal engaged , that none of them should drink of the water of his wells , or pass through any one's fields or vineyards . antiquity has left us an illustrious example of the re-establishment of decayed military discipline in the person of metellus , when he was in africa , where he found the roman army so corrupted , that the soldiers would not stir out of their quarters , deserted their colours , and dispersing themselves over the province , ravag'd and plunder'd where-ever they came , being guilty of all the extravagancies that avarice and luxury are capable of inspiring . yet all these he insensibly remedied , by exercising them in military arts. he first order'd , that no bread , or any other meat dress'd , should be sold in the camp ; forbad the sutlers to follow the army ; suffer'd not any common soldier , upon a march , to have a servant or mule. and thus correcting the other abuses , he restor'd them to their former courage and strength . the effect of which care was so great , as of it self to terrifie iugurtha , and oblig'd him , by embassadors , to beg his life , and the lives of his children of him , and to promise the delivery of all besides to the romans . arms are vital spirits , which cherish and give motion to the body of a government ; the surety of publick tranquility , wherein the preservation and encrease of the same consists , provided they be well ordered , and admit of discipline . this the emperor alexander severus well knew , when he said , ancient discipline was the support of the commonwealth , the fall of which would be the ruine of the roman name and empire . since then it is of so great importance to have good soldiers , it is the duty of princes to conferr favours and honours upon them . saul loved a brave soldier so well , that he would not suffer him out of his sight . reward and honour find , and exercise makes them : for nature produces few valiant men ; but industry , with good instruction , brings up many . this ought to be the care of the captains , colonels , and generals , as it was of sopher the chief of the host , who exercised his fresh-water soldiers . and thus the holy scriptures call commanders , masters of soldiers , it being their business to teach and instruct them ; such were potiphar and nebuzaradan . but because this , through the excessive indulgence and carelesness of officers , and upon account of other impediments in war , is not easily reduc'd to practice , the evil of it ought rather to be timely prevented ; a thing which princes and commonwealths are strangely negligent in . upon the study of literature are founded colleges ; for religion , convents and monasteries . the church militant has its nurseries for the edification of spiritual soldiers to defend it ; for temporal ones there is none . the turk alone regards this , who , to that end , gathers children of all nations into certain seraglio's , and sees them brought up in the exercise of arms ; whence afterwards is formed the body of his janizaries , who knowing no other father or lord but the grand signior , are the chiefest strength and defence of his empire . christian princes ought to do the same in all great cities , by taking orphans , foundlings , and all other of that nature , into seminaries for that purpose , there to be instructed in military exercises , taught to forge arms , twist ropes , make gun-powder , and all other ammunition , to prepare them for war-service . there might also be some educated in sea-port towns , where they might have an early insight into navigation , and see the manner of building ships , of making sails and cables , which would be a means to cleanse the commonwealth from those dregs of vagabonds , and furnish it with persons that would be useful in military arts , which might be kept out of what they daily earn ; or , if that would not suffice , a law might be made to assign such seminaries the third of all pious gifts or legacies : for assuredly they deserve no less who defend the altars , than those that offer incense at them . it would be also a very good way , for the subsistence of an army , to endow the treasury of war with certain stated revenues , to be employed to no other uses : as augustus did , who setled the tenth of all hereditaments and legacies , and the hundredth part of all commodities sold upon it . which tax tiberius would not afterwards take off , even though the senate requested it , because it was the support of the military treasury . thus peter count de lemos endowed that of n●ples ; but envy afterwards overthrew all that his zeal and prudence had establish'd . neither should this care be taken for soldiers only , but also in erecting fortresses , and garrisoning them ; forasmuch as that charge may prevent many greater . the weakness of a place invites an enemy , whereas scarce any one attacks a state he thinks able to defend it self . if all that is lavishly squander'd away in gaming , shows , and building , were expended upon this , princes would live abundantly more secure , and the whole world enjoy more peace and tranquility . the emperors , dioclesian and maximilian , took it as a signal piece of service of a certain governor of a province , who laid out a summ of money design'd for the structure of an amphitheater , upon the repair of a citadel . emblem lxxxiii . the very ground whereon fortresses are built is their greatest enemy . it is upon the surface of that with the shovel and pick-axe ( weapons of this age ) trenches and approaches are made to begin a storm . 't is within the bowels of the same , that mines are secretly sprung under the foundations of the walls and bulwarks , which taking fire , blow them all up . that castle only is impregnable , which , situated in the midst of waters , is on all sides surrounded with the fury of foaming billows ; which , although they beat against it , yet do at the same time also defend it , by not admitting of a naval siege ; and all the danger would be in a calm , if it should continue long . thus governments , while engaged in war , are generally safe : then are they industriously vigilant , providently forewarn'd ; glory animates ; exercise redoubles their courage ; emulation prompts to great enterprizes ; and common danger unites mens affections , and purges off the state 's ill humours . fear of an enemy , keeps a people regular , and under laws . the romans were never more valiant , nor their subjects more quiet and obedient to the magistrates , than when pyrrhus first , and after him hannibal , came up to the very gates of their city . a great monarchy is in more danger upon the account of its power , than others are from their weakness ; for that , through too much confidence in its strength , neglects to provide against future casualties : whereas , on the contrary , fear puts this always upon its guard. if military discipline cease , and be not kept in continual exercise , sloth effeminates minds , weakens and throws down walls , rusts swords , and gnaws the straps of shields ; debaucheries , by degrees , encrease with it , and ambition reigns ; whence arise dissentions , and from them civil wars : so that there is not one intestine malady or infirmity ingender'd by laziness , but the whole state suffers by it . nothing grows or is preserved without motion . q. metellus , upon the news of the loss of carthage , said openly in the senate , that he now apprehended that of rome would follow , when he saw that rival republick destroyed . pub. nasica , hearing one say , this success put affairs in a better posture ; answer'd , nay , rather , they are now in greater danger . this wise man well knew those hostile forces were like surges , which indeed shook the city , but withal added strength and courage to it ; and therefore exhorts them to beware of their ruine , as knowing weak minds to have no greater enemy than security , and 〈◊〉 fear was a necessary tutor to this pupil people . ●●inthila , king of the goths , was great in spain , and ●●quired renown by his atchievements , while he was engag'd in war : when that ceas'd , he abandon'd him●elf to luxury , and was ruin'd . king alphonsus vi. re●lecting upon the losses he had receiv'd from the moors , ●●k'd the reason of it ; and was answer'd , it was the sloth and looseness of his men : upon which he immediately forbad bathing , and all other wantonnesses that impair strength . the oscitancy and drowsiness of the two kings , roderick and vitiza , made almost all spain fall a prey to the africans , till the times of pelagius and his successors , when warfare beginning to flourish again , valour , and the glory of arms , encreased by constant emulation , and not only deliver'd spain from that heavy yoke , but render'd it head of a puissant monarchy . the emulation between the military orders of castile produced abundance of great men , who ●trove more to surpass each other in military glory , than to conquer an enemy . the house of austria had never ascended to this pitch of grandeur , had it always been given up to idleness . the same means envy takes to pull it down by , strengthen and render it more glorious : for they who live in peace , like iron not used , lose their brightness , and become rusty . lesser powers may indeed be preserv'd without arms , but not great ones : for it is not so difficult to keep fortune equal in them , as in these ; out of which , if arms be ●ot sent abroad , war is kindled at home : as it befell the roman monarchy ; with whose grandeur , ambition , that old inbred vice , encreased and broke out . for when affairs were in a low condition , it was easie to keep an equality : but after the conquest of the world , when their rival cities and kings were destroyed , and they at leisure to share their riches , then it was that the senators and common people first began to fall out . the emulation of valour which is exercised against enemies , when there is any , is usually inflamed between country-men , when there is none . this the germans had experience of , when , upon the romans leaving them , and their being exempt from foreign fear , out of emulation , turn'd their arms upon one another . the peace of the roman empire was very bloody , it being the source of all their civil wars . long peace was agreeable to the cherusci , but of no advantage . the wars of the low-countries put an end to the intestine commotions in spain . that theater of war , or rather that school of mars , where so many military arts have been taught and exercised , has been very much to the advantage of this monarchy : though , 't is true , this military exercise and discipline has been common to its enemies and rivals , almost all the princes of europe having learn'd the use of arms there , although it is a prodigious charge to make war in countries so disturb'd and remote , with so much bloodshed and extortion , so much advantage on the enemies side , and so little on ours , that it may reasonably be question'd whether it were better to conquer or be conquered ; or if it would not be more expedient to apply some remedy , whereby to quench , or at least damp , for a time , that ardent thirst after blood and riches ; to the end , that what is thrown away there , might be laid out upon a a fleet , for the establishment of the empire of the ocean and mediterranean , and the carrying on a war in africa , the successful progress of which , by reason of the nearness of spain and italy , would the more unite this monarchy . however , love of those so ancient and loyal subjects , join'd with a desire to see them redeemed from that vile slavery , they are , under the notion of liberty , miserably oppress'd with , and to reduce them to the true worship of god , have more influence on us , than state-interest . now as the encouragement of valour and military glory in a monarchy , is the security thereof ; so is it not without danger , when the supreme power is lodg'd in many , as in commonwealths ; their greatest hazard being in their own arms , while they intrust the power of the army to one ; that very hand which they first arm'd usually laying the yoke on them ; those forces themselves gave , oppressing their liberty . thus it was with the roman republick , and from thence tyranny pass'd to almost all other nations . however requisite therefore it be to keep armies always ready , and in exercise ; yet the arts of peace are still more secure , especially if the people be corrupted , and separated in distant places : for the fierceness of war does but render them more insolent ; and it is better to keep them in view of danger , than secure from it , if you expect they should unite for their conservation . the liberty of the republick of genoua was not less safe , when its mountains were not regularly fortified , than now that through singular industry and labour they are made as impregnable walls to the state. for too much security breeds ill humours , divides the people into factions , begets presumptuous spirits , and despises external means . in a word , in commonwealths harrass'd with intestine broils , wars are more dangerous than useful ; and consequently then only will be of advantage to genoua , when that prudent senate shall act as if they had never built them . emblem lxxxiv . it has been the opinion of some , that nature was rather a step-mother to man , than his own ; and that she had shewed her self more liberal to other creatures , in giving them a clearer instinct and notice of the means necessary for their defence and conservation . but these persons did not sufficiently consider their own excellency , their power and dominion over sublunary things ; nature having bestowed on them a swift understanding , in a moment penetrating both the earth and heavens : a memory , wherein , without the least confusion or disorder , are reposited the idea's of things so various : a reason , which distinguisheth , collects , and concludes : a judgment , that comprehends , weighs , and determines ; gifts whereby man is intitled to the sovereignty of all created beings , and a liberty to dispose of them according to his pleasure , having hands framed with such skill and wisdom , that they are tools fit for all arts ; so that although he comes into the world naked and without arms , yet he forges them according to his fancy , either to defend himself , or assault others . the earth , to that end , furnishes him with iron and steel ; the water ( as you see in this device ) turns the mill that strikes them : thus all the elements obey his will. with any slight plank ( boat ) he tames the sea's pride , and gathers the winds into a small piece of canvas , to make them serve him for wings to fly from one place to another ; confines all the fire's violence within brazen pipes , call'd guns , and thence shoots thunderbolts no less terrible than those of iupiter himself . by wit and art he facilitates many things impossible to nature : by these he improves nature ; he tempers breast-plates , and sharpens iron into lances . it behoves the prince to use industry more than force , wisdom than arms , the pen rather than the sword . for to attempt every thing with one's utmost power , is the folly of the gyants , who heaped mountains upon mountains . it is not the greatest strength that always triumphs ; the little remora stops the course of a ship. that one city , numantia , fatigu'd the whole roman empire , for fourteen years : nor did the conquest of those vast countries of asia cost it so much pains as the taking of saguntum * . strength decays by degrees , and is consumed , but wisdom and ingenuity endures for ever ; and except war be managed by this , victory is never obtained by that . a war carry'd on by policy is secure ; that which relies wholly upon strength , hazardous and uncertain . one wise head is worth twenty hands . † tiberius , writing to germanicus , boasts , that in the nine times he was sent by augustus into germany , he had done more by stratagem than by force . nor did he use to take any other measures , when emperor , especially to maintain the remote provinces ; and would frequently say , that foreign affairs should be managed by wisdom and policy , and armies kept as far off as possible . all things are not surmounted by strength and expedition , but many by policy and deliberation . the low-countries were ruin'd amidst their continual victories ; because they confided in strength , more than prudence . let force submit to policy ; for that will conquer where the other cannot . when the moorish armies annoyed spain , in the time of king roderick , the governor of murcia was defeated in a battel , where all the nobility of this city lost their lives ; and the women having intelligence of it , placed themselves along the walls , in mens habit , and all in armour . upon which the conquerors , thinking by this they were still very numerous , consented to honourable terms . edward iv. king of england , used to say , that charles the wise , of france , without any armies , by writing letters only , did him more mischief than his father or grand-father had done with all theirs . the sword can exert its force but in a few places ; good management is of universal influence . nor does princes being remote one from another signifie any thing : for as trees have communication with , and are united to each other by the means of roots , their activity being a very large extent ; so they , by their embassadors , and secret practices , may do the same . policy makes the strength of foreigners its own by alliance , having the common interest in view . a prince may do more from a private closet , than in an open plain . king philip ii. never went out of madrid , yet kept the world in awe and obedience : he made himself more formidable by prudence than by power . the power that makes use of address , is in a manner infinite . archimedes often said , if he had a place to stand on , he could , with his machines , move this terraqueous globe . any potent monarchy might easily attain to an universal empire , if to its strength were joined skill and industry : but lest this should be , that primum mobile of empires permits the great ones to want prudence , and wholly trust to their power . more affairs are transacted by counsel and conduct , than by blows . power with rashness is as dangerous as rashness without power . abundance of wars between christian princes might be avoided by industry ; but either judgment is insensible of their inconveniencies , and cannot find a way to decline them honourably , or it does not regard them , ambition blinding prudence ; or else vanity and haughtiness look on it as a piece of bravery , voluntarily to face them ; and thus are tickled with a counterfeit-glory of war , which , as it is a publick action , whereon the common preservation of all depends , ought not to be measured by thin shadows of honour , but by the publick advantage and utility ; yet so , that the prince must in the mean time leave no stone unturn'd to shun war , cutting off all occasions , before they happen , or if they be already , getting the hearts of such as by their counsel can promote peace . let him find out all endearing ways imaginable to preserve friendship : let him embrace his enemy both within and without his realms ; and by crossing his designs , and entring into leagues and alliances defensive , terrifie him . and to these humane means let him join the divine assistances of prayer and sacrifice , and apply himself to the pope , as the common father of christendom , ingenuously telling him his intentions and desire of the publick quiet , of the injury received , or the reasons that induce him to take up arms , if satisfaction be not made him . whence the matter being also carry'd to the college of cardinals , and the authority of the apostolick see interposed , either the war will be avoided , or the prince justifie the cause of it at rome , where is the tribunal at which all princes actions ought to be judged , and their controversies decided . nor is this a mean-spiritedness , but rather a christian generosity , and political provision for the maintaining amity among nations , and the avoiding of emulations , and the confederacy they occasion . emblem lxxxv . when the bear has got a bee-hive , he finds no better way than to plunge it under water ; for any other would rather hinder his design of getting the honey , and escaping the stings of the bees . by this example , the present emblem shews the inconveniencies of keeping a mediocrity in counsels ; experienc'd in that which herennius pontius gave the samnites , when they had got the romans in a narrow pass , who seeing his first advice rejected , which was to let them all go , was for putting them all to the sword : and being ask'd why he thus went from one extreme to the other , when the middle-way might be taken , of giving them their liberty , after the imposition of certain laws , as being conquer'd ? he answer'd , that it was necessary either to shew themselves generous to the romans , by so signal a kindness to establish a firm and inviolable peace with them , or else to give such a blow to their forces , that they should never again be able to make head against them ; any way between these two , said he , will neither make friends , nor take away enemies . hence that of aristodemus to the aetolians : we must have the romans either our allies or enemies ; there 's no middle-way . in those cases where any one would oblige a friend or enemy , moderate expressions of kindness do nothing : for gratitude always looks upon the omissions are made , and seldom fails to find a reason not to think it self obliged . thus francis i. king of france , laid not aside his enmity to the emperor charles v. notwithstanding he set him at liberty , because his captivity was not so generous as that of alphonsus king of portugal , who being taken in a battel by ferdinand king of leon , was treated by him with all the humanity imaginable , his wounds dress'd carefully , and himself set at liberty after his recovery ; favours which wrought upon him to lay his whole kingdom at the conqueror's feet : but ferdinand refused the offer , satisfied with the restitution of such places as had been lately taken in galicia . the same consideration had philip , duke of milan , when having taken prisoners the kings of arragon and navarr , ( the first of which was alphonsus v. ) he call'd a council , to deliberate what should be done with them ; and while some were for having them pay a ransom , others for binding them to certain conditions , and lasty , others for freely dismissing them without either , he took this last advice , thereby to lay the greater obligation upon them , and so engage their friendship . when kingdoms are embroil'd in civil wars , there 's nothing more dangerous than standing neuter , as henry the infant endeavoured to do , during the troubles of castile , occasion'd by the nonage of king ferdinand iv. by which means he lost his friends , without obliging his enemies . nor is it less dangerous in the punishments of the multitude , to inflict them promiscuously on all ; wherefore it seems most adviseable , either wholly to connive at their faults , or to make a severe example of some one . hence germanicus was counsell'd , in the rebellion of the german legions , either to grant all or none of what the soldiers demanded ; and deservedly blam'd for indulging them part , taking a middle-way . thus drusus , in another occasion of the like nature , was advised either to dissemble , or punish with rigour . the prudentest counsel certainly in the world : for the common people can never keep a medium between two extremes , but always exceed in the one or the other . if the matter require expedition , it is certain ruine not to venture enough , or not to use sufficient precaution ; as it happened to valens , who wavering between the counsels that were given him , could not come to any determinate resolution . in affairs of war , fear would sometimes appear prudent ; and to that end , suggests moderate resolutions ; which serve but to encourage the enemy , and give him time to look about him . as king iohn i. found , who pretending the crown of portugal was devolved on him by the death of ferdinand , his father-in-law , resolved to enter that kingdom alone , and to have his army follow : whence the portuguese gained time to take up arms in the interim ; which had never been done , had he immediately fell upon them ; but he , to avoid war , left his right to the decision of justice . threats signifie little , if the hand lifted up , have no weapon in it , and do not sometimes punish disobedience in earnest . the hastiness of the french , makes them regard neither the past nor present time , and through the heat of their minds they are too adventurous , and too precipitous in their resolutions : however , this very thing oftentimes gives success to them ; for by this means they avoid luke-warmness , and dispatch every thing in a trice . the spaniards , on the other side , are dilatory , that they may , by long and much consideration , proceed with more caution ; and out of an affectation of prudence , use to hesitate ; nay , while they take time to consult , lose the opportunity of execution . the italians know better how to make their advantage both of the one and the other , using the opportunities as they present themselves : not like the germans , who are slow in resolving , lazy in executing , and consult only the present time , without any regard to the past or future . their minds change with events , which is the reason they have so little advanced their fortune ; it being otherwise a nation , which , considering its innate courage , might extend its dominions far and near . to the same cause may be ascribed the long continuance of the civil wars the empire is harrass'd with at this day ; which undoubtedly , by resolute counsel and expedition , might have been laid asleep long ago ; whereas by slow counsels , which yet pass'd for prudent , we have seen vast armies , upon the rhine , which might have made way even into france , and forced it to an universal peace : a thing has done them more prejudice , than if they had lost several battels : for there can be no greater overthrow , than for an army insensibly to waste and perish within it self . it is this has made havock of their own country , and the places adjacent , through which war ought to be carried , when now its seat is in the very heart of germany . in all other affairs of civil government , middle-counsels may have place ; because of the danger of extremes , and because it is of great importance ever to take away from which you may afterwards ( in case of necessity ) come to any one of the two with the less inconvenience . between these two extremes , the ancients placed prudence , represented by the flight of daedalus , who came neither too near the sun , nor too near the sea , lest the excessive heat of the one should melt , or the moisture of the other wet his wings . i● countries whose inhabitants are not of a servile nature , but of a polite genius , and generous spirit , the reins of the people ought to be govern'd with so much caution and address , that neither too much indulgence shall breed arrogance , nor too much rigour aversion . it is equally dangerous to curb them with bits and barnacles , and turn them loose without a bridle ; for they can neither endure all liberty , nor all slavery , ( as galba told piso of the romans . ) always to execute power , is to wear out the chain of servitude : 't is a kind of tyranny , to go about to reduce subjects to the model of an absolute perfect state , in that the condition of humane nature admits not of it . it is not necessary for a government to be such as it ought to be , but as it is capable of being ; for all things that are expedient , are not possible to humane infirmity . it is an absurdity , to wish there may be no defect at all in a common-wealth . there will be vices , as long as there be men. excess of zeal is the spring of many mistakes in governors , in not knowing how to conform to prudence . the same is ambition , when princes affect to pass for severe , and imagining their reputation consists in ruling their subjects so , that they shall never in the least degree swerve from reason and the laws . 't is a dangerous strictness , which consults not the ordinary passions of the vulgar . open address prevails more than power ; example and complacency , than inhuman severity . let the prince therefore rather make believe he finds his subjects good , than value himself upon making them so : which tacitus commends agricola for , in his government of britain . let him not suffer himself to be deceived in the past times , so as to wish he could see those good manners he fancies were in those days : for malice was ever the same in all times ; but 't is a fault of our corrupt nature , always to like the past better than the present . besides , granting that severity and obedience were greater formerly , yet this age will not bear it , if those ancient manners are alter'd in it : this mistake cost galba both his life and empire . emblem lxxxvi . man's mind has not been satisfy'd with the speculation of terrestrial things ; but impatient that the knowledge of the heavens should be deferred so long as till after death , has broke the prison of the body , and soar'd above the very elements , to find out , by reasoning , what it could not by touching , sight , and hearing : and to this end , hath form'd in imagination an idea of that most beautiful fabrick , contriving a sphere with such various circles , equations and epicycles , as aptly represent the several motions of the planets and constellations ; and though he be not positively assured whether the thing be really so , he hath , however , acquired this glory , that he can now conceive how this world is , or at least how it might have been created . neither does the mind stay here ; but restless and venturesom in its researches , has imagin'd another quite different hypothesis , and would persuade others , that the sun is the center of those orbs which move round it , and have their light from it . an hypothesis impious , and directly contrary to natural reason , which gives rest to heavy bodies ; repugnant to holy writ , which says , the earth stands for ever : lastly , inconsistent with the dignity of man , as if he must be moved to enjoy the sun's rays , and not the sun to bring them him , when yet this ( as all other creatures ) was made , only for his service . it is certain then , that this prince of light , who has in charge the empire of all things here below , illuminates , and by his presence informs them , by going , without intermission , from one tropick to the other , with a contrivance so wonderful , that all parts of the earth receive from him , if not an equal heat , at least , an equal light , whereby the divine wisdom has prevented the evil that would unavoidably ensue , if the sun should never leave the aequator ; for then its rays would utterly burn up some countries , while others would freeze , and be involved in perpetual darkness . this natural example teaches princes how much it advances the publick utility , for them , like that swiftest of the planets , continually to move about their states , to warm the affection of their subjects , and give life to their affairs . this is what the royal prophet would intimate , when he says , god has placed his tabernacle upon the sun , which never stands still , but is present on all occasions . king ferdinand the catholick , and the emperor charles v. kept not their courts in one certain place ; by which means they atchieved many notable things which they could not possibly have done by ministers , who , although dexterous and careful enough , yet never perform what the prince would , were he present in person ; because they want either orders or power . our saviour christ no sooner came to the sheep-pool , but he healed the paralytick , which the angel could not do in eight and thirty years , whose commission being only to trouble the water , he , as a minister , could not go beyond it . 't is impossible for states to be well govern'd by the bare relations of others , and therefore solomon advises kings to give ●ar to their subjects themselves ; for this is a part of their office , and to them , not to their ministers , is given of the lord that power and vertue which accompanies the scepter only , wherein it infuses the spirit of wisdom and counsel , of courage and piety ; nay , i may say , a kind of divinity , enabling the prince to foresee things to come , so as that he cannot be put upon either in what he sees or hears . nevertheless , in time of peace , some fix'd place of residence seems by no means inconvenient ; and it will be sufficient , by going a progress round each country , to have once visited his states . nor indeed are any treasuries capable of defraying the expences frequent removals of a court will require ; nor can they be made without considerable detriment to the subject , without disturbing the order of councils and tribunals , and retarding the proceedings of government and justice . king philip ii. throughout his whole reign , scarce ever went a step out of madrid . but in occasions of war , it appears more adviseable for the prince to be himself present , and to head his subjects : for 't is for that reason the scared writings call him shepherd and captain . thus god , commanding samuel to anoint saul , does not say to be king , but to be captain over israel : intimating that this was his principal office ; and in effect , that this was the practice of all kings in former ages . upon this it was that the people grounded their petition for a king , that they might have one to go out before them , and fight their battels . nothing encourages soldiers more in war , than their prince's presence the lacedaemonians thought theirs , even while in their cradles , had the same power , and therefore carry'd them , in their infancy , into the field . antigonus , the son of demetrius , took his presence , in a sea-fight , to be equivalent to a great many ships of the enemy . alexander the great animated his men , by representing to them , that he first exposed himself to dangers . when the prince , in such a case , is upon the place , great exploits are often performed , which no one , in his absence , would dare to undertake : nor is there need to wait for orders from court , whence they generally come too late , after the opportunity is gone , and always full of vain apprehensions , and impracticable circumstances ; a thing we have often experienc'd in germany , not without great prejudice of the publick . there 's nothing kindles spirits so generously , nothing that inspires such lofty thoughts in the minds of soldiers , as to have the prince , in whose hand is reward , an eye-witness of their bravery . this argument hannibal made use of , to inflame the courage of his men ; there 's none of you , said he , whom i am not a witness and spectator of , and cannot too , in convenient time and place , requite , where i observe merit . to the same effect , godfrey thus spoke to his men : whose country is not known ? whose noble blood , whose courage or whose conduct is not understood ? * upon this account , it will not be convenient for the prince to intrust his forces with a general ; which is so certain a danger , that it was looked upon as unsafe for tiberius to put his into the hands even of his son germanicus . and this takes place more particularly in civil insurrections , where ( as has been said ) the princes appearing , easily dashes the rebels . notwithstanding , every motion of war , or the loss of any small town , should not make the prince come abroad , and desert the court ; whence government flows to all the other parts , as tiberius well observed in the troubles of germany : he , at another time , hearing himself reviled , for not going to quiet the hungarian and german legions , stood unshaken at those murmurings , and was fix'd not to abandon the head of the monarchy , and expose that and himself to the chance of war. by these reasons were they led , who persuaded david not to go out to fight against the israelites who adhered to absolom , saying , that their being put to flight , or cut off , would not be of so bad consequence , as if he should fly or be killed in his own person , which was worth ten thousand of them , and therefore that it seemed best that he should stay behind to guard the city : which accordingly he did . so if the war be made to revenge an injury or affront , vindictam mandâsse sat est . * the same may be said when arms are taken up for defence only , and there be no evident danger ; for then the prince will get more credit by despising it , and leaving it to a general . so if the war be waged to make any new conquests , it will be thought too eager ambition in him to hazard his person , and be greater prudence to try his fortune by another ; as king ferdinand the catholick did , committing the conquest of naples to the great captain , and that of the indies to herman cortez . if a general fall , it is easie to find another to succeed him ; but if the prince be lost , all is lost , as it befell king s●bastian . the absence of princes from their courts is very dangerous , as spain found to its cost , in that of the emperor charles v. nor should a prince venture his own state , to conquer others the same sun ( whose figure we use in this device ) never visits the poles , because one of them would be endanger'd in the mean time : — medium non des●rit unquam coeli phoebus iter , radiis tamen omnia lustrat . † nature has given the kings of the bees wings , but those very small , lest they should stray too far from their kingdoms . let the prince go to those wars only whose seat is within his own dominions , or that threaten him with evident danger . hence mucianus advised the emperor domitian to stay at lyons in france , and not stir till the state of those provinces , or the empire it self , were in greater danger . nor was it good counsel which titianus and proculus gave otho , not to be at the battel of bedriacum , upon the issue of which the whole empire depended . the arch-duke leopold shews much more courage and prudence , who though he sees himself assaulted at salefeld , by the joint-forces of his enemies , much superiour to his , yet undervalues his personal dangers , and always maintains a general constancy , well knowing the safety of the empire and house of austria to consist in this event ; and so is the foremost in the perils and fatigues of war. — monstrat tolerare labores , non jubet — * but even in these cases too , it is necessary to examine the condition of the war , whether the prince , by absenting himself , will not leave his state in greater danger , either from within or abroad ; if he shall not hazard his succession ; whether he have courage enough , and be capable of arms , and have an inclination to them : for if he want but any one of these qualities , he will do more by putting his power and forces into another hand ; as we see in the loadstone , which by touching the iron , and communicating its virtue to it , lifts up a greater weight than it could do by it self . but if the necessity be great , it will suffice , if the prince be hard by , to influence his army , staying in some place , whence he may readily consult , resolve , and give orders : this was the emperor leopold's way , who removed sometimes to aquileia , sometimes to ravenna or milan , to be near the wars of hungary and germany emblem lxxxvii . prudence is not always fortunate , nor temerity always unhappy : — quisquis sapit celeriter , non tuto sapit . it is however good for fiery tempers to follow the first impetus of nature , because by delay they cool insensibly , and can never determine themselves ; nor has it usually an ill end ( in war particularly ) to let themselves be l●d by that secret force of second causes , which if it does not compell , at least moves them so , that with it they seldom miscarry . some divine genius favours daring actions . scipio passes the sea into africa , and freely trusts himself to the punick faith of syphax , with apparent risque of his life , and the publick safety of rome : julius caesar in a small bark abandons himself to the fury of the adriatick ; and both succeed in their ras●ness . it is impossible for all things to be provided against by prudence ; nor would any thing great be attempted , if that should stand to consult all casualties and hazards . cardinal gaspar borgia enter'd naples in disguise , upon hearing of the sedition between the commons and nobility : the danger was great ; and when some of the nobility proposed several ways for him to secure himself , he answer'd , with a p●esence of mind truly generous , it is not now a time for deliberation , something must be allow'd to chance . if after the success of great enterprizes , we should look back upon all the dangers that attended them , we should scarce venture on them again . iames , king of arragon , was so adventurous , as to sit down before valencia with only a thousand foot , and three hundred and sixty horse : and though this undertaking was look'd on by all men as rash , nay , impossible , yet the town surrender'd . bold counsels are commonly judged by the event ; if they succeed , they are commended for prudent , and those persons blamed who gave safer advice . no judgment can either in precipitation , or when it acts calmly , sufficiently provide for it self , in that affairs depend upon contingencies , which are uncertain even to the most wary foresight . sometimes rashness comes before occasion , and moderation follows it ; sometimes this slides swiftly between them , nor has it any hair behind to be held by . all things depend on that eternal providence , which efficaciously moves us to act , when the disposition of it , and the accomplishing of its divine decrees so require ; and then fool-hardy counsels are prudence , and errors the highest reason . when providence would pull down the pride of a monarchy , lest , like the tower of babel , it should attempt to reach heaven , it confounds the designs and languages of its ministers , that they may disagree ; so that if one asks for lime , another either does not understand what he means , or else offers him sand. in the untimely death of those who are invested with supreme government , its end is not to cut their thread of life , but to throw down that grandeur . the holy spirit , mentioning david's victory over goliah , says not that his body , but that his boasting was beat down with the stone . so if , on the other side , it has decreed to exalt a monarchy , it creates in that age brave commanders , and wise councellors , or causes them to be made choice of , and gives them occasion of exerting their valour , and giving proof of their wisdom , by which two more is done than by the arm and sword . bees then swarm into helmets , and weapons grow , as that hunting spear of romulus did , upon mount palatine , and erected at a wild boar. the very missing of the blow of this founder of the roman monarchy was fortunate , being a kind of prognostick of it . which shews , that it is not always courage or prudence that raises and supports monarchies , ( though they are generally the instruments ) but that superior impulse which moves all causes together , for their encrease or preservation ; and then even chance , directed by that eternal mind , effects what prudence could not so much as have imagined before . when germany revolted , and the roman affairs were extremely desperate , the fortune of this nation , as it had often upon other occasions , came to its assistance out of the east . if the valour and conduct of any hero be ordained to these ends , no other person , though never so brave , and truly great , can deprive him of the glory of obtaining them . could there be a finer soldier than d'aubigny ? yet he was unsuccessful , having to deal with the great captain , who was destined to establish the spanish monarchy in italy : god so disposing ( as he did in favour of the roman empire ) its beginnings and causes , by the means chiefly of ferdinand the catholick , who , by his prudence and skill in government , laid the foundations of that monarchy , and by his valour erected and enlarg'd it ; being so careful and vigilant to encrease it , that he neglected no occasion which offer'd it self ; nay , of himself , found all that humane judgment is capable of : lastly , so strenuous in the prosecution of them , that he was always the first in danger and fatigue ; and as imitation is abundantly more easie to mankind than obedience , he made it his business to command more by his actions than orders . but because so great a fabrick required workmen , that age ( fertile in great persons ) produced columbus , herman cortez , the two brothers francis and ferdinand pizarro , antony de liba , fabritius , and prosper colonna , raimond de cardona , the marquesses of pescara and basto , and many other hero 's so illustrious , that a whole age now scarce brings forth one such . to that end , god then prolonged their lives ; whereas now , not mars's fury , but some lingring fever , carries them off before their time . within how few years has untimely death depriv'd us of peter of toledo , lewis tajardo , frederick of toledo , the marquess spinola , gonsalez of cordova , the duke de feria , the marquess d'aytona , the duke of lerma , john fajardo , the marquess de zelada , the count de la fere , and the marquess de fuentes , all persons no less considerable for the glorious actions they did , than those which all the world still expected from them ? how profound and inscrutable is the providence of this eternal deity ! who would not from hence inferr the decay of the spanish monarchy ? as in the emperor claudius's time , the death of so many magistrates , as a quaestor , aedile , tribune , praetor , and a consul , in a few month's time , was look'd on as a prodigy portending some evil , unless he consider'd , that these instruments are taken away , to let all men see , it is by divine grace , rather than humane strength , is upheld that power , the pillar and support of christian commonwealths . it is this first mover of the universe that disposes these interchangeable alterations of things , these revolutions of empires . one age raises up great men in a country , improves arts , and makes arms flourish ; and the succeeding immediately overturns and confounds all , without leaving so much as the traces of the vertue and valour which were an ornament to those of the past . what great , what secret force on things , nay , even on minds , is conceal'd in those second causes of the heavenly spheres ? it is not by meer accident that those superior lights are so different one from another , some having a fix'd place , others wandring ; and since this disorder and irregularity gives no additional beauty , it is a sign at least they contribute to operations and effects . o vast volume ! in the leaves of which , god , the contriver and maker of all things ( yet without laying any obligation upon his own power , or man's will ) has wrote their changes and vicissitudes in characters of light , for the glory of his eternal wisdom , which past ages have , the present do , and those to come will for ever read ! greece was heretofore flourishing both in arms and arts ; it left rome enough to learn , but little to invent ; but now it lies buried in the depth of ignorance and degeneracy . the wits in augustus's time exceeded even expectation , but under nero they began to flag , so that all the pains and industry in the world was not sufficient to save the arts and sciences from destruction . unhappy are those great genius's who come into the world when monarchies are declining , in that they either are not employed , or if they be , cannot withstand the weight of their ruine , or perhaps miserably fall with them , without honour or renown ; nay , sometimes their fate seems deserved , and they are blamed for what was the effect of chance . god lays no constraint upon free-will ; but yet either the course of causes draws it on , or , for want of that divine light , it stumbles of it self , and its designs are overthrown or executed too late . princes and councellors are the eyes of kingdoms ; and when god almighty determines the overthrow of these , he blinds them , that they may neither see dangers , nor know their remedies . that which they think to succeed most by , leads them most into miscarriages : they see accidents , but do not prevent , but rather , as much as in them lies , forward them . a dangerous instance of this truth we have in the swiss-cantons , ever so prudent and stout in defending their country and liberty , but now so negligent and supine , that themselves are the cause of the ruine that threatens them . the first author of monarchies had situated their republick between the outworks of the alpes and the rhine , and environ'd it with the countries of alsace , lorrain , and burgundy , against the power of france , and other princes ; and when they were farthest from the fire of war , in the fruition of a happy and desired peace , they of themselves called and encouraged one upon their own borders , standing by and seeing the ruine of those provinces , redounding afterwards to their own prejudice , they not considering the danger of a neighbouring power , superiour in strength , and whose fortune must of necessity be raised out of their ashes . may i be deceived , but i fear this body of the switzers is already at its full growth , and that it will begin to decay , when those spirits and forces are spent which supported its reputation and grandeur . empires , 't is certain , have their periods : that which has endured longest , is nearest its ruine . emblem lxxxviii . what strange force has the loadstone , to produce such wonderful effects ? what so amorous correspondence with the polar star , that although because of its weight it cannot always gaze on its beauty , yet the needles it touches should ? what resemblance can there be betwixt these two ? what so great virtue , that is not lost at so wide and remote distances ? and why does it encline to that star or point of heaven , rather than to any other ? were not the experience common , ignorance would be apt to impute it to magick , as it does all other extraordinary effects of nature , when it cannot penetrate the obscurity of its operations . nor is the loadstone less admirable in that other virtue of attracting and lifting up iron , against its innate gravity ; nay , even this , carried by a kind of natural tendency to obey that superior power , closes with it , and does voluntarily , what , one would think , could not but be violent . how much were it to be wish'd that the prince would , by this example , learn to know that concourse of causes , which ( as hath been said ) sets up or pulls down empires , and how to carry himself therein , so as not to encrease their force by a too obstinate opposition , nor by a too easie yielding to facilitate their effects , it being with this series and connexion of causes moved by the first cause , as with a river , which while it streams in its ordinary current , is easily parted into several branches , or , by banks cast up , turned this or that way , and suffers bridges to be made over it ; but when swelled by continual rains , or melting snows , admits of no resistance ; and for any one to contend with it , does but augment its force , and put it in a condition to carry all before it . hence the holy spirit admonishes us not to strive against the stream . patience surmounts that violence , which in a moment loses both its power and being . upon which account it was look'd on as an ill omen to the war of vitellius , in the east , that euphrates overflowed , and bubbled into a kind of frothy crowns , by those who consider'd how transitory these were . when therefore many causes conspiring together , attend the victories of a● enemy , and open an happy way to his military expeditions , it will be great prudence to allow them time to disperse sensibly of themselves , not that they lay any necessity upon the freedom of the will , but because this freedom has power only over the motions of the mind and body , not over those external things : it may indeed give way to accidents , but cannot avoid being overwhelmed by them . constancy in expecting , is infinitely more valuable than valour in fighting . this fabius maximus well knew ; and therefore let that torrent of hannibal run by , till having by long delays weakened , he at length surmounted it , and saved the roman state. successes get strength from one another ; and by the reputation opinion gives them , suddenly encrease to that degree , that no power is able to grapple with them . the spanish monarchy render'd charles v. fortunate and glorious ; and he , by his prudence , courage and vigilance , made the empire happy . which eminent qualities were followed by the general acclamations and applause of all nations . all men joined with his fortune ; and the french king , francis i. emulous of so great splendour , striving to eclipse it , lost his own liberty . what terrors does lightning strike us with , when it breaks out of the clouds ! then first exerting its force when it meets with resistance ; without that , vanishing into air. such was that thunderbolt raised out of the exhalations of the north ; within a few days it triumphed over the empire , and struck almost the whole world with terrour : and yet one leaden bullet piercing it , made it presently disappear . there is nothing so frail and uncertain as the fame of a power that stands not upon its own bottom . all those efforts of several causes concurring , are very brittle , in that they hinder each other ; and are subject not only to various accidents , but to time also , which by degrees brings their effects to nothing . many wars , hot and impetuous at the first , vanish by delay . he who can but a little while bear up against the forces of confederate enemies , certainly gets the better of them at last : for as they are many , they have different causes , different interests and designs ; and if they happen to disagree in any one thing , part and leave one another . there was never a greater league than that of cambray against the republick of venice , yet the resolution and prudence of this valiant senate soon broke it . all things in the world arrive to a certain period ; after which , they decline again . were that critical minute known , it would be easie to overcome them . 't is for want of this knowledge , which sometimes consists in the least delay imaginable , that we sink under accidents . our impatience or ignorance aggravates them , in that often , not sensible of their force , we voluntarily submit to them , or else perhaps promote them by the violence of those very means we take to shun them . god had undertaken the grandeur of cosmo de medicis ; and they who strove to put a stop to it , by banishing him from the republick of venice , were the instruments of making him master of it . nicholas vzanus observ'd , with much greater prudence , the torrent of that fortune ; and lest it should encrease by opposition , thought it most advisable ( as long as he lived ) to give him no occasion of displeasure ; but with his death the consideration of such discreet counsel fell . nor is it possible for the greater force of such like cases to be concealed ; forasmuch as all things conspire to their success , though they appear , at first sight , directly contrary to that end . and therefore it is then best to endure what you cannot mend ; and quietly to conform to god , by whose appointment all things come to pass . the iron should not obey the loadstone more readily , than we the divine pleasure . he comes to less harm who lets himself be carried down by the stream , than he that struggles against it . it is a foolish presumption , to think to overthrow the decrees of the almighty . the predictions of the statue with feet of clay , in nebuchadnezzar's dream , was never the less certain , for his making another of gold , and commanding it to be worshipped . however , this resignation of our will to the divine must not be so brutish , as that we should believe all things were so ordain'd from eternity , that nothing can be improv'd by our diligence and conduct ; for this would be the very weakness of mind which had given occasion to that divine decree : we are to act as if all depended on our will , for god makes use of our selves to bring us to happiness or misery . we make a part of the creation , and that no small one ; and though things were set in order without us , yet they were not made without us . 't is true , we cannot break that web of events wrought on the loom of eternity , but we might very well concurr to the weaving of it . the same that ranged the causes foresaw their effects , and permitted their course , yet so that it should be still at his command . he has saved from danger whom he thought fit ; and left others in it , by abandoning them to their liberty : if the first was an effect of his mercy , or our merit , this is of his justice . our will involved in the ruine of accidents , falls with them ; and as this most wise contriver of the universe is the supreme and absolute arbitrator , he might break his vessels as he pleased , and make one to honour , another to dishonour . in the eternal disposal of empires , their progresses , revolutions , or ruines ; that sovereign governor of the orbs had always present in his mind our valour and vertue , our negligence , impudence , and tyranny : and upon this prescience it was , that he disposed the eternal order of things , in conformity to the motion and execution of our choice , without the least violence done to the same . for as he lays no constraint upon our free will , who discovers its operations by reasoning ; so neither does the supreme being , who by his immense wisdom foresaw them long ago . he forced not our will in the alterations of empires ; but rather altered empires , because our wills freely and deliberately deviated from justice . the cruelty exercised by king peter was the cause of his brother henry's succeeding him ; not , on the contrary , this the occasion of that . for the mind has more power than any fortune , turns its affairs which way it pleases , and is the sole cause of a happy or miserable life . to expect fortune from chance , is heartlesness ; to think it prescribed and already determined , desperation . at this rate , vertue would be useless , and vice excusable by compulsion . let your highness but look upon your glorious ancestors , who have raised the greatness of this monarchy , and i am assured you will see , it was not chance that crowned them , but vertue , courage , and fatigues , and that it has been supported by the same means , by their descendants , to whom an equal glory is due ; he no less contributing to the fabrick of his fortune who maintains it , than he that at first raised it . 't is a thing equally difficult to get , and easie to lose . one hour's imprudence ruines what cost many years to acquire . by labour and vigilance alone is procured god's assistance , and the grandeur of princes is deriv'd from eternity . emblem lxxxix . the smallest things encrease by concord ; by discord the greatest fall to the ground . those which being divided , were weak and impotent ; when united , resist any force whatever . what arm can pull off a horse's main when the hairs are not parted , or break a bundle of arrows ? and yet either of these , of it self , is unable to withstand the least violence . by these emblems , sertorius , and scilurus the scythian , express'd the force of concord , which of many distinct parts makes one united and consequently strong body . care of the publick repose has raised the walls of cities so much above the reach of men , that they might not scale them ; but however , many soldiers at once closing their shields , and mutually joining and agreeing to lift one another up , have got above their battlements , and stormed them . all the works of nature are preserved by amity and concord ; and when this fails , they decay and die : the cause of death being no other than a discord of the part , whereon life depends . the very same happens in commonwealths ; as common consent made them a society , so a dissention between the greatest or most powerful part dissolves again and dissociates , or else new models them . that city , which by concord was but one , without it becomes two , nay , sometimes three or four , for want of that body of love whereby its inhabitants made one body . this division engenders hatred , whence revenge arises , and from that a disrespect of laws ; without the authority of which , justice loses its force ; and where that fails , arms are taken up ; and a civil war breaking out , the order of the state , which wholly consists in unity , is confounded . the bees no sooner fall out , but their commonwealth is destroyed . the ancients , to represent discord , painted a woman tearing her cloaths . et scissâ gaudens vadit discordia pallâ . * now if it has the same effect between citizens , how will they be able to unite for their common defence and interest ? how will they have god on their side , who is peace it self , and so great a lover of it , that ( as iob says ) with it he maintains his heavenly monarchy . plato used to say , nothing was so pernicious to commonwealths as division . concord is the ornament of a city , its walls and guard ; even malice it self cannot stand long without it . domestick dissentions are so many victories for the enemy ; as those of the britains , galgacus said , were to the romans . but notwithstanding these and other reasons , some politicians assert , that it is necessary , for the preservation of a state , to sow discords among the people ; and to this end , alledges , for an example , the bees , in whose hives is always heard a kind of murmurring and dissention . but , alas , this is so far from strengthning , that it rather overthrows their opinion ; for that humming is not a dissonance , as i may say , of wills , but a harmony of voices , whereby these creatures , as it were , encourage and stir up each other to the labours of making honey , as mariners do when they hoise sail. nor is the argument drawn from the contrariety of the four humours in living bodies , of any force ; for 't is rather from this conflict of theirs that proceed diseases , and shortness of life , that which is prdominant at last getting the victory . hence vegetables , because without that contrariety , endure longer . what differs from , and is at variance with it self , must of necessity suffer ; and what suffers , can never be lasting . who , when a republick is divided , can keep the flame of dissentions within certain bounds ? who will afterwards quench it , when all are involved in them ? the more powerful faction will now oppress the weaker ; and that to defend , this to revenge it self , make use of foreign forces , and so enslave the commonwealth , or else introduce a new form of government , which will almost always be tyrannical , as several instances witness . it is not the prince's duty to distract the minds of his subjects , but rather to keep them loving and amicable ; and besides , 't is impossible they should conspire to love and obey him , who are divided amongst themselves , or consider not whence their evil comes . as often therefore as the prince himself is the cause of discord , divine providence ( as it abominably detests it ) permits those very means he thought to preserve himself by , to be the instruments of his ruine : for when the parties come to know it , they despise and abhorr him , as the first author and promoter of their differences . king italus gained the affection and applause of the germans , by never fomenting dissentions , and carrying himself alike to all . for these then , and such like reasons , the prince should beware of letting discords take root ; and rather strive to encourage the union of his state , which will easily be maintained , if he look carefully to the observance of the laws , the unity of religion , plenty of corn and provision , to the equal distribution of favours and gratuities , to the maintaining of privileges ; if he take care that the common people be employed in mechanick arts , the nobility in publick government , arms , and literature , to prohibit cabals , and clandestine meetings , to keep the great ones frugal and modest , and the inferiours peaceable , to restrain privileged persons , and those who pretend to be exempt from duties ; in a word , if he see that riches be reduced to a mediocrity , and poverty remedied . for from the reformation and regulating these , results good government ; and where that is , there peace and concord ever flourish . there is but one case wherein it seems convenient and warrantable to kindle discords in kingdoms , and that is , when they are already troubled with seditions , and intestine broils ; for then to distract them into factions , will be a means to weaken the power of the bad , the only end in that being to render peace to the good. and it is a piece of self-preservation , not to let disturbers be at quiet ; inasmuch as the concord of ill men is to the prejudice of the good ; as 't is to be wish'd that these may live peaceably , so it is that those may be in discord : for good men always come by the worst , when bad men are united . the discord we condemn as pernicious to common-wealths , is that which arises from hatred and enmity ; not that contention which has place between several conditions and members of the same commonwealth , as between the lords and commons , the soldiers and tradesmen : for that contrariety , or rather emulation , by the very diversity of natures and ends , keeps up a distinction in the degrees and spheres of the state , and supports it ; nor are there seditions , but when the states combine together , and make every private person 's the common interest : just as from the commixtion of the elements , and the meeting of rivers and streams , proceed storms and inundations . it concerns the prince therefore to employ all his care upon this division ; so moderating it , that it shall neither come on the one hand to absolute rupture , nor on the other to unlawful combinations . the same thing should be done between ministers , that some kind of emulation and diffidence one of another , may make them more attentive of their duty ; for if once , through a neglect of this , they dissemble , and conceal one another's faults , or with one consent join the pursuit of their own interests , there will be an end of the prince and the state , without the possibility of a remedy , in that none can be apply'd but by their hands . but if this honest and generous emulation should degenerate into aversion and enmity , it will create the same inconveniencies ; for they will then be more intent on contradicting and thwarting one another , more solicitous to overthrow each others counsels and actions , than to promote the publick good , and their prince's service . every one has his friends and creatures , and the common sort of people are apt to be ●ead into factions , whence generally arise tumults and dissentions . for this reason , drusus and germanicus ●oined themselves , lest the flame of the differences ●indled in tiberius's palace , should be encreased by the ●last of their favour . whence it is apparent how ●●roneous the judgment of lycurgus was , who sowed dissentions among the kings of lacedaemon , and ordained , that when embassadors were to be sent afar off , such persons should be made choice of , as had some grudge to each other . we have not a few examples in this age of publick losses , occasion'd by the clashing of ministers joined in one commission , upon a supposition that this very emulation would incite them to execute it carefully . the prince's service is one , and cannot be perform'd but by persons unanimous : whence tacitus commends agricola , for one who was far from envying his colleagues . and certainly it is less dangerous for an affair to be managed by one bad , than by two good ministers , if they don't agree , which rarely happens . the nobility is the prince's greatest security , or greatest hazard , being a powerful body , that draws most of the people after it . spain and france furnish us with many bloody instances of this truth ; that in former ages , this in all . the best remedies are , by the means of emulation , to keep them divided from the commons and themselves , yet with the moderation above-mention'd . to multiply and level the titles and dignities of the nobles ; to spend their estates upon publick ostentations , and their great souls in the toils and dangers of war ; to divert their thoughts by employments of peace , and humble their exalted spirits by the servile offices of the court. emblem xc . kings , in holy scripture , are compared to rivers ; for so the prophet habakkuk is to be understood , when he says , god would cleave the rivers of the earth ; meaning , that god would divide the forces of those who took up arms against his people : as david actually found he did , in his defeat of the philistines ; and therefore openly confessed , that the lord had divided his enemies before him , as waters are divided . division is the most effectual means to pull down any power ; the very greatest , if divided , being uncapable of making any further resistance . how impetuously does a river stream down the midst of its channel , breaking through its very banks to open it self new passages ; yet if parted into several rivulets , it loses its strength , and becomes passable to all . thus it happened to the river gyndes , where a beloved horse of cyrus's having been drowned , it so enraged him , that he immediately commanded it to be cut into an hundred and sixty canals ; by which means it lost both its name and greatness ; and that which before would scarce bear bridges , might afterwards be easily forded . this the counsel had regard to , which some gave the roman senate , to weaken the river tiber , by turning the course of the lakes and brooks that discharged themselves into it , to rid the city of continual fear and danger of its inundations . but the senate refused to do it , as unwilling to deprive the tiber of its glory . all these things have given occasion to the present ●mblem , which ( by a river parted into several branches ) shews of what consequence it is to distract the forces of puissant princes : for the greater the power is , the more forces and expence its defence requires ; nor is it hardly possible to find officers and soldiers enough for it , or to prevent all mischances . courage and prudence are confounded , when dangers threaten thus on all sides . besides , this is the most secure and the cheapest method that can be taken ; inasmuch as a trumpet on a sudden sounding an alarm in several parts of a kingdom , has abundantly greater effects , than a war solemnly denounced . it is always the best and securest way , to divide enemies forces , and sow seeds of dissention within their states : nothing so much exposing to plots and invasions , as discord and sedition . by these artifices the phoenicians established their dominion in spain , dividing it into various factions . the same did the carthaginians against them . therefore the counsel of the marquess of cadiz was not at all imprudent , when having taken boabdili , king of grenada , he moved ferdinand the catholick to set him at liberty , that his presence might foment the factions a foot between him and his father , about the crown , which had distracted the kingdom into a great many parties . when the roman empire , says tacitus , began to decline , and hasten to decay , nothing greater could be desired of fortune , than the discord of its enemies . no money is laid out to more advantage , none with less bloodshed or danger , than that which is employed in encouraging the dissentions of an enemy's kingdom , or in getting another prince to make war upon it ; for the charges and damage become hereby much more inconsiderable . but this matter demandeth extraordinary advertency ; for sometimes , upon a mis-grounded apprehension , money is expended to no purpose , and the discovery of the ill intention begets open hostility : a thing we have many instances of , in those who without any provocation , or the least prospect of advantage , have countenanced the adversaries of the house of austria , to keep its hands full , by continual wars , in the mean time unprofitably exhausting their treasuries , without considering , that if they should once be attack'd by those of this house , it would be much better to have still by them , for their own defence , what they had laid out upon the diversion of their forces . and this whole doctrine has place , without any scruple in policy , in an open war , where the reason of self-preservation is more cogent , than other considerations less solid ; and the same cause that makes the war lawful , justifies also this discord . but when the case is nothing but an invidious emulation of grandeur , these artifices are not warrantable ; for he who stirs up the subjects of another prince to rebellion , at the same time teaches his own to be traitors . the emulation should be between the persons , not the offices : dignity is of the same kind in all its parts ; that which wounds one , wounds all . passions and hatreds are transient , but bad examples remain for ever . it is the interest and concern of every prince , not to suffer the dignity of another to be injured by contempt or disobedience , or his person by treason . 't is an action unworthy of a prince to conquer by poison , not by the sword. it was ever accounted base , among the romans ; and is to this day with the spaniards , who have been so far from making use of such secret practices against their enemies , that they have often been assisting to them . a remarkable example of which , our catholick king left your highness , when he sent an army to aid the french king against the english , who had possess'd themselves of the isle of rhea , not regarding the duke of roan's advice , which was , to divide the kingdom into several governments . and another time , when his majesty offered , by monsieur de maximi , the pope's nuncio , to assist the same king in person to subdue the hugonots of montauban , and drive them out of his country . which signal and heroick kindness had no other return but ingratitude ; leaving a lesson to reason , not to let it self be too easily touch'd with compassion towards a foreign state. from what hath been said , it is obvious to deduce how much the agreement of subjects minds , and the union of states , contribute to their common defence : if , i say , every particular person did look on the danger of his neighbour as his own , be it at never so remote a distance , and accordingly endeavour all ways , both with men and money , to relieve him , that the whole body may be preserved . but not a few are deceived in this point ; they who are far off , flattering themselves with the thoughts that the danger will never reach them , or that they are no way obliged to anticipate such expences , and that it is greater prudence to keep their forces entire till the enemy come nigher . but alas ! then all the difficulties being surmounted , and those states taken , which served them for out-works the rest will never be able to hold out . this was the fate of the britains : of whom , thus tacitus ; heretofore they were under kings , now are by petty princes distracted into factions ; nor does any thing further our designs against the strongest nations , than their not consulting the common good. seldom above two or three cities associate to repell the common danger : thus while every one fights single , all are overcome . the kingdoms of spain , and provinces of italy , burgundy and flanders are sensible of this danger , with a greater prudence , a more eminent and exemplary piety , zeal and affection towards their lawful lord ; in that with a generous emulation they voluntarily offer his majesty their lives and fortunes , to protect them from their enemies , who with joint-forces conspire the overthrow of the catholick religion , and that monarchy . let your highness ingrave these services on your tender breast ; and let the gratitude and esteem due to subjects so loyal , encrease with your glorious years : then you will judge which is most excellent , to rule the world , or such a government . * emblem xci . friendship seems to restrain a government more , and to have been more considered by law-givers , than iustice. for if all men were friends , there would be no need of justice ; but though all were just , yet would they want the protection of friendship . friendship is the greatest good mankind enjoys ; a sure sword always by one's side , both in peace and war ; a faithful companion in both fortunes . with this , prosperity is crown'd , and adversity becomes more easie . for it neither is diminished by one , or encreased by the other : in one it is guided by modesty , in the other by constancy ; in the one and the other always at hand , as if by both it were like to gain . consanguinity may be without kindness and affection , friendship cannot . this comes from our own choice , that from chance . that may be without the bond of communication and mutual assistance , this cannot ; forasmuch as there are three things , which , as constituent parts of its being unite it ; nature by the means of resemblance ; the will , by that of good humour ; and reason , by that of honour . hereunto , certainly , king alphonsus the wise alludes , when he accuseth a certain person of cruelty and injustice , for carrying away prisoner one of two persons who were endeared to each other by consanguinity and friendship . the more tried therefore and sincere the friendship has been , so much the less valuable will it be , when once violated . a crystal crackt , is good for nothing . the diamond loses all its worth , when divided into pieces . a sword once broken , can never be solder'd again . whoever trusts to reconciled friendship , will find himself deceived ; for upon the first blow of adversity , or prospect of advantage , it will presently relapse again . neither david's mercy , in sparing saul's life , nor the acknowledgments and fair protestations of saul , confirmed by oath , were sufficient to make the first think himself e'er the safer for this reconcilement , or the last to cease plotting against him . esau , with embraces , and tears in his eyes , tried to regain the favour of his brother iacob ; and though there passed great signs and expressions of friendship on both sides , yet could they never take away iacob's distrust , who , notwithstanding , endeavoured all he could to be severed from him , and secure himself * . renewed friendship is like a vessel of metal , which to day shines , and to morrow is covered with rust . nor are all the good offices in the world capable of making it firm , because the remembrance of injuries is never quite erased out of the mind . ervigius , after the usurpation of wamba's crown , marry'd his daughter cixilon to egica , a very near relation of that king 's , and afterwards nominated him for his successor ; but even this could not keep egica from giving some marks of his hatred to his father-in-law , as soon as ever he came to the crown * . the scars of wounds made by injuries on the mind , always remain in the person wrong'd , and upon the first motion bleed afresh . injuries are like marshes , which , though dried up , are easily filled with water again . there is a certain shadow always betwixt the offender and the offended , which no light of excuse or satisfaction can dispell . nor is friendship secure on the former's side , in that he never is persuaded the other has really and from his heart forgiven the injury , and always looks on him as an enemy . besides that , it is natural to hate one you have injured . this is what happens in the friendship of private persons , but 't is not so in those of princes , ( if indeed there be any true friendship to be met with between them ) for self-interest makes them friends or enemies ; and though the friendship be broke a thousand times , yet it is presently renewed again by hopes of advantage ; and as long as this may be executed , continues firm and constant . wherefore in such friendships as these , no regard is to be had to the ties of blood , or obligations of favours received , for these are things disowned by ambition . their duration is to be esteem'd by utility , in that all friendships now-a-days are like those of philip , king of macedon , who made interest , not faith , the measure of them . in these , friendships , which are more reason of state , than any mutual harmony of wills , aristotle and cicero would never have so sharply reprimanded bias , for saying , we ought to love no otherwise , than if we were to hate again : for a prince would be deceived in his confidence , should he ground it upon such friendship . it is best then for princes to be friends so to day , as to think they may possibly fall out to morrow . but although this precaution is not to be found fault with , yet interest and self-ends are not to be preferred to friendship , ever the more , for that 't is common for others to do so . let friendship fail in others , but not the prince we propose to form by these emblems , whom we exhort to constancy in his actions and obligations . all that has been said hitherto , has respect to such friendships as are betwixt neighbouring princes , between whom there is some emulation of grandeur ; for among others , sincere amity , and a reciprocal correspondence , may have place . power should not be so over-careful , as to trust no one . like a tyrant , he will be ever in fear , who puts no confidence in his friends . without these , the crown is slavery , not majesty . 't is an unjust empire , that deprives princes of friendships . not armies nor treasures are the defence of a kingdom , but friends . 't is not the golden scepter that protects a king , but abundance of friends ; those are the truest , those the securest scepter . nor is there any greater instrument of good government , than good friends . friendship between great princes , should be maintained rather by a good correspondence , than by presents ; for interest is always ungrateful and insatiable : for the sake of that , friendships are pretended , never really contracted ; as vitellius found , who thinking to preserve his friends , by the richness of his presents , not by his merit , deserved rather than had them . friends are to be kept by iron , not gold ; for fear of arms creates more of them , than desire of money . pecuniary subsidies enervate the giver ; and the greater they are , the lesser time can they be continued ; and as fast as the prince's coffers empty , his reputation diminishes . princes are esteem'd and lov'd for the treasures they still have , not those they have already squandered away ; more , i say , for what they can give , than for what they have given : for hope prevails much more with men than gratitude . he who buys peace , is unable to uphold it with arms. this is a fault which almost all monarchies fall into , when arrived to some height of grandeur , they strive to maintain it by money , not arms ; and thus consuming their treasures , and oppressing their subjects , to raise contributions for neighbouring princes , to keep the circumference quiet , they weaken the center . and though that greatness be supported for a time , yet 't is at the price of a greater downfall ; for that weakness being known , and the frontiers once lost , the enemy , without opposition , makes way to their heart . thus it befell the roman empire , when , after having been at so many useless expences , and wasted their strength , the emperors went about to gain the parthians and germans by presents , which was the first beginning of their ruine . hence alcibiades advised tisaphernes not to be so liberal of his succors to the lacedaemonians , but to remember , that it was not his own , but another's victory he promoted ; and that he was to support the war , so as not to be obliged to abandon it through want . this counsel we may make our advantage of , by taking care , what is expended on favour of foreign princes , to the great prejudice and weakening of castile ; which yet , as being the heart of the whole monarchy , should be furnish'd with the greatest quantity of blood , to distribute vital spirits to all the other parts of the body ; as nature her self , the best mistress of politicks , instructs , who fortifies with the strongest fences the interiour parts , whereon life depends . if what timorousness and solicitude spends abroad to keep the monarchy in security , prudence would lay out at home in maintaining forces both by sea and land , in fortifying and garrisoning strong holds , forts and cities , the remote provinces would be abundantly more safe ; and if any one should be lost , it might easily be recovered by the forces within . rome was able to defend it self , and even to retake all that hannibal had gotten from them , nay , even to overthrow carthage it self , by keeping all its wealth and strength within the bowels of the commonwealth . not that i say this , with a desire to persuade princes always to refuse their money to their friends and neighbours , but only that they might be very careful how they lay it out , and rather assist them with men than money ; for this stays with them that receiv'd it , whereas those return to him who sent them . and this is to be understood , when there is no danger of engaging themselves in the war , by drawing it into their own states , or of getting their friend greater enemies ; as also when it is more expensive , and liable to more inconveniences to aid with money , than arms : for one of the two ways state-interest absolutely requires us to defend a neighbouring prince , as often as our fortune is inseparably joined with his ; it being prudenter to carry on a war in another's state , than to feed it in the very heart of our own . thus , of old , it was the peculiar way of the romans to make war far from home , and by the fortresses of the empire to defend the fortunes of their allies , not their own houses . and this we ought to have learn'd from that government , that we might not be forced to lament at this day so many calamities . 't is this policy , rather than ambition , that has moved the swiss-cantons to undertake the protection of some people ; for though they were sensible this could not be done without great charges , and the running the risque of their own defence , yet they thought it more their interest to keep the war out of their own territories : the confines of a neighbouring state are the walls of our own , and as such , to be guarded with all the care imaginable . emblem xcii . even the feathers of birds are in danger , when too near those of the eagle ; in that these , by that natural antipathy surviving in them , which is between the eagle and the other birds , corrode and destroy them . thus protection changes into tyranny . a superiour power observes no laws , ambition no respect . what was committed to its trust , it afterwards detains as its own , under colour of self-preservation . petty princes think to secure their states by foreign aids and utterly ruine them : they fall a prey both to friend and enemy ; the former being no less dangerous from confidence , than the latter from hatred . with a friend we live secure , without the least fear or precaution ; so that he may easily strike us , without any danger on his side . upon this reason , i conceive , was founded that law , which commanded , the oxe that had gored any one , to be stoned , but says nothing of the bull ; because we trust the oxe more , as being a domestick animal we every day make use of . ambition creeps in , under the pretext of friendship and protection ; and that , by their means , is easily obtained , which never could have been by force . with what specious names did the romans mask their tyranny , when they received the people of other nations for citizens , friends , and allies ? they admitted the albani into their common-wealth , peopling it with those who before were enemies : the sabines they made free of their city ; and abundance of countries called them to their aid , against their enemies , as the protectors of their liberties and privileges , and the universal arbitrators of justice . thus they , who of themselves could not have 〈◊〉 one foot of ground , by the ignorance of others , extended their dominions far and near . at first they exacted but moderate tributes of those nations ; thus disguising their treachery , under the appearance of morality . but when that imperial eagle had spread its wings wider , over the three parts of the world , europe , asia , and africa , she whet her beak upon ambition , and discovered the claws of her tyranny . the people then found their confidence was miserably deluded , and the feathers of their power destroyed , under those of the oppression of taxes , and the loss of their liberty and privileges ; and now the tyranny was grown powerful , could neither recover themselves again , nor re-establish their forces : and to the end the venom might turn into nature , the romans invented colonies , and introduced the latin tongue , thus to efface the distinction of nations , and leave the romans alone to enjoy the empire of all . this was that eagle in ezekiel's vision , with great wings , and many feathers ; or , as the septuagint has it , many talons , because such were its feathers . how often do men think they stand under the one , when they are really under the other ? how often do they think themselves covered with the lily , when stuck so fast amidst thorns and briars , that they can't escape without tearing their cloaths . the city of pisa put their rights and pretensions against the republick of florence , under the protection of ferdinand the catholick , and the king of france ; and both agreed to deliver it to the florentines , under the pretence of the repose of italy . lewis sforza employed the assistance of the french against his nephew , iohn galeas ; and they having divested him of the dutchy of milan , carried him prisoner into france . but what need is there to look so far for examples ? let the duke of mantua 〈◊〉 how dear another's protection has cost him ? let 〈◊〉 elector of treves , and the grisons , say whether they have ●●eserved their liberty , by admitting foreign armies into their states , for their defence and protection : let germany tell us how it finds it self , under the patronage of sweden ; now the noble circles of its provinces , heretofore the splendour and support of the imperial diadem , are divided and broken ; now those sparkling diamonds , the cities of the empire , its ancient ornament , are sullied and unset , the orders of its states overthrown and confounded , the harmony of its politick government destroyed , its ancient nobility stript and impoverished ; that , of all its provinces which knew best how to assert its liberty , now without the least appearance of it , is trampled under foot and laid waste by the fire and sword of foreign nations , and exposed to the will of a thousand tyrants , all living pictures of the king of sweden ; in a word , a slave both to friends and enemies , and so stupified by its misfortunes , that 't is render'd incapable of discerning its interest or disadvantage . this is the fate of all people at variance with themselves , of all princes who make use of foreign forces ; especially if he who sends , does not also pay them . thus it happened to the cities of greece , when philip , king of macedon , contriving to ensnare the liberty of all , fomented their contentions ; and by fiding with the weaker , made both the victors and vanquished submit to one yoke . glory , at first , prompts to the defence ; but in the end , ambition seizes all . whoever employs his forces for another , expects some amends for it . the country always loves the power that protects it ; the subjects imagining they shall live more secure and happy under his government , freed from the fear and danger of wars , and the severe taxes inferiour princes are wont to impose , and from those grievances they generally suffer at their hands . the nobles too , think it more honourable to serve a greater master , who has larger rewards to give , and greater preferments to confer upon them . all these considerations make way for tyranny and usurpation . auxiliary troops always obey him who sends them , or in whose pay they are , and treat those countries they serve in , as foreign ; so that when the war is ended with the enemy , they must begin with the friend . therefore i think it better , and less hazardous and expensive , for the weaker prince to come to a composition , upon any terms , with the more powerful , than even to conquer him with foreign arms : what cannot be obtained but by them , can much less be preserved without them , after they shall be withdrawn . this danger of auxiliary forces is yet more to be feared , when the prince who sends them is of a different religion , or has , or at least pretends to some right to that state ; or else , if it be of any considerable advantage for him to be possessed of it , for the opening a passage to his own , or obstructing that of an enemy . these apprehensions should be measured by necessity , the condition and manners of the prince being well examined ; for if he be open and generous , publick faith and reputation will have more influence on him , than interest , and reasons of state ; as has been experienced in all the princes of the house of austria , ( represented by that powerful protecting cherub to which ezekiel compares the king of tyre , before he failed in his duty ) of whose friendship no one can justly complain . piedmont , savoy , cologne , constance , and brisac , all places defended by the spanish arms , and afterwards restored without so much as a garrison left in them , are everlasting witnesses of this truth . nor can genoua deny it ; for when oppressed by france and savoy , it put its liberty into the hands of the spaniards , these people most faithfully preserved it , as esteeming more their friendship , and the glory of publick faith , than dominion . but if necessity , at any time , oblige the prince to have recourse to a foreigner , he may avoid the dangers mentioned , by these two or three cautions : if he take care that the foreign forces be not greater than his own ; that his own officers command them ; that they be not put in garrisons ; that they be mixed or divided , and immediately drawn out against the enemy . emblem xciii . often has the tyrrhene sea felt the danger of the neighbourhood of mount vesuvius : but we learn not always to profit by our misfortunes , being , out of a vain confidence , apt to persuade our selves , they will never happen a second time . the world had long since been at the height of wisdom , had it known how to improve by its experiences : but time , we see , effaces them , as it did in the ruines the late conflagrations had left upon the skirts of that mountain , covering it with a prodigious quantity of ashes , which , but a few years afterwards , the plough cultivated , and reduced again to soil . the remembrance of the losses sustained , was lost , or rather , no one would retain it , when yet they ought to have ever kept humane caution upon its guard. the treacherous mountain conceal'd under its green garment the heat and drought of its entrails ; and the sea , suspecting no harm , made an alliance with it , and embraced it with its waters , not regarding the contrariety of those two natures . but the treacherous mountain kept its intention so close , that not the least smoke gave any sign of what was plotting within . their communication encreased by secret ways : nor co●ld the sea imagine this pretended friend was raising fortifications against it , and preparing mines with divers sulphurous metals ; which being afterwards filled , and that in our age , was set fire to . there open'd , on the top of it , a wide and deep mouth , breathing out flames , which at first seem'd to be no more than p●●mes , as i may say , of sparks , or bonfires , but in a few hours proved tragical prodigies . this heavy body several times shook ; and amidst its dreadful thunder , vomited up the liquid flames of those indigested matters of melted metals which boiled in its stomach : like torrents of fire they streamed down it , into the plains adjacent , burning the trees , and carrying the houses along with them , till at length they run into the sea ; which , astonish'd at so sudden an hostility , retired with its waters to the very center , whether out of fear , or policy , to raise a greater body of waves to defend it self withal ; for now the old league was violated , it was obliged to prepare for its defence . the two elements engaged not without the trembling of nature her ●elf , afraid of seeing this beautiful fabrick of the universe on fire : the very waves , conquered by a superiour enemy , burned ; and the fish , swimming in the flames , were drowned : for the fire , ( as solomon speaks ) had power in the water , forgetting his own vertue ; and the water forgot his own quenching nature . such will be the effects of all the like alliances of contrary natures . let not the catholick prince , who enters into a confederacy with infidels , expect less evils . for there being no more inveterate animosities than those which arise from the difference of religions , the present necessity may indeed dissemble them , but it is impossible that time should not discover them : and how is it to be imagined that amity can ever be maintained between them , when the one cannot trust the other ? when the ruine of this , is the interest of that ? they who differ in opinions , differ also in minds ; and as creatures of that eternal artificer , we cannot suffer any other adoration to be paid him , than what we judge to be true and orthodox . and altho' the friendship of infidels were never so good , yet divine justice permits us not to obtain our ends by the means of his enemies , nay , usually chastises us by the very infidel's hand that sign'd the treaty . the emperor which constantine the great translated into the east , was ruin'd by the alliance of the palaeologi with the turk ; god permitting it to remain to posterity , for an example of his correction , but not any living memorial of that family . but if , by reason of the distance of places , or disposition of things , the chastisement cannot be inflicted by those very infidels , god uses his own hand . what calamities has not france suffered , since francis i. more through emulation of charles the fifth's glory , than forced by any necessity , made a league with the turk , and called him into europe ? this fault he acknowledged in the last moments of his life , expressed his utmost detestation of it in words ; which piously we ought to impute to a christian compunction , though otherwise they seemed to proceed from extreme despair . god pursued his chastisement in some of his successors , by taking them off with violent and unhappy deaths . now if this just judge be thus severe on princes who do but ask the aid of infidels and hereticks , what will he do to those who assist them against the catholicks , and are the reason of their making such great progresses ? the example of peter ii. of arragon , will tell us : this king stuck with all his forces to the faction of the albigenses in france ; and though he fought at the head of one hundred thousand men , against the catholicks , who were but eight hundred horse , and a thousand foot , lost at once both his life and the battel . iudas machabaeus no sooner joined with the romans , tho' only to defend himself against the grecian power , but the two angels , that stood by his side , left him , and he was slain . the same punishment , and for the same cause , suffered ionathan and simon , his brothers and successors . nor is the excuse of self-defence always sufficient ; for all the conditions and circumstances that make such confederacies allowable , very rarely concurr , and are of greater weight than that universal scandal and danger of defiling the true religion with errors ; the communication of hereticks being a poison apt to infect , a gangrene that soon spreads , where minds are enclined to novelty and licentiousness . policy distrusting the divine assistance , and wholly relying upon humane artifices , may indeed deceive it self , but not god , at whose tribunal meer appearances of reason are not received . baasha , king of israel , built a fortress in ramah , the last city of the tribe of benjamin , in the kingdom of asa , and so stopt its avenues , that no one could go in or out of it with safety . this occasion'd a war between those two kings ; and asa fearing the alliance of ben-hadad , king of syria , with his enemy , contrived first to break that , and then enter'd himself into a confederacy with ben-hadad : which when baasha heard , he left off building the fortifications of ramah . nevertheless , though asa made this league out of necessity , and only for his own defence , whereof the good effect soon appeared ; yet god was displeased that he put more confidence in the king of syria than in him , and sent hanani the prophet to represent his fault to him , and threaten him with wars , as a punishment ; which accordingly happened . whence it will be easie to gather , how much france has incurred the divine displeasure , by the alliances it has now engaged it self in with those of another religion , to oppress the house of austria : where is no room for the pretence of self-preservation in extreme necessity , since without any provocation or reason , he has sided with all its adversaries , and made war upon it , fomenting it out of their states , and enlarging these by the usurpation of foreign provinces , and assisting the hereticks and their allies with counsel and arms to conquer the catholicks ; no one , in the mean time , coming thence to the treaty of peace at cologne , although the pope , the emperor , and king of spain , had all sent their plenipotentiaries thither . nor is it unlawful only to make leagues with hereticks , but even to make use of their forces . the holy scriptures give us an illustrious instance of this , in the person of king amasiah , who having hired an army of the sons of israel , was commanded of god to dismiss it , and reproved , for not rather relying on him . and because he presently obeyed , without any regard to the danger , or to the hundred talents he had given them , god gave him a signal victory over his enemies . confederacy with those of a different religion is lawful , when its end is the intermission of war , and liberty of commerce ; such as that was which isaac made with abimelech , and as now is between spain and england . when any treaty is made with hereticks , provided it interfere not with religion or good manners , and be confirmed by oath , the publick faith is by all means to be kept with them ; for in the oath , god is called to be a witness to the agreement , and , as it were , a surety for the performance of it , both parties consenting to make him judge of it , to punish the perjurer . and certainly it were a hainous sin , to call him to witness to a lye. nations have no other security of the treaties they make , than the religion of oaths ; which if they should make use of to deceive , there would be an end of commerce in the world , nor would it be possible for firm truces or peace to be ever concluded . but though there pass no oath , yet the treaties should nevertheless be observed : for from the truth , fidelity and justice whereby they are maintained , there arises in them a mutual obligation , and a duty common to all nations ; and as it is not allowable to kill or hate a man of a different communion , so neither is it to cheat , or break a promise to him . hence ioshua kept his oath with the gibeonites : a thing which was so pleasing to god almighty , that he vouchsafed in his savour to interrupt the natural order of the orbs of heaven , obeying the voice of ioshua , and stopping the sun in the midst of its course , to give him time to prosecute the slaughter of his enemies , and acquit himself of his obligation : as , on the contrary , he punished david with a three years famine , for saul's breaking this very treaty three hundred years after . emblem xciv . the sun , when in libra , distributes his rays with so much justice , that he makes the days and nights equal ; not , however , without having a more particular regard to the zones that are nearest and most subject to his empire , to which he imparts a greater force of light , always preferring those climates and pa●allels that are least remote ; and if any country suffers the intemperatures of heat under the torrid zone , the fault is in its ill situation , not in the sun's rays , since they are at the same time benign to other parts of the same zone . now what the sun does in the equinoctial-line , a part of heaven so considerable , that if the immense being of god could be confined to any limited place , it could be no other than that ; the same effect , i say , is produced here below , by that pontifical triple-crown , which from rome , as a fixed equinox , with its divine rays illuminates all the parts of the world : this is the sun of these inferior orbs , in which was substituted the power of the light of that eternal sun of righteousness , that all things sacred might receive from it their true form , so as never to be called in question by the shadows of impious opinions . there is no country so near the poles , but the brightness of its rays , in spite of the frosts and mists of ignorance , has reached it . this tiara , or triple-crown , is the touch-stone on which other crowns are tried , and the caracts of their gold and silver proved , in that , as in a crucible , they are separated from other base metals ; and it is by the tau they are stampt with , that they are assured of their real value . hence ramius , king of arragon , and many others , voluntarily offered to become feudataries to the church , looking on it as an honour and happiness for their crowns to pay it tribute . those that refuse the touch of this apostolical stone , are of lead and tin , and so soon wear out , and consume , rarely passing to the fifth generation , ( as we see by frequent experience . ) it was with the respect and obedience of princes , that their temporal grandeur and dignity , foretold by the prophet isaiah , was encreased ; who afterwards armed the spiritual sword , so as to render it capable of being the balance of the kingdoms of christendom . and by the same means the popes still endeavour to support their power , procuring the favour of potentates by their paternal affection . their empire over minds is a voluntary one , imposed by reason , not force : and if at any time this latter has been too immoderate , it has had quite contrary effects ; for passion is blind , and easily runs headlong . the papacy even unarmed , is stronger than the best appointed armies . the presence of pope leo in his pontifical robes , struck such a terrour into attila , that it made him retreat , and lay aside his thoughts of sacking of rome ; which had he attempted by arms , he had never quelled the haughty spirit of that barbarian . the bare whistle of the shepherd , or a kind menace of the crook or sling , do more than the hardest stones . it is a rebellious sheep , that must be led by rigour : for if the piety of the faithful has given force to the papal dignity , that was rather for the security of its grandeur , than done with a design to let them use it , except when the maintenance of religion , and the universal benefit of the church so required . when , contrary to this one consideration , the mitre is turned into a helmet , no more reverence or obedience is due to it , than if it were merely temporal * : and if it will depend on reasons of state , it will be looked upon only as a politick prince's crown , not as the diadem of a pope , whose empire is supported by a spiritual authority . his pastoral office is of peace only , not war ; his crosier crooked , to guide , not pointed , to wound . the sovereign priest is the sovereign man , and therefore should not , as other men , be guilty of envy , hatred or partiality , which are always incentives of war . this even the very pagans required in their chief-priest . the splendour of his vertues strike the mind more than the sword does the body , which is much less prevalent in composing the differences of princes than love and respect ; for when princes once see that his good offices proceed from a true paternal love , free from passions , affections , and politick artifices , they willingly lay their rights , and arms , at his feet . this several popes have had experience of , who avoiding neutrality , have shewn themselves the common fathers of the whole world. he who adheres to one alone , denies himself to all besides ; and he that is neither on this side nor that side , takes the part of none . whereas the high-priests should be for all , as their garments , in the old law , gave us to understand , whose exquisite make represented the globe of the earth . 't is a piece of cruelty to stand with arms a-cross at the sight of other mens calamities . should a father stand still while his children quarrel , he would be deservedly blamed for whatever mischief they should do one to another ; he ought , sometimes by rigour , sometimes by good words , to part them , putting himself betwixt them , or , if need be , espousing one's cause , the better to reduce the other to agreement . thus if princes refuse to hearken to the fatherly admonition of his holiness , if they pay not the respect due to his authority , and there be no hopes of ever recovering them , it seems best to declare in favour of the most just side , always having regard to the publick quiet , and the advancement of religion and the church , to assist that , till the other be brought to its duty : for he that approves the cause of the one and the other , will be thought to co-operate with both . * in italy , more than in any other part of the world , this care of the popes is necessary : for if once they so openly betray their inclination to the french , that they may promise themselves their aid and favour , they will soon bring their arms thither . this conside●●tion prevailed on some popes to shew themselves more addicted to spain , the better to keep france within bounds ; and if at any time , any one , induced by an appearance of good , or through partiality or self-interest , and a forgetfulness of this caution , has used secular arms , and called in the aid of foreigners , he 〈◊〉 given occasion to great commotions in italy ; as historians observe , in the lives of vrban iv. who sent for charles , count of anjou and provence , to 〈◊〉 relief , against mainfroy , king of both sicilies : of nicholas iii. who being jealous of the power of king charles , had recourse to peter , king of arragon : of nicholas iv. who enter'd into a league with alphonsus ●f arragon , against king iames : of boniface viii . who ●ppealed to iames , king of arragon , and called in the assistance of charles of valois , count of anjou , against ●rederick , king of sicily : of eugenius iv. who sided with the faction of anjou , against alphonsus , king of n●ples : of clement v. who sought the aid of philip of 〈◊〉 , against the viscounts of milan : of leo x. and c●●ment vii . who made a league with francis , king of france , against charles v. to throw the spaniards out of italy . this inconveniency proceeds from the weight of the apostolick see , it being so great , that the scale wherein 't is put must necessarily fall very much . it is probable that some appearance of good moved those ●●pes to do thus ; but certainly , in some of them , the 〈◊〉 was far from answering their intention . but as it is the duty of the popes to endeavour to ●●intain princes in peace and tranquility ; so ought these , out of interest ( were there no divine obligation for it , as there really is ) to have continually their eyes , like the heliotrope , upon that sun of the pope's triple-crown , which always shines , and never sets , and to be ●●edient to , and protect it . hence alphonsus v. king of arragon , upon his death-bed , charged his son ferdinand , king of naples , to esteem nothing beyond the authority of the apostolick see , and the favour of the popes ; and to take care not to disgust them , whatever reason he had on his side . impious or imprudent princes think it a piece of bravery to carry themselves haughtily towards the popes : but such an humility is so far from being a weakness , that 't is a religious act ; 't is no dishonour , but a glory . the most submissive deferences paid them by the greatest princes , are but a pious magnanimity , that teaches subjects what respect is to be paid to all that is sacred ; they beget not any infamy , but rather an universal applause . no one condemned the emperor constanti●● , for taking a low seat in a council of bishops ; nor king egica , for prostrating himself upon the ground , in another held at toledo . no one ever succeeds in opposing the popes ; those are quarrels that nev●● have a good end ? and who can separate the inter●●● of the temporal prince from that of the head of the church ? injury and authority are so joined , that the greater that is , the more it derogates from this . the pontifical dignity , when armed with both the temporal and spiritual sword , withstands the greatest power . it meets with an unshaken obedience in foreign kingdoms ; and if it once goes to make war upon them , the people's piety grows cold , and from fighting with arms , they come to that of books ; allegiance tott●● ▪ and religion being confounded , changes of governm●●● ensue , and the overthrow of kingdoms , whose only bottom is the reverence and respect of the priesthood . which made some nations unite it to the re●● dignity . princes ought therefore to carry themsel●● with so much prudence , as to decline , as much as 〈◊〉 sible , giving any occasion of distaste to the pope●● which they will do , if they pay a due respect to 〈◊〉 apostolick see , maintaining its privileges , rights , 〈◊〉 ●munities inviolable , and asserting their own with ●urage and resolution , when they interfere not with ●●●m , without admitting any innovations prejudicial to ●●eir own states , and which tend not to the spiritual ●ood of their subjects . when charles v. went into ●ely to be crown'd , the pope's legates would oblige ●●●m to take an oath to preserve the rights of the church . ●o which he answer'd , that as he would not alter them , 〈◊〉 neither would he , on the other side , do any thing against 〈◊〉 constitutions of the empire : which he said , upon the ●●count of the fiefs which the church pre●ded on parma and placentia . * king ●dinand the catholick was so exact in this , ●at one may , in a manner , say he fell ●to excess ; judging it not fit to transgress ●●e limits of rights and privileges the ●st in the world ; because when the foot is once ●●ed , it presently defends the place it stands on , as a ●●●ssession ; and insensibly goes farther , when , by briskly ●●posing its first steps , much greater losses might be ●●oided . iohn , king of arragon , refused to ratifie the ●●ant of the archbishoprick of saragossa , made by pope ●●tus iv. to cardinal ausias dezpuch , because he did not ●ominate him , as was then the custom ; but causing the ●●rdinal's goods and revenues to be seized , and mis●ing his relations , forced him to quit the pontificate , ●●ich he afterwards conferred upon his nephew al●●●sus . such another dispute , a little after , arose ●●on the subject of the church of tarrassona ; which a ●rtain temporal judge having been made bishop of , 〈◊〉 ordered him to leave it instantly , threatning , if he ●●d not , to drive him , and all that belong'd to him , out 〈◊〉 his kingdom . the same did his son ferdinand , in 〈◊〉 the bishoprick of cuenca , to which pope sixtus had ●●●ated raphaël galeot , a relation of his own : for ●●e king , incens'd that it should be given to a foreigner , and without his nomination , enjoined all the spaniards to leave rome , protesting he would call a council upon that and some other matters ; and when the pope afterwards sent his nuncio into spain , he bid him return , complaining that his holiness did not use him as such an obedient son of the church deserved , and wondred that the embassador should undertake such a commission : but he humbly making answer , that he would renounce the pri●●es of an embassador , and submit wholly to his majesty's pleasure ; by this , and the good offices of the cardinal of spain , he was admitted , and all the differences adjusted . but unless , for self-preservation , or otherwise , the case be extremely dangerous , recourse should not be had to these methods ; and it is befitting the paternal affection of the popes , not to give occasion to them , behaving themselves so courteous always , so as thereby to maintain a good correspondence with princes : for although they have in their hand , as was said , the two swords of spiritual and temporal authority , yet this ought to execute nothing but by the arms of emperors and kings , as protectors and defenders of the church : which makes it ( as alphonsus the wise says * ) of so much concernment for those two powers always to agree , so that each may help the other , when occasion requires . i doubt not but all those whom god hath placed in this high station , have this care deeply rooted in their hearts ; but yet it is often-times perplexed by the courtiers of rome , whose only business is to sow discords ; as also by the ambition of some ministers , who think to wind themselves into the favour of the popes , and to procure the best preferments by their independency on princes , and by the aversion they bear them , always inventing pretences to reject their petitions , and taking all occasions of affronting their embassadors ; and who , to appear stout , suggest violent counsels , under colour of religion and zeal : all which ruine the good understanding of the popes and temporal princes , to the great prejudice of the christian commonwealth , and chills the veins of piety , for want of love , the artery that cherishes them , and maintains their warmth . emblem xcv . the isthmus maintains it self between the force and power of two contrary seas , as their common arbiter , not enclining more to this than that : hence , what one takes from it , the other restores again ; and by the conflict of both , it is preserved entire ; for if the waves of either should once swell and overflow the whole tract of ground , they would spoil its jurisdiction , and it would be no longer an isthmus . this neutrality betwixt two great powers supported , for a long time , peter ruiz d'azagra in his government of albarraein , situate on the frontiers of castile and arragon ; for each of these kings took care not to let it be oppress'd by the other , and those emulations kept the freedom of that little state untouch'd . by this the dukes of savoy may see how much it is their interest to stand neuter between the two crowns of france and spain , and to keep in their hands the free disposal of the passes into ●●aly by the alps , as a thing whereon their grandeu● , their conservation , and the necessity of their friendship , entirely depends ; it highly concerning each of these crowns not to let them be subdued by the other . hence the spaniards have so often marched to the aid of charles emanuel , and recovered such places as the french had taken from him . i know only one case wherein it is better that these princes brea● this neutrality , and side with one of the two crowns and that is , when the other attempts the conquest of their dominions , particularly that of france : for if once the french should drive the spaniards out of italy , they would become so powerful ( considering they have already e●tended their dominions from the very utmost limits of the ocean , as far as the mediterranean , through cal●●ria ) that over running the states of savoy and piedmont , they must of necessity either unite them to the crown of france , or but then them with an intolerable slavery , which the whole body of italy would soon feel the effects of , without hopes of redeeming their liberty again ; and for spain ever to retrieve their losses , or balance their forces , would be extremely difficult , considering the vast distance between them too . this danger the republick of venice , with a great deal of prudence , weighed , when seeing charles the eighth's power encrease in italy , they struck up that which was called the holy league . from that time , one may say , divine providence began to contrive the security and preservation of the apostolick chair , and of religion , and to prevent its falling under the tyranny of the turk , or being infected with the heresies , then taking root in germany ; advanced the greatness of the house of austria , and establish'd the spanish monarchy in the states of naples , sicily , and milan , that italy might have a catholick prince to defend it on all sides : and to restrain the power of spain , and make it content with the rights of succession , fiefs , and arms , it raised it a rival in the person of the king of france , to lay its kings under a necessity for their preservation of gaining the love and good-will of their subjects , and the esteem of other princes , by maintaining justice among them , with these peace , without giving the least occasion to war , which always hazards the rights and designs of the most powerful . this advantage which italy reaps from the power of spain , is , by some , unjustly traduced as a yoke of slavery ; when , on the contrary , it is the only instrument of its repose , of its liberty and religion : the mistake proceeds from their not well knowing the importance of this counterpoise . a person , ignorant in navigation , seeing the bottom of a ship filled with sand and stones , thinks it carries the cause of its wreck in this weight : whereas they who are acquainted with sea-affairs , know , that without this ballast , the lightness of the ship could never subsist long against the agitation of the waves . nicephorus , speaking of this aequilibrium between two crowns , looks on it as a common advantage to the subjects of both kingdoms , when he says , that he could not enough admire the inscrutable wisdom of god , who makes two directly opposite means tend to the same end ; as when he would keep two powers at variance , without however subjecting the one to the other , he either gives to both commanders , whose capacity and courage discover the artifices , and oppose the attempts of the adverse party , which makes for the liberty of the subjects of both sides ; or else sets over them men so senseless and cowardly , that they undertake nothing considerable one against another , but leave the limits of the kingdom as they found them . for the same ends , divine providence has parted the forces of the french and spanish kings , by interposing the high walls of the alps , lest propinquity of territories , or easiness of passage , should be a temptation to war , and favour the french most , if that nation should have these doors so often open . it has still , for greater security , given the keys of them to the duke of savoy , an italian prince , who having his states between those two kingdoms , can lock or leave them open , according as the publick good requires . this divine disposition pope clement viii . was sensible of , and with singular prudence procured the state of saluzzes to fall into the duke of savoy ' s hands . * this was a very ancient state-maxim ; on which alphonsus , king of naples , grounded his advice to the duke of milan , not to deliver up asti to lewis the dauphin : for ( said he ) it is not for the good of italy , that the french strive to get footing there , but to bring it under their subjection , as was attempted in the genoese expedition . that italian prince penetrated not the force of this counsel , who advised the prefent french king , by making himself master of pignerol , to get firm footing on the alps ; deceived probably ( unless it were malice ) by the appearing conveniency of having the french ready against any attacks of the spaniards ; not considering , that by the fear of a future war , which might perhaps never have really happen'd , a present and most certain one is kindled , upon the admission of the french into italy ; it being impossible for peace to be preserved in any one province betwixt two nations so opposite and disagreeing : nor were italy like to reap any other benefit from it than this , that it would nourish a serpent in its bosom , whose poisonous sting would certainly afterwards envenom it . besides that the french , even when within their own limits , on the other side of the alps , are always near enough to march into italy , when called , nor is it necessary that they be so near as to have the passage at their command . besides , were the french so modest , so void of ambition , as to confine themselves there , and not move but when called upon ; yet who doubts but upon such an occasion they would widely transgress the bounds of protection ; as lewis sforza , castruchio castrocani , and several others , have actually experienc'd , who sought their aid with no other advantage , than that the same befell them ( as it does some at this day ) which tacitus relates to have happened to the frecentini , who , while they agreed among themselves , valued not the parthians ; but upon their falling into dissentions , while each called in aid against his rival , the person invited by one party conquered both . now if that power might be brought into pignerol , so as to be wholly at the disposal of italy , either to call it in , or send it out of its territories , as occasion should require , there had then been some reason in the policy , some colour of zeal for the publick good , in this counsel : but now , in a time the most improper in the world , to place it within the very gates of italy , to enter them upon every motion of ambition or levity , and that fear of it might keep the spaniards continually upon their guard , and occasion be given to other princes to take up arms , and a storm of wars be raised never to be calmed , was so far from being good counsel , that it was the rankest treason , being , in plain terms , no other than exposing it to the power of france , and wresting that out of the italian prince's hand , which he had over the alps , for the common good of all. in the other potentates of italy , which are not situate between those two crowns , this reason of neutrality has not the same force ; for when once war is brought into italy , they cannot but fall a prey to the conqueror , without having obliged either party ; as the consul quinetius said to the aetolians , to persuade them to declare for the romans , in the war against antiochus ; and as the florentines found , when refusing to join with the king of arragon , they stood neuter ; thereby losing the favour of the french king , without appeasing the anger of the pope . neutrality neither makes friends , nor removes enemies . hence alphonsus , king of naples , said of the sienois , who thinking to save themselves by neutrality , were ruin'd , that the same happened to them , which usually does to one who lodges in the middle of an house , whom they below fill with smoke , those above pour water down upon him . what did not the thebans suffer , by being neutral , when xerxes invaded greece ? while lewis xi . of france continued so , he never had peace with any prince . * let not the prince be deceived , in imagining this neutrality to be the best means to balance the forces of spain and france ; for certainly there ought to be some declaration in behalf of the former , not that it may enlarge its territories , or make an inrode into france , but that it may maintain what it is already possessed of , and the french be kept within their kingdom , and not by any neutrality or affection be invited out . and this is so certain , that the very declaration of favour , without any other publick de●●nstrations , poises these scales , and is a sufficient ar●ment of war. italy can never bear two factions that ●ive to raise their fortunes by the contention of both ●owns within its bowels . this charles v. was sensible 〈◊〉 when , to restore peace to italy , he destroyed them , ●●d new-modelled the republick of florence , which at ●●at time encouraged them ; for one of the two balances 〈◊〉 france or spain , never so little over-loaded , turned . 〈◊〉 scale of peace , which consists in keeping them even . ●●on the knowledge of this truth , all prudent princes ●●d commonwealths have shewed themselves more ad●●ed to spain , to add some weight to it ; and that by ●●ing a more perfect aequilibrium , they , with their ●●tes , might enjoy a happy tranquility ; and if at any ●ne any one has disordered it , by espousing the contrary ●●ty , he has been the occasion of great troubles , and ●●moted the ruine of italy . glory , that constant attendant of ambition , prompts ●ne italians to think it would be more advantageous 〈◊〉 them to unite against both crowns , and have no ●●er masters but themselves , either by dividing them●●ves into republicks , or setting up one head. thoughts ●re for talk , than effect , considering the present ●●ndition of italy ; for either this sovereign must be 〈◊〉 pope , or some other . if the pope , there want not ●●y many plausible reasons to shew the impossibility 〈◊〉 maintaining a spiritual monarchy changed into a ●mporal one under an elective prince ( especially if 〈◊〉 be of a declining age , as generally all the popes are ) ●sed only in arts of peace , and ecclesiastical tran●lity , wholly employed in spiritual affairs , and sur●nded with nephews and relations , who , should ●●●y not require to secure to themselves the succession 〈◊〉 their states , will be sure to share them by investitures . ●●●des , it being the interest of christendom , that the ●●●es be the common fathers of all its members , and 〈◊〉 have any differences with other princes , they will ●●●eby be engaged in perpetual quarrels with those two ●●wns ; which , on account of the claims each lay to the dutchy of milan , and the kingdoms of naples and sicily , will soon fall upon the apostolick see , whethe● joined by some compact to divide the conquests of these states , or separately , one breaking into italy through , the milanese , the other through naples , with the danger too of one of them calling in the aid of the germans , or the turk , who would afterwards fix in italy . but suppose any person were created king of all italy , yet still the same inconveniencies would remain ; nay , another much greater would arise from hence ; that in form a monarchy , this king must necessarily make other princes subject to him , and strip the pope of his empire : for should he leave them in the same condition they are at present , ( though it were under some acknowledgment of homage , or in alliance ) he could never support himself ; besides that thus italy would lose that spiritual empire , which renders it no less ill●strious than heretofore the roman did , and being d●prived of its liberty , would be brought to a kind 〈◊〉 tyrannical confusion . there is yet less probability of italy 's continuing 〈◊〉 peace , under several native princes , for they can neve● agree so uniformly as to unite against the two crow● but will rather ruine one another by intestine wars , ● it happened in former ages ; the italian nation being 〈◊〉 so lofty a genius , that it scorns a medium ; either it m●●● absolutely govern or obey . from all which , it appears , how necessary so●● foreign power is to italy , which , opposed to all othe● neither suffers wars between its princes , nor allo● them to make use of foreign arms ; which is the reas● that since it was united with the crown of spain , it 〈◊〉 always enjoy'd a perfect and continual peace . the advantage therefore that attends that necessity 〈◊〉 joining it self to one of the two crowns , may pre●●● upon the italian nation to conform to the present 〈◊〉 especially since if there should happen any alteration 〈◊〉 milan , naples and sicily , it could not but give a 〈◊〉 ●●●●rbance to other governments : for no new forms 〈◊〉 ●ntroduced without the corruption of others ; and 〈◊〉 one of the two nations must be incorporated 〈◊〉 italy , the spanish has most reason for it , they lying 〈◊〉 under the same climate , which renders them more 〈◊〉 in firmness of religion , observance of justice , ●vity of actions , fidelity to their princes , constancy in 〈◊〉 promises and publick faith , in moderation of mind , 〈◊〉 briefly , in all other customs and manners ; and ●es , because the king of spain governs not in italy 〈◊〉 stranger , but as an italian prince , who aims at no●●●g more there , than to maintain what he justly pos●●● since he can , with much more advantage to his 〈◊〉 , extend his monarchy over the vast countries 〈◊〉 africa . this maxim ferdinand the catholick left to successors , in generously refusing the offer of the 〈◊〉 of emperor of italy , saying , that he desired nothing 〈◊〉 what of right belonged to him , and that it was not his 〈◊〉 to dismember the imperial dignity . this truth is ●●●ently attested by the restitutions the king of spain 〈◊〉 made of several places , without making use of any 〈◊〉 of arms , or demanding satisfaction for charges 〈◊〉 damage , or taking up arms but upon necessity , 〈◊〉 for his own defence , or that of another , as the 〈◊〉 of mantua have experienc'd ; and if he has at 〈◊〉 time made war upon the duke of nevers , it was 〈◊〉 as malice would insinuate , to make himself master ●asal , but to put it in the power of the emperor to justice to those who laid pretensions to these states . 〈◊〉 the duke of nevers having implored , by the marquess mirebaean , his majesty's protection and consent to 〈◊〉 marriage of his son , the duke of retel , with the ●●●eess mary , obtained both : but after the conclusion of 〈◊〉 matter , advice was brought to madrid , that by the ●er-hand practices of count d'estrige , the wedding 〈◊〉 already celebrated , vincent , duke of mantua , being ●he point of death , without the king's knowledge , ●●●ctly against the agreement between him and the 〈◊〉 ; which was the reason that this novelty , which appeared to some a kind of slight and distrust , deferred first the execution of the protection , and gave afterwards place to fresh deliberations ; wherein it was resolved , that without any notice taken of all this , the favour promised , should remain in full force , and one be sent to give the married couple joy. but as divine providence had determined the destruction of the city and house of mantua , for the vices of its princes , and their violation of so many marriages , it directed all events to that end ; and accordingly , for this reason , while these things passed in spain , cardinal richlieu , a sworn enemy to the duke of nevers , brought it about , that the duke of savoy , assisted by his master , denounced war against him , to get what he laid claim to in montferrat . but the duke smelling this to be nothing but a pretence , under which to bring th● french arms into italy , and by the ruine of both dukes , to encrease the grandeur of france , discover'd the whole intrigue to gonsalvo of cordoua , governor of milan , promising to desert the french , if he would ass●●● him . gonsalvo desired time to consider , and se●●● advice of it into spain ; and seeing the duke make some difficulty to grant it , and that if he did not succo● him , the doors of the alps would be open to the french , he , of his own head , agreed with the duke , hoping to make himself master of casal , by the mea●●● of espadin , whereby ( as himself wrote to his majesty ) the emperor might with much more ease determine the controversies on foot in montferrat and mantua : a reso●lution which obliged his majesty to suspend a second time● the execution of the protection promised , though contrary to his design of procuring the peace of italy ▪ nevertheless , to maintain that , and cut off all occasi●● of jealousie , he gave order to gonsalvo of cordoua , that if , as was supposed , he was already possessed of casa● ▪ he should keep it in the name of the emperor , the true master of it , at the same time dispatching letters to him to that effect , to convey , in that case , to his imperial majesty . but the treaty with espadin not su●●ding , gonsalvo , without any order from his ma●●●y , invested casal ; which was the occasion of the 〈◊〉 of france ' s journey to susa , and of spain's being ●xpectedly engaged in the war , after having pub●ly protested that those forces were only auxi●ies to the emperor , to the end the rights of the ●●enders upon mon●ferrat and mantua might be ●●ded by way of justice ; nor would gonsalvo accept ●he term offered him by the duke of nevers , of ●●●ng casal , lest any should think his majesty engaged ●ese commotions more out of private interest , than 〈◊〉 the fake of the publick quiet . this is the very ●th of the matter , which so many have unjustly ●aim'd against , so few really known . ●et the prince therefore and republick of italy lay ●e the empty shadows of jealousies assuring them●es that spain aims at nothing more than to keep up 〈◊〉 grandeur amongst them , not to encrease it ; and let 〈◊〉 give place to this true piece of policy , if they desire peace of italy : for these imaginary emulations tend ●o other end , but to promote its disquiet ; there ●g no war but what proceeds either from the ambi●●● of a powerful monarch , or the apprehensions of ●●feriour prince . emblem xcvi . victory in just wars , aims at no other end 〈◊〉 peace : hence that is the most glorious , wh●●● is obtained with least damage , and more 〈◊〉 stratagem than force , which was least covered 〈◊〉 dust and blood ; which horace calls , — dulcis sine pulvere palma : * lawrels with ease obtain'd , smell always sweet . the romans , for bloody victories , sacrificed a 〈◊〉 and an oxe , for those got by stratagem . if by wit●●● ●nderstanding we are like god , but have force in com●on with brutes , undoubtedly there is more glory in ●●quering with the former than the latter . tiberius ●s better pleas'd in having quieted the empire by pru●nce , than if he had done it by the sword : and agricola looked on it as glorious to vanquish the britains ●●●thout the loss of roman blood . if victory pro●oses the preservation and encrease of the common-●ealth , it will succeed much better by policy or nego●tion , than by arms. the life of one citizen is of ●ore account than the death of many enemies . whence ●●pio the african used to say , that be had rather save 〈◊〉 citizen , than conquer a thousand enemies : a sentence ●hich afterwards the emperor marcus antoninus pius ●ok for his device . for to conquer an enemy is the 〈◊〉 work of a general ; to save a citizen , that of a ●●triot . vitellius considered not this , when having de●●ded otho , he said , in passing among the dead bodies , ●●he smell of dead enemies is sweet , but that of citizens yet ●●eter . a barbarous saying , unworthy even of a vulture . ● quite different compassion was seen in himilcon , who ●ving obtained considerable victories in sicily , because 〈◊〉 had lost most of his men by sicknesses which seized 〈◊〉 army in their camp , entered carthage , not in ●riumph , but in mourning , and the habit of a slave , ●●d going strait to his quarters , killed himself , without ●aking a word to any . cruel victory seems to be ●●re the heat of revenge , than effect of courage ; it has ●●re of fierceness than reason in it . when lewis xii . ●ing of france , received news , that his army had ●otten the better in the battel of ravenna , though with 〈◊〉 loss of all his officers , and the best part of his ●●diers ; would to god ( said he , sighing ) i had lost the ●ay , and my brave captains were now alive ! may such ●ctories as these be for my enemies , wherein the conquered 〈◊〉 conqueror , and the victor vanquished . for this reason , the most prudent commanders decline engagements and attacks as much as possible ; and value themselves more upon obliging the enemy to yield , than upon subduing him by force . the great captain received gajeta by surrender : and some thinking he had better , since he was now master of the field , have stormed it , and taken the officers , with the garrison , prisoners , to prevent any mischief they might do , if let go ; he answered , it would have cost more in powder and ball than the danger would have been worth . it is a generous valour that brings the enemy to a surrender without bloodshed , and a happy war that is ended by mercy and pardon . valour is for the enemy , but mercy for the captive . this generosity of mind is very rare now-a-days , when war is undertaken more to satisfie passion , than to exert valour , more for devastation than conquest . it is called peace , to reduce cities into ashes , and countries into desarts , to lay waste and burn up fields , as we see in germany and burgundy . what a barbarous cruelty , how inconsistent with humane reason is it thus to wage war with nature her self , and take from her those means wherewith she nourishes and supports us ? the holy scriptures forbid even the trees that grow near besieged cities to be cut down , because they are wood , not men , and so cannot encrease the enemy's number . to that degree does god abhorr blood spilt in war , that though he had made his people take up arms against the midianites yet he afterwards enjoined , that whosoever had killed any person , or touched any slain , should purifie himself ●●ven days out of the camp . aeneas thought it ● crime to touch things sacred before he had washed ●is hands in some living stream : attrectare nefas , donec me flumine vivo abluero . * god , as he is equally the author of peace and life , hates those who disturb that , or cut the thread of this : ●ven to weapons , as the instruments of death , he has ●eclared his aversion ; for hence , i conceive , he com●anded his altars to be built of rough , unpolish'd ●tone , which no iron had touched ; such as that was ●hich the people of israel raised , after they had passed ●●e river iordan ; and that of ioshua , after his ●ctory over the men of ai . the reason of this , 〈◊〉 that iron is the matter of war , whereof swords are ●ade : nor would he suffer the use of it in the purity and ●aceableness of his sacrifices , as that other precept ●●●ms to intimate . but ambition of glory seldom gives place to these ●nsiderations , imagining there can be no reputation ●t , where valour is not exercised , and blood spilt ; ●●d thence it is that some care not to make use of ●●xiliaries , or admit of companions in victory . ●ing alphonsus iii. lost the battel of arc , only because 〈◊〉 would not stay for the coming up of the forces of ●on and navarr ; and tilly , that of leipsick , by not ●aiting for the imperial forces . in which thing ambi●on is much in the wrong ; the glory of victories consisting not so much in any degree of courage , as in having known how to make good use of safe counsels ; forasmuch as the one depends on chance , the other on prudence . he obtains the victory soon enough , who has with judgment so provided that he should not be overcome . ambition burns ; and reason , once disturbed , follows its natural force and tendency , and destroys it self . states are never more beholding to their prince , than when undervaluing trophies and triumphs , he strives to maintain peace by negotiation , and purchases victory with money ; for it is much cheaper buying for that than blood , and generally safer fighting with golden than iron weapons . the variety of past accidents is apt to make victory forget it self ; glory , to make it vanish ; joy , to disorder ; spoils , to puff it up ; acclamations , to make it over●confident ; and bloodshed prompts it to despise the enemy , and sleep secure , when it should be most vigilant , and shew greater fortune in subduing it self , than it met with in conquering the enemy : for this latter may possibly be more an effect of fortune than courage ; but in the triumph over our affections and passions , chance has no part . the general therefore would do well , immediately after a victory , to retire into himself , and with prudence and constancy compose the civil war of his passions ; forasmuch as without this triumph , that other will but be more dangerous . let him watch his spoils and trophies the more carefully , the more of them he has gotten ; for in danger , fear doubles guards and sentinels , when he who thinks himself out of it , abandons himself to sleep . ioshua drew not back his hand , till he had utterly destroyed all the inhabitants of a● . between the battel and victory there is no security : despair is daring ; and the most contemptible animal , when provoked , turns again . this experience cost archduke albert dear , at newport : and abner told ioab the danger of making his sword too bloody . besides , adversity is ingenuous ; and the enemy it oppresses often lays hold on the occasion , and recovers in a moment whatever it had lost , baffling fortune by her own incon●ancy : a goddess , who the more she shines , the more brittle she is , and the sooner broken . a general must not therefore be elated by his victories , nor think it impossible for him to become in his turn a trophy to the person he ●as conquered . he should have ever before his eyes the like casualty , phansying he always sees plunged ●der the waters of calamities the same palm which ●e has once lifted up in triumph : thus that of this ●●blem looks it self in the water , whose liquid mirrour ●●presents to it the condition , the force of winds , or ●●jury of time , may reduce it to . this prudent cau●●usness made the spouse compare the eyes of her ●eloved to rivers of waters , because in them the 〈◊〉 dresses and prepares it self for adversities . ●●sperity is glory's greatest enemy : confidence ren●ing vertue negligent , and pride undervaluing danger . ●cessity obliges the conquered to good discipline ; ●ger and revenge animate him , and inspire cou●ge : whereas the conqueror , through arro●●●ce , and breach of discipline , grows dull and ●●●vy . the gain of a battel is often-times the ●ginning of happiness to the conquered , of misfortune 〈◊〉 the victor ; the one being blinded by his fortune , 〈◊〉 other casting about to retrieve his . what arms ●●rishing could not conquer , those thrown down often 〈◊〉 ; and spoils scattered here and there , inflaming the avarice of the victorious , make of them an ea●ie victory . thus it befell the sarmatae , who being loaded with plunder , were cut in pieces , as if they had been bound , and immovable . the battel of tarro , against charles viii . of france , was lost , at least dubious , ●●debanmur , tac. hist. l . only by the italian soldiers falling too soon upon the baggage . hence iudas maccabaeus required his men not to touch the booty , until the fight was over . victories are to be esteemed more for the progresses may be expected from them , than for themselves , and therefore should be cultivated , that they may bear the more . to give the enemy time , is to arm him ; and to sit down satisfied with the fruit already gathered , to leave arms barren . it is as easie for a fortune raised to fall , as it is to lift up again one fallen . tiberius , considering this uncertainty of things , endeavoured , with many arguments , to persuade the senate not to be so quick in executing the honours decreed to germanicus , for his victories in germany . although victories should be pursued , yet it ought not to be with a heat so secure and careless as to slight dangers . let expedition consult with prudence , with regard to time , place , and occasion . let the prince use his victories with moderation , not with a bloody and inhumane tyranny , always having before him that counsel of theodorick , king of the ostrogoths , in a letter to his father-in-law , clovis , about the germa● victories ; in such cases , let him be heard who has most experience : no wars have been more successful to me , than those i have ended with moderation ; for he comes oftenest off conqueror , who best uses his victory ; and fortune ever favours them most , who are least puft up * . the french follow not this prudent advice , but rather have imposed a heavier yoke on germany than it ever yet bore , and hastened the ruine of that empire . the piety and modesty of marcellus made a greater shew , when he wept to see the ruine of the beautiful buildings of syracuse , than his valour and glory in having stormed it , and made a triumphant entry at the breach . count tilly struck the hearts of several , more by the tears he shed for the burning of magdeburg , than by his sword. and though ioshua commanded the officers of his army to put their feet upon the necks of the kings taken in the battel of gibaon ; yet this was not done out of pride or vain-glory , but to animate his soldiers , and to remove the fear they had conceived of the giants of canaan . to treat those one has subdued with humanity , to maintain their privileges and nobility , and to ease them of taxes , is twice to conquer them , once by arms , and afterwards by kindness , and in the mean while to prepare a chain for other nations ; no fewer yielding to generosity , than to force . expugnat nostram clementia gentem , mars gravior sub pace latet . * by these artifices the romans made themselves masters of the whole world ; and if ever they forgot them , their victories were the more difficult . despair it self arms against a bloody conqueror . vna salus victis nullam sperare salutem . † the wretch's only comfort is despair . there are some men , who , with more impiety than reason , advise , for greater security , to extirpate the hostile nation , as the romans did in demolishing carthage , numantia , and corinth , or else to oblige it to seek a new habitation ; which is a barbarous and inhumane counsel : others are for extinguishing the nobility , building forts , and disarming the inhabitants . but this tyranny is practicable only in servile nations , not among people of ● more generous nature . cato the consul , to secure himself from some people of spain , near the ●iver ●berus , took away their arms , but was soon obliged to return them ; they being so exasperated to see themselves without them , that they killed one another ; they despised a life destitute of instruments to defend their honour , and acquire glory . emblem xcvii . hercvles having master'd the lion , knew how to enjoy his victory , in covering his shoulders with its skin , in order the more easily to tame other monsters . thus the spoils of a triumph arm the conqueror , and encrease his power . thus ought princes to use their victories , augmenting their forces by the prisoners , and advancing the grandeur of their states by the places they take . all kingdoms , in their original , were small ; and if they encreased , it was by getting , and preserving . the same reasons that make the war lawful , justifie also the detaining of what it brings . to spoil , only that you may restore again , is a foolish and extravagant levity . that man holds not himself at all obliged , who to day receives what was yesterday wrested from him with bloodshed . princes , by restitution , barter for peace , and buy its contrary : 〈…〉 render them formidable ; what they 〈…〉 contemptible , this being generally 〈…〉 ; and if after , upon 〈…〉 , they go about to recover it , 〈…〉 difficulties . his majesty 〈…〉 put the valtaline in 〈…〉 ; and the french 〈…〉 the state of milan in 〈…〉 and arms. by holding 〈…〉 is check'd , 〈…〉 by so many pawns 〈…〉 necessity . time and 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 in what cases it is 〈…〉 , to prevent greater 〈…〉 , however , must be 〈…〉 , whose blind appetite 〈…〉 by those very means it 〈…〉 . princes 〈…〉 , let several considerable forts 〈…〉 , in war , they are sorry for , but too late . present necessity accuses past liberality . no power should be so confident of it self , as to think it stands not in need of every one of them for its defence . the eagle parts not with her tallons ; which if she did , she would become the je●● of other birds : they respect her not as their queen , for her beauty , since in that the peacock much exceeds , but for the strength of her pounces . the grandeur of his majesty would now be in far more veneration and security , had he still kept the state of siena , the garrison of placentia , and , in general , all those places which he has left in other hands . even restitution of a state is not to be made , when it cannot be without prejudice to another . there is no less inconveniencies in making war upon another , than in using arms negligently : to take them 〈◊〉 only to offer blows , is a dangerous way of fighting . ● sword drawn without being dyed in blood , returns ●●amed into the scabbard ; if it wounds not our enemy , ● does our honour . fire is the instrument of war ; ●●oever holds it up in his hand , will be burnt by it . ●he army , if not kept in the enemy's country , wasts ●s own , nay , is wasted it self . courage grows cold , ●ithout occasions to exercise , and spoils to inflame it . ●ence vocula quartered his men in the enemies land ; 〈◊〉 david went out of his own realms to meet the philistines . the same did iehoash , king of israel , ●hen he heard that amaziah , king of iudah , was ●●ming against him . subjects can never long bear 〈◊〉 war at home ; for by maintaining , in this manner , ●oth friends and enemies , charges encrease , means ●il , and dangers continue . but if any one thinks ●●reby to sooth up , and the more easily appease him he ●●gaged with , it is imprudent counsel , there being no ●●ttering a declared enemy . moderation in war , is ●ot imputed to clemency , but to weakness , and the ●ost powerful lose their reputation , and are endanger'd 〈◊〉 it . the king of spain 's mildness to charles of savoy , ●●st him dear . this duke made war against ferdinand duke of mantua , to assert his ancient pretensions upon montferrat ; and king philip iii. not thinking it fit that 〈◊〉 sword should decide this suit , then depending before the emperor , and that the quarrel of these two ●rinces should disturb the peace of all italy , made war ●pon the former , and sate down before asti , not with ●●y design to enter that place forcibly , ( which might ●●ve been easily done ) but by this menace to oblige him 〈◊〉 peace , as accordingly he did . this moderate way ●f proceeding encreased the duke's obstinacy , and , contrary to the treaty , he again took up arms , kindling another war more dangerous than the first . upon which , his majesty besieged ver●eil ; which he took , but presently restored again : so that the duke , who saw his designs succeed so happily , struck up a leag●● with the french and venetians at avigno● , and a third time disturbed italy . all which wars might very easily have been avoided , had the duke of savoy been made to feel the weight of the spanish arms , and suffered the loss of part of his state. whoever has once opposed a greater power , will never become a friend , till he sees himself oppressed and robb'd of all , ( as vocula said to the mutinous legions , when he encouraged them against some provinces of france that revolted . ) princes are not feared for having the weapons in their hands , but for knowing how to use them . no one assaults him who dares turn again . almost all wars are grounded either upon the oscitancy or cowardice of the person against whom they are waged . what risque is there in making war against a prince wholly devoted to peace , since whatever the success be , that will certainly be obtained ? for this reason , it seems convenient , that the maxims of the spaniards be changed in italy , which endeavour to inculcate , that the king wishes nothing so much as peace , and would purchase it at any rate . it is fit , indeed , princes should know that his majesty is always sincere , and willing to keep a good understanding with them , ready to employ all his forces for their conservation and defence , and that he will spare no care which may contribute to the quiet of those provinces : but withal , they should know , that if any one unjustly opposes his grandeur , and conspires to overthrow it , putting him to the damages and expences of war , he will get satisfaction , by detaining what he shall take from them . what court of justice will not allow costs to the party that sues another without reason ? ●●o will not try his sword upon the body of a potent 〈◊〉 , if he can do it with safety ? when a victory is obtained , the spoils should be 〈◊〉 among the soldiers , and particular honour shewed 〈◊〉 as have eminently signalized themselves in the fight ; ●●at valour seeing it self rewarded , may be encouraged 〈◊〉 greater enterprizes , and be an example to others . 〈◊〉 this end , the romans invented so many crowns , ●ollars , ovations , and triumphs . saul erected to him●●lf a triumphant-arch , upon the defeat of the ama●●●ites . nor are these honours to be done the ●●rvivors only , but those also who have valiantly lost ●●eir lives in the battel , since they bought the victory 〈◊〉 so dear a price . signal services done the state , can●ot be recome●●●ed but by some eternal remembrance . ●hus those of 〈◊〉 were requited with a sepulchre ●hich lasted 〈◊〉 many ages . the soul , sensible of 〈◊〉 own 〈◊〉 , undervalues dangers , to make the ●emory of its actions immortal too : hence the spaniards 〈◊〉 old raised as many obelisks about every soldier 's ●omb , as he had killed enemies . god being the ●●vereign disposer of victories , to him we ought to pay 〈◊〉 acknowledgments first , to engage him to grant us ●thers , not only by way of thanksgiving and sacrifice , ●ut by spoils 〈◊〉 and offerings ; as the israelites did , ●pon raising the siege of bethulia , and routing the assyrians ; and ioshua , after his victory over the men of ai . in which particular the spanish kings have always been very liberal ; which piety of theirs god has rewarded with the present monarchy . emblem xcviii . war , in many things , resembles fire , not only in its nature , which is to destroy , but also for that the same matter wherewith it i● fed , when there is too much of it , extinguishes it . arms support war ; but if they are very powerful , quench it , 〈◊〉 change it into peace . therefore whoever would ob●●in this , must use them ; it being impossible that any ●eace should be concluded with honour and advantage , ●nless it be treated of under the shield● , and with this ●he arm must be guarded , which reaches out the hand to receive the olive of peace . clovis wish'd for two right-hands ; one arm'd , to oppose alaricus ; the other ●aked , to present in token of peace to theodorick , the mediator between them . the arms of a prince should be equally prepared for peace and war. clovis never thought he could obtain that by shewing his unarmed right-hand , without having at the same time another ●pon its guard. this is that the greeks meant , by the hieroglyphick of a man holding in one hand a pike , in the ▪ other a caduceus . negotiation , expressed by the latter , can never succeed , except the menace of the former attend it . when the athenians were annoyed by eumolphus , their general marched first , with a caduceus in his hand , and was follow'd by the flower of his men in armour , hereby shewing himself ready as well for peace as war. when the rhodians sent an embassy to constantinople , there went one by the embassador's side carrying three boughs , signifying the same disposition of mind : to which virgil seems also to have alluded , in this verse of his , pacem orare manu , praefigere puppibus arma . * to sue for peace , yet prosecute the war. even after the conclusion of peace , care ought still to be taken of war ; since between the conqueror and conquered no firm faith is ever established . one day saw that of the french several times engaged and violated at casal , and the marquess de saint croix 's goodness abused , he who preferred the quiet of italy before the glory of victory , which an advantageous post , and 〈◊〉 forces , offered him as 〈…〉 in treaties of peace , a free temper is no less requisite than i● the management of a war. he that cons●lts too much his honour in them , and would conquer his enemy as well with the pen as sword , bu●ies sparks under the ashes , to kindle the fire of a greater war. those peaces which pompey , and after him , the consul mancinus , made with the nu●●●tines , had no effect , because they were not a little derogatory to the honour of the roman commonwealth . the capitulation of asti , between charles emanuel , duke of savoy , and the marquess de hino●osa , was soon broken , upon account of one of the articles about di●arming the soldiers , not much for his majesty's reputation , which those disturbances and innovations of the duke seemed to tend to . no peace can be secure , when there is so much inequality . one of the privernates being asked by the roman senate , how his countrymen would observe the peace , if it were allowed them ; answered , faithfully , and for ever , if you grant us a good and equal one ; but if you impose hard conditions , you must not expect we should keep them long . never does any one observe a peace which he knows is to his disadvantage . except it be honourable , and for the conveniency of both parties , it will be but a lame contract : he that studies most his own interest in it , makes it most slender , and subjects it to an easie rupture . upon any ill success , one is not immediately to have recourse to peace , as long as the least room is left for putting affairs in a better posture ; otherwise it can never go well with the oppressed : hence , after the loss of the battel of toro , alphonsus , king of portugal , thought it not a good time to talk of agreeing with ●●rdinand the catholick . that is a weak peace which ●●rce and menace extort ; for honour and liberty never 〈◊〉 to plot against it . there are usually no less cheats and contrivances in ●reaties of peace than in war : witness those pretended 〈◊〉 of rhadamistus , to take away mithridates 's life * . ●hey are generally set on foot only to discover the ●ctions and designs of the enemy , to give time for ●●rtifications , succours , and the practices of alliance ; 〈◊〉 waste the enemy's forces , break confederacies , and ●ll asleep with the hopes of peace , diligence and precaution . sometimes they are clapt up , in order to raise ●ew forces , frustrate counsels ; and , in a word , to serve 〈◊〉 a truce , or cessation of arms , until a better oppor●●nity for taking them up again shall offer it self , or that the seat of the war may be changed . thus the french sign'd the peace of mouzon , with no other intent than to remove the war into germany , and fall upon the valtoline that way . so the only end of the peace of ratisbone was to disarm the emperor ; for at the same time the french agreed to it , they were brewing a league with the crown of sweden against him , and there was not above two months between the one and the other . now in the like cases , war is much better than a suspected peace ; this being indeed a peace without peace . peaces should be perpetual , as all those of god have been . hence the holy scriptures call such treaties , covenants of salt ; by this expression intimating their permanency . a prince who is a real lover of peace , and sincerely endeavours the settlement of it , is not afraid to bind even his posterity to its observance . a short peace is good for nothing but to gather fuel to light war withal . the same inconveniencies attend trucer made for a few years ; they do but suspend anger for a time , and give place for the sharpening of swords , and pointing of lances ; by their means usurpations pass into prescription , and peace is afterwards rendred more difficult , inasmuch as no one resigns willingly what he has possessed a long time . the ten years truce between the emperor charles v. and francis i. gave not peace to europe , as * pope paul iii. very well observed . but when the peace is secure , firm , and honourable , no prudenter course can be taken than to embrace it , however victorious your arms are , or whatever considerable progresses may be expected from them ; since the casualties of war are various and fortunate , often beget unhappy successes . how frequent is it to see him begging for peace , who was but just before asked it . a certain peace is better than a victory in expectation ; the one depends on our own pleasure , the other is in god's hand . and though sabinus said , that peace was to the glory only of the conqueror , but profitable to the conquered : yet this advantage reaches the victor too ; for by being so , he may have it the more advantageous , and secure the progresses already made . there is no better time for peace , than when one is uppermost in war. this , among other reasons , moved hanno , when news was brought to carthage of the victory of cannae , to advise the senate to close with the romans : and it was for nothing but the neglect of this , that they were forced in the end to submit to such laws and conditions as scipio thought fit to impose . in the heat of arms , when success is yet dubious , to shew a desire of peace , betrays weakness , and gives heart to the enemy . he that is too passionate for it at such a time , never obtains it : valour and resolutions are much better persuasives to it . let the prince then love peace , yet not to that degree , as to commit in●ustice , or suffer indignities , for the sake of it : let ●im not look on that he has made with a neighbour superiour in strength , to be safe ; for it can never be , where the one is powerful , the other weak . ambition knows not how to contain it self , where ●here is a prospect of usurping any thing ; and specious names , and pretexts of moderation and justice , are never wanting to him that seeks to enlarge his do●inions , and aspires to be a monarch : for one who is so already , aims at nothing more than the enjoyment of his own grandeur , without going to intrench ●pon that of another , or designing any thing against it . emblem xcix . he knows not how to value the quietness of the harbour , who has not felt the storm ; nor is he sensible of the sweetness of peace , that has never tasted the bitterness of war : then first this wild beast , the sworn enemy of life , appears in its true colours , when it is tamed . to that agrees samson 's riddle of the dead lion , in whose mouth bees swarmed , and wrought their honey-combs . for when war is ended , peace opens the doors of commerce , brings the hand to the plough , re-establishes the exercise of arts , the effect of which is plenty , as of that riches which freed from the fears that drove them away , then begin to circulate . peace then , as isaiah the prophet speaks , is the greatest good that god has bestowed on mankind , as war the greatest evil. hence the egyptians , to describe peace , represented pluto , the god of riches , as a boy crowned with ears of corn , laurel and roses , to signifie all the happiness it brings along with it . god has given it the name of beauty , in isaiah , saying , his people should take their rest in it , as upon a bed of flowers . even the most insensible beings rejoyce at peace . how chearful , how fertile do the fields look , which that cultivates ? how beautiful the cities adorned and enriched by its calmness ? on the other side , what desarts , what ruinous countries are not those where the fury of war has ranged ? scarce can one know now the fair cities and castles of germany , by those disfigured carkasses . burgundy sees its verdant perriwig ( as i may call it ) dy'd in blood ; and its cloaths , once so gay and fine , now ragged and scorch'd up , with amazement at so wonderful a change. nature has no greater enemy than war. he who was the author of the whole creation , was at the same time author of peace . justice gives it self up to its embraces . laws tremble , hide themselves , and are dumb at the frightful sight of weapons . hence marius excuses himself , for having done something against the laws of the country , by saying , he could not hear them for the noise of arms. in war , it is equally unfortunate to good men to kill and to be kill'd . in war , fathers , by a subversion of the order of mortality , bury their children ; whereas in peace , these bury them . here every one's merit is considered , and causes examined : in war , innocence and malice run the same fortune . in peace , nobility is distinguisht from populacy : in war , they are confounded , the weaker obeying the stronger . in that , religion is 〈◊〉 ; in this , lost ; that maintains , this usurps dominions ; the one breaks the haughty spirits of subjects , and renders them submissive and loyal , the other makes them haughty and rebellious . this made tiberius fear nothing so much as disturbing the repose augustus had left in the empire . with peace , delights and pleasures encrease ; and the greater these are , the weaker are subjects , and more secure . in peace , all depends on the prince himself ; in war , on him that has the command of the armies . hence tiberius dissembled all occasions of war , that he might not commit it to the management of another . pomponius laetus well knew all these inconveniencies , when he said , that while the prince could live in peace , he should by no means kindle war. the emperor marcianus used this motto , pax bello potior ; and certainly not without reason , forasmuch as war can never be convenient , unless carried on to maintain peace . this is the only good that infernal monster brings with it . that of the emperor aurelius caracalla , omnis in ferro salus , was a tyrannical saying , and fit for that prince only who cannot maintain himself but by force . that empire is of a short continuance , whose support is war . as long as the sword is by the side , danger is so too : and though victory be in one's power , yet peace is rather to be embraced : for there is none so happy , but the damage that attends it is greater . peace is the greatest treasure man e'er knew , a thousand triumphs to it seem but few . * no victory can make amends for the expences of it . so mischievous is war , that even when triumphant , it throws down walls , as it was the custom among the romans . now then we have conducted our prince amidst dust and blood , and thus seated him in the quiet , happy state of peace ; our next advice is , that he do his utmost to preserve it , and enjoy the happiness thereof , without imbittering it with the perils and calamities of war. david never took up arms , but when indispensibly obliged . the emperor theodosius did not seek , but rather found war. it is a glorious and princely care , that of procuring peace . now caesar 's grandeur , caesar 's glories reign , his conqu'ring arm sheathing his sword again . * nothing in the world is more an enemy to possession than war. it is a wicked , as well as foolish doctrine , which teaches , that seeds of hatred should be nourished , that matter for war may be furnished , whenever it shall be thought fit . he always lives in war , who has it always in his thoughts . the advice of the holy spirit is much more wholsom , seek peace , and pursue it . when a peace is once concluded , the laws of god and man oblige to a faithful observance of it , even although transacted with one's predecessors , without any distinction between the government of one and many ; both the kingdom and commonwealth , for the benefit , and upon the faith of which the contract was made , being always the same , and never dying . time , and common consent , have passed what was once agreed upon into a law. nor is force or necessity a sufficient excuse for making war : for if the publick faith might be violated for these things , there would be no capitulation , no treaty of peace , but might be broken , under the same colour . francis i. was blamed for declaring war against charles v. contrary to the agreement made during his imprisonment , under pretence of constraint . by such artifices , and equivocal negotiations , it comes to pass , that none at all are firm ; so that to establish them , it is necessary to demand hostages , or detain some considerable place ; things which embarrass a peace , and fatigue the world with perpetual wars . the prince then being free from the toils and dangers of war , should apply himself wholly to the arts of peace , ( according to tasso , ) learning and arts promote throughout your realm , divert your subjects minds with plays and balls : with equal iustice punish and reward ; and out of danger , stand upon your guard. yet not without reflecting how soon war may possibly disturb his rest. let not his eye quit the arms his hand has laid down ; nor those old medals influence him , upon the reverse of which peace was described burning shields with a torch : this was far from being a prudent emblem ; for there is nothing so necessary after war , as the preserving of arms , to keep violence from making any attempt against peace . none but god alone could , when he gave it to his people , break the bow , ( as the psalmist expresseth it ) cut the spear in sunder , and 〈◊〉 the chariots in the fire ; forasmuch as he being the arbiter of war , needs not arms to maintain peace withal : but among men there can be no peace , where ambition is not restrained by fear or force . this gave occasion to the invention of arms , which defence found out before offence . the plough marked out the walls before the streets were disposed , and almost at the same time tents were pitched , and houses built . the publick repose would never be secure , did not care armed guard its sleep . a state unprovided with arms , awakens the enemy , and invites war. never had the alps heard the echo's of so many trumpets , had the cities of the milanese been better fortify'd : this state is , as it were , an outwork to all the kingdoms of the spanish monarchy , and each ought , for its own security , to contribute to its strength ; which , joined with the power of the sea , would render the monarchy firm and unshaken . mens hearts , were they of adamant , could not supply the defect of walls . king witiza , by demolishing these , made the moors so bold as to invade spain , when those banks were gone , which , till then , had stopt their inundations . augustus was not guilty of this negligence , in that long peace he enjoyed ; but appointed a publick treasury , as a provision against a war. except forces be exercised in time of peace , and the mind disciplin'd in the arts of war , it will not easily be done , when danger of invasion shall have put all men in a consternation , and they be more intent on flying and saving what they have , than on their defence . there is no greater stratagem , than to leave a kingdom to its own idleness . when military exercise fails , valour does the same . nature produces in all parts great souls , which either occasion discovers , or want of business burieth . past ages have not furnish'd braver men in greece and rome , than are at this day born ; but they then appeared so heroical , because desire of rule made them use themselves to arms. let not a prince be discouraged at the sluggishness of his subjects ; discipline will fit them either to preserve peace , or to maintain war. let him keep them always employed in the exercise of arms ; for he that desires peace , must prevent war. emblem c. it is a short breathing between the cradle and the tomb ; short , i say , yet 〈◊〉 of occasioning considerable evils , if ill employed . often does a commonwealth lament whole ages the errour of one moment . on this point turns the fall or rise of empires . one bad counsel , in a minute throws down what has cost valour and prudence many years to build . and therefore it is not enough , in this amphitheater of life , to have run well , if the course be not equal to the end. he only receives the crown , who has lawfully touch'd the last goal of death . the foundation of houses consists in the first stones ; that of renown , in the last ; except they be glorious , it soon falls , and is buried in oblivion . the cradle does not flourish until the tomb has first , and then even the briars of past vices turn to flowers ; for fame is the last spirit of our actions , which thence receive their beauty and lustre , a thing never seen in an infamous old age , that rather effacing the glory of youth , ( as it happened to vitellius . ) the most perfect stroaks of the pencil or chizel are not esteemed , if the whole work remain imperfect : and if ever fragments were regarded , it was for being the reliques of a once perfect statue . envy or flattery , while life lasts , give different forms to actions ; but fame , unbyass'd by those passions , pronounces , after death , true and just sentences , which the tribunal of posterity confirms . some princes are sensible enough of how great consequence it is to crown their life with vertues ; but they are mistaken , in thinking to supply that , by leaving them described in epitaphs , and represented in statues ; not considering that they blush to accompany him in death , whom they had not accompanied while alive , and that the marbles are , as it were , in indignation to see the counterfeit-glory of a tyrant inscribed on them , but seem to soften to facilitate the engraving of that of a just prince , hardening again afterwards to preserve it to eternity ; which even the stones themselves sometimes write on their hardness . letters of a miraculous epitaph were the tears of blood , shed by those before st. isidore's altar at leon , for the death of king alphonsus vi. * nor came they out of the joints , but from the heart of the marbles , which seemed mollified for the loss of so great a king. the statue of a vitious prince is a kind of transcript of his vices , nor is there either marble or brass so durable as not to submit to time : for as the natural fabrick is dissolved , so also is the artificial ; and that only is lasting which vertues frame , those intrinsick and inseparable ornaments of an immortal soul . what is engrav'd on the minds of men , being successively deriv'd from one to another , endures as long as the world. no statues are 〈◊〉 perpetual than those carved by vertue and good offices 〈◊〉 the esteem and acknowledgment of men , ( as mecanus told augustus● ) for this reason , tiberius refused the temples which the nearer spain would have built in honour of him , saying , that the temples and statues which he most esteemed , was to perpetuate his memory in the minds of the commonwealth . the ashes of hero's are preserved in the everlasting obelisks of universal applause and triumph , even after having been spoiled by fire , as it happened to those of trajan . the dead body of that valiant prelate , giles d' albornoz was carry'd ' from rome to toled● upon the shoulders of nations as well friends as enemies , and a guard was forced to be set to defend that of augustus . but granting the firmness of the marble , and solidity of the brass , should equal future ages , yet it is not known afterwards who they were raised for * ; as it is at this day with the pyramids of aegypt , where we see that names of those worn out who laid their ashes there to immortalize themselves . from what has been said , may be easily gathered how much it concerns the prince , in the declension of his life , to endeavour that his former glories may receive new life and vigour from those of his last days , and that both , after his death , may remain for ever in the memory of mankind . to which end , we shall offer some rules to direct him how he ought to govern himself , with relation to his person , his successor , and his dominions . as to his person , he is to know , that as he advanceth in years , his empire grows more savage , and less subject to reason ; for the variety of accidents he has met with , instruct him in malice ; and by indulging jealousies and distrusts , he becomes cruel and tyrannical . a long reign is apt to beget pride and presumption ; and the experience of want , avarice : whence proceed many things inconsistent with the decorum of majesty , and from them contempt of the royal person . princes will still retain their ancient customs and gravity , forgetting what they did when young , and thus they render themselves odious . in the beginnings of government , passion for glory , and fear of ruine , make them take care to act with prudence and caution : but afterwards ambition is tired , and the prince has neither any satisfaction in good , nor any concern for ill success ; but imagining vice to be the recompence of his glory , and reward of his toils , shamefully gives himself up to it : whence it is that so few princes grow better by ruling , of which the holy scriptures give us instances in saul and solomon . they are , in their government , like the image in nebuchadnezzar's dream , its beginning 's of gold , its end of clay . vespasian was the only prnce remarkable for having passed from bad to good . besides , let the prince strive never so much to continue like himself , it is impossible for him to please all , if his reign be long ; for the people hate to be ruled so long by the same hand . they love novelty , and rejoyce at revolutions , though dangerous , as it fell out in the reign of tiberius . if the prince be vertuous , he is hated by the bad ; if vitious , both by the good and bad , and then the only talk is of the successor , whom every one makes his court to ; a thing which cannot but incense the prince , and which usually enclines him to hate his subjects , and use them ill . as his strength decays , his care and vigilance , his prudence also , understanding and memory proportionably fail : for the sense● grow old no less than the body ; and as he desires to reserve this small remainder of his days to himself , free from the hurry and fatigue of government , he surrenders all to his ministers , or some favourite , on whom the weight of affairs lies , and the odium of the people is transferred . in which case , they who are not in the prince's favour , and have no share in the administration and preferments , wish for , and do their utmost to procure a new master . these are the most dangerous rocks of a declining age , among which the prince cannot use too much precaution against a shipwreck . yet though the course be hazardous , he ought not therefore to despair of passing securely , since many princes have maintained their esteem and respect to their last gasp. an excellency which the whole world admir'd in philip ii. the motion of a prudent government continues uniform to the very shore of death ; a former character and reputation support it against the hatreds and inconveniencies of age , as tiherius experienc'd in himself . besides we pass over a great many slips in old age , which would be unpardonable in youth , ( as drusus observed . ) the more boisterous the storms are , with the more resolution the prince had need be armed to bear up against them , and the closer he ought to keep to the helm of government ; lest by entrusting it in the hands of others , both himself and the commonwealth should fall a prey to the sea. while the prince's vigour lasts , he should live and die in action . government is like the spheres , which never stand still ; it admits no poles but those of the prince . in the arms of the state , not those of sloth , the prince must find refreshment in the toils of his old age : and if through the infirmities of his age he wants strength to bear them , and has need of other shoulders , yet let him not wholly refuse the assistance of his own , were it only for shew , since that is the same thing in the eyes of the ignorant mobb as reality , and ( as we observed elsewhere ) is a restraint to ministers , and support to reputation . in this case it is safer to form a privy-council of three , as philip ii. did , than to leave all to the management of one single person ; because the people look not on them as favourites , but as councellors . let the prince beware of covetousness , a vice universally detested , and peculiar to old age , which it never forsakes , though it has bid adieu to all others . undoubtedly galba might have ingratiated himself with the people , had he been in the least generous . let him conform to the mode , and present customs , and forget those more harsh and rigid ones of former times , a fault old men are too apt to fall into , whether it proceed from the prejudice of their education , from vain-glory , or the difficulty they find in taking up those new customs ; whence they incurr the hate of all men. they give way to that melancholy humour , which ariseth from the coldness of their age , and exclaim against all pastimes and divertisements , not remembring how much time they have formerly spent in them themselves . let him not discover any jealousy of his successor , as ferdinand the catholick did , when philip i. was to succeed him in the kingdom of castile . that is the time when most adore the rising sun ; and if any one appears reserved in this particular , it is a trick to make himself pass for a loyal , constant man , in the opinion of the successor , and to gain his esteem ; as was observed of several , at the death of augustus . let him strive to endear himself to all by courtesy , equality of justice , by clemency and plenty ; being assured , that if he have governed well , and got the love and good opinion of his subjects , he will maintain them without much difficulty , begetting in their minds a fear of losing , and a desire of keeping him . all these methods will be yet of more force , if the successor be such as he may be in a manner born again , and immortalized by ; for although adoption be only a fiction of the law , yet the person adopting seems to renew his youth in him , ( as galba said to piso. ) succession ought not to be the least care of princes , it being not so frivolous a thing as solomon imagined . sons are the anchors and props of a state , the joy and comfort of a government and court , augustus well knew this , when having none , he adapted his nearest relations , to be , as it were , pillars to support the empire . neither fleets nor armies are greater securities to a prince , than a numerous off-spring . there are no greater friends than they ; no more zealous opposers of tyranny , domestick and foreign . all bear a part in the happiness of princes , their children only are sharers in their misfortunes . friends change and fall off with adversity , but never our own blood , which though transfused into another , still corresponds with us by a secret and natural inclination . the safety of the prince includes that of his relations , and his faults reflect upon them ; and therefore they endeavour to mend them , being most concerned to observe , and most free and bold to reprove them . thus drusus made it his business to discover what was disliked at rome in his father , that he might correct it . and these reasons may serve to excuse that authority which some popes have allowed their nephews in the management of affairs . the subject has , in the heir , one to reward his services ; and , on the other side , he is afraid to offend the father , who leaves a son to inherit his power and quarrels . on this marcellus grounded his advice to priscus , not to pretend to prescribe to vespasian , a man grown old in triumphs , and the father of many young children . the hopes of the rising sun makes the cold and gloomy evenings of the setting much more tolerable . ambition is confounded , and tyranny trembles . liberty dare not break the chain of servitude , when she sees the links continued in a long train of successors . the publick repose is not disturbed by factions and differences about the succession , every one already knowing that a new phoenix must arise out of the ashes of the old one , and that even now this successor has taken root , and got strength , by making himself beloved and feared ; as an old tree shoots out of its stump a young sprig , which , in time , comes to grow in its place nevertheless , if it lie in the prince's breast to appoint the successor , he is not to make such use of this advantage , as to preferr the interest of his kindred to that of the publick . moses , distrusting the abilities of his own sons , left to god the choice of a new captain of his people : and galba gloried , in having had more regard to the publick good , than to his family , and having chosen a person out of the commonwealth to succeed him . this is the last and greatest benefit the prince is capable of doing his states , ( as the same galba told piso , when he adopted him . ) 't is a noble instance of the prince's generosity , to strive to make his successor better than himself . he has but a mean opinion of his merit , who seeks a name only by the vices of him that comes after , and by the comparison of one reign with another . herein augustus himself was faulty , in chusing tiberius upon the same motive , without considering , that the glorious or infamous actions of a successor are charged upon the predecessor who was concerned in his election . this care to provide a good heir is a natural duty in parents , and they ought to attend it with utmost application , since in their sons they in a manner live for ever : and indeed it were against natural reason to envy the excellency of their own image , or leave it unpolish'd . and though the institution of a great person be generally the occasion of domestick dangers , inasmuch as mens ambition is proportion'd to the capacity of their souls ; and though oftentimes , by the subversion of the ties of reason and nature , children grow weary of expecting the crown so long , and seeing the time of their pleasure and glory waste , as it was with rhadamistus , in the long reign of his father pharasman , king of iberia ; although too it was the counsel of the holy spirit to fathers , not to give their sons liberty in their youth , nor wink at their follies : yet for all this , i say , a father ought to spare no pains that may contribute to the good education of his son , which is the second obligation of nature , nor let fall his hopes and confidence for a few particular cases . no prince was ever more jealous of his children than tiberius , yet he absented himself from rome to leave drusus in his place . but if the prince would prevent these suspicions by politick methods , let him allow his son a part in the administration of affairs both civil and military , but never in the dispensation of his favours ; for by the former the applause of the people is not so much got , who are apt to be taken with the liberal and obliging temper of the son , a thing not very pleasing to the fathers who sit on the throne . in a word , he may be admitted into the secrets of state , not into the hearts of the subjects . augustus , who well understood this , when he desired to have tiberius made tribune , commended him with so much artifice , that he discovered his faults in excusing them . and it was believed that tiberius , to render drusus odious , and make him pass for one of a cruel temper , gave him leave to frequent the sword-plays ; as he was glad when any contest arose between his sons and the senate . but these artifices are more hurtful and treacherous than becomes the sincerity of a father ; it is more prudent to join with the young prince some confident , in whose power the direction and management of affairs may be : as vespasian did , when her gave the praetorship to his son domitian , and assigned mutian for his assistant . but if the son shall seem to harbour great and enterprising thoughts , such as may give just apprehension of some ambitious design against the respect due to a father , out of impatience of his long life , the best way will be to employ him in some undertaking that may wholly engage those thoughts , and cool the warmth and vigour of his mind . it was this made pharasman , king of iberia , put his son rhadamistus upon the conquest of armenia . but as this caution of honouring the son , and employing him in places of difficulty , is absolutely necessary , so also must care be taken to put the command of the armies in the hand of another ; for whoever is master of them , rules the whole state. to this end , otho gave his brother titianus the name and reputation of the supreme command , yet left all the authority and real power lodged in proculus : and tiberius , when the senate had decreed germanicus all the provinces beyond the seas , made piso lieutenant of syria , to be a check to his hopes and designs . indeed , the constitution of states and governments in europe is such , that there is little fear of those dangers ; yet if the genius of the son should be so violent and terrible , that the remedies mentioned cannot sufficiently provide for the father's security , let him consider whether it be proper to apply that which philip ii. used with his only son , don carlos , the execution of which made politicks admire its own power , struck nature with amazement , and the whole world with horrour . but if he distrust the fidelity of his subjects , because of their aversion to his son , there is usually no better remedy than to have him educated in some other court , and under the protection of some greater prince , ( provided there be no danger of any emulation between them ) with whom he may afterwards establish an alliance . this motive prevailed with phraates , king of parthia , to bring up vonones in the court of augustus : though this oftentimes produces a contrary effect , the people being apt to hate him afterwards as a foreigner , who returns to them with strange manners , which was the case of the same vonones . in the disposal of his dominions to his children , the prince cannot be too cautious ; inasmuch as it is sometimes the advancement , sometimes the ruiné of a kingdom , especially in the younger sons , who generally envy the elder his prerogative , and in the daughters matched with his own subjects ; whence arise jealousies and uneasinesses , which end in civil wars . augustus re●●●●ting upon this , refused his daughter to a roman knight , who might occasion disturbance , and proposed proc●dejus , and others , who lived a calm and retired life , and intermedled not with affairs of state the choice of a tutor for the son who is to succeed in his non-age is another thing , which demands all the skill and prudence the father is master of , there being nothing more exposed to casualties than that ; as we see present , and read of past examples of many princes , who , during their minority , have lost their lives and kingdoms , at least been reduced to great distress . for if the guardianship be left to the mother , though that may be looked upon as most secure , yet the prudence and experience requisite for such a task are rarely to be met with in a woman , and most of that sex want courage to awe subjects , and gain respect . but should it fall to the uncle , ambition of rule is wont to break the strongest and most close ties of blood. if it light upon the ministers , every one of them is wholly devoted to his private interest , which occasions divisions among them . besides , subjects despise the government of their equals , which is the rise of troubles , and civil commotions ; and therefore out of all these dangers and inconveniencies the prince must chuse the least , considering the nature of the state , and of the persons most capable of the education of his son , and picking out a class of subjects , whereby the security of the pupil may be so provided for , that they cannot possibly unite and conspire to ruine him . in this case it is highly requisite that they be immediately brought into business , who are to have , after the father's death , the tuition and guidance of the heir , and administration of the government . nor is it the prince's only duty to get the successor secured and instructed , but he is also to prevent the accidents of his new government , and their ill consequence ; for when the sails are changed the ship is endanger'd ; and by the introduction of new forms , nature suffers ; because things end faintly , but begin with vigour : 't is from this vicissitude of things that those dangers proceed which threaten upon the meeting of the waves of both reigns , as it happens when one rapid river runs violently into another of an equal current . the authority of the successor is easily lost , and conspiracies and innovations contriv'd against him ; and therefore the prince should endeavour to make the latter part of his reign so calm , that the new one may be entred on without the least hazard : and as seamen , when they enter the port , quit their oars , and furl their sails ; so ought he to close his government , by laying aside all thoughts of enterprizes and wars , by confirming ancient alliances , and making new ones , particularly with his neighbours , that peace may be setled in his realms . 't is no less worthy praise , when age draws on , to settle peace and quietness at home ; that no intestine broil● subvert the state , or pow'rful neighbours war without create . * let him dissemble injuries , us tiberius did with getulicus and philip ii. with ferdinand de medicis ; for at such a time the most prudent princes order a rainbow to be put over their tombs , for a token of peace to their successors , not a lance fixed in the earth , to prompt them to revenge their quarrels , as the athenians used to do . let him govern his foreign provinces with counsel and address , not arms ; and see that the governors he sets over them be eloquent , lovers of peace , and unexperienc'd in war , lest they kindle it , as it was done in the time of galba . let him compose the minds of his subjects , and reconcile their differences ; protect them from inj●ries , moderate their taxes , and re●ove all nor●lties odiovs to the people . let him make choice of prudent ministers , friends to peace and the publick quiet ; for by this means his subjects minds being formed to ease , and gentle usage , will promise themselves the same from the successor , and so not attempt any innovation . emblem ci. many great men have laboured , by speculation and exper●ence , to form the idea of a perfect prince . it hath 〈…〉 this royal porcelain , this 〈◊〉 vessel of ear●● , no less brittle than others , and more subject to casualties than any ; particularly when the potter is of the school of matchiavel , whence all come out distorted , and of short continuance , as that was which he laid down as a model of the rest . the design of these emblems has been to set off that purple , whose scarlet dye soon turns to ashes ; they began at the cradle , and end at the tomb. they are the parenthesis of man's life , which the least clause of time includes ; nor is it easie to determine which hour is the most happy , that wherein the eyes are open to the day of life , or that in which they are closed to the night of death , since the one is the beginning , the other the end of our labours ; and however great the difference may be betwixt being and not being , yet the material part of man only feels that , not the form , which is immortal , and improved by death . the dread we have of the grave is natural ; but had reason more influence on us than desire of living , we should rejoyce at the fight of it , as those do , who looking for treasures , find urns , being sure to meet with riches there ; for it is in the grave that the soul finds the real treasure of eternal rest. this simon maccahaeus signified by that hieroglyphick of ships carved upon the pillars he set about the maus●laeum of his father and brothers ; intimating , that the ship of our life floating upon the billows of the world , is never quiet till landed at the shore of death . in effect , what is life but a perpetual fear of death ? without any thing to assure us of its continuance . many signs portend the approach of death , not one exactly marks out the bounds of life , the most flourishing age and strongest constitution are not sufficient sureties for one hour of health . the heart , which performs the part of a balance in this clock of the body , points indeed to the present● hours , but never to the future . nor ought this ●ncertainty to be termed disdain , but rather a favour of nature ; for were the precise time determined for death as it is for birth , for the dissolution as for the formation of the body , man would become insolent to reason ; and therefore she has not only given him one sure minute to breath in , but , on the contrary , hath in all things imaginable laid before him evidences of the shortness of life : the earth represents it to him in the youth of its flowers , and gray-hairs of its harvests ; the water , in the rapidness of its current ; the air , in the fires it kindles , and extinguishes again in a moment ; and the heavens , in the prince of light which the same day sees rise in the golden cradle of the east , and set in the dark tomb of the west . but if death be the last of all evils , that it comes not too late is to be esteem'd a happiness . the shorter the interval is between the cradle and the tomb , the shorter is the course of our labours ; and therefore iob wished he had been immediately carried from the womb of his mother to that of the earth . we are bound as soon as born , and all our life-time after involved in care● ; nor have kings , in this , any privilege above the rest of mankind * . did humane felicity consist in long life , man would undoubtedly out-live the stag ; for it were absurd that any creature should be happier than him , for whose service they were all created . that natural desire we have of seeing hours pass swiftly away , is an argument that it is not time which makes our happiness ; for then would the mind find its rest in that : whatever it desires out of time , it always wants . in princes , more than in others , as they are exposed to greater accidents , experience shews that in a long life fortune is endanger'd , she being tired as much with being propitions , as with being adverse . lewis xi . had been a happy prince , had he ended his days before the calamities of his last years . sovereignty is a kind of tempestuous sea , not to be kept calm by a long course of life ; he who lives longest , suffers most storms and dangers . but if we consider the end and perfection of nature , a long life is happy , when , according to the testimony of iob , it comes into the grave in its maturity , as corn into the barn , before decrepidness makes it wither ; for with the shadow of death the vital spirits congeal , and the body remains useless . the trembling hand can no longer steer the helm of the state , the eye perceive the clouds of heaven , the course of the winds , and the rocks of the sea , nor the ear hear the barkings of scylla and carybdis . amidst so many miseries of nature , constancy fails the prince ; and being reduced , by the moisture of the senses , to a second infancy , he believes every thing , and suffers himself to be govern'd by malice , which is then most awake in those about him , who at such a time offend with equal profit and impunity . women get possession of his will , as livia did of augustus's , when she made him banish his nephew agrippa , bringing him to such a pass , that he who before knew how to maintain the whole world in peace , became incapable of ruling his own family . by this means majesty is made the derision of all men , of which galba was an instance other nations despise him , and are not afraid to rise up against him , as arbanus did against tiberius . the authority of a decrepid prince is lost , and his orders 〈…〉 , not taken for his own , as it was 〈◊〉 of those of 〈◊〉 . he is hated by the 〈◊〉 , who look upon him as an unprofitable instrument , the source of all the evils the government suffers : and as love is in a manner bred by interest , and brought up by hope , all make slight of him ; inasmuch as he is not ●ble to give much , who hath but a little while to live . his empire is accounted precarious , and short lived , as that of galba was ; and the ministers , like the goss-hawks of norway , that they may get the day , lay their pounces upon the publick trea●ures , selling places and favours , as the servants of the same emperor did . when therefore the age is come to this pass , the prince has more need of instructions to make him sensible of his inability , and resign the weight of the government to his successor , than of precepts to continue it to himself . let not ambition delude him , by the representation of his post character and applause ; for men consider not the prince as he was , but as he now is : nor is it enough to have once made himself feared , if he cannot do it now ; nor to have governed well heretofore , if he neither is able nor knows how to govern well still . dominion is like the sea , which immediately casts on shore all unprofitable carkasses . the prince is esteemed for the form of the soul with which he ordains , commands , rewards and punishes ; so that when age comes to discompose that form , the esteem vanishes ; a●d therefore it will be prudent to acknowledge the injuries and contempts of age in time , and so slip from them before they arrive . if the prince and business must part , it is better that he bid the first adieu . 't is a glorious action to submit to own one's frailty , and voluntarily divest one's self of grandeur , before death takes it away by force ; lest it should be said , that he died unknown by himself , who lived known by all men. he should consider , that his royal scepter is like the herb of the same name , which in a little time turns to worms : and that if the whole globe of the earth be no more than a point , in comparison of the heavens ; what will one monarchy , one kingdom be ? and though this were never so large , yet he can have no more of it than a place to bury him in , or , as saladin said , a shrowd , without carrying away with him any other glory . the prince is not to live always for the commonwealth ; he should reserve some time to himself , and endeavour , that at the setting of his life the horizon of death may be cleared from the vapours of ambition , and the clouds of passion and interest , as is expressed by the sun in this emblem , taken from the sepulchre of ioshua , upon which a representation of that planet was raised , with this difference only , that there it was put in memory of its standing still , at the voice of this great captain ; here , to signifie , that as a clear and fair evening is an infallible sign of the serenity of the next morning , so a reign ended in sanctity and happiness , portends , that he who is a to succeed will be also happy , for a reward to the vertue , and by the irresistible efficacy of this last example . the art of living and dying well , that glorious retirement of the emperor charles va. may teach , who so far laid aside all publick cares , that he never so much as enquired after the state of his monarchy , but brought his great soul , otherwise made for brave atchievements , to the dressing of a garden , or to divert the hours ( after his spiritual exercise performed ) at some ingenious art or other . but if there are any disputes or revolutions to be apprehended upon account of the succession , it will be prudence in the persons present at the king's death to keep it secret , and make that and the possession of the successor publick at one time . for in such cases the people are like a colt not broke , which suffers not the saddle , unless it 〈…〉 sees it . th●● livi● concealed the 〈◊〉 untill 〈◊〉 was setled in his 〈◊〉 ; as agrippin● did that of claudius , with so much di●●imulation , that even after his decease a senate was convened in his name , and prayers offered for his health , till time was gained to contrive nero's succession . the death of the prince being made known , neither piety nor prudence dissuade from tears , and demonstrations of sorrow . the holy ghost , far from forbidding , recommends th●em . all the people of israel lamented the death of abner , and david followed his corps to the grave . for though there want not christian considerations to comfort us ; and though there hath been heretofore a nation , which , less enlightned with the rays of immortality , received those with tears who came into the world , and took leave of them that went out of it with rejoycings ; yet these reasons stand good only on their side who are gone to a better life , but are not for those who are left alone , and deprived of their services and conversation . even our saviour christ going to raise lazarus , wept over his sepulchre . these last expressions of grief must not be denied the tenderness and resentments of nature : they are the scales wherein the merit of the deceas'd prince is weighed , and whereby may be known what value his subjects had for him ; in a word , the touch-stone on which their love and obedience is tried , which strengthens the links of subjection , and gives heart to the successor . yet for all this , the people must not be obliged to an expensive mourning , for fear their prince's death should turn to a burthensom tax . not , however , that funeral pomp , and magnificent tombs , adorned with statues , and costly imbossed works , are to be look'd on as a meer vanity of princes ; they are rather a generous piece of piety , which marks out the last bounds of humane greatness , and shews , in the magnificence wherewith their ashes are honoured , what respect is owing to majesty ; sepulchres being no other than a kind of mute history of the royal race . the obsequies of david and solomon were celebrated with extraordinary pomp and splendour . in the funerals of private persons great care is required , because superstitions prejudicial to religion are easily introduced , the imagination being deluded in what is hoped or feared from the deceased ; and for that funeral charges are things which happen every day , and concern many , it is absolutely necessary they should be moderated , sorrow and vain-glory being apt to raise them too high . plato set a certain rate upon the building of sepulchres , as did solon also , and after them the romans . king philip ii. made a law to regulate the abuses and excesses of funerals and monuments ; saying , that what was laid out superfluously upon them , were better given to pious uses , and to pray for the souls of the deceased . thus far your highness has seen the birth , death , and burial of the prince whom these emblems form ; being , as it were , present at the building of this politick edifice , from the very foundation , to the last stone . and now , that your highness may with more ease take a review of the whole fabrick , i have thought convenient to subjoin here a kind of platform thereof , or looking-glass , wherein it may be represented , as a greater city is in a lesser . this shall be king ferdinand the catholick , one of your royal highnesses's ancestors ; in whose glorious reign , all the arts both of peace and war flourished , and accidents both of prosperous and adverse fortune occurred . the infancy of this great king was ripe and vigorous , his youth employed in military exercises ; and what art and industry could not perfect in him , experience supplied . his very leisure was employment ; and his diversions , attention of mind . he was absolute master of his passions , following more the dictates of policy , than his own natural inclinations . he own'd his grandeur to be from god only ; and gloried in his own actions , not those of his ancestors . he look'd on sovereignty rather as a charge than a succession . he qu●e●ed his realms by dil●gence , and personal presence , rais'd his monarchy by valour and prudence , ●stabllsh'd it by religion and justice , supported it by love and respect , embellish'd it with arts and sciences , enrich'd it by trade and husbandry , and eterniz'd it by maxims and institutions truly politick . he was a king as well of his court as kingdoms , and master as well as home as abroad . he temper'd his liberality with frugality , affab●lity with authority , modesty with gravity , and clemency with justice . by punishing some few , he terrified many ; and by rewarding others , he encourag'd the hopes of all . personal affronts he easily pardon'd , but those which struck at the royal dignity he never forgave . the injuries done to his subjects he reveng'd as his own , behaving himself always as a father to them . he valu'd his glory more than his dominion ; but was neither puft up by prosperity , nor dejected by adversity : in the one he fortify'd himself against the other ; and when fortune frown'd , he us'd all his industry to retrieve her favour . he made use of time , not time of him ; and though he submitted to necessity , he made it subservient to his own advantage . his conduct render'd him both belov'd and fear'd of all . he gave audience with readiness ; hearing , that he might know ; and asking questions , for his more certain information . he trusted not his enemies , and was reserv'd even with his friends . his friendship was conv●niency ; his kindred , reason of state ; his confidence vigilant ; his diffidence considerate ; his providence , assurance ; his jealousy , circumspection ; his malice , a defence ; and his dissimulation , a refuge . he deceived none , yet others were deceived by the ambiguity of his words and treaties , which he knew how to manage with so much artifice ( when it was necessary to baffle malice with prudence ) as to be able to extricate himself without violating the publick faith. neither falshood dared attack his majesty , nor flattery his knowledge . he made his ministers serviceable to him , without making them favourites ; and suffer'd himself to be counsel'd , not govern'd by them . what he could do himself , he committed not to others . he took time for consultation , but was very expeditious in execution . in his resolutions the effects were seen sooner than the causes . he conceal'd his designs from his embassadors , when he desir'd , that being deceiv'd themselves , they should more effectually persuade others the contrary . he knew how to rule with his queen , and obey his son-in-law . he imposed taxes through necessity , not out of avarice and luxury ; and what he then took from the church , he afterwards restor'd , respecting the ecclesiastical jurisdiction , and maintaining the regal . he kept no fixed court , but , like the sun , mov'd continually about the orbs of his realms . he manag'd peace with moderation and integrity , and prosecuted war with force and stratagem , neither desiring the one , nor refusing the other . whatsoever his foot was fixed on , his arm and conduct join'd in the defecne thereof , encreasing his strength by the spoils of his enemies . he did as much by his negotiations , as by his arms , never committing to the sword , what he could conquer by address . he plac'd the ostentation of his grandeur and pomp in the bravery of his battalions . he was always present , in time of war , within his kingdoms . the same orders which he gave , he observ'd himself ; and made leagues so as to remain arbiter , not subject . he was neither exalted when conqueror ; nor when beaten , dispirited . he sign'd treaties of peace under the shield . in a word , he liv'd to all the world , and dy'd to himself ; yet always remaining , in the memory of . men , as an absolute pattern for princes , and immortalizing himself in the desire of his subjects . this naked skull of death , the dismal sc●●e , which now the simple spider measures o're with its slight web ; which baffled heretofore the nicest subteilties of humane brain , once wore a 〈◊〉 , and triumphant stood , as monarch of the 〈◊〉 of peace and war : his smiles gave life ; his anger dire despair ; and all the world depended on its nod. what oncee gave proudly laws to war and peace , spiders and ear-wigs do now possess . why then this pride , o princes , since the grave makes no distinction 'twixt the base and brave , betwixt the mighty prince and wretched slave ? on the author and his book , in allusion to the emblem . whither so fast , vain man ? 'fore out of breath , stop , and behold this lively scene of death . the head thou seest was great saavedra's once , a greater name no rhetorick can pronounce . here piety with policy were join'd . here honour , sence and learning were combin'd false machiavilian notions to convince , and form at oncea wise and vertuous prince . where now , alas ! worms having eat it bare , the death-watch spiders spread their curious hair , and with their bowels nobly re-interr , scepters and crowns here tumbled down you see ; a trifling lose to one so great as he : but since this work remains , the world may cry , death , where 's thy sting ? grave , where 's thy victory ? finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e praecipere qualis debeat esse princeps , pulchrum quidem , & generosum , & prope superbum . plin. jun ▪ lib. . epist. . numb . . exodus . judges . judges . exodus . song of solomon . psalm . . the words of the lord are pure words ; as silver tried in a furnace of earth , purified seven times . brevis esse laboro obscurus fi● , hor. tac. . ann . qui ob similitudinem al●ena malefacta sibi objectari putant . tac. . ●ist . ibid. † estafermos . notes for div a -e the first edition that i know of , was at munster , anno . which being near six . year before the conclusion of the peace there , may serve as some apology for the author's reflections on the princes of orange , and other heroes of the adverse party . nic. antonio's bibliotheca scrip. hispan . miraeu●'s bibliotheca ecclesiast . moreri ' s great dictionary mariana hist. hisp. turquet . roderick geneb . spond . bzovi●s . sir iohn denham● bochartus's geograph ▪ sacra . phaleg , lib. c. . canaan , lib. . c. . notes for div a -e and the children ●●ruggled together within her , gen. . . and it came to pass when she travailed , that the one put o●●● his ha●d first , genes . . . hast thou children , instruct them . eccles. . . educat● siquidem recte à parentibus , per sancto● & justos mores boni merito ●vadent . arist●t . oecon. lib. . wisdom exal●eth her children . eccles. . . he was the father of all such as handle the harp and organ , gen. . . my ●on give me thine heart , and let thine eyes observe my ways . pr●v . . . for i was my father's son , tender and only belov'd of my mother ; he taught me also , and said , let thine heart retain my words . prov. . . quarendi sunt liberis magistri , quorum & inculpata sit ●ita & mo●e● . plut. de educ . vtque do●itii jueritia tali magistro adolesceret ; & co●siliis ejusdem ad spem domination●s uteretur . tac. . ann. and he made him lord of his house , and ruler of his substance : to bi●d his princes at his pleasure : and teach his sena●ours wisdom , psal. . , . bow down his neck while he is young , and beat him on the sides while he is a child , least he wax stubborn , and be disobedient to thee , and so bring sorrow to thine heart . eccles. . . i● is good for a man that he bear the yoke in his youth , he sitteth alone , and keepeth silence , because he hath born it upon him , lam. . , . they four had also the face of an eagle . ezek. . . train up thy child in the way he should go : and when he is old he will not depart from it . prov. . . nutritur puer non à muliere n●trice parum honorifica , verum ab eunuchis , qui reliquorum circa reem optimi videantur , plur. primo a●cib . i●venes non s●nt maligni moris , sed facilis moris , propterea quod nondum vi●●●nt 〈…〉 . caeterum ne propter teneritatem membra torqueantur , nationes quibusd●● artificiosis instr●mentis utebantur . arist. lib. . pol. cap. . omnibus natura fundamenta dedit , semenque virtutum , omnes ad ista omnia nati sum●s ; cum irritator accessit , ●unc i●●a ●●ni●● bona , velu● sopita excitantur . sen. epist. . ex hoc posse cog●●s●● animas immortales esse , atque divinas , quod in pueris mobilia sunt ingenia , & ad p●●●●piendum facilia . plat. de a● . homo rectam nactus institutionem divinissimum mansuetissimumque animal effici solet ; si vero , vel non sufficienter , vel non benè educetur , eorum quae terraprogen●it , ferocissimum . plat. lib. . de leg . educatio , & institutio commoda , natur as bonas inducit , & rursum bonae naturae si talem institutionem consequantu● , meliores adhuc & praestantiores eva●ere s●imus . plat. dial. de leg. cuncta igitu● mala , sed ea maximè quae turpitudinem ●abent vel ●dium parent , sunt procul à pu●ris removend . arist. pol. . c. . nam f●cile turpia loquendo , efficitur ut homines his proxima facient : arist. pol. . c. . coram quâ neque dicere fas e at , quod turpe dictu , neque facere quod inhonest●● fact● vi●eretur . quint. dial . de ora● . quo disciplina , ac severitas ●o pertimebat , ut sincera & integra , & nullis pravitatibus detorta uni●scujusque natura toto statim pectore arri●ere● artes honestas . quin●il . ibid. nec quisquam in tota domo pensi habet qui●● coram infante domino , aut dicat aut faciat ; quando etiam ipsi parente● nec probit●i neque modestiae ●arvulos assue●ac●unt , sed lasciviae , & liberta●i . quint. ibid. neque enim auribus jucunda convenit dicere , sed ex quo aliquis gloriosus fiat . eurip. in hippol. p●ona in eu● au●● neronis ut similem . tac. . hist. * mar. h●st . hisp. † mac. hist his. amicorum , libertorumque ubi in b●nos incidisset , sine reprehensione patiens . si mali f●rent , usque ad culpam igna●us . tac. . hist. cum autem ne quis talia loquatur prohibetur , satis intelligitur vetari , ●e turpes , vel picturas vel fabulas spectet . arist. pol. cap. . quo facilius lubricam principis aetatem , si ver●tutem asper nare●ur , voluptatibus concessus , retineret . tac. . ann . est etiam utile s●atim ab ineunte aetate frigoribus assuescere , hoc 〈◊〉 tum ad v●letudinem , tum ad munera milita●ia commod●ssimum est . arist. pol. . cap . i will give children to be their princes , and b●b●s to rule over them , isa● . . . vt suesceret , militi●e , s●udiaque exercitui pararet , si●ul juventutem urban● luxu lascivientem medus in castris haber● tiberi●s , s●que 〈◊〉 rebatur , utroque filio legiones obtinente . tac. . ann . and when he stood among the people , he was higher than any of the people from the shoulders upwards , sam. . . ipsa ●tas galbae & irrisui & fastidio erat assuetis juventae neronis , & imperatores forma & decore corporis , ( ut est mos vulgi ) comparantibus . tac. . hist. augebat famam ipsius decor oris cum quadam majestate . tac. . hist. commend not a man for his beauty , neither abhor a man for his outward appearance . eccles. . . species enim corporis simulacrum est men●is , figuraque probitatis . ambr. . de vir . cant. . . studia exe citus raro c●iquam b●●is ar●ibus quaes●ta , perinde ad fuere quam ●uic per ignaviam . tac. hist. pers●●● principis non solum animis , sed etiam oculis servire debet ●●vium . cic. phil. . h●c cobors , velut seminari●m ducum , praesect● u●que apud macedonas fu● . curt. nam & sylvae solitudo , ipsumque illud silentium quod venationi da●ur , magna cogitationis incitamenta sunt . plin. lib. . epist. ad cor. tac. nam simul mentem & corpus laboribus fatigare non convenit , quon●am bi labores contrariarum rerum efficientes sunt . labo● enim corp●●is menti est impedimento , mentis ●utem corpori . arist. pol. . c. . praeest autem naturae , qui valet intelligentia praevidere . arist. pol. . c●p. . imperatoriam majestatem no● solum armis decoratam , s●d etiam legibus oportet esse armatam , ut u●rumque tempus & belli & pacis recte possit gubernari . ju●● . in prooem . inst. ex libris se arma , & armorum iura didi●isse . panorm . lib. . e●si prudentia quosdam impetus à natura suma● tamen perficienda doctrinâ est . quint. lib. . c. . omni animali facilius imperabi● quam homini , ideo sapientissimum esse oportet , qui hominibus regere ve●it . xenoph. null●s est , cu● sapientia magis conveniat , quam principi , cujus doctrina omnibus debet prodesse subditis . veget. wisd. . . eccl. . eam vocem b●vis esse , non ●ominis . panorm . lib. . † lib. c. . p. . hebetiores quam acutiores ut plurimum melius rempub. administrant . thucyd. lib. . i gave my heart to search out by wisdom , concerning all things that are done under heaven : this sore travail hath god given to the sons of men , to be exercised with ▪ ●●●les . . . sunt enim quaedam ex liberalibus scientiis quos usque ad aliquid discere honestius sit , penitus vero illis tradere atque usque ad extremum persequi velle , valde noxium arist. lib. . pol. sed in prima juventa studium philosophiae acrius quam concessum rom. ●c senat●ri hausisse , ni prudentia matris incensum ac flagrantem animum coercuisset . tac. in v●t . agr. retinuitque quod d●fficillimum est ex sapientia modum . ibid. ingenium illustre altioribus studiis juvenis admodum dedit , non ut plerique , ut nomine magnifico orium velaret , sed quo firmior adversu● fo●tuita rempub ▪ ●apesseret . ta● . lib . hist. psal. . . o my lord , i am not eloquent , neither heretofore , nor since thou hast spoken to thy servant : i am but slow of speech , and of a slow tongue . exod . . i will be in thy mou●h , an● teach thee what thou shalt say . exod. . . wisd. . . primus ex iis , qui rerum po●iti essent , neronem alienae facundi● eguisse . tac. . ann. verissmam disciplinam , ●●ercitationemque ad politicas actiones , historiam esse . polyb. lib. . hominum multorum m●ns in unum collecta . greg. naz. ad nicom ▪ psa●m ● . . i●aque ludi magna ex parte imitationes esse debent earum rerum , qu● se●io postea obeunde . arist. pol. . c. . a wise man will hear , and will inc●ease learning ; and a man of understanding shall attain unto wise counsel . prov. . . eccl. . . mihi videtur ars artium & scientia scientiarum , nominem ▪ regere , animal tam varium & multiplex . greg. naz. in apolog. thy belly is like an heap of whea● , set about with lilies , ●ant . . . and upon the tops of the pillars was lily-work , so was the work of the pillars finished . kings . . exod. . . spicae nomine , at ego quidem sentio , discipulorum caetum intellexit . procop. in c. . isa. his lips like lilies dropping sweet smelling myrrh . cant. . . diadema eximium impretiabilis not●●ia literarum , per quam dum veterum providentia discitur , regalis dignitas augetur . cassi. . var. . nec cuiqua● judici grave , au●es studiis honestis & voluptatibus concessis impartire . tac. . ann. nec luxus in juvene adeo displicehat : hoc potius intenderet , diem ●difica●i●nibus , noctem conviviis ●●a●ere● ; quam solus & nullis voluptati●us avocatus , 〈…〉 & malas curas exercer●t tac. . ann. haec tria ad discipl nam spectari ●portet , at medium tenea●ur , ut fieri 〈◊〉 ut deceat . vile autem exerciti●m putandum est , & ars , & discipl●na , quae● 〈◊〉 co●pus , aut animam , aut ment●m liberi hominis ad ●sum , & ●pem vi●tutis inutilem reddant . arist. pol. . cap. . be not curious in unnecessary matters ; for more things are shewed unto thee , than men understand . eccl . . what is richer than wisdom that worketh all things ? and if prudence work ; who of all that are is a more cunning workman than shee ? wisd. . . and he spake of trees , from the cedar-tree that is in lebanon , even unto the hysop , that springeth out of the wa●l . kings . . si recludantur tyrannorum mentes , posse aspici laniatus , & ictus , quando , ut corpora verberibus , ita saevitia , libidine , malis consultis animus dilaceretur . tac. . ann. omnia namque ejus , quod speciem boni praefert gratiâ omnes agunt . arist. pol. . cap. . pauci prudentia , honesta à deterior●bus , uttlia ab noxiis discernunt . tac. lib. . ann. james . . regum est ita vivere , ut non modo homini sed ne cupiditati quidem serviant . m. tull. in orat. syll. null● magis exterritus est , quam quod tiberium sine miserat●ne , sine ira obstinatum , ●lau●umque vidit , ne quo affectu perumperetur . tac. . ann. 〈◊〉 est sapere , qui , ubicumque opus sit , ani●●um possis flectere . terent. tempo●i ap●ari decet . sen. in m●d. ha●d f●cile q●i despexerit illa , in c●gni●●sne mentem principis ; 〈…〉 misouit ●ra & ●lementiae signa . tac. ann. pulchra virtus est verecundia , & suavis gratia , quae non solum in factis , sed etiam in ipsis spectatur sermonibus , ne modum praetergrediaris lo●uendi , ne quid indecorum sermo resonet tuus . st. ambros. quorundam parum idonea est verecundia rebus civilibus , quae firmam frontem desiderant . seneca . vix artibus honestis retinetur pudor . tac. . ann. postremo in scelera s●●ul ac dedeco●a prorupit , postquam remoto pudore & ●etu , suo tantum ●ngento utebat●r . tac. . ann. principatu● enim proprium est mise●eri . st. chrys. non desiderat fortitudo advocatam iram . cicero . quid enim ●●●ltuis est , quam hanc ab i● acundia petere praesidium , rem stabilem ab in●ertâ , fidelem ab infidâ sanam ab aegra ? senec. the w●ath of kings is as messengers of death . prov. . . † l. . tit . p . * l. tit . p. . idque vitae spatium damnatis prorogaretur , sed non senatui libertas ad poenitendum erat . tac. . ann. n●que tiberius interjectu temporis mitigabatur . tac. . ann. esth. . . let every man be swift to hear , slow to ●●ak , flow to wrath . iames . . nunc iras●i ●onven● , justitiae 〈◊〉 . s●ob . serm. . lord remember david and all his afflictions , lat. vers. 〈◊〉 suetudinis ejus . psal. . . i have found david , the so● iesse , a man after mine own heart . acts . . and it 〈◊〉 to pass afterwards that david's heart smote him , because he had 〈◊〉 off saul's skirt ▪ sam. . . sam. . . esth. ● . because the syrians have said , the lord is the god of the hills , but he is not god of the vallies ; therefore will i deliver this great multitude into thine hand , and ye shall know that i am the lord , kings . . nam si legatus officii terminos , obsequium erga imperatorem exuit , ejusdemque morte , &c. luctu meo laetatus est , odero : seponamque ● domo meâ & privatas inimicitias , non principis , ulciscar . tac. . ann. † marian. hist. hisp. lib. . cap. . a fool 's wrath is presently known ; but a prudent man covereth shame . lat. vers. injuriam dissimulat . prov. . . cuncta tamen ad imperato●em in mallius relata . tac. . ann. isaiah . . revel . . . gen. . . envy is the rottenness of the bones , prov. . . insita mortalibus natura , recentem aliorum soelicitatem aegris 〈◊〉 intr●spicere , modumque f●tunae à nullis magis exigere , quam quos in 〈◊〉 videre . tac. . ann. but when the blade was sprung up , 〈◊〉 brought forth fruit , then appeared the tares also , matth. . ● . ex mediocritate fortunae pauciora pericula sunt . tac. . 〈◊〉 quia nova generis claritudine , neque invi●●osis opibus erat . tac. 〈…〉 sam. . . vt effugiamus n●men invid●●e , quod verbum ductum est , à nimis intuend● fortunam alte●i●s . c●e . in 〈◊〉 . non ●ni● poterimus utta esse invidiâ spoliati opibus , & i●la senatoria patesta●e . cic. ad att. that the purpose might not be chang'd concerning daniel . lat. vers. ne quid fieret contra danielem , dan. . . peculi●riter miratum , quo mode adhaerens ●enuisset , nec idem polleret in navigi●● recep●us . plin , lib. . c. . pyramides in egypto , quarum in suo statu se umbra consume●t , ultra constructionis spatia nulla pa●te respicitur . cassiodor . l. . var. epist. . lucanum propriae causae accendebant , quod fama● carminum ejus premebat nero. tac. lib. . ann. and there appear'd in the cherubims , the form of a man's hand u●der their wings , ez●k . . . and saul eyed david from that day , and forward . sam. . . and all the king's servants that were in the 〈◊〉 , b●w'd and reverenced haman , for the king had so commanded concerning him . esth. . . tum ipse , exercitusque , saevitia , libidine , rapti in extremos mo●es proruperunt . tac. . hist. scientia militiae & rumore populi , qui neminem sine 〈◊〉 sinit . tac. . ann. privata odia publicis u●ilitatibus remittere , tac. . ann. arduum eodem loco potentiam , & concordiam esse . tac. . ann. delectus est m. aletus è pretoriis , ne consulari obtinente asiam , emulatio inter pares , & ex eo impedimentum ●riretur . tac. . ann. nec minus periculum ex●magna fama quam ex mala . tac. in vir. agr. cui vigor animi ingentibus negotiis par suberat , eo magis , ut invidiam amoliretur , somnum & inertiam ostentabat . tac. . ann. viso aspectoque agricola quaererent famam , pauci interpretarentur . tac. in vit. agr. debella●is inter rhenum , albimque nationibus exercitum t●●erit caesaris ea monumenta marti , & iovi , & augusto sacravisse , de se nihil addidit , metu invidiae , an ratus conscientiam facti esse satis . tac. . ann. now there was leaning on jesus's bosom , one of his di●ciples whom jesus loved . iohn . . agricola simul suis virtutibus , simul vitiis aliorum in ipsam gloriam praeceps agebatur . tac. in vit. agr. nihil ausus , sed nomen insigne , & decora ipsi juventa , rumore vulgi celebrabantur . tac. . hist. breves & infaustos populi romani amores . tac. . ann. n●llam ob eximiam artem , sed quod par negotiis , neque supra erat . tac. . ann. omnium ore rubellius plautus celebratur , cui nobilitas per matrem ex iuliâ familiâ , ipse placita majorum c●lebat , habitu severo , ca●●â & secretâ domo , quantoque metu occultior , tanto plus famae adeptus . tac. . ann. gloriam in se trahente , tanquam , & ipse foelix bell● , & suis ducibus , & suis exe●citibus remp. aux●sset . tac. . hi●t . destrui per haec fortunam suam , caesar , imparemque tanto meri●● rebatur . tac. . ann. ni●ius commemorandis quae meruisset . tac. . hist. nec agricola unquam suam famam gestis exultavit , ad auctorem & ducem , ut minister , fortunam referebat . ita virtute in obsequendo , verecundia in praedicando extra invidiam , nec extra gloriam erat . tac. in vit. agr. now therefore gather the people together , and encamp against the city , and take it , least i take the city , and it be called after my name . lat. vers. et nomini meo ascribatur victoria . sam. . . principem suum defendere , tueri , sua quoqu● fortia facta gloriae ejus assignare , praecipuum sacramentum erat . tac. lib. de germ. tarda sunt quae in commune expostulantur , privata● gratiam statim mereare , statim recipias . tac. . ann. ita trepidi , & utrinque anxii coeunt ; nemo privat●● , expedit● consilio , inter multos , societate culpae tutior . tac. . hist. 〈◊〉 de●●s publicum curae , plures tuta disserunt . tac. . ann. magis sine domino , quam in libertate . tac. . ann. sed dum veritati consulitur , libertas corrumpebatur . tac. . ann. eccles. cap . . † l . ●it . . p. . orati● vultus ani●● est , si cir●umto●sa est & fucata , & manuf●cta , o●tendi● illum non esse 〈◊〉 , & habere aliquid ●racti . sen epis● . . vas fictil● ictu & sono , h●mo sernione p●o●atu● . meliss . serm . tom. ● . b●bl . a fool travaileth with a word , as a woman in labour of ● child . eccles. . . † l. . tit . . part . . where the word of a king is , there is power . eccl. . . death and life are i● the power of the t●ngue . prov. . . eccl. . . psalm . . neque ●●sse principem sua scientia cuncta complecti . tac . ann. componit ad caesareni codicill●s : mo●is quippe tum erat quamquam praesentem sc●ipto adi●e . tac. . ann. multum brevi sermone inest ●rude●tiae sopn●cl . imperatoria brevit●●e . tac ▪ . hist. pro● . cap. . eccles . ▪ job . . better is it that thou shouldest no● vow , t●an that thou shouldest vow and no● pay . e●cles . . . ●e not hasty in thy tongue , and in thy deeds sl●ck and remis● , eccl. . . vid. lat. vers. ante mortem ne laudes hominem quenquam . eccles. . . magni praesentia veri . virgil. excellent speech becometh not a fool ; much less do lying ●ip● a p●ince . prov. . . ad vana & toties irrisa revolutus de reddenda rep●● utque consules , se● quis alius , regimen susci●eret , ●●ro quoque & honesto fidem dempsit . t●c . a●n . c●ncta m●g●is impe●iis objecta●i solitus . t●c . . ann. rex regum sapor , particeps side●●m , & frater s●iis , & lunae , constantio fra●ri meo sal●t●m . amm●in . marcel . lib . zach. . . qui magno imperio ●●●diti in excelso ae●a●em agunt , eorumque fact● 〈◊〉 mortales novêre , ita maximâ fortunâ ●●inima licentia est . salust . vitellius ventre , & gula sibi ipsi hostis : otho luxu , saevitia , audatia reipub. exitiosior ducebatur . tac. . hist. flexibiles in quamcunq●● partem ducimur à principibus , atque , ut ita d●cam , sequentes sumus . plin in paneg. ezek. . ● . ea conditio principum , ut quicquid facian● , praecipere videantur . quinci● . validio●que indies tigellin●● , & malas artes quibus pollebat , gratiores ratus , si principem societate s●eleris obstringeret . tac. . ann. and the lord sh●ll give israel up , bec●use of the sins of ierob●am , who did sin , and made is●ael to sin . kings . ● . † lop. gamar . annum 〈◊〉 non tam de bonis fructibus , quam de juste reg●●●tibus existimandum . boetius . qui mos vulgo for●uita ad culp●● trabentes . tac. . ann. ratusque dedecus emoliri , si plures 〈◊〉 dasset ▪ tac. . ann. and he compassed him with pomegranates , and with golden bells round about , that there might be a sound , and a noise made , that might be heard in the temple . eccl. . . psal. . . his word was in mine heart as a burning fire sh●t up in my bones , and i was weary with forbearing , and i could not slay , ier. . . quippe tiberium non fortuna , non solitudines protegebant , qui●●ormenta pectoris , su●sque ipse poe●as fateretur . tac. . ann. igitur aeris sono , tubarum , corn●umque conc●n●u strepere , prout ●plendidior , obscuriorve laetari aut moerere . tac. . ann. prov. . . rara temporum foelicitate , ubi sentire quae velis , & quae sentias dicere licet . tac. . hist. magnarum rerum curas non dissimulaturos , qui animum etiam levissimis adverterent . tac. . ann. † gonsalvo of cordoua . quo magis socordiam eorum irride●e libet , qui praesenti potentiâ , credunt extingui posse etiam sequentis aevi memoriam . tac. . ann. non ope humana , non largit●onibus , aut deûm placamentis decedebat infamia , qui● jussum incendium crederetur . tac. . ann. prohibiti per civitatem sermones , eoque plures , ac si liceret , vera narraturi , quia vetabantur , atrociora vulgaverunt 〈…〉 quoniam si id ex levitate processerit contemnendum est ; si ex insania , miseratione dighissimum , si ab inj●ria , remittendum . l. unica c. si quis imperat . maledi● . omnia scire non omnia exequi . tac. in vit. agr. facta arguebantur , dicta impunè erant . tac. . ann. vana à scelestis , dicta à maleficiis differunt . tac. . ann. namque spreta exolescunt , si trascare agnita videntur . tac. . ann. conquisites lectitatosque donec cum periculo parabantur , 〈◊〉 licentia habendi oblivionem attulit . tac. . ann. punitis ingeniis gliscit authoritas . tac. . ann. neque aliud externi reges , 〈◊〉 qui eadem saevitia usi sunt , nisi dedecus sibi , atque illis gloriam peperere . tac. . ann. rev. . . psal. . . psal. . . psal. . . eccl. . . lat. vers. et hanc velim generalem tibi ●●●stituas regulam , ut omnem qui palam veretur dicere , suspectum habeas . s. bern. . . de cons. ad eug. c. . si quis est cujuscunque loci ardinis , dignitatis , qui se in quemcunque iudicum , comitium , amicorum , & palatinorum meorum aliquid veraci●er & manifeste probare posse confidit , quod non integre , atque juste gessisse videatur , intrepidus , atque securus 〈◊〉 , interpellet me , ipse audiam omnia , ipse cognoscam , & si fuerit comprobatum , ipse me vindicabo . l. . c. de accus . curse the whisperer , and double tongued ; for such have destroyed many that were at peace , eccles. . . sam. . . quid enim tam du●um , tamque inhumanum est quam publicatione pompâque rerum fami●iar●um , & 〈◊〉 detegi utisitatem , & invidiae exponere aivitia● . l. . c. 〈◊〉 . ● qui● . quam . pars . eccles. . . fax mentis honestae gloria . he was as the morning star in the midst of a cloud , and as the moon at the full. eccles. . . eccles. . . the number of years is hidden to oppressors . iob . . quanquam medio in spati● integrae aetatis ereptus , quantum ad g●riam longissimum ●evum peregit . ●ac . in vir. agri● . caeteris mortalibus , in eo stare consilia , quid sibi conducere pute●● , principum diversam esse sortem , quibus praecipua rerum ad famam di●●genda . tac. . ann. argentum quidem , & pecunia est commo●● omnium possessio , at honestum , & ex eo laus , & gloria deorum est 〈◊〉 eorum , qui à aiis proximi censentur . polybius . let your light so shine before men , that they may see your good works , matth. . . caete●a principibus statim a●●esse : unum insatiabiliter parandum , prosperam sui memo●●am . tac. . ann. consenuitque , multum immatatâ 〈…〉 . tac. . ann. dan. . . tanquam in speculo ornare , & comparare vitam tuam ad alienas virtutes , plu●arch . call to remembrance what acts our fathers did in their time , so shall ye receive great honour , and an everlasting name , macc. . . and in the four rows of stones , was the glory of the fathers graven , wisd. . . qui omnia facta dictaqu● ejus vice legis observem . tac. . ann. an cum tiberius p●st tantam ●erum experient●am vi dominationis convulsus , & 〈◊〉 sit . tac. . ann. prima imperii aetate clarus acceptusque popularibus ; mox diuturni●atem , in superbiam mutans , & odio accolarum s●●al 〈…〉 circumventis . tac. . ann. ipso vespasiano , inter initia imperii ad obtinendas iniquitates han● perinde obstinato ; donec , indulgentia fortunae , & pra●is magistris , didicit , ansusque est . tac. . hist. † marian. hist. hisp. par est meliores esse eos qui ex melioribus , arist. nam ut ex homine hominem , ex belluis helluam , sic ex bonis bonum generari putant ; at hoc qu●dem natura saepè efficere vult , non tamen potest . arist. . pol. c. . langues●et alioqui ind●stria , intendetur socordia , si nullus ex se metus , aut spes , & securi omnes aliena subsidia expectabant , sibi ignavi , nobis graves . tac. . ann. censoris vitellii ac ter consulis filius , id satis ●idebatur . tac. . hist. mandabatque honores , nobilitatem majorum , claritudinem ●●●litiae , illustres domi artes , spectando , ut satis constaret , non alios poti●●es fuisse . tac. . ann. reges ex nobilitate , duces ex virtute 〈◊〉 . tac. de mor. germ. si remp. gnaris , & non magni pre●ii hominibus committas , stat●●n & nobilium ac strenuorum iram in te provocabis ob contemptam e●um fidem , & maximis in rebus damna patiens . dion . cassio . videntur 〈◊〉 ex se nati . tac. . ann. † claud. et revocante nobilitate , cui in pace durius servitium est . tac. . ann. nam imbecilliores semper equum , & justum quaerunt , potenti●ribus autem id nihil curae . arist. pol. . c. . nihil ausuram plebem principibus amotis . tac. . ann. commodum est etiam , ut haereditates non donatione , sed jure agnationis tradantur , utque ad eundem una , non plures haereditates perveniant . arist. pol. . c. . dites elim familiae nobilium , aut claritudine insignes , studio magnificentiae prolabehantur . tac. . ann. sed cum ex primariis aliqui bona dissiparunt , hi res novas moliuntur . arist. pol. . c. . non censebat conveni●e cuiquam imperti●m qui non melior esset iis quibus imperaret . xenoph , lib. . so the lord was with ioshua , and his fame was noised throughout all the country , iosh. . . rex enim dux erat in be●h , & iudex , & in iis quae ad cultum deorum pertinerent , summam potesta●● habebat . arist. pol. . . minusque insidiantur iis , qui d●●● auxiliares habent . arist. polit. he set a crown of gold upon the mitre , wherein was engraved holiness , an ornament of honour , a safety-work , the desires of the eyes goodly and beautiful . eccl. . . and he worshipped leaning upon the top of his staff. vid. la● vers. et adoravit fastigium virgae ejus : heb. . . fear ye not , stand still , and see the salvation of the lord , which he will shew you to day , exod. . . and the lord god of israel fought for israel , josh. . . and that turn not aside from the commandment , to the right , or to the left ; to the end that he may prolong his days in his kingdom , he and his children in the midst of israel , deut. . . rom. . . principes quidem instar deorum esse . tac. . ann. and he had in his right hand seven stars , revel . . . and he cast it on the ground , and it became a serpent , and moses ●led from before it , exod. . . and he dreamed , and behold , a ladder set upon the earth , and the top of it reached to heaven ; and behold , the angel● of god ascending and descending on it . gen. . . vera gloria radices agit , atque etiam propagatur ; ficta 〈◊〉 celeriter tanquam flosculi decidunt , neque fimulatum quidquam potest 〈◊〉 diuturnum . cic. lib. . de off. cap. . and all our righte●●●nesses are as filthy rags , isaiah . . otho interim , contra 〈◊〉 omnium , non deliciis , neque desidia torpescere , dilatae voluptates , diss●●● lata luxuria , & cuncta ad decorem imperii composita , eoque plus 〈◊〉 a●●erebantur fals● virtutes , & vitia reditura . tac. . hist. haud minus noxiae , quoties , parando regno finguntur . tac. . ann. extrema est perversitas , cum prorsus jus●●tia vaces , ad id niti , ut 〈◊〉 bonus esse videaris . plat. quae grata sane & popularia , si à ●●tutibus proficiscerentur ; memoria vitae prioris , indecora , & vilia accipiebantur . tac. . hist. penetrabat pavor , & admiratio , callidum olim , & regendis sceleribus obscurum , huc confidentiae venisse , ut tanquam dimotis parietibus ostenderet nepotem sub verbere centurionis , inter servorum ictus , extrema vitae alimenta frustra orantem . tac. . ann. claro apud vulg●●●umore erat per virtutem , aut species virtutibus ●imiles . tac. . ann. permittimus , quod nolentes indulgemus , quia pravam hominum voluntatem ad plexum cohibere non possumus . s. chrysost. non id tempus censurae , nec si quid in moribus laboret defuturum corrigendi authorem . tac. . ann. pervulgatum esse incestum , gloriante matre , nec toleraturos milites profani principis imperium . tac. . ann. corpus illi laborum tolerans , animus audax , sui obtegens , in alios criminator , justa adulatio , & superbia , palam compositus pudor , intus summa adipiscendi libido , ejusque causa , modo largitio , & luxus , saepius industria , & vigilantia . tac. . ann. ambigua de vespasiano fama . tac. . hist. egregium principatus temperamentum , si demptis virtutibus utriusque vitiis solae virtutes miscerentur . tac. . hist. eo munitiores reges censentur , quo illis , quibus imperitant , nequi●res . salust . sed à caesare profecto demum sceleris magnitudo intellecta est ; reliquo noctis , modo persaepius pavore exurgens , & mentis in●ps operiebatur , tanquam exitium allaturam . tac. . ann. sed magnitud● facinoris metum , prolationes , diversa interdum consilia adferebat . tac. . ann. job . . he disappointeth the devices of the crafty , so that their hands cannot perform their enterprise , iob . . because thou hast rejected the lord , he has also rejected thee from being king , sam. . . vt vitam , quam ipsi à majoribus , accepissent , vicissim , quasi t●dam ardentem posteris tradant . plato . i will also give thee for a light to the gentiles , that thou maist be my salvation to the end of the earth , isaiah . . thou art weigh'd in the balance , and found wanting , dan. . . vrbi nostrae institutum , & à regibus usque ad principes continuum , & immortalem , sicut à majoribus accepimus , sic posteris tradamus . tac. . hist. quam arduum , quam subjectum fortunae regendi cuncta onus ? tac. . ann. * s●rabo . † valer. max. let them set a fair mi●re upon his head , zach. . . consula●es fasces , praet●●tum , curulemque sellam , nihil aliud , quam pompam funeris putent ; claris insignibus velut in●●sis velatos ad mo●t 〈◊〉 destinari . liv. . hist. vt non dominationem , & servos , sed rectorem & cives cogitaret . tac. . ann. cogitare quid ●ut 〈◊〉 sub alio principe , aut volueris . tac. . hist. an ignoras , 〈◊〉 mi , nostrum regnum ess●● n●bilem servitutem ? with f●vour wilt thou compass him as with a shield , psalm . 〈◊〉 . vt enim gubernatio patrisfamilias est regia quaedam potestas domi ; ita regia potestas , est civitatis & gentis unius aut plurium quasi domestica quaedam gubernatio . arist. polit. . cap. . for thou hast been a strength to the poor , a strength to the needy in his distress ; a refuge from the storm , a shadow from the hear , isa. . . there were giants in the earth in those days ; the same became mighty men , gen. . . vid. iob . . and the waters which thou sawest , where the whore sitteth , are peoples , and multitudes , and nations , and tongues , revel . . . vid. sam. . . it a nati estis ut bona malaque ves●ra ad remp. pertineant . tac. . ann. sam. . . facta quae laedunt pietatem , existimation●m , verecundiam nostram , & ut generaliter dixe●im , contra bonos more 's fi●●t ●ec facere e●s credendum est . l. . f. de condit . i●stir . quomodo pessimis imperatoribus sine fine dominationem , ita quamvis egregiis libertatis modum placere . tac. . ann. bind the ti●e of thine head upon thee . ezek. . . sermo vero datus est homini , ad utile & inutile , ac proinde justum ac injustum declarandum . arist. pol. . cap. . nam respub . nulla ●st , ubi leges non te●ent imperium , arist. pol. . cap. . for justice is immortal , wisd. . . leg●m scimus iusti injustique regulam esse . seneca . nec utendum imperio , ubi legibus agi possit . tac. . ann. minui jura quoties gliscat potestas . tac. . ann. the work of righteousness shall be peace , and the effect of righteousness , quietness and assurance for ever , isaiah . . inauditi atque defensi tanquam innocentes peritant . tac. . hist. factae sunt autem leges , ut eorum metu humana coerceatur audacia , tutaque sit inter improbos innocentia , & in ipsis improbis reformidato supplicio refraenetur audacia & nocendi facultas . isid. lib. . etymol . l. legibus , c. de leg . insurgere paulatim , munia senatus , magistratuum , legum in se trabere . tac. . ann. nam cuncta legum , & magistratuum mu●ia in se trahens princeps , materiam praedandi patefecit . tac. . ann. deditque jura , queis pace , & principe uteremur , acriora ex 〈◊〉 vincula inditi custodes . tac. . ann. vtque antehac ftagitiis ita nunc legibus laborabatur . tac. . ann. because ephraim hath made many altars to sin , altars shall be unto him to sin. scriba●●i multiplices leges meas , says the latin version , hos. . , . vsus ●ris ad perpetuitatem monumento●um jampridem translatus est tabulis aereis , in quibus constitutiones publicae inciduntur . and he gave unto moses , when he had made an end of communing with him upon mount sinai , two tables of testimony , tables of stone written with the finger of god. positas semel leges constanter servate , nec ullam earum immutate ; nam quae in suo statu eademque ma●●nt , etsi deteriora sint , tamen utili●ra sunt reipublicae , his quae per innovationem , vel meliora indacuntur . dion . l. . non fuerint concordes unquam , aut inter amantes cives , ubi mut●● 〈◊〉 lites judiciales sunt , sed ubi eae brevissimae & paucissimae . plato . tot à majoribus repertae , tot quas divus augustus tulit , illae oblivione , hae ( quod flagitiosius est ) contemptu abolitae , securtorem luxum fecere . tac. . ann. num coercio plus damni in remp. ferret ; quam indecorum attrectare , quod non obtineretur , vel retentum ignominiam & infamiam virorum illustrium posceret . tac. . ann. sed praecipuu● adstricti moris autor vespafianus fuit , antiquo ipse cultu , victuque obsequium inde in principem , & aemulandi amor validior , quam poenae ex legibus , & metus . tac. . ann. mos hominum tutissime agere , qui praesentibus moribus , legibusque etiam si deteriores sint , minimum variantes rempub. administrant . thucid. quid leges sine moribus vanae prosiciunt ? s. aug. digna vax●st majestate regnantis , legibus allig●tum se pr●fiteri . l. . c. de leg. quibus etiam reges obtemperarent . tac. . ann. siquando cum privatis disceptarent , forum & jus . tac. . ann. eat this roll , and go speak un●o the house of israel ; so i opened my mouth , and he caus'd me to eat the roll , ezek. . , and . quae gloria tua est praecipua , saepe vincitur fiscus cujus mala causa nunquam est , nisi sub bono principe . plin. in pan. for he is the minister of god to thee for good ; but if thou do that which is evil , ●e afraid ; for he beareth not the sword in vain , rom. . . m●r. hist. of spain ▪ et quanquam multi ex ejus dom● equites ac senatores sustentasse opibus , juvisse consillis , dicerentur . tac. . ann. parvis peccatis 〈◊〉 , magnis severitatem commendare ; nec poena semper , sed saepiùs p●nitentia contentus esse . tac. in vit. ag●ic . hanc p. c. curam sustinet princeps , hâc omissâ sunditus remp. trahet . tac. . ann. mar , hist of spain . non honore galbae , sed tradito principi●●● more , munimentum ad praesens , in posterum ultionem . tac. hist. lib. . cavendum est ne iisdem de caussis alii plectantur , alii ne appellantur quidem 〈◊〉 de off. nec tiberius poenam ejus palam ausus , in secreta palatii parte interfici jussit , corpusque clam auferri . tac. . ann. si prohibita impunè transcenderis neque metus ultrà neque pudor est . tac. . ann. wherein were all manner of fourfooted beasts of the earth , and wild beasts , and creeping things , and fowls of the air ; and there came a voice unto him , rise , peter , kill and eat , act● . , . vix enim quisquam adeò mali expers , ut non aliquam mortem meyeatur . tac. . ann. and he plac'd at the east end of the garden of eden cherubims , and a flaming sword , gen. . . faliciores sunt impr●●i , supplicia luentes , quam si eos nulla justitiae 〈◊〉 coerceat . boet. lib. . phil. mirumque amorem assecutus etat effuse clementiae , modicus severitate . tac. . ann. i will sing of mercy and judgment , unto thee , o lord , will i sing . imperator aliquando torquibus , murali , & civicâ donat ; quid habet per se pretiosum , quid pr●texta , quid fasces , quid tribunal , quid currus ? nil horum honor est , sed honoris insigne . sen. lib. . de ben. irridente arm●nio vilia servitii praemia . tac. . ann. hono●● augmentum non ambitione , sed labore ad unumquemque convenit perve●● ▪ l. contra publicam c. de re milit . tunc vectigal publicum , quo anteà milites & remiges aleba●●●● , cum urbano populo dividi coeptum , quibus rebus effectum est , ut inter 〈◊〉 graecorum , sordidum & obscurum antea macedonum nomen emergeret . trog . ● . . aurum & argentum raro cuiquam nisi militi divisit , 〈◊〉 esse dicens , us dispensator publicus in delectationes suas & suorum 〈◊〉 , id quod provinciales dedissent . la●p . in vit. alex. for the throne is establish'd by righteousness , prov. . . remove the diadem , and take off the crown , &c. ezek. . ● . subverti leges , quae sua spatia exercendae candidatorum 〈◊〉 , quaerendisque hand potiundis honoribus statuerint . tac. . ann. hand dubium erat , eam sententiam altius penetrare , & arcana i●perii te●tari . tac. . ann. atque ita favorabili in speciem eratione , vim imperii retinuit , ibid. abunde cognoscetur quisquis fama teste laudatur ; quapropter longissime constitutum mentis nostrae oculus serenus inspexit & vidit meri●um . cassid . lib. . cap. . facilius quippe est , ut oculis ejus ●ult●● absentis , quam animo charitas excidat . plin. in paneg. and i have also given thee that which thou hast not ask'd , both riches and honour ; so that there shall not be any among the ●ings like unto thee , in thy days , kings . . amamu● 〈◊〉 beneficia germinare , nec semel praesta● largitulis collatae fastidium , ma●●sque nos provocant ad frequens praemium , qui initia nostrae gratiae suscipere ●●ruerunt ; novis enim judicium impenditur , favor autem semel placitis ●xhibetur . cas. lib. . epist. . * mar. hist. of spain . † concil . tolet. cap. . † mar. hist. of spain . omnium primam rem ad multitudinem imperitam efficacissimam deorum metum injiciendum ratus . liv. ob hoc sui regni apicem à deo solidari praeoptaret , si catholicae fid●i per euntium turmas acquireret , indignum reputans catholicae fidei principe● sacrileges imperare . conci● . tol. . cap. . and they withstood vzziah the king , and said unto him , it appertaineth not unto thee , vzziah , to burn incense unto the lord , but to the priests , chro● . . . and the people shouted with a great shout , that the wall fell down flat , so that the people went up into the city , every man strait before him , and they took the ci●y , ios. . . for where your treasure is , there will your heart he also , mat. . . now they do it to obtain a corruptible crown , but we an inco●r●ptible , cor. . . heb. . , . so that fighting with their hands , and praying to god with their hearts , they slew no less than thirty and five thousand men , mach. . . least thou say in thine heart , my power , and the might of my hand hath gotten me this victory . but thou shalt remember the lord thy god ; for it is he that hath given thee power to get wealth , deut. . , . take this holy sword , a gift from god , with which thou shalt wound the adversaries , ● mach. . . * in hoc signo vinces . euseb. i. . hist. st. ambr. ep. . † ge●●br . l , . chron. anno . * mar. hist of spain . josh. . . ibid. they fought from heaven , the stars in their courses fought against sisera . the lord ca●t down great stones from heaven upon them to azekah , and they died , iosh , . . judg. . . for the priest's lips should keep knowledge , a●d they should seek the law at his mouth , malach. . . nullae res multitudinem efficacius regit , quam superstitio . curtius . censuit asinius gallus , ut libri sibyllini adirentur , renuit tiberi●s , perinde divina humanaque obtegens . tac. . ann. many of them also which us'd curious arts , brought their books together , and burnt them before all men , acts . . and they arose up early on the morrow , and offered burnt offerings , and burnt peace-offerings ; and the people sat down to eat , and to drink , and rose up to play , exod. . . eos vero qui in divinis aliquid innovant , odio habe , & coerce , non deorum solum causâ ( quos tamen qui contemnit , nec aliud sane magni feceri● ) sed quia nova quaedam numina hi tales introducentes , multos impellunt ad mut●●ionem rerum , unde conjurationes , seditiones , conciliabula existunt , res profecto minimè conducibiles principatui . dion . deorum inj●rias dii● curae , tac. . ann. sanctius , ac reverentius visum , de actis deorum credere , quam scire . tac. de mor. germ. neque nisi romani dei , nec quo ali● more , quam parvo colerentur , t. liv. quia externae superstitiones valescant , tac. . ann. nam recte disponere , recteque judicare , qui potest , is est princeps & imperator . menand . who seek wisdom upon earth , the merchants of merrhan and theman , the authors of fables , and searchers out of understanding ; none of these have known the way of wisdom , or remember her paths , baruch . v. . all scripture is given by inspiration of god , and is profitable for doctrine , for reproof , for correction , for instruction in righteousness , tim. . . and he shall read therein all the days of his life , deut. . ● . praeficiebat rebus literatos , & maximè qui historiam norant , requirans 〈◊〉 in talibus causis , quales in disceptatione versabantur , veteres impera●●● fecissent . lamp. she knoweth things of old , and conje●●●eth aright what is to come , wisd. . . eccles. . . wo to the idle shepherd that leaveth his flock , zach. . . they have mouths , but they speak not ; eyes have they , but they see not ; ears have they , but they hear not ; noses have they , but they smell not , psalm . . we know that an idol is nothing i● the world , cor. . . give therefore thy servant an understanding heart to judg● thy people , that i may discern between good and bad , i kings . . plures aliorum eventis docentur . tac. . ann. quippe fa●● ▪ spe , veneratione potius omnes destinabantur imper●● , quam quem fatu●●m principem for●una in occulto tene●●t . tac. . ann. sam. . . sam. . . jon. . . judith . ▪ ibid. eccl. . . eccl. . . quod precibus non potuit t●dio impetravit . d. hieron . kings . . nihil rerum mortalium tam instabile ac fl●xum est , quam famae potentiae , non sua vi ni●a . tac. . ann. melius divo iulio , divoque augusto notos eorum animos galbam , & infracta tributa , hostiles spiritus induisse . tac. . hist. nomine tantum , & auctore opus , ut sponte caesaris , ut genus arsacis , ripam apud euphratis cerneretur . tac. . ann. nunquam obscura , nomina , etsi aliquando obumbrentur . tac. . hist. erat grande momentum , in nomine vrbis , & praetextu senatus . tac. . hist. nec d●erat otho protendens manus adorare vulgum , jacere oscula , & omnia serviliter pro dominatione . tac. . hist. caeterum ad supplenda exercitus damna , certavere gallia , hispania , italia , quod cuique promp●um , arma , equos , au●um ●fferentes , quorum laud●to studio germanicus , armis modo & equis ad bellum sumptis , propria pecunia militem juvit . tac. . ann. legatis gratiae actae pro magnificentia cu●aque , patera quae minimi ponderis fuit accepta . liv. l. . gratiae actae , ●●rum non acceptum . liv. . visuque & auditu juxta venerabilis , cum magnitudinem , & gravi●atem summae fortunae re●ineret invidiam & a●●ogantiam e●●ugeret . tac. . ann. hest. . . exod. . . ibid. job . . psalm . . job . . psalm . . eccl. . . prov. . . job . . isaiah . . neve tiberius vim principatus resolveret , cuncta ad senatum vocando . tac. . ann. vite●●um subitis offensis , aut intempestivis blanditiis mutabilem contemnebant metue●antque . tac. . hist. optimus quisque mortalium altissima cupere . tac. . ann. ade● non principatus appetens , ut parum effageret ne dignus crederetur . tac. . hist. primum domum suam coercuit , quod plerisque haud minus arduum 〈◊〉 , quam provinciam regere ; nihil per liber●os , servosque publicae rei . tac. in vir. agr. iam afferebant cuncta venalia praepotentes liber●i servorum manus sub●tis avidae tanquam apud senem festinantes . tac. . hist. modesta servitia . tac. . ann. aratores in aegypto coelum no● suspiciunt . pli● . offensionem pro utilitate publica non pavidum . tac. . ann. † mar. hist. hisp. nihil gloriosum nisi tutum , & omnia retinendae dominationis 〈◊〉 . sallust . tanto impensius in sccuritatem compositus , neque loco , neque 〈…〉 , sed ut s●litum per illos d●es egit . tac. . ann. sam. . . sam. . . non ex rumore statuendum . tac. . ann si ubi jubeantur , quaerere singulis 〈◊〉 ; pereunte obsequio , e●●am 〈◊〉 interci●it , tac. . hist. psalm . . † mar. hist. hisp. sectari cantantem solitus , non necessitate , qua honestissimus quisq●e , sed i● luxu & sagina mancipatus emptusque . tac. . hist. in ipso nihil tumidum , arrog●●s , aut in rebus novis novum fuit . tac. . hist. frons privata manet , non se meruisse fatetur , qui crevisse putat . cla●d . nullum turbati , aut exultantis animi m●tum prodidisse , ●ermo erga ●●rem , imperatoremque reverens : de se moderatus , ●hil in vultu . ha●●qe mutatum , quasi imperare posset magis quam veilet . tac. . hist. vlacidus ore , intrepidus verbis , intempestivas suo●rum lathry●●●●ercens . tac. . hist. haec audita , quanquam abstrusum , & tristissima quoque maxi●● occultantem tiberium pertule●unt . tac. . ann. simul oth●● vultum intn●eri , atque eve●t inclinatis ad suspicionem mentibus , cum ti●● ret otho timebatur . tac. . hist. fides metu infracta . tac. . 〈◊〉 sam. . . jos. . . job . . non ut profugus aut supplex , sed ex memoria prioris fortunae . tac. . ann. mithridates terra marique per tot annos romanis quaesitis , sponte adsum ; utere , ut voles , prole magni achemeis , quod mihi solum hostes non abstulerunt . tac. . ann. m●ta●●●e rerum , & prece haud degenerare permotus . tac. . ann. simul segestes ipse ingens visu , & memor ia bonae societatis impavidus ; verba ejus in hunc modum fuere . etiam illum , qui libertatem publicam nollet , tam projectae servi●ntium patientiae cedebat . tac. . ann. nulla offensa , sed mit●● & injuriam segniter laturum . tac. . hist. avitae nobilitatis eti●● inter angustias fortunae retinens . tac. . ann. nul ' os mortalium armis , & fide ante germanos esse . tac . ann. quod comiter à visentibus exceptum , quasi impetus antiqui , & bona ●mulatione . tac. . ann. actaeque insuper vitell● gratiae , consuetudine servitii . tac. . hist. seneca ( qui finis omnium cum dominante sermonum ) gratias agit . tac. . ann. constantia orationis , & quia repertus erat qui efferret quae omnes animo agitabant , &c. tac. . ann. vbi nihil pro innocentia , quasi diffideret , nec beneficiis , quasi exprobraret , disseruit . tac. . ann. praefectus nisi formam suam referat , mali fati instar subditis efficitur . them. orat. . cant. . , . vt nullum ferox verbum excideret . tit. liv . eccl. . . quem casum , neque , ut plerique fortium virorum , ambitiosè , neque per lamenta rursus , ac terrorem multebrem tuli● , & in lustu , bellum inter remedia erat . tac. in vit. agr. prov. . . octogentorum annorum fortuna , disciplinaque , compages haec coal●● ; quae convelli sine excidio convellentium non potest . tac. . hist. multorum improbitate depressa veritas emergit , & innocentiae desens● interclusa respirat . cicero . secundae res acrioribus flimulis animum exploravit ; quia miseri● toler antur , felicitate corrumpimur . tac. . hist. dan. . . job . . † mar. hist. hisp. reputante tiberio , publicum sibi ●dium , extremam aetatem , magisque fama , quam vi stare res sua● . tac. . ann. cur hostem concitet ? adversa in remp. casura ; sin prosperè egisset , formidolos●m paci virum insignem , & ignavo principi praegravem . tac. . ann. tac. . ann. neque alients consilis regi , neque sua expedire . tac. . hist. surdae ad fortia consilia vitellio aures . tac. . hist. proinde intuta quae indecora ; vel si cadere necesse sit , occurrendu● 〈◊〉 , tac. . hist. † mar. hist. hisp. tanto impensius in securitatem compositus , neque loco , neque vultu mutato , sed ut solitum per illos dies egit ; alti●●dine animi , an competerat , modica esse & v●lgatis leviora ? tac. . hist. quia in metu consilia prudentium , & vulgi rumor juxta audiun●● ibid. kings . . nemo mortalium juxta viperam secures somnos sapit , quae etsi non percutiat certe solicitat ; tutius est perire non posse , quam juxta pericul●m 〈◊〉 periisse . sanct. hier. corporis custodiam tutissimam esse putatam in virtute amicorum , tum in benevolentia civium esse collocatam . isocr . ad nic. salvum principem in aperto clementia praestabit , vivum erit inexpugnabile monument ●n amor civium . sen. de clem. lib. ca. . † mar. hist. hisp. nec quisquam tibi fidelior militum ●uit , dum amari meruisti , odisse ●aepi postquam parricida matris & uxo●is , auriga , histrio , & incendiar●us extitisti . tac. . ann . clarit●●ine paucos inter senatum regum , siperinde amorem inter populares , quam metum apud hostes quaesivisset . tac. . ann . i●geus gloria , atque eo f●rocior , & subjectis intolerantior , tac. . ann . wisd. . . timore princeps ●ciem authoritatis suae non patitur hebescere . cic. . ca● . ps. . . exod. . ita agere in subjectis , ut magi● vereantur severitatem , quam ut saevitiam ejus detestentur . colum. isa. . , . prov. . . jud. . . comitas facile faustum omne atterit , & in familiari consuetudine agrè custodias illud opinionis augustum . herod . lib. . cultu modi●us , se●mone facilis ; adeo ut plerique , quibus magnos viros per ambitionem astimare mos est , viso aspectoque agricola , quaererent famam , pauci interpretarentur . tac. in vit . agr. et videri velle non asperum , sed cum gravitate honestum , & talem , ut eum non timeant obvii , sed magis revereantur . arist. pol. lib. . c. . nec illi quod rarissimum est , aut facilitas authoritatem ▪ aut severitas amorem diminuit . tac. in vit . agr. atque ipse , ut super fortunam crederetur , decorum se , promptumque armis ostentabat , comitate & alloquiis officia provocans , ac plerumque i● opere , in agmine , in gregario militi mixtus , incorrupto ducis honore . tac. . hist. † claud. h●sther . . ibid. ibid. ibid. isai. . . eccl. . . ezek. . . etiam fera animalia si clausa teneas , virtutis obliviscuntur . tac. . hist. † mar. hist. hisp. eccl. . . continuus aspectus minus verendos magnos homines ipsa societate f●it . liv. arcebantur conspectu , quo venerationis plus inesset . tac. . hist. cui major è l●nginquo reverenti● . tac. ● . ann . ye mountains of israel , hear the word of the lord god , 〈◊〉 saith the lord god to the mountains , and to the hills , to the rivers , and to the valleys , ezek. . . ●ames . . prov. . . quam virtutem diu retinuit , cum caeteras 〈◊〉 . tac. . ann . ac velut perfringere aerarium : 〈◊〉 si 〈◊〉 exhauserimus , per scelera supplendum ●rit . tac. . ann . psal. . . levit. . . eccl. . . eccl. . . † l. . tit . . lib. . recop . prov. . . gen. . . ibid. ver . . luke . . magni animi est magna contemnere , prudentis est mediocria malle , quam nimia ; ista enim utilia sunt : illa quòd superfluunt nocent . sic s●● getem nimia sternit ubertas , sic rami onere franguntur , sic ad maturita●em non pervenit nimi● foecunditas , sen. epist. . † l. . tit . . p. . mansuram discordiam ●btendens , ●i semina belli restrinxisset . tac. ● . ann . sam. . . hec clementia non minus utilis victori quam victo fuit . tac. . hist. judg ▪ . . ibid. ibid. quae ex pluribus constat resp melior est arist. pol. c. ● . huc enim sunt omnia reducenda , ut iis qui sub imperio sunt , non tyrannum , sed patrem-familias , aut regem agere videatur , &c. arist. pol. . c. . exod. . . hebr. . . quod regnum est , cui parata non sit ruina , & proculcatio , & dominus , & car●fex ? nec ista intervallis divisa , ●ed hor●e momentum interest inter soli●m , & aliena genua . senec. modestia fama , quae neque summis mortalium spernenda est , & à diis aestimatur . tac. . ann . acer●éque increpuit eos qui divina● occupationes , ipsumque dominum dixerunt . tac. . ann . assid●bat in corn● tribunalis . tac. . ann . non ●nim solum respublica , quae optima sit , considerari debet , sed etiam quae constitui possit , praetereà quae facilior & cunctis civitatibus communior habeatur . arist. lib. pol. . c. . praeterea seditiones 〈◊〉 modo propter fortunarum , sed etiam propter honorum inaequalitatem existunt . arist. lib. . c. . sed jam haec consuetudo in civitatibus invaluit , ut homines , aequalitatem odio hab●ant , & malint , aut imperio potiri , aut si victi fuerint , imperio subesse . arist. lib. . pol. c. . nam qui virtute praestant , iniquo animo sibi indigniores aequari paterentur : quamobrem sapè conspira●e , & seditio●es commovere notantur . arist. pol. . c. . † silvest●es homines sacer interpresque deorum , cadibus & foedo victu deterruit orpheus , dictus ab hoc lenire tigres , &c. * juego de las cannas . imperaturus es hominibus , qui nec totam servitutem pati possunt , nec totam libertatem . tac. . hist. circumire saucios , facta singulorum extollere , vulnera intuens , alium spe , alium gloria , cunctos alloquio & 〈◊〉 , sibique & praelio firmabat . tac. . ann . tiberius tamen lu●ibria ser●is permiscere solitus . tac. . ann . mis●● stultitiam consiliis brevem . eccl. . . quo leonis pellis attingere non potest , principi assumendam vulpinam . plut. fuit , cui in tractandis negotiis dolus malus placeret , quem regi convenire sane nemo dixerit , etsi non desunt , qui id tam crebr●●su hodie doli mali , necessarium eum esse dicant ad publicam rerum administrationem . polyb. . hist. nihil gloriosum nisi tutum , & omni● retinendae dominationis honesta . sal. ubicunque tantam honesta dominanti licet , praecario regnatur . sen. in trag ▪ thyest. a lion which is the strongest among beasts , and turneth not away for any . prov. . . and he made as though he would have gone farther . luke . . and he changed his behaviour before them , and feign'd himself mad in their hands , and scr●bbled on the doors of the gate , and let his spittle fall down upon his bea●● , sam . . and the lord said , take a heifer with thee and say , i am come to sacrifice to the lord , sam . . and he put the skins of the kids of the goats upon his 〈◊〉 , and 〈…〉 the smooth of his neck , 〈◊〉 . . simul simplicitatis , ac modestiae imagine conditus , studiumque literarum , & amorem carminum simulans , qu● velaret animum . tac. . hist. retinuitque quod difficillimum est , ex sapientia modum . tac in vit . agr. wherefore when saul saw that he behaved himself very wisely , he was afraid of him , . sam. . . but canst not tell whence it cometh , and whither it goeth . ioh. . . and who is able to discover his ways ? eccl. . . and with twain he covered his feet , isai. . . primo prudentes , dein vulgum , diutissimè provincias fefellit . tac. . ann . et baculum intorquens emittit in auras , principium pugnae . virg. and iephtha sent messengers unto the king of the children of ammon , saying , what hast thou to do with me , that thou art come against me to fight in my land ? iudg. . . ne dissimulans suspectior foret . tac. . hist. solum insidiarum remedium esse si non intelligerentur . tac. . ann . consulto ambiguns . tac. . ann . quibus usus metus si intelligere viderentur tac. . ann . intelligebantur artes : sed pars obsequii 〈…〉 ne deprehenderentur . tac. . hist. abditos principis sensus , & 〈◊〉 quid occultius parat exquir●re illicitum , anceps , nec ideo assequare . tac. . ann . eo aegrius accepit recludi quae premeret . tac. . ann . haud ●●●●ctatus est ultra germanicus ; quanquam fingi ea seque per invidiam ●●rto jam decori abstrahi intelligeret . tac. . ann . si intelligere videretur , vim metuens , in urbem properat . tac. . ann . tr●pida●●● à circumsedentibus , diffugiunt imprudentes , at quibus altior intellectus , resistunt defixi , & neronem intuentes . tac. . ann . † non decet ignavum totâ producere somnum n●cte virum , sub consilio , sub nomine cujus t●t populi degunt , cui rerum cura , fidesque credita summarum est . dicta factaque ejus quanto solutiora , & quandam sui negligentia● praeferentia , tantò gratius in speciem simplicitatis accipiebantur . tac. . ann . ezek. . . semper cauda in ictu est , nulloque momento meditari cessat , ne quan●o desit occasioni . plin. lib. . c. . q●anqua● 〈◊〉 or●●t●one , quaedam de habitu , cultuque & institutis ejus fecer●t● quae velut excusand● exprobraret . tac. ann . unde amico infamiam parat , inde gloriam sibi re●ipere . tac. . ann . pessimum ini●icorum genus , ●●udantes . tac. in vit . agric. secr●tis cum criminationibus infa●●n●verat , ignarum , & quo cautius dec●peretur , palam laudat●●● . tac. . hist. psal. . . hos. . . multaque de virtute ejus memoravit , magis in speciem verbis ad●rnata quam ut penitus sentire crederetur . tac. . ann . igitur mucianus quia propalam opprimi antonius nequibat , multis in senatu laudil●s cumulatum s●cretis promissis onerat , citerierem hispaiam ostenta●s discessu cluvii rufi vacuam . tac. . hist. sed callidè ut ignotum 〈◊〉 tac. . ann . odia in longum jacens , quae reconderet . auct●que prom●r●t . tac. . ann devise not ( lat. noli arare ) a lye against thy brothers ▪ eccl . . ye have plowed wickedness , ye have reaped iniquity , ye have eaten the fruit of lyes , hos. . . and he said , i will go forth and be a lying spirit in the mouth of all his prophets , kin. . . and they rose up early in the morning , and the sun shone upon the waters , and the moabites saw the water on the other side as red as blood , kings . . and ioshu● heard the noise of the people , as they shouted , he said unto moses , there is a noise of war in the camp . and he said , it is not the voice of them that shout for mastery , neither is it the voice of them that cry for being overcome : but the noise of them that sing , do i hear , exod. . , . i will go down now , and see whether they have done altogether according to the cry of it , which is come unto me ; and if not , i will know , gen. . . non authoris , non ipsius negotii side satis spectata , nec missis visoribus per quos nosceret an vera ass●rerentur . tac. . ann . plebei● ingenia exemplis ●agis quam ratione capiuntur . macrob. quas● scelere contaminaretur . tac. . ann . at ille moriturum potiùs quam fidem exueret , clamitans , ferrum à latere diripuit , elatumque deferebat in pectus . id. ibid. sed quod largiendis pecuniis & mission●●estinata favorem militum quaefivisset , belli●a quoque germanici gloria aug●batur . id. ibid. quod tiberio haud probatum . id. ibid. id s●berit animum altius penetravit . id. ibid. cuncta germanici in deterius trahenti . id. ibid. quanto summe spei propi●r , tanto impensi●s pro tiber●o niti . id. ibid. novisq●e provinc●is impositum , dolo simul & cafibus objectaret . tac. . ann . na● g●rmanici mortem inter prospera ducebat . tac. . ann . their eyes be full of dust , through the feet of them that come in . baruc. . . prov. . . nobilitas , opes , omissi g●stique honores pro crimine & ob virtutes certissimum exitium . tac. . hist. and uzzah put forth his hand to the ark of god , and took hold of it , for the oxen shook it and the anger of the lord was kindled against uzzah , and god smote him there for his error , and there he died by the ark of god , sam. . . lugdune●sis galliae rector , genere illustris , largus animo , & par opibus , circumdaret principi ministeria ▪ comitaretur liberaliter , 〈◊〉 ipso ingratus quamvis , odium vitellius humilibus blanditiis velaret . tic. . hist. and no man knoweth either love or hatred , by all that is before them , e●●l . . . now when iob's three friends heard of all this evil that was come upon him , they came every one from his own place , v. lat. v●nerunt sicut locutus est dominus ad eos , job . . then came there unto him all his brethren , and all his sisters , and all that had been of his acquaintance before , and did eat bread with him in his house , iob ● . . prov. . . ibid. ne vana , & reo non profitura , intercessori exitiosa inciperet . tac. ann . nullius servilis sententiae sponte author , & quoties necessitas ingrueret , sapi●ntèr moderans . tac. . ann . wo unto them that call evil good and good evil ; that put darkness for light , and light for darkness ; that put bitter for sweet , and sweet for bitter , isai. . . when a man shall have in the skin of his flesh , a rising , a scab , or bright spot , levit. . . sponte dixisse , respondit ; neque in its quae and remp . pertinerent , consilio nisi su●●surum , vel cum periculo offensionis , ea sola species adulandi supererat . tac. . ann . palam aspernante atieo capitone quasi per libertatem . n●● enim debere eripi patribus vim statuendi , neque tantum maleficium impune habendum ; sane lentius in suo dolore esset ; reipub . dolores ne largiretur . tac. . ann . † mar. hist. hisp. o my people , they which lead thee cause thee to err , and destroy the way of thy paths , isa. . . elanditiae pessimum veri affectus venenum ; sua cuique utilitas . tac. . hist. quae ab haeredibus occultata , recitari tiberius jussit : patientiam libert at is alienae ostentans , & contemptor suae infamiae , an scelerum sejani dici nescius , mox quodam modo dicta vulgari malebat , veritatisqui cui officit adulatio , per probra saltem gnarus fieri . t●c . . ann . it is better to hear the rebuke of the wise , than for a man to hear the song of fools , eccl. . . and samuel feared to shew eli the vision , sam. . . and he said , what is the thing that the lord hath said unto thee ? i pray thee hide it not from me , ibid. and saul disguised himself , and put on other raiment , and he went , sam. . . king . . prov. . . cr●brisque precibus efflagit abant , visendi sui copiam facerent . tac. . ann . vidisse civium moestos vultus , audire secretas quarimonias , quod tantum aditurus esset iter , cujus ne modicos quidem egressus tolerarent , sueti adversum fortuit a aspectu principis ref●veri . senatus & primat●● in incerto erant . procul , an coram atrocior haberetur . tac. . ann . contumacius loqui non est tutum apud aures superbas , & offensioni proniores . tac. . ann . * mar. hist. hisp. nam suadere principi quod oporteat , multi laboris , & periculi . tac. . hist. etiam ego & tu simplicissimè inter nos hodie loquimur , caeteri libe●tius cum fortunâ ▪ quam nobiscum . tac. . hist. audiente h●c tiberio , ac silente . tac. . ann . intellexit haec tiberius , ut erant magis , quam ●t dicebantur . tac. . ann . * mar. hist. hisp. † mar. hist. hisp. kings . . after their own lusts they shall heap to themselves teachers , tim. . . and mi●ah said , as the lord liveth , even what my god saith , that will i speak , chron. . . gen. . . & dan. . moderatione tamen prudentiâque agricolae leniebatur , quia non contumaciâ neque inani jactatione libertatis famam , fatumque provocabat . tac. in vit . agric. posse etiam sub malis principibus magnos viros esse . tac in vit . agric. nam pleraque ab saevis adulationibus aliorum in melius flexit : neque tamen temperamenti egebat , cum ● quabili authoritate , & gratia apud tiber●um viguerit . tac. . an . thrasea paetus silentio vel brevi ass●nsu pri●res adulationes transmittere solitus , exiit , tum senatu , ac sibi causam periculi fecit , caeteris libertatis initium non praebuit . tac. . ann . tiberius acerbis facetiis irridere solitus , quarum apud pr●potentes in longum memoria est . tac. . ann . saepe asperis facetiis illusus , quae ubi multum ex vero traxere , acrem sui memoriam relinqunt . tac. . ann . unde angusta & lubrica oratio sub principe qui libertatem metuebat , adulationem oderat . tac. . ann . quae moribus corru● ptis , perinde anceps , si nulla , & ubi nimia est . tac. . ann . psal . . jer. . . caesar objectam sibi adversus reos inclementiam , eo pervicacius amplexus est . tac. . ann . magnis patrum laudibus , ut juvenilis animus levium quoque rerum gloria sublatus , majores continuaret . tac. . ann . postquam cuncta scelerum pro egregiis ●●cipi videt , exturbat octaviam . tac. . ann . and he said in the sight of israel , sun , stand thou still upon gibeon ; and thou moon , in the valley of ajalon , jos. . . the lord harkened to the voice of man , for the lord fought for israel , ibid and they shall bear the ●urthen of the people with thee , that thou bear it not thy self alone , n●●b . . . for this thing is too heavy for thee ; thou art not able to perform it thy self alone , exod. . . † l. . tit . . p. . solatium curarum frequenter sibi adhibent maturi p●eges , & hinc meliores aestimantur , si soli omnia non praesumunt . cassiod lib . epist. . exod. . . thy matters are good and right , but there is no man deputed of the king to hear thee , sam. . . qui in regiae familiaritatis sacrarium admittuntur multa facere possunt , & dicere , quibus paupcrum necessita , sublevetur , faveatur religio , fiat aequitas , ecclesia dilatetur . petr. blis . epist. . obtectis libidinibus , dam sejanum dilexit , timuitve : postremò in scelera simul at dedecora prorupit , postquam remoto pudore , & metu , su● tantum ingenio utebatur . tac. . ann . kings . and so the multitude , allured by the grace of the work , took him now for a god , which a little before was but honoured as a man , wisd . . tiberium variis artibus devinxit , adeo ut obscurum adversus alios , sibi uni incautuin intectumque efficere● . prov. . ● n●● tam sol●rtia ( quippe iisdem artibus victus est ) 〈…〉 pari ex●tio vigu●t ●●●iditque . tac. . ann . † m●r. 〈…〉 lib. . l. . esth. . . acts . . sed uterque mensuram implevimus & tu quantum princeps tribuere amico posses , & ego quantum amicus à principe acci●pere : caetera invidiam a●gent . tac. . ann . eccles. . . ibid. fato potenti● raro sempiternae . tac. . ann . an satius capis , ●ut illos cum omnia tribuerunt ; aut hos , cum jam nihil reliquum est quod capiant ? tac. . ann . wisd. . . haec est conditio regum , ut casus tantum adversos hominibus tribuant , sccundos fortunae suae . aemil. prob prospera om●es sibi vendicant , adversa uni 〈◊〉 tac. in vit . agric. feralemque annum fer●bant , & omnibus adversis susceptum principi consilium absentia , qui mos vulgò ad culpam fortuita trahentes . tac. . ann . ergo non jam nero cujus immanitas omnium qu●stus anteibat , sed adverso rumore , seneca erat , quod oratione tali confessionem scripsisset . tac. . ann . sed quia sejanus ●acinorum ommum repertor habebatur , ex nimia charitate in eum caesaris , & caeterorum in utrumque odio quamvis fabulosa & immania credebantur . tac . ann . nam beneficia eo usque laeta sunt dum videntur exsolvi posse ; ubi multum antevenè●e , pro gratia odium redditur . ibid. quidam quo plus deb●nt , magis oderunt . leve as alienum debit●rem facit , grave inimicum . sen. ep. . quem ita gloriae cupidum esse dicunt familiares , ut omnia clara ●acinora sua esse videri cupit , & magis indignatur ducibus & praefectis , qui prospere , & laudabilitèr aliquid gesserint , quam iis qui infelicitèr & ignave . demost. suae demptum gloriae existimans quicquid cessisset alien● . curt. id sibi maxime formidolosum , privati hominis nomen supra principis attolli . tac. in vit . agric. integram causam ad senatum remisit . tac. . ann . nullo magis exterritus est , quam quod tiberium sine miseratione , sine ira obstinatum , clausumque vidit , ne quo affectu perrumperetur . tac. . ann . wisd . . levi post admiss●m scelus gratia , dein graviore odio , quia malorum facinorum ministri quasi exprobrantes aspiciuntur . tac. . ann . qui scelerum ministros ut perverti ab aliis nolebat , ita plerumque satiatus , & oblatis in eandem operam recentibus , veteres & praegraves adfl●xit . tac. ann . ut odium & gratia desiere , ju● valuit . tac. . ann . isa. . . vid. lat . vers . dan. . s●m . . . quia sejanus , incipiente adhuc potentia , bonis consiliis no●escere volebat . tac. . ann . ut soci●m laborum non modo in sermonibus , sed apud patres & populum celebraret . tac . ann . praebuitque ipsi materiam , cur amicitiae , ●●stanti aeque 〈◊〉 magis fideret . ibid. major ex e● , & quanquam exitiosa suaderet , ut non sui anxius , c●m fide audiebatur ibid. colique per theatr● & fora effigies ejus , interque principia legionum sineret . ibid. exod. . . avaritiam & arrogantiam , praecipua validiorum vitia . tac. . hist. felicitas in tali ingenio , avaritiam , superbiam , caeter●que occulta mala patef●cit tac. . hist at sejanus nimiâ fortunà socors , & muliebri insuper cupidine incensus , promissum matrimonium , flagitante livia , componit ad caesarios codicillos . tac. ann . mucianus cum expedita manu , socium magis imperii quam ministrum agens . tac. . ann . vim principis amplecti , ●omen remittere . tac. hist. kings . . sam. . . neque s●natorio ambitu abstin●bat , clientes suos konoribus aut provinc●is ornando . tac. . ann . c●terum pl●na c●sarum domus , juvenis filius , nepotes adulti m●ram capitis ad●erebant . tac. . ann . imm●ssis qui per speciem amiciti● monerent , paratum ei venenum , vitandas s●ceri epul●s . tac. . ann . exod. . . esth . ● . minore avaritia , aut licentia grassatus esset vinius s● ipse imperasse● , nunt & subjectos nos habuit tanquam suos , & viles ut alienos . tac. . hist. unum ad potentiam iter prodigis epulis , & sumptu , ganeaque sati●re inexpl●biles vitellii libidines . tac. . hist. optimi cujusque criminatione eousque valuit , ut gratia , pecunia , vi nocendi , etiam malos praemineret . tac. . ann . sui obtegens in alios criminator . tac. . ann . baruch . . ac ne assiduos in domum caetus arcendo , infringeret potentiam , aut recept●ndo facultatem criminantibus praeberet ; huc ●lexit , ut t●berium ad vitam procul roma amoenis locis degendam , impelleret : mult● quippe provideb●t . suà in manu aditus , literarumque magna ex parte se arbitrum fore ▪ cum per milites comm●arent : mox caesarem vigente jam ●en●ctâ se●r●toque loci mollitum munia imperii facilius transmissurum : & mi●ui ibi invidiam , ademptâ salutantum turbâ , sublatisque m●nibus vera po●entia augere . tac. . ann . plura saepe peccantur dum 〈◊〉 , quam cum 〈◊〉 . tac. . ann . perque invidi●m tui , me qu●que incusant . t●c . . ann . dum sejanum dilexit timuitve . ibid. quidam male alacres , quibus infanstae amicitie gravis exitus imminebat . tac. . ann . psal. . . n●n tam s●le●tia , quippe iisdem artibus victus est . tac. . ann . exod. . . dan. . . revel . . ● . eccles , . . ●ccles . . . prov. . . luk. . . sub genii nostri luce intrepidus quidem , sed reverenter astabat , opportun● tacitus , necessariè copiosus , cass. lib. ● . ep. . prov. . prov. . . eccles. . . breves & infaustos populi romani amores . tac. . ann . instituta prioris potentiae commutat , pro●ibet coetus salutantium , v●tat comitantes , rarus per urbem , quasi valetudine infe●sa , aut sapientiae studiis do●● 〈◊〉 . t●c . . ann . notes for div a -e eccles. . . the heart is deceitful above all things , an● desperately wicked : who can know it ? ierem. . . utrumq● in viti● est , & . omnib●is credere , & . nulli . seneca . † gon●alez fernandez of cordov● . mar. hist. hisp. sibi fidem integram , & . si nullis infidiis peteretur , mansuram . tac. . ann . quippe proditores , etiam iis , quos anteponunt , invisunt . tac. . ann . mansitque celso velut fat alit●r etiam pro othone fides integr● & . infelix . tac. . hist. he that is faithful in that which is least , is faithful also in much , luk. . . acerrimè increpuit , quod contra institutum augusti , non sponte principis alexandriam introisset . tac. . ann . numb . . . neque enim imminentes virtutes sectabatur , & rursus vitia oderat ; ex optimis periculum sibi , à pessimis dedecus publicum metuebat . tac. . ann . qui in affluentia fortunae , virium , opum , & amicorum , ālioruamque talium constituti sunt , reginaeque ob●dire norunt . arist. . pol. c. . auri vim , atque opes principibus infensas . tac. . ann . nuntiata ea tiberium laetitia curaque affecere . tac. . ann . ut to specie germanicum suetis legionibus abstraheret , nov●sque provineiis impositum , dolo simul & casibus objectaret . tac. . ann . acriùs modestiam ejus aggreditur , alterum consulatum offerend● . tac. . ann . * mar. hist. hisp. difficiles fratrum dissentiones , & qui valdè am●nt , valdè edio habent . arist. . pol. c. . * mar. hist. hisp. nam qui maguam potestatem habent , etiam si ipsi nullius pretii sint , multum nocent . arist. . pol. cap. . for the children of this world are in their generation , wiser than the children of light , luke . . regiae potentiae ministri . quos delectat superbiae suae longum spectaculum ; minusque se judicant posse , nisi diu , multumque singulis , quid possint ●ftendant . seneca . posse etiam sub mal●s principibus magnos vires esse . tac. in vit . agr. neque nunc properè , s●d per octo annos capto experimento . tac. . ann . nam unum opus ab uno optim● perficitur , quod ut fiat , munus est legumlatoris providere , nec jubere , ut tibia canat quisquam , & idem gale●●s confici●t . arist. . pol. cap. macch. a . sic enim optimè instrument a profici●nt , si eorum singula , non inultis , sed uni deserviant . arist. lib. . pol. cap. . nec sit concessum cuiquam duobus assistere magistratibus , & utriusque iudicii curam peragere , nec facile cre●endum duabus necessariis rebus , unum suff●cere . l. f. de asses ● chron. c. . . kings . . ubi aliquos voluisset , vel rectores provinciis dare , vel praepositos facere , vel procurat●res , id est , rationales ordinare , nomina eorum proponebat , & lamp. in vit . alex. sev. haud semper errat famae , aliquando & eligit . tac. in vit . agr. non ex rumore statuendum multos in provinciis , contra quem spes , aut metus de illis fuerit , egisse , excitari quosdam ad meliora magnitudine r●rum , hebescore alios . tac. . ann . officiis ac administrat ●onibus , potiùs non peccaturos , quam damnare cum peccassent . tac. in vit . agr. quia sine ambitione , aut proximorum precibus , ignotos etiam , ac ultro accitos m●nificentia juver at . tac. . ann . sorte & . urna mores non disecrni : suffragia & existimationem senafus reperta , ut an eujusque vitam , famamque penitrarent . tac. . hist. eccles. . . eccles. . . * mar. hist. hisp. exod. . . pl●raque eor●m quae h●mines injuste faciunt , per ambitionem & ava●i●●am commit tuntur . aristo● . . pol. cap. . prov. . . * l. . tit . . p. . prov. . . job . . job . . provincias spoliari , & nummarium tribunal , audita utrinque licitatione , alteri addici non mirum quando quae emerit vendere gentium jus est . sen. lib. . c. . de ben . * mar. hist. hisp. sed caput est in omni rep. ut legibus , & omni alia ratione provisum sit , ne qu●● facultas quaestus faciendi magistratibus relinqu●tur . arist. pol. . c. ● . tunc utrumque ei molestum est , quod nec honorum particeps sit● & quod à quaestibus submoveatur . ibid. quasi impossibile ●it , qui egenus existat , eum benè magistratum gerere , aut quietem optare . arist. pol. . c. . haud enim frustra placitum olim , ne foeminae in s●cios aut gentes externas traherentur . tac. . ann . hest. . . naturam duas necessarias res , easdem salutares human● generi comparasse , ut alii cum imperio essent , al●i ei subjicerentur , nihilque quod citra haec , nec 〈◊〉 quidem queat spatio perdurare . dion . lib. . kin. . . kin. . . est autem omnis monarchiae cautio communis , neminem facere nimis magnum , aut certè plusquam unum facere : ipsi enim inter se , quid quisque agat observant . arist. . pol. c. . gen. . . job . . id morum tiberii suit , continuare imperia , ac plerosque ad fine● vitae in eisdem exercitibus , aut iurisdictionibus habere . tac. . ann . superbire homines etiam annua designatione : quid si honorem per quinquennium agitent ? tac. . ann . apoc. . . superior debet esse totus mens , &c totus oculus . s. antioc . hom. . nam principes ac reges nunc quoque multos sibi oculos , multas a●res , multas item manus atque pedes faciunt . arist. pol. . c. h●● enim ratione , & omnium oculis cernet , & omnium auribus audiet , & omnium denique consiliis in unum tendentibus consultabit . sines . ad arcad consilium oculus futurorum . arist. lib. . de regim . ●erem : ▪ . vid. version . vulgar . morum , animor●mque provincie nisi s●●gneri qui de ea consulant , perdant se , & r●mpub . cicero . eccles . . . * l. . tit . . p. . eccles. . † l. . tit . . p. . chron. . . populi im●erium juxta libertatem : paucorum dominatio regi● l●bidini proprior est . tac. . ann . hinc factum est , ut vulgò jactarunt per●arum regem multos h●bere e●ules , auresque multas : quod si quis putet unum oculum expetendum regi , eum egregie falli certum est , unus enim & pa●ca videat , & pa●ca 〈◊〉 ; xenoph. lib. . cyri. et majestas qui 〈◊〉 imperium habere apud ministrum sol●t ; regi , aut principi 〈…〉 relinquitur . plutarch . unde si de jure tractaretur , in consilium solos doctos adhibebat , ●●vero de re militari , milites veteres , & senes ac bene meritos & locorum peritos . lamp. in vit. alex. † l. . tit . . p. . si de sua uni●● sententia omnia geret , superbum hunc judicabo , magis quam prudente● livius . jos. . . hest. . . prov. . 〈◊〉 nemo solus sapit . plaut . prov. . . prov. . . prov. . . * homer . ● prov. . . bene enim quod cum vestro consilio fuerit ●●●dinatum , id ad beatitudinem nostri imperii , & ad nostram gloriam red●●●dare . l. humanum , c. de leg. indignum esse , rempub , & f●●tunas civium ei committi qui alienis oculis uti crederetur . tit. li● ▪ lib. . prov. . . non omnia consilia cuncti● praesentibus tractari , aut occasionum velocitas patitur . tac. . hist. ne 〈◊〉 sententi● indig●●s videretur , i● diversa ac deterior● 〈◊〉 . tac. . ann . ezek. . . cry aloud , spare not , lift up thy voice like a trumpet , is● . . for every high priest taken from among men , is ordained for men in things appertaining to god , heb. . . behold i have put my words in thy mouth , ierem. . . i know thy works , and charity , and service , and faith , and thy patience , and thy works ; and the last to be more than the first . notwithstanding i have a few things against thee . revel . . . † l. . tit . . p. . sit annullus tuus , non ut vas aliquod , sed tanquam ipse tu ; no● minister alien● voluntatis , sed t●stis tuae . cicer. epist. . ad quint. fratrem . revel . . . ibid. ezek. . . ezek. . . † l. . ti● . p. . ‖ l. . ti● . . p. . neve tiberius vim principatus resolveret , ●unc●a ad senatum vocando , eam conditionem esse ●mperan●● , ut non aliter ratio const●t , quam si uni reddatur . tac. ann . for the transgression of a land , many are the princes thereof prov. . . and i will set up one sheph●rd over them . ez●● . . ● . nihil arduum videbat●r in ani●o principis , 〈◊〉 non judiciu● , non odium erat nisi indita & j●ssa . tac. . ann . is●● . . and the cook to●k up the shoulder , &c. sam. . . ezek. . . lm lxx . † kings . ips● n●q●e jub●nd● , neque vi●an●i pot●ns , non jam imperator , sed tantum 〈…〉 . t●c . h●st . non aedilis , aut praetoris , aut consulis partes sustineo , majus aliquod , & excelsius à principe postulatur . tac. . hist. et proximi senatus die , tiberius castigatis per literas oblique patribus , quod cunct● curarum ad principem rejicerent . tac. . ann . sanguinius maximus è consularibus oravit senatum ne curas imperatoris conquisitis insuper acerbitatibus augerent , sufficere ipsum statuendis remediis . tac. . ann . gen. . . inclinatio senatus incitamentum tiberio fuit , quo promptiùs 〈◊〉 saretur . tac. . ann . violentèr increpuit , velut coram rogit●● quid illi cum militibus , quos , neque dicta imperatoris , neque pr●mia , 〈◊〉 ab imperatore accipere par ●sset . tac. . ann . et honores ipse 〈◊〉 se tribuere , p●nas autem per ali●s magistratus , & judices irrog●● arist. lib. pol. c. . quo lo●o cens●bis caesa● ? si pri●us , habeo quod sequor : si post omnes , vereor nè imprudens dissentiam . tac . ann . exemit etian● drusum consule● designatum dicendae primo loco sententiae , quod alii ci●ile reb●ntur , nè 〈…〉 fieret . tac. . ann . sed quod in cjusmodi rebus accidit , consili●m ab omnibus dat●● est , periculum pauci sensere . nec patrum cognitionibus satiatus , iudiciis adsidebat in co●nu tribunalis . tac. . ann . * l. . tit . . p. . and all israel h●ard of the judgment which the king had judged , and they feared the king : for they saw that the wisdom of god was in him to do ●udgment , kin. . now make us a king to judge us like all the nations , sam. . . a king that sitteth in the throne of judgment , sca●●ereth away all evil with his eyes , prov. . . psalm . . sam. . . isa. . . opes publicae continebantur , quantum civium , sociorumque in ●●mis , quot classes , regna , provinciae , tributa & necessitates , ac largiti●nes , quae cuncta sua manu perscripserat augustus . tac. . ann . est senatori necessarium nosse rempub. quàm latè p●tet , quid habeat militum , quid valeat aerarium , quo● socios resp. habeat , quos amicos , quos ●ipendiarios , qua quisque sit lege , conditione , foedere , &c. cicero . velle pecuniis excellere tyrannicum , h●noribus vero magis regium . arist. po● . lib. . itaque monarchas , non ut sibi vendicent monarchiam , invadunt , s●d ut famam & gloriam adipiscantur . arist. pol. . cap. . * ennius . ut quicquid sine detrimento accommodari possit id tribuatur velignoto . cicero . † mar. hist. hisp. illo in corpore decus owne cheruscorum , illius consilia gesta , quae prosper● ce●id●rint testa●atur . tac. . ann . nam quod domino in monte demorante , & ipsis cum turba resid● tibus quid●m tepor eorum fidem retardaverat . hilar. cap. . sup. matth and i brought him to thy disciples and they could not cu● him , matth. . . caeterum anxius invidia , & mulieb●e fastigium in diminutionem sui ●ccipiens , ne lictorem qui●●em ei decern● 〈◊〉 tac. . ann . tum verò aequari adolescentes senectae suae , uis hoentèr indoluit . tac. . ann . vanescit augusti honor , si promis● noribus vulg●tur . tac. . ann . test●dinem , ubi collecta in suum tegmen est , tutam ad omnes 〈◊〉 esse , ubi exerit partes aliquas , quodcunque nudavit obnoxium at que i● mum habere cic et sua retinere privatae domus , alienis ce●●● regiam laudem esse . tac. . ann . suam quisque fortunam in 〈◊〉 ●●lio habeat , cum de ●lieno deliberat . curtius . quibus nova & ancipitia praecolere avida , & plerumque fallax 〈◊〉 est . tac. . ann . vetus , & jampridem insita mortalibus 〈◊〉 cupido , cum imperii magnitudine adolevit erupitque . tac. ▪ 〈◊〉 et quae ab exiguis profecta initiis ●o ●reverit , ut j●m magni●●ine laboraret sua . liv. lib. . addideratque consilium coercendi in●● terminos imperii . tac. ann . i●pone felicitati tu● fraena , faci●● reges . curti● , fa●ilius est qu●dam vincere quam tenere . curt. fortunam 〈…〉 invenies quam retineas publ. fortunam tuam pressis manibus tene , lubrica . curtius : anceps & operosa nimis est mutatio , quae subitò & cum qu●● violentiâ suscipitur ; facilior autem quae sensim & paulatim de . li●● fit . arist. . pol. sed populum per tot annos mollitèr habi● nondum audebat ad duriora vertere . tac. . ann . 〈◊〉 veterem disciplinam , atque ita quatuordecim annis à nerone 〈◊〉 , ut haud minus vitia principis amarent , quam olim virtutes 〈◊〉 rabantur . tac. hist. . non minus negotii est remp. 〈◊〉 quam ab initi●●onstituere . arist. . pol. cap. . s●m . . . kings . . ubi famae inserviret , 〈◊〉 in novis c●ptis validissima est . tac. . ann . non ignarus instandum fa●●ae , & prout prima ●essissent , fore universa . tac. in vit . agr. cur abstinuerit spectaculo ipse , variè trahebant ; ali● taedio caetus , ●●id●m tristitia ingenii , & met● comparationis , quia augustu● comi●er ●●●fuisset . tac. . ann . tum formam futuri principatus pr●scripsit , ca maximè declin●● , querum recens flagrabat invidia . tac. . ann . sed prompti adius , obvia comitas , ignotae parthis vertutes , nova vitia . tac. . ann . quod hic prima ab infantia instituta . & cultum armeniorum 〈◊〉 latus , venatu , epulis , & quae alia barbari celebrant proceres , plebem●● juxta devinxerat . tac. . ann . novum imperium inchoanti●● utilis clementia . tac. . hist. † mar. hist. hisp. laudatorum principum usu● ex aequo , quamvis prout agentibus , s●vi proximis ingr●nt . tac. . hist. sam. . . egregium vita , famaque quoad privatus , vel in imperiis sub augusto fuit . tac. . ann . major privato visus , dum privatus fuit . tac. . hist. non parcit populis regnum breve . statius . difficilius est temperare felicitati , qua te non putes di● us●rum . tac. . ann . si immensum imperii corpus starè , ac librari sine rectore posset , dignus eram à quo respub . inciperet . tac. . hist. prima dominandi spes in arduo ; ubi sis ingressus , adsunt studia & ministri . tac. . ann . magna cum invidia novi principatus , cuju●●oc primum specimen nosce●atur . tac. . hist. nemo enim unquam imperium flagitio quaesitum , bonis artibus exercuit . tac. . hist. simul reputans non posse principatum scelere quaesitum , subita modestia & prisca gravitate retineri . tac. . hist. nono decimo caesar octavianus civilia bella sustinuit . tac. . ann . mansisse , c●s●re augusto victore , imperium . tac. . hist. lepidi atque antonii arma in augustum cessere . tac. . ann . cuncta discordiis civilibus fess● . ibid. nulla jam public● arma . ibid. nullo adversante cum ferocissimi per acies out proscriptione cecidissent . ibid. neque provincia illum rerum statum abnueb●nt , suspecto senatus populique imperio , ●ob certamina , potentiam & avaritiam magistratuum . ibid. non alitèr discordantis patriae remedium suisse quam ut ab uno regeretur . ibid. ad tuendam plebem tribunitio jure contentam . ibid. non regno tamen neque dictatura , sed principis nomine constitutam remp. ibid. eadem magistratibus vocabula , militem donis populum annona , cunctos dulcedine ●tii pellexit . ibid. multa antonio & multa lepido concessit . ibid. quanto quis servitio promptior , opibus & honoribus extollebatur . ibid. pauca admodum vi tractata , quo caeteris quies esset . ibid. augusto prompta ac profluens , quae decerat principem , eloqu●ntia fuit tac. . ann . ius apud cives , modestiam apud socios ibid. . ann . oh impudicitiam filiae & neptis , quas●urbe d●puli● , tac. . ann . in lect●s à divo augusto liberalitate decies sestertium duc●re u●orem , ●è clarissima familia extingueretur . primus augustus cognitionem , ●e famosis libellis , specie legis ejus tractavit &c. tac. . ann . sed ipse divus iulius , ipse divus augustus & tulêre ea , & reliquêre tac. . ann . urbem ipsam magnifico ornatu . tac. . ann . m●ri oceano , aut a●nibus longi●quis septum imperium . tac. . ann . regiones , provincias , classes , cuncta inter so co●●exa . ibid. novis ex rebus aucti tuta & pr●●●ntia quam vet●ra & periculosa mallent . ibid. quid aliud exitio lacedaemoniis & atheniensibus fuit , quamquam armis pollerent , nisi quod victos pro alienigenis arcebant ? et conditor noster r●mulus tantum s●pientia valuit , ut plerosque populos , eodem die hostes , deind● cives habuit . tac. . ann . eadem magistratuum vocabula . tac. . ann . sed tiborius vim principatus , sibi firmans , imaginem antiquitatis senatui praebebat . tac. . ann . non omnia statim , uti decretum erat , executus est , veritus , nè parum succederet si simul homines transferre & invertere vellet , sed qu●dam extempore disposuit , quaedam rejicit in tempus . dion . eccles . . . idque adversus britanniam pro●iturum , si romana ubique arma , & velut è conspectu libertas tolleretur . tac. in vit . agric. quaedam ex regiis tributis diminuta , qu● mitius rom. imperi●● speraretur . tac. . ann . pa●em exu●re , nostrae magis avaritiae , quam obsequii impatientes . tac. . ann . quid 〈◊〉 , in modum deferre census , pati tributa adigebatur . tac. . ann . verba fuere pauca , & s●●su permodesto . tac. . ann . et minus sibi invidiam , adempta salutantium turb● , sublatisque inanibus● , vera potentia aug●ri . tac. . ann . apud qu●s vis imperii valet , inania transmit●untur . tac. . ann . validus alioqui spernendis honoribus . tac. . ann ▪ nomen patris patriae tiberi●● à popul● saepius ingestum , repudi● vit . tac. . ann . c●ncta mortalium incerta , quantoque plus ad●●tus sere● , tant● se magis in lubrico dictitans . tac. . ann . nec enim in melius verti , nec diu sistere valent , reliquum est , ●t 〈◊〉 deterius dilabantur . hippoc. qui causam esse tradit , quod nihil perpetuò maneat ▪ sed omnia motu qu●dam orbicular : mutentur . arist. . pol. naturales esse convers●●●es rerumpub . cic. lib. . de nar . deor. regum majestatem dissi●ilius à summo fastigio ad medium detra●i , quam a mediis ad ima prae●ipitari . livius . fati maligna , perpetuaque in ommbus rebus lex est , ●t ad summum perducta , rursus ad infimum velocius quidem quam ascen●erunt , relabantur . seneca . ego ita comperi omma regna civit●tes ▪ nationesque usque eo prosp●● imperium habu●sse , dum apud eos vera consilia valuerunt ; ubicunque gr●● timor voluptas ●a corrupt●re , post paulo imm●nut● opes , deinde 〈◊〉 in perium , postremè servitus imposita est . sallust . numb . . . honor quoque quant●● valeat , & quomodo sit causa seditionis 〈◊〉 est arist. . pol. c. . et multae conspirationes , & invasio●s in monarchas propter pudendas contumelias , in corpus illatas fact● sunt . arist. . pol. l. . prop●er contemp●um etiam seditiones conspirat●●●qu● f●●n● a●●st . . pol. c. . * l. . tit . . lib. . recop . non multitudo qu●dem gravit● fert inaequalitatem patrimoniorum , praestantes autem honorum inaequalitatem . arist. lib. . po● . c. . nam homines tum quod ipsi inhonorati fiunt inovent seditiones , tum quod alios videant in honore . arist. . pol. . gen. . . sam. . . cum enim multitudo in●pum est in civitate , eademque ab honoribus exclusa , necesse est eam civitatem plenam hostium reipub arist. lib. . pol. c. . honori incumbit , tam ignarus quam bonus . arist. . pol. . * mar. hist. hisp. insuper seditiones oriuntur , non solum ob patrimoniorum , verum etiam ob honorum inaequalitatem . arist. lib. . pol. . sed illud primum omnium dubitar● non potest , quin cognitis iis quae reipub interitum important , ea quoque quae salutem afferunt , intelligantur . arist. lib. . pol. cap. . 〈…〉 diora sunt remedia quam mala . tac. in vit . agr. ezek. . . attamen quantum sine bello dabatur , revocare priscum morem , exercitare legiones cura provisus agere , p●rinde acsi hostis ingrueret . tac. . ann . aliae ●yrannides ex regibus , qui moribus institutisque majorum violatis , imperia magis concupierunt . arist. pol. . cap. . nam si 〈◊〉 volentibus imperet , protinus desinit ●sse reg●um . arist. . pol. cap. . omnium consensu c●pax imperii , ●isi imperasset . tac. . hist. jerem. . . illud clarum te●tatumque exemplis est , quod homines felicitatem assequantur be●ignitate in alios , & bona de se opinione , iidem cum adepti , qu●e voluerant , ad injurias & impotenti●n in imperiis dilabuntur , fit meritissimo , ut una cum imperantium mutatione , ●psi sub●iti se & affectus mutent polyb. qui occuparunt imperia , eo●um plerique eadem retinu●runt , qui vero tradita ab aliis accepere , hi statim fer● omnes amiserunt . arist. . pol. . eccles. . . conservantur etiam respub . non solum , qui● procu● sunt ab iis , ●uae interitum aff●runt , sed etiam , quia prope sunt , nam timor intentiore cur● r●i●ab , consul●re c●gis . arist. . pol. cap. . ibid. * l. . tit . . p. . † ma●● . kings . . neque nervum intendit , neque remittit ultra modum , nè harmi●●iae consensum laedat . chrysost. tu vero , inquit , siquid in te artis est , it a compone do●num meam , ut quicquid again , ab omnibus perspici possit . vell. pat lib. . judith . . . taciturnitas optimum atque tutissimum rerum administrandarum vinculum val. max. l. . c. . micah . . . quod maximum uxori martlae aperuisse , illam liviae . tac. . ann . nihil ex iis caesari incognitum ; consilia , locos , prompta multa noverat , astusque hostium in perniciem ipsis vertebat . tac. . ann . ni arcana domus , ne consilia amicorum , ne ministeri● militum vulgarentur . tac. . ann . jud. . ● ibid. prov. . . major è longinquis reverentia . tac. . ann . exod. . . exod . . * l. . tit . . lib. . re●op . n● ali●ni regni , quod non convenit , scrutentur arcana . l. m●rcato●es c de commer . tib●rioque etiam in rebus , quas non occuleret , seu natura , sive adsuetudine suspensa semper , obscur● semper : tunc vero nitenti ut sensus suos abderet tac. . ann . luk. . . si tam in nostra potestate esset oblivisci quam tacere . tac. in vit . agric. psal. . . at agrippinae is pavor , ea consternatio mentis ▪ quamvis vultu premeretur emi●uit . tac. . ann . anne omnium oculis vultum eorum scrutantibus salli inteliigerentur . tac. . ann . atque ipse moestus & magnae cogitationis manisestus erat , quamvis laetitiam vagis sermonibus simularet . tac. ● . ann . octavia quoque quamvis rudibus annis omnes affectus abscondere didicerat . tac. . ann . factus natura , & consuetudine exercitu● , vel●re odium fallacibus blanditiis . tac. . ann . eccles. . . agrippinae quoque proximi inliciebantur pravis sermonibus tumidos spiritus perstimulare . tac. . ann . audita haec raram occulti pectoris vocem elicuit correptamque graeco versu admonuit , ideo laedi quia non regnaret . tac. . ann . postea cognitum est ad introspiciendas etiam procerum v●luntates , inductam dubita●ionem . tac. . ann . tac. . ann . crebris interrogationibus exquirit , qualem piso diem supre●●● noctemque exegisset , atque illo pleraque sapientèr , quaedam inconsultius resp●●dente . tac. . ann . perculsus improvisa interrogatione paululum reticuit . tac. . ann . etenim vultu offensionem conjectaverat . ibid. non temperante tiberio quin premeret voce ; vultu , ●ò quod ipse ●reberrimè interrogabat : neque ▪ refellere aut eludere dabatur ; ac saepe etiam confitendum erat nè frustra quesivisset . tac. . ann . crebr● ipsius sermne fact● fides . tac. . ann . tac. . ann . * ld. roscom . hor. art poet. nec enim ad hanc forman caetera erant . tac. . ann . * tass. cant . . mihi prora & puppis , ut gr●ecorum proverbium est , fuit à me tui dimittendi ut rationes meas explicares ; prora itaque & pupp● summam consilii nostri significamus ; propterea quod à prora & puppi , tanquam à capite , & calce pendeat totan●vis . cicero . acribus ut ferme tali● initiis , incuri●so fine . tac. . ann . omnes qui magnarum rerum consilia suscipiunt , astimare debent , an quod inchoatur reip. utile , ipsis glorios●m . aut pr●mptum effectu , aut certè non ●rduum sit , simul ipse qui ●uadet considerandus est adjiciatne consilio periculum suum : et si fortuna coeptis fuerit cu● s●mmum decus acquiratur . tac. . hist. nam saepe honest●s rerum causas , ni judicium adhibeas , pernic●●● exitus c●nsequuntur . tac. . hist projectus in limine portae , miseratione demum , quia per corpus legati eundum erat , clausit viam . tac. . an . * mar. hist. hisp. eccles. . . dan. . . priusquam incipias , censulito , & ubi cons●lueris mature facto opus ●st : ita utrumque per se indigens alter al●●●ius auxilio viget . sallust . nullus cun●●ationi 〈◊〉 est in eo co●●●lie , quod non p●test laudari , nisi peractum , tac. . hist barbaris 〈…〉 ; statim exequi regium videtur ▪ tac. ann . quo plus virium ac roboris , è fiducia tarditas inerat , tac. . hist et motus temporum obtinuit , ut quod segnities erat , sapienti● voca●etur . tac. . hist agendo , audendoque res romana crevit , 〈◊〉 hic signibus consiliis , quae timidi ●●uta voc●nt . tit. liv. potenti●● cautis , quam acrioribus consiliis tutius haberi . tac. . ann . eludi parthus tractu belli poterat , si paeto aut in suis , ●ut in 〈◊〉 consiliis constantia fuisset . tac. . ann . vir ea ratione fiet 〈◊〉 : si in deliberando quidem cunctetur , & praetim●●t quicquid potest 〈◊〉 , in agendo autem ●●nfidat . herod . in principio enim peccatur ; principium autem dicitur dimidium t●tius , itaque parvum in principio erratum correspondens est ad alias partes . arist. pol. lib. . cap. . cum fieri non possit , ut si in primo , atque principio peccatum fu●rit , non ad extremum malum aliquod evadat . arist. pol. . cap. . * marian. hist. hisp. lib. . cap. . ferox scelerum , & quia prima provenerant , volutare secum , quonam modo germa●i liberos perverteret . tac. . ann . * claud. † seneca . usu probatum est p. c. leges egregias , ●●●pta honesta , apud bonos ex delictis aliorum gigni , tac. . ann . gen. . . instruunt patriarch● , non solum docentes , sed etiam errantes . a●b lib. 〈◊〉 de a●● . c. . non d●bet reprehensibile judicari , si secundam varietatem temporum , statu●a qundoque varientur humana , p●s●●t●m cam urg●ns n●●●ssitas , vel evidens utilitas id exposuit . cap. non deber de cons. & a●● . hest. . . literas ad usum saltem discebant , reliqua omnis disciplina erat , ut pulchrè parerent , ut labores perferrent , ut in pugna vincerent . plutar. patres valere decet consilio , populo supervacanea calliditas est . sallust . ne nimia religionum diversitas grav●m in ecclesia dei confusionem i●ducat firmiter prohibemus , nequis de c●ter● novam religionem inven●at , &c. conc. later . ostendite populo romano divi augusti neptem , eandemque conjuge●● meam , numerate sex liberos . tac . ann . nulli ante romanoru●● ejusdem fastigii viro g●●inam stirpem editam . tac. . ann . cum ampliari imperium ●ominum add●●●iion● potiùs , quam pecuniarum copi● malim . prov. . . ne clarissima familia extingueretur . tac. . ann . dotem no● uxor marito , sed uxori maritus affert . tac. de mor. germ. statuit virgines sine dote nubere : jussit uxores eligerentur , non pecunia . trog . lib. . quare qui inquilinos & advenas antehac in civitatem receperunt , ●i magna ex parte seditionibus jactati sunt . arist. ● . . pol. c. ▪ kings . . fuit proprium pop. rom. longe à dom● bellare , & propugnaculum imperii sociorum fortunas , ●on sua tecta defendere . cic. pro leg . man. dei●d● neque dum annibal in italia moraretur , nec proximis post excessum ejus annis vacavit romanis colonias ●●ndere , cum esset in bello conquirendus potius miles , & post bellum vires ref●ve●dae , potius quam spergendae , vell. lib . in legibus gracch● inter perniciosissima num●raverim , quod extra italiam coloni●s posuit , vell. lib. ● . invenim●● enim quia populatim provinci● suis habitatoribus spolr●●●● : magno vero haec nostra civitas populos● est , turbis diversor●●● h●minum , & maxima agricolarum suas civitates & culturas relinquentiam , auth de quaest. iniquum est enim ut de una substantia , qu●bus competit . aequa successio . alii abundantèr affuant , alii paupert ati● r●comm●d●●●gemiscunt cass. lib. . epist . commodum est etiam , 〈…〉 donati●●e sed jure cognitionis tradantur , arist l. . pol. exod. . ● . exod. . . exod. . . jerem. . * l. . ti● . . p. . alitèr utimur propriis . alitèr commodatis quint. de orat. ezek. . . john . . principes mortales , rempub. aeternam esse , tac. . ann . * lib. . tit . . p. . neque quies gentium sine armis neque arma sine stipendiis , neque stipendia sine tributis haberi queunt , tac. . hist. diss●lution●m imperii docendo , si fructus quibus resp. sustinetur 〈◊〉 , tac. . ann . † mar. hist. hisp. lib. . cap. . tibi summum rerum judicium dii dedere : nobis obs●quii gl●●ia relict● est , tac. . ann . sam. . . vide. * ut nec incauta exactio populos gravet , nec indiscreta r●missio statum gentis fociat deperire , concil . tol xiii . sam. . . ferocissimo quoque adsumpto , aut quibus ob egestatem , ac metum ex flagitiis maxima peccandi necessitudo , tac. . ann sam. . . gen. . . necissitate arm●rum excusorta , etiam in pace mau●er● , tac. . ann . plerumque accidit , ut quae provinciae pecuniae parcendo , ●mota pericula contemnunt incumbentibus demum malis , desperat● s●pe remedio graviora sentiant detrim●nta , paul. jov. isa. . vid. portus nostros navis veniens non paveseat , ut certum nautis possit esse naufragium , si manus non incurrere●t exigentium : quos frequenter plus affligunt damna , quam solent naufragia , cassiod . lib. . ep. . ne provinciae nobis oneribus turbarentur , utque vetera sin● a varitia , ●ut crudelitate magistratuum tolerarent , tac. lib. . ann . ezek. . . ibid. ibid. ver . . ibid. ver . . ibid. ver . . ezek. . . quid ? lapidum causa pecuniae nostra ● hostiles gentes transferuntur . tac. . annal. king. . . psalm . . isai. . prov. . . isai. . . king. . . ibid. ver . . sed nihil aqu● fatigabat , quam pecuniarum conquisitio ; eos esse belli civilis nervos dictitans , tac. . hist. melius publicas opes à privatis haberi , quam intra unum claustrum asservari . eutrop. penes quos aurum , & opes praecipuae bellorum causae . tacit. . hist. male e●iam circa pecunias publicas constitutum est apud ill●s , quia neque in publi●o habent quicquam , & magna bella gerere coacti , pecunias agre con●erunt . arist. l. . c. . pol. privato usui bonum publicum postponitur . tac. . annal. * st. august . lib. . de civ . dei , cap. . † lib. . ode . prov. . . * dryden ' s virgil. maxima pars hominum è terra vivit & fructibus . aristor . polit. lib. . c. . et divitiarum expectatio inter causas paupertatis publicae erat . tac. . annal. at hercule nemo refert , quod italia extern●e opis indiget ; quòd vita populi romani per incerta maris & tempestatum quotidie vivitur . tac. . annal. * tasso . s●epe enim de facultatibus suis amplius quam in his est , sperant homines . justin. instit. quibus ex causis man. § in fraudem . vires luxu corrumpebantur , contra veterem disciplinam , & instituta majorum , apud quos virtute , quam pecunia res rom. melius stetit . tac. . hist. vt ratio quaestuum , & necessitas erogationum inter se congruerent . tac. . annal. baruch . . a domesticis volumus inchoare disciplinam , ut reliquos pudea● errare , quando nostris cognoscimur excedendi licentiam non praebere . cas. lib. . ep . . da operam ut impensae t●ae moderat● sint , & rationi consentaneae . bell. in vit. s. lud. multa scribo non tam ut saeculo meo prosim , cujus jam despera●● miseria est , quàm ut meipsum conceptis exonerem , & animum script●● soler . petrarch . * lucan . exod. . . vnum esse reip. corpus atque unius animo regendum . tac. . annal. quanquam arduum sit , eodem loci potenti●●● & concordiam esse . tac. . annal. * mar. hist. hisp. l. . c. . * mat. hist. hisp. l. . c. . † mar. hist. hisp. l. . c. . * mar. hist. hisp. l. . c. . chron. . . minori discrimine sumi principem quàm quaeri . tac. . hist. * mar. hist. hisp. l. . . gen. . . prov. . . non gaudent martyres , quando exillis pecuniis honorantur , in quibus pauperes plorant . st. chrysoft sup . matth. oportere dividi sacros & negotiosos dies , quibus divi●a colerentur , & humana non impedirent . tac. . annal. nostram omnem vitam , in remissionem atque studium esse divis●● ▪ plat. de lib. educat . otium enim tum ad virtutes generandas , 〈…〉 civilia munera obeunda requiru●●tur . arist. pol. l. . c. . nascitur ex assiduitate laborum animorum hebetatio quaedam , & l●nguor . senec. de tranquil . anim. cum inter suos convivaretur , 〈◊〉 vlpianum , aut doctos homines adhibebat , ut habere fabulas literatas , 〈◊〉 se recreari dicebat & pasci . lamp. in vit. alex. sev. co●ceius nerva , cui legum peritia : eques romanus , praeter sejanum , & illustribus curtius atticus ; ●aeteri liberalibus artibus praediti fer●● graeci , quorum sermonibus levaretur . tac. . annal. accitis in convivium peritis ad risum commovendum hominibus , 〈◊〉 omnium non risisse , post autem inducta simia in risum solutum , dixisse , natura id animal ridiculum , hominem autem arte , & studio eoque pa●●● honesto . athen. l. . satis onerum principibus , satis etiam potentiae . tac. . annal. impera , ut liberos cit●aram pulsare , psallere , cauponari doceant , & 〈◊〉 comperies , o rex , viros in mulieres degenerasse , nihilque metuendum , 〈◊〉 rebelles ● te unquam desciscant . herod . lib. idque apud 〈◊〉 ritos humanitas vocabatur , cum pars servitutis esset . tac. in vit. agr. instituta cultumque patrium resumite , abruptis voluptatibus qui●● romani plus adversus subjectos , quam armis valent . tac. . hist. item vivere ut quisque velit permissio , quoniam sic magna erit tali reip. faventium multitudo , ●●am vulgo dissoluta gratior est quam temperata vita . arist. . pol. . ex parvis orta seditione de rebus magnis dissidetur . arist. l. . pol. cap. primis eventibus metum ac fiduciam gigni . tac. l. . annal. vi ne militum servum suum coërceret , an inanem credulitatem tempore ipso vanescere sinere● , modò nihil spernendum , modò omnia metuend● , ambiguus pudoris a● metus reputabat . tac. . annal. initia bellorum civilium fortunae permittenda , victoriam consiliis & ratione perfici . tac. ● hist. vtendum inclinatione e● caesar , & quae casus obtulerat , in sapientiam vertenda ratus . tac. . annal. nihil in vulgo modicum : terrere ni paveant , ubi pertimuerint impunè contemni . tac. . annal. * lucan . † virg. in georg. tyronem à ve●erano , legionem à legione dissociant . ta● . . annal. longis spatiis discreti exercitus , quod saluberrimum est ad ●ontinendam ●ilitarem fidem , ne vitiis nec viribus mis●ebantur . tac. . hist. quod in seditionibus accidit , unde plures ●rant , omnes fuere . tac. . hist. dux ad solvendam militum conspirationem alterum in alterum concitat . s. chrysost. remedium tumultus fuit alius tumultus . tac. . hist. divus augustus vultu & aspectu actiacas legione● exterruit . tac. . annal. illi quoties oculos ad multitudinem retulerant vocibus trucul●●●●●repere , rursum viso caesare trepidare . tac. . annal. res●st●●●●esque germanico & druso , posse à se mitigari , vel infringi : quod aliud s●●sidium si imperatorem sprevissent ? tac. . annal. habet aliquid ex iniquo omne magnum exemplum , quod contra 〈◊〉 utilitate publica rependitur . tac. . annal. gaudebat cae●●●●s miles , tanquam semet absolvere● . tac. . annal. nihil ●●●ci patientia , nisi ut graviora , tanquam ex facil tolerantibus imperen●●● . tac. in vit. agr. et flaccus multa concedendo , nihil aliud 〈◊〉 , qu●m ut acrius exposc●rent , quae sci●bant negaturum . tac. . annal. superior exercitus legatum hordenium flaccum spernebat . tac. . hist. nec caesar ar●ebat , quando nihil ipsius jussu , penes ●osd●● saevitia facti & invidia ●rat . tac . annal. fit temerit●●●● alienae comes spurinna , primo coactus , mox velle simulans , quo plus aucto●itat●● inesse● consiliis , si seditio mitescere● . tac. . hist. neque 〈◊〉 glis●entis discordiae remedium , quàm si unus alt●●ve maximè prompti subverterent●r . tac. . annal. nihil ausuram plebem principibus amot●● . tac. . annal. nam periander caduceatori , per quem thrasybulus consilium ejus exquirebat , nihil respondisse fertur , sed s●icis eminentibus sublatis segetem ad●quasse . arist. pol. . c. . e● oratio ad perstringendos mulcendosque militum animos , severitatis modus ( neque enim in plures quàm in duos animadverti jusserat ) gratè accepta , compositique ad praesens , qui coerceri non poterant . tac. . hist. et dum mali pavent , optimu●●●isque jussis paruere . tac. . hist. haud peri●de germanos vul●era , luctus , excidia , quàm ea species dolore & ira adfecit . tacit. . annal. iulius igitur civilis periculo exemptus praepotens inter bata●●s , ne supplicio ejus ferox gens alienaretur . tac. . hist. quo minor spes veniae , cresceret vinculum sceleris , tac. . hist. tac. . hist. sed vires ad coercendum deerant , in frequentibus infidisque legionibus , &c. tac. . hist. nihil spei , nisi per discordias habeant . tac. . annal. nihil in discordiis civilibus festinatione tuti●s , ●●i facto magìs , quam con●ulto opus est . tac. . hist. pergit properus & pra●veniens inimico●um actus , amicorum ●●●●ite●tiam . tac. . annal. paul. ad gal. . . quippe i● turbis & discordiis pessimo cuique plurima vis . tac. . hist. civilibus bellis plus militibus quam ducibus licere . tac. . hist. vn● ac ca vetus causa bellandi , profunda libido imperii , & d●●●tiarum . sal. in cons. catil . iam. . . chron. . . sam. . . video serrum ex iisdem tenebris esse prolatum , quibus a●rum & argentum , ne aut instrumentum in caedes mutuas deesset , aut pretium . senec. nam cum duo sint genera disceptandi , unum per disceptationem , alter●● per vim , cumque illud proprium sit hominis , hoc belluarum , confugiendum e●● ad posterius , si ●ti non licet superiori . cicero . * l. . tt . . p. . castrensis jurisdictio secura , & obtusior , & plura manu agens , calliditatem fori non exerceat . tac. in vit. agric. sumi bellum etiam ab ignavis , tenu●ssimi cujusque periculum geri . tac. . annal. pa●em habere debet voluntas , bell●m necessi●●s . de august . epist. . tom. . tac. . annal. for they have sown the wind , and reap'd the whirlwind . h●sea . . isai. . . ezek. . . ier. . . ier. . . . . ier. . . isai. . . isai. . . exod. . . data est moysi authoritas , & potest●● , 〈◊〉 vel●t deus pharaontem ●erreret , puniret . hil. l. . de trin. mac. . . isai. . . ibid. ezek. . . pro● . . . sapientibus quietis & reip. curae : levissimus quisque , & futuri imp●ovidus spe vana tumens . tac. . hist. perniciem aliis , ac postremum sibi invenere . tac. . annal. vt cuique erat , criminando , quod facillimum factu est , prav●s & callidus , bonos & modestos anteibat . tac. . hist. praefectur●● vigilum , & praetorii , & alia praemia virtutum velocius vitiis adeptus . tac. . hist. inter stupra concubinarum , & oscula , & deforme● mores , sectis novacula faeucibus , infamem vitam foedavit , etiam exi●u se●● & inhonesto . tac. . hist. and the sons of aaron the priest shall blow with the trumpets , and they shall be for an ordinance for ever to you , throughout your generations . numb . . . in turb●s & discordi●s pess●mo cuique plurima vis . tac. . hist. * mar. hist. hisp. discesser●ntque opertis odiis . tac. . an●al . * mar. hist. hisp. isai. . . prov. . . peractis tritsitia imitamentis . tac. . annal. periisse germanicum nulli jact antius moerent , quam qui maxime laetantur . tac. . annal. * may's version of lucan . prov. . . psal. . . nec ideo sincerae charitatis fidem adsecutus , amoliri juvenem specie ho●oris statuit , struxitque caus●s , aut fortè oblatas a●ripuit . tac. . annal. tum agrippina ver●is artibus , per blandimenta juvenem aggredi , suum potiùs cubiculum ac sinum offerre contegendis , quae prima aetas , & summa fortuna expeterent . tac. . annal. quae muta●i● nequ● ner●nem fefellit , & proximi amicorum metuebant , orabantque caver● in●idis mulior is semper ●trocis , tum & falsae . tac. . annal. vt imperium evertant libertatem praeferunt : si impetraverint ipsam aggredientur . tac. . annal. caeterum libertas , & speciosa nomina praetexuntur , nec quisquam alienum servitium & dominationem sibi concupivit , ut non eadem ista vocabula usurparet . tac. . hist. speciosa verbis , re inania au● subdola : quantaque majore libertatis imagine ●egebantur , tanto eruptura ad infensius servitium . tac. . annal. ne cont●●aciam cum pernicie , quam obsequium cum securitate m●litis . tac. . hist ▪ dilecta ex his , & constituta reipub. forma laudari facilius quam evenire , vel si evenit , haud diuturna esse potest . tac. . annal. an neronem extremum dominorum putatis ? idem crediderunt , qui tiberio , qui caio superstites fuerunt : cum interim instabilior & saevior exortus est . tac. . hist. ferenda regum ingenia , neque usui crebraes mutationes . tac. . annal. vlteriora mirari , praesenti● sequi , bonos imperatores voto expetere , qualescunque tolerare . tac. . hist. ier. . . quomodo sterilitatem , aut nimios imbres , & ●aetera naturae mala , ita luxuriam vel avaritiam dominantium tolerare . tac. . hist. vi●ia erunt , donec homines . ibid. sed neque haec continua ; & meliorum interventu pensantur . ibid. * si me non vide●s esse negabis avem . mar● . inter aves ingenio , sa●●citateque praestat , quod grandi sit c●pite , atque in india coelo sincero 〈◊〉 , undè didicit non solum loqui , sed etiam meditari , meditatur ob st●dium gloriae . ●ardan . cum justè bellum suscipitur , ut aperte pugnet quis , aut ex insidiis , nihil ad iustitiam interest . d. aug. dolus an virtus quis in hoste requirat . virg. receive a stranger into thine house , and he will disturb thee , and turn thee out of thine own . eccles. . . ignarus militiae , improvidus con●ilii , quis ordo agminis , quae cura explorandi , quantus urgendo , trahendove bello modus . tac. hist. l. . and joshua sent out two men to spy secretly . ios. . . and the angel of god which went before the camp of israel , remov'd and went behind them ; and the pillar of the cloud went from before their face , and stood behind them . exod. . . send thou men , that they may search the land of canaan , which i give unto the children of israel . numb . . . timet , atque eum deficere omnia videntur , qui in ipso negotio ●●●silium capere cogitur . jul. caes. res nostrae feruntur , imo volvuntur ; ergo consilium sub die nasci debet ; & hoc quoque tardum est 〈◊〉 , sub manu , quod aiunt nascatur . seneca . omnia non properanti clara certaque sunt , festinatio improvida est & 〈◊〉 livy . scelera impetu , bona consilia morâ valescere solent . ●ac . l. . hist. festinare quodvis negotium gignit errores , ●nde 〈◊〉 detrimenta exoriri solent ; at in cunctando bona insunt , quae si non 〈◊〉 talia videantur , in tempore bona quis esse reperiat . herod . ips● 〈◊〉 cunctatione agendi tempora consultando consumpsit . taci● . sane cerealis parum temporis ad exequenda imperia dabat , 〈◊〉 consiliis , sed eventu clarus . tac. l. . hist. omnia inconsulti imp●●● caepta , initiis valida , spatio languescunt . tac. . hist. duces pr●videndo , consultando , curctatione saepius , quam temerita●e prodesse . idem ibid. iam castra in hostili loco moliebatur corbulo , acceptis tamen à 〈◊〉 imperatore literis , quibus se recipere jubebatur , re subita , quanquam 〈◊〉 simul offenderentur , metus ex imperatore , contemptus ex barbaris , 〈◊〉 brium apud socios ; nihil aliud prolocutus , quam ●eatos quos●am duces 〈◊〉 , fignum recep●ui dedit . tac. l. . annal. iussa principis magis , quam incerta belli metuens . tac. l. . annal. see the land what it is , and the people that dwell therein , whether they be strong or weak , few or many . numb . . . homines , qui frigida h●● , europamque habitant , sunt illi quidem 〈◊〉 . arist. l. . pol. c. . graecorum autem genus , ut locorum medium tenet , sic ex utr●q●● naturâ praeditum , quippe animo simul & intelligentia valet . arist. l. . pol. c. . advenientes enim externos benignè hospitio excipiunt , adeo u● aem●latione quadam invicem pro illorum honore certent : quos advenae sequ●ntur , hos laudant aemicosque deorum putant . diod. sicul. l. . c. . plus ibi bonos mores valere , quam alibi bonas leges . tac. de mor. ●●●●●norum . had the author liv'd longer , or not wrote so soon , he would have been of another opinion . natura enim quoddam hominum genus proclive est ut imperio herili gubernetur , aliud ut regio , aliud ut civili , & horum imperium cujusque aliud est jus , & alia commodit●s . arist. l. . pol. c. . isai. . . and king solomon made two hundred targets of beaten gold , six hundred sheckl●s of beaten gold went to each target : and he made three hundred shields of beaten gold , and three hundred sheckles went to one shield . chron. . , . hispanis militares e●● sanguine ipsorum cariores erant . trog quibus quidem vehiculi● 〈…〉 & spectatae probitatis , aliàs uti non licuit . alex. ab alexan● l. . c. . and the shield of his mighty men is made red na●um . . now when the sun shined upon the shields of gold and brass , the mountains glistered therewith , and shined like lamps of fire . macchab. . . psal. . . vestibus nihil inter aequales ●●ellens , arma a●que equi inspiciebantur . scuto frameaque juvenes ●●abant . haec apud illos toga , hic primus iuventae honos , ante hoc domus 〈◊〉 videbantur , mox reipublicae . tac. de mor. germ. supellex pretiosa nihil aliud quam onus & impedimentum . curt. l. . vrbem senatui , & populo romano , templa diis reddita , propri● esse militiae decus in armis . tac. l. . hist. ne terreat va●● aspectus , & auri fulgor atque argenti , quod neque regit neque vulner●● . tac. in vit. agric. * tass. can. . quod tenaciores eorum i● pretio essent metu damni . sueton. quidam luxuriosos apparatus conviviorum , & irritamenta libidinum , 〈◊〉 instrumenta belli mercarentur . tac. l. . hist. cui perfidiam 〈◊〉 , infringere exercitûs virtutem inter artes erat . tac. l. . hist. sed corbuloni plus molis adversus ignaviam militum , quàm contra per●●iam hostium erat . tac. l. . annal. degenerabat à labore ac virtute miles , assuetudine voluptatum & conviviorum . tac. l. . hist. legiones operum & laboris ignar●● , popul●tionibus laetantes , veterem ad morem reduxit . tac. l. . annal. veterani qui non stationem non vigilias inissent , vallum , fossamque quasi nova & mira viserent , sine galeis , sine loricis , nitidi , & quaestuo●● , militi● per oppida expietâ . tac. l. . annal. ●pse cultu levi , capite intecto , in agmine , in laboribus frequens adesse ; laudem strenu●● , solatium invalidis , exemplum omnibus o●tendere . ibid. remediu● severitate quae●i●um est . nec enim ut in aliis exercitibus , primum alterumqu● venia prosequebatur , sed qui signa reliq●erat , s●atim capite poenas luebat . idque usu salubre , & misericordia melius apparuit . quippe pauciores castr● deseru●re , quam ea in quibus ignoscebatur . ibid. * tass. can. . we will not pass through the fields nor through the vineyards , neither will we drink of the water of the wells . numb . . . disciplinam majorum rempublicam tenet , quae si dilabatur , & nomen romanum , & imperium amissum iri . alex. sever. apud lamprid. paucos viros fortes natura procreat , bona institutione plures reddit industria . veget. and the principal scribe of the army , who mustered the people of the land , &c. king. . . gen. . . ierem. . . centesimam rerum venalium post bella civilia institutam , deprecante populo , edixit tiberius militare ●rarium eo subsidio niti . tacit. ● . . annal. ita enim & tutelae civitatis instructae murorum praesidio providebitur , & instaurandi agonis voluptas , confirmatis his , qua ad securitatis cautionem spectant , in secuti temporis circuitus circuitione repraesentabit . l. unica c. de expen . publ. l. . civitates magna ex parte bellum gerentes conservantur , caedem i●per●o potitae corrumpuntur . aristot. l. . polit. c. . metus hostilis in bonis artibus civitatem retinebat . salust . whose arrows are sharp , and all their bows bent : their horses hoofs shall be counted like ●lints . isai. . . timens infirmis animis hostem securitatem , & tanquam pupilli● 〈◊〉 idoneum tutorem necessarium videns e●se terrorem . mar. hist. hisp. nam pacem agentes , tanquam ferrum , splendorem amittunt . arist. l. . polit. c. . vetus 〈◊〉 jam pridem in●ita mortalibus potentiae cupido , cum 〈◊〉 per●i magnitudine adolevit , erupitque . nam rebus modicis , aequalitas fa●●● habeb●tur , sed ubi subacto orbe , & aemulis vrbibus regibusque excisi● s● cu●as opes concupiscere vacuum fuit , prima inter patres plebemque 〈◊〉 mina exarsere . arist. l. . pol. c. . decessu romanorum , 〈◊〉 vacui externo metu gentis assuetudine , & tum aemulatione gloriae arma in se verterant . tac. l. . hist pacem sine dubio post haec verum cruent●● . tac. l. . annal. cherusci nimiam ac marcentem diu pacem illacessui nutrierunt , idque ju●undius quam tutius fuit . tac. de mor. roman . multa quae natura impedita erant , c●nsi●io expediebat . livy , dec. . wisd. . . eccl. . * a city of spain , now call'd morvedre . † eurip. se novies à divo augusto in germaniam missum , plu●a consilio , qu●● vi perfe●isse . tacit. l. . annal. consiliis & astu , exter●as res ●●liend●s , arma procul habenda . non omnia viribus superantur , non velacitate , non celeritate , sed corilio & sententia . c●cero . mar. hist. hisp. pleraque in summa fortuna auspiciis & consiliis , magis quam ●elis & ●●nibus geri solent . tac. annal. neutralitas nec amicos pa●it , nec inimicos tollit . polyb. romanos 〈◊〉 socios habere oportuit , aut hostes , media via null● est . aristodem . periculosa severitas , flagitiosa l●rgitio : seu nihil militi , seu omnia concedereniur in ancipiti republica . tac. . annal. satis superque missione , & pecunia & mollibus consul●is peccatum . id. ibid. al●i fortioribus remediis agendum , nihil in vulgo modicum : terrere ni paveam , ubi pertimuerint , impunè contemni . tac. . annal. mox utrumque consilium aspernatur , quod inter ancipitia deterrimum est , dum media se quitur , nec ausus est satis , nec providit . id. l. . hist. neque enim hic , aut in caeteris gentibus , quae regnantur , certa dominorum domus , & caeteri servi : sed im●eraturus es hominibus , qui ne●●otam servitutem pati possunt , nec totam libertatem . tac. l. . hist. maluit videri invenisse bonos quam fecisse . tacit. in vit. agric. laudamus veteres , praesentes carpimus annos . nocuit antiqu●s rigor , & nimia severitas , cui pares non sumus . tac. l. . hist. eccles. . . this opinion was embraced and maint●i●ed by copernicus , rheticus , rothmannus , kepler , galilaeus , des cartes , and gassendus , by whom all arguments to the contrary are fully answer'd . velocissimi sideris more , omnia invisere , omnia au●ire . plin. jun. psal. . rise , take up thy bed and walk . iohn . . for an angel went down at a certain season , and troubled the water . ibid. . give ear , you that rule the people , &c. wisd. . . ibid. ver . . and the spirit of the lord shall rest upon him , the spirit of wisdom and understanding , the spirit of counsel and might , the spirit of knowledge , and of the fear of the lord. isai. . . and i will set up shepherds over them , which shall feed them , and they shall fear no more , &c. jer. . . and thou ●●alt anoint him to be a captain over my people i●rael . sam. . . rex enim dux erat in bello . arist. l. . pol. c. . nay , but we will have a king over us ; that we also may be like all the ●●tions , and that our king may judge us , and go out before us , and ●●ght our battels , sam. . , . mevero , inquit , praesentem , 〈◊〉 multis navibus comparas . plut. in ep●ph . ego qui nihil 〈◊〉 unquam praecepi , quin primus me periculis obtulerim , qui saepe cive● 〈◊〉 cl●peo texi . curt. l . nemo vestrum est , cujus non idem ego spectator & testis , notata temporibus locisque referre possim decora . liv. dec. l. . * tass. cant. . in cujus manu tot legiones , immensa sociorum auxilia , mirus apud populum favor , habere imperium quàm expectare mallet . tac. l. . annal. divus iulius seditionem exercitus verbo uno compescuit . quirites ●●cando , qui sacramentum ejus detrectabant . divus augustus vultu & aspect● actiacas legiones exterruit . tac. l. . hist. neque decorum pri●cipibus , si una ●lterave civitas , omissa urbe , unde in om●ia regimen . tac. l. . annal. s●m . . , . * claud. ne nova molire●ur , nisi ●ioribus firmatis . tac. annal. l. . † claud. ipse lugduni vim fortunamque principatus è proximo ostenta●●● , nec parvis periculis mixtus , & majoribus non defuturus . tac. hist. l. . postquam pugnari placitum , interesse pugnae imperatorem , an se●●● melius foret , dubitavere . paulino & celso non adversantibus , ne pr●●cipem objectare periculis viderentur ; iidem illi deterioris consilii perpul●●● , ut brixellum conderet , ac dubiis praeliorum exemptus , summae rerum & ●●perii seipsum reservaret . tac. hist. l. . * lucan . nullum nunc in is●a occaaione deliberandi tempus est , aliquid 〈◊〉 permittendum . mar. hist. hisp. l. . c. . fortuna in sapient●●● cessit . tac ▪ de mor. germ. when he lift up his hand with the stone in his sling , and beat down the boasting goliah eccles. . . pleraque in summa ●●●una , auspiciis & consiliis potius quam telis ac manibus geruntur . tac. annal. l. . affuit ut saepe aliàs fortuna populi romani 〈◊〉 oriente . tac. hist. l. . struebat jam fortuna , in diversa parte terrarum , initia causasque imperio . tac. hist. l. . numerabatur inter osfenta , diminutu : omnium magistratuum numerus , quaestors , aedile , tribu●o , ac praetore & consule , paucos intra menses defunctis . tac. annal. l. , etiam merito accidisse videtur , & casus in culpam transit . velleius . cuj●scunque fortunam mutare constituit , consilia corrumpit . velleius . for the lord hath poured forth upon you the spirit of deep sleep , and hath closed your eyes ; the prophets , and the rulers , and the seers hath he covered . isai . . fluminum instabili● natura , simul ostendere● omnia 〈◊〉 tac. annal. l. . eccles. . . nihil rerum mortalium tam instabile ac fluxum , quam fama potentiae non suî vi nixae . tac. annal. l. . multa bella impetu valida per t●edia & moras evanuisse . tac. opportunos magnis conatibus transitus rerum . tacit. hist. l. . optimum est pati quod emenda●re non possis , & deum , quo authore ●uncta eveniunt , sine murmure ●omitari . sen. ep. dan. . . eccles. . . rom. . . valentior enim omni fortuna animus est , in utramque partem res suas ducit . sen. epist. . non enim votis , neque supplici●● muliebribus auxilia deorum parantur ; vigilando , agendo , prosperè omni● cedunt . sallust . a three-fold cord is not quickly broken . wisdom . . * virg he maketh peace in high-places . nostris illi dissentionibus , & discordiis clari , vitia ●ostium in gloria● exercitus sui vertunt . tac. in vit. ag●ic . conversis ad civile bellum animis , externa sine cura ●abentur . tac. hist. l. . and a seventh doth my heart abhorr , he that soweth discord among brethren . prov. . . concordi● malorum contraria est bonorum , & sicut optandum est , ut boni pacem habeant ad invicem , ita optandum est , ut mali sint discordes , impeditur enim iter bono um , si unitas non dividatur malorum . s. isid. procul ab aemulatione adversus collegas . tac. in vit. agric. thou didst cleave the earth with rivers . haba● . . . the lord hath broken forth upon mine enemies before me , as the breach of waters . sam. . . siamnis nar ( id enim parabatur ) in rivos diductus supernavigasset . tac. annal. l. . quin ipsum tiberim no●●e , prorsus accolis fluv●s ●●batum , minori gloria fluere . ibid. prudentis est ducis inter bostes discordi●e causas serere . veget. discordia & seditio omnia facit opportuniora insidiantibus . livy . vrgentibus imperii romani fatis , nihil jam praes●are fortuna majus ●●tuit , quam hostium discordiam . tac. de mor. germ. non fraude neque occultis , sed palam , & armatum populum romanum bostes suos ulcisci . tac. hist. l. . olim regibus parebant , nunc per principes factionibus , & studiis trabantur ; nec aliud adversus validiss●mas gentes pro nobis ●●ilius , quam quod in commune non consulunt . rarus duabus , tribusve civitatibus , ad propulsandum commune periculu● conventus : ita dum singuli pu●nant , universi vincuntur . tac. in vi● . agric. * cam. lus. videtur amicitia magis continere , & majore quam justitia in studio fuisse legislatoribus . nam si amicitia inter omnes esset , ni●il esset , quod justitiam desiderarent ; at si justi essent , tamen amicitiae praesidium requirerent . arist. ethic. l. . l. . tit. . p. . and saul went home ; but david and his men gat them up unto the hold . sam. . . * gen. . . never trust thine enemy ; for like as iron rusteth , so is his wickedness : though he humble himself , and go crouching , yet take good heed , and beware of him , eccl. . . * mar. hist. hisp. proprium humani ingenii est , odisse quem laeser is . tac. vit. agric. non exercitus neque thesauri , praesidia regni sunt , verum amici , sallust . non aureum istud sceptrum est , quod regem custodit , sed copia amicorum , ea regibus sceptrum tutissimum , xenoph. nec ●llum majus boni imperii instrumen●um quam boni amici , tac. annal. l. . dum amicitias magnitudine munerum , non constantia morum continere putavit , meruit , magis quam habuit , tac. hist. l. . ne tanta stipendia classi lacedaemoniorum praeberet , sed nec auxiliis nimis enixe ju●andos , quippe non immemorem esse debere , alienam esse victoriam non suam instruere , & eatenus bellum sustinendum , ne inopia deseratur , trog . l. . fuit proprium populi romani longè à domo bellare , & pro●ugnaculi● , imperii sociorum fortunas , non sua tecta defendere , cic. pro leg . man. plin. l. . c. . ael . l. . c. . de animal . if an oxe gore a man or a woman , and they die , the oxe shall be s●rely stoned , exod. . . and there was also another eagle , with great wings , and many feathers , &c. ezek. . . philippus rex ma●edonum libertati ●●●ium insidiatus , dum contentiones civitatum alit , auxilium inserioribus ferendo , victos pariter , victoresque subire regiam s●rvitutem coëgit . justin. thou art the anointed cherub that governeth , ezek. . . for earthly things were turned into watry ; and the things that before swam in the water , now went upon the ground , wisd. . . mar. hist. l. . c. . and their word will eat as doth a canker , tim. . . in the six and thirtieth year of the reign of asa , baasha king of israel came up against judah , and built ramah , to the intent that he might let none go out or come in to asa king of judah , chron. . . and it came to pass , when baasha heard it , that he left off building of ramah , and let his work cease , chron. . . because thou hast relied on the king of syria , and not relied on the lord thy god , therefore is the host of the king of syria escaped out of thine hand , &c. herein thou hast done foolishly ; therefore from henceforth thou shal● have wars , chron. . , . o king , l●t not the army of israel go with thee : for the lord is not with israel , to wit , with all the children of ephraim . but if thou wilt go , do it , be strong for the battel : god shall make thee fall before the enemy : for god hath power to help , and to cast down , chron. . , . we s●e certainly that the lord is with thee : and we said , let there be now an oat● betwixt us , even betwixt us and thee , and let us make a covenant with thee , that thou shalt do us no hurt , gen . , . we have sworn unto them by the lord god of israel : now therefore we may not touch them , i●sh . . . so the sun stood still in the midst of heaven , and hasted not to go down about a w●ole day . and there was no day like that , before it , or after it , that the lord hearkened unto the voice of man : for the lord sought for i●rael , iosh. . , . then there was a famine in the days of david , three years , year af●er year ; and david enquired of the lord. and the lord answered , it is for saul , and for his bloody house , because he slew the gi●eonites , sam. . . then thou shalt see and flow together , and thine heart shall fear , and be enlarged , because the abundance of the sea shall be converted unto thee , the forces of the gentiles shall come unto thee , isai. ● . . * the italian is ●ere guilty of par●ial omissions and additions . summum pontificem etiam summum h●minem esse , non amulationi● 〈◊〉 odio aut privatis affectio●i●us 〈◊〉 , tac. annal. li● . . for in the long garment was the whole world , wisd. . ● . * a whole page is here omitted in the french. zurit . hist. arragon . l. . c. . mar. hist. hisp. zurit . ann. de arrag . euseb. in vit. const. 〈…〉 reg. goth. honor 〈…〉 tac. hist. l. . * a page and an half is here omitted in the italian . zur . hist. arrag mar. hist. hisp. l. . c. . anton. ●eb . hist. hisp. * in proem . p. . mar. hist. hisp. l. . c. . mirari 〈◊〉 subit impervestigabile● dei sapientiam , qui plane ●●●traria uno fine conclusit . nam cum du●● ad●ersarias potestates inter se co●mittere statuit , nee alteram alteri subjicere , aut ingenio & virtute 〈◊〉 utrinque parti moderatores praeficit , ut alter alterius consilia & 〈◊〉 vertas , & utrinque subditorum libertati consulatur , aut utrosque ●ebetes & imbelles deligit , ut neuter alterum tentare , & s●pta ( quod aiunt ) 〈◊〉 aude●● , veteresque regnorum limites convellere . niceph. * here is a page and an half omitted in the french. quoties concordes agunt , spe●nitur parth●● ; ubi dissensere , dum sibi quisque contra aemulos subsidium vocant , accitus in partem adversu● omnes valescit . tac. annal. l. . quippe sine dignitate praemium victoris eritis . liv. l. . neutralitas neque a●icos parit , ●eque inimicos tollit . polyh . phil. de comin . * this whole paragraph is omitted in the french. * horat. laetiore tiberio , qui● pacem sapienti● firmaverat , quim si bellu● 〈◊〉 a●ies consecisses , tac. annal. l. . ingens victoria dec●● 〈◊〉 a romanum sanguinem bellants , id. in vit. ag●ic . dare in discrimen legiones haud imperatorium ratus , tac. annal. lib. . bellorum egregios ●ines , quoties ignoscendo transigatur , ta● annal. l. . quanta pervicacia in hostem tanta beneficentia 〈◊〉 versus supplices utendum , id ▪ ibid. vbi solitudinem fa●●● pacem appellant , tac. in vit. agric. when thou shalt besi●●● a city a long time , in making war against it to take it , thou shalt 〈◊〉 destroy the trees thereof , by forcing an are against them : for 〈◊〉 mayest eat of them , and thou shalt not cut them down ( for the 〈◊〉 of the field is man's life ) to employ them in the siege , deut. . . and do ye abide without the camp seven days : whosoever ●●th killed any person , and whosoever hath touched any slain , purifie ●●●h your selves and your captives , on the third day , and on the ●●●●th day , numb . . . * virgil. and there shalt 〈◊〉 build an altar unto the lord thy god , an altar of stone : thou ●●it not lift up any iron tool upon them , deut. . . then ●●ua built an altar , &c. an altar of whole stones , over which no 〈◊〉 had lift up an iron , iosh. . . . if thou wilt make ●an altar of stone , thou shalt not build it of hewn stone : for if thou 〈◊〉 up the tool upon it , thou hast polluted it , exod. ● . . for 〈◊〉 drew not his hand back wherewith he stret●●●● out the spear , until he had utterly destroyed all the inhabitan● a● , josh. . . shall the sword devour for ever ? knowest thou not that it 〈◊〉 be bitterness in the latter end ? sam. . . his eyes 〈◊〉 as the eyes of doves by the rivers of waters , cant. . . aliquando etiam victis ira virtusque , tac. in vit. agric. acriore hodiè disciplinî victi quam victores agunt : h●s ira , odium , 〈◊〉 cupiditas ad virtutem acc●ndit , tac. hist. l. . qui cupidine praedae graves onere sarcinarum velut vi●cti but ●tand ye now fast against your enemies , and overcome them ; then may ye safely take the spoils , maccab. . . cuncta mortal um incerta , quan●●●● plus ad●ptus forat , tanto se magis in lubrico dictans , tac. annal. l. ● . * cassiod . come near , put your feet upon the necks of these kings , ●osh . . . fear not , nor be dismayed ; be strong , and ●f good courage : for thus shall the lord do to all your enemies against whom ye fight , iosh. . . * claud. † virg. mar. hist. hisp. vt praeda ad virtutem incenderentur , tac. hist. l. . and ●avid ca●e to baal-perazim , and david smote them there , sam. ● . . therefore jehoash king of israel went up , and he and amaziah king of judah lo●ked one another in the face at bethshemeth , ●●ich belongeth to judah : and judah was put to the worst before israel , king. . , . 〈…〉 cum spoli●●i exutique 〈…〉 fore , tac. hist. l. . saul came to ca●mel , and behold , ●e set him up a place , sam. ● . . and set up 〈◊〉 pillars upon it , one against another , for 〈◊〉 father , his 〈…〉 : and he set great pillars round ●●out them , and set arms upon the pillars , for a perpetual memory , 〈◊〉 carved ships beside the arms , that they might be seen of men ●●●lling in the sea . this sepulchre , which he made at modin , standeth 〈◊〉 unto this day , maccab. . , , . 〈…〉 , arist. l. . po● . c. . after , when they 〈…〉 jerusalem , they worshipped the lord ; and as soon as the 〈◊〉 were purified , they offered their burnt● offerings , and their 〈◊〉 - offerings , and their gifts , iudith ● . . and thou shalt offer burnt-offerings thereon unto the lord thy god , and thou shalt offer peace-offerings , 〈◊〉 . . * virg. cum in victores victosque , munquam solida fides convalesceret , tac. hist. l. . bellum anceps , an pax in●onesta placeret , nec dubitatum de bello , tac. annal. l. . si 〈◊〉 dederitis , & fidam , & perpetuam ; si 〈…〉 tit. liv. l. . nec credideris ullu● 〈…〉 in ea conditione , cujus cum paniteat , diutius , quam necesse sit , mansurum , tit. liv. l. . * tac. annal. l. . in pace suspecta tutius bellum , tac. hist. l. . saying , peace , peace , when there is no peace , ier. . . and i will establish my covenant between me and thee , and thy seed after thee , in their generations , for an everlasting covenant ; to be a god unto thee , and to thy seed after thee , gen. . the lord god of israel gave the kingdom over israel to david for ever , even to him and to his sons by a covenant of salt , chron. . . * in ●ul . indict . conc. trident. melior enim tutiorque est certa pax , quam sperata victoria ; illa in tua● , haec in deorum manu est , liv. dec. . l. . pac●m , & concordiam victis uti●ia , victorib● tantum pulc●ra esse , tac. hist. l. . quia inter innocentes , & validos ●also qu●escunt , tac. de mor. ●●rm . vbi manu agitur , modestia , ac probitas , nomina 〈◊〉 sunt , tac. ibid. and behold , there was a swarm of bees , and honey in the carkass of the lion , iudg. . . lord , thou wil● ordain peace ●or us : for thou hast wrought all our works in us ▪ isai. . . and my people shall dwell in a peaceable habitation , and in sure dwellings , and in quiet resting places , isai. . . et sedebit pop●l●s 〈◊〉 in pulc●ritudine pacis , vulg. righteousness and peace have kissed each other , psal. . . aequè apud bonos miserum est occidere , quam perire , tac. hist. l. . nam i● pace causas , & merita spectari : ubi bellum ingrua● , innocentes a noxios juxta ca●dere , tac. annal. l. . sed longa pax ad 〈◊〉 servitium fregerat , tac. hist. l. . ni●il aque tiberium 〈◊〉 habebat , quam ne composita turbarentur , tac. annal. l. . quantâ pecuniâ dites , & voluptatibus opulentos , tanto magis imbelles , tac. annal. l. . dissimulante tiberio damna , ne cui bellum permitteret , tac. annal. l. . violentia nemo imperia continuit diu , ●●derata durant , seneca . * sil. ital. * propert. semina odiorum jacienda , & omne scelus externum habendum cum laetitia , tac. annal. l. . psal. . . psal. . . mar. hist. hisp. 〈…〉 ta● . annal. l. . cesserunt que prim● postremis , & bo●a● juventae , senectus flagitios●●●●teravit , tac. annal. . . s●●m ●uique decus posteritas rependit , tac. annal. . . * mar. hist. hisp. vt vultus ●ominun , it a simulacr● v●ltus imbecilla a● mortal●a 〈◊〉 ; for●a mentis aeterna , quam tene ▪ e , & exprimere non per alie●●●●●teriam , & artem , sed iuu ipse moribus possi● , tac. in vit. agri● . 〈◊〉 tibi neque aureas , nequ● argemeas . ●ieri ●●q●am 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 a●tem ali●s tibi sta●●as in ipsi● hominu● animis nibil 〈…〉 effice , me●aen . ad august . hac mibi in ●nimis vestris templa , bae pulcherrim●e effigies & ma●surae , n●m que saxo 〈◊〉 , si ●●dicium poster●●um in odium vert●t , pro 〈…〉 , tac. annal. l. . auxilio militari t●●ndu● , 〈◊〉 sepultr● ejus 〈…〉 , tac. annal. l. . * the memory of them is forgotten , eccle● . . . ●●ter omnes eos n●n cons●at à quib●● factae s●●t , justi●●i●● casu ●bliteratis t●●ta vanit●ti● au●●orib●s , p●●n . . . ve●ustate imper●● c●alita ●udacia , tac. annal. l. . ips●● sa●e se●em , & prosperis , adversisque satiatum , tac. hist. l. . solusque ●●●ium ante se princip●● , in meliu● mutatus est , tac. hist. l. . multi odio praesentium cupidine mutationis , suis quoque periculis l●tab●●tur , tac. annal. l. . pars ●u●to maxima imminen●es d●●inos var●is 〈◊〉 differeb●nt , tac. annal. l. . quippe ut ●●●pus , sic e●iam mens su●●●abet senium , ari●t . l. . pol. c. . reputante tiber●o public●● sibi odi●● , extre●●● aetatem ●●gisque fama , q●a● v● stare res 〈◊〉 , tac. annal. l. . sane gravaretur aspectum civium senex imperator , fessamque ●●atem , & actos labores , praetender●t : druso quod nisi ex arrogant●a impedimentum ? tac. annal. l. . se tamen fortiora solatia è complexu reip. petivisse , tac. annal. l. . constat po●uisse con●iliari animos quantulacu●que parci senis liberalitate , tac. hist. lib. . patres , eq●es . 〈◊〉 quis illustrior , ●●nto magis falsi a● 〈◊〉 , ●●ltuque composito , ne laeti excessu p●incipis neu tristiores , pri●ordio lachrymas , gaudi●● , quaestus , adulationes misceb●nt , tac. annal. lib● . . et audita adoptione defi●am videri senex , q●iod nu●● 〈…〉 objicitur , tac. hist. l. . y●a , i hated all my labour which i had taken under the sun : because i should leave it unto the man that shall be after me , eccles. . . quo pluri●us munimentis insis●eret , tac. annal. l. . non legiones , non classer , perinde firma imperii munimenta quàm numer●● liberorum , tac. hist. l. . quorum prosperis & alii fruantur , adversa ad justissimos perti●eant , tac. hist. l. . nam a●icos tempore , fortuna , cupiainibus , aliquando aut erroribus imminui , transfer●i desinere : suum cuique sanguinem indis●retum , tac. hist. lib. . vtrumque in laudem drusi trabebatu● : ab eo in urbe inter coetus & sermones bominum obversante secreta patris mitigari , tac. annal. l . he leaveth behind him an avenger against his enemies , and one that should shew favour unto his friends , ecclus. . . suadere 〈◊〉 prisco , ne supra principem scanderet ; ne vespasianum senem triu● . ●ha●em , juvenum liberorum patrem prae●eptis ●oër●eret , tac. hist. l. . intempera●tia civitatis donec ●us eligatur ●ultos desti●andi , tac. hist. l. . ex ●rbore 〈…〉 , & trunco novam producit qu●● anteq●am antiqua decidat , jam radices & vires accepit , tol. de rep. l. . c. . ● . . let the lord , the god of the spirits of all flesh , set a man over the congregation , numb . . . sed augustus in d●mo successorem quaes●vit ; ego in republica , tac. hist. l. . nunc ●o ●ecessitatis jampridem ventum est , ut nec mea senectus conferre plus populo romano possit qu●m bonum successore● , nec tua plus j●venta quàm bonum principe● , tac. hist. l. . ne ti●erium quidem caritate aut reipublicae cura successor●m ●dscitum : sed quoniam arrogan●iam saevitiamque introspexerit , compar●tione deterrima ●ibi gloriam quaefi●isse , tac. annal. l. . optimos quippe mort●lirum , altissima cupere , tac. annal. l. . is modi●um hyberiae regnum senecta patris detineri , ferocius crebriusque jactabat , tac. annal. l. . give him no liberty in his youth , and wink not at his folly , ecclus. . . vt amoto p●tre , drusus munia consulatu● solus impleret , tac. annal. lib. . displicere regna●ntibus civilia filiorum ingeni● , tac. annal. l. . qu●nquam ●onor●●●atione , qu●dam de habitu , ●●ltuq●e & institutis ej●s jecerat , qu● vel●t excu●ando exprobraret , tac. annal. l. . ad o●te●tand●● saevitiam in●vend●sque p●pull off●nsio●●● , concess●m f●lio materiam , tac. annal. l. . l●tabatur tiberi●● quum inter filios & leges sen●tus dis●ept●ret , tac. annal. l. . caesar d●mitianus pr●●turam capit . ejus 〈◊〉 epistoli● edictisque proponebatur , vis penes mutianum erat , tac. hist. l. . ●gitur pharasmanes juvenem potentiae promptae & studio pop●darium accinctum , vergentibus jam armis suis metuens , alia● ad spem tra●ere & armeniam oftentare , tac. annal. . . ●rofecto brixellum othone , honor imperii penes titianum fratrem , ●is , ac potestas penes proculum praefectum , tac. hist. l. . qu● syriae imponeretur , ad spes germanici coercendas , tac. annal. l. . partemque prolis , firmandae amicitiae , miserat : ●aud perinde nostri me●u , quam fidei popularium diffisus , tac. annal. l. . quamvi● gentis arsaci●arum , ut extern●m aspernaban●ur , tac. annal. l. . immensumq●● attolli pro●ideret q●em conjunctione ta●● super alios 〈◊〉 , tac. annal. l. . proculejum , & quosda● in sermonibus 〈…〉 , reip negotiis permixto● , tac. annal. l. . wo to thee , o land , when thy king is a child , eceles . . . quando ausuros exposcere remedia , nisi novum , & nutantem a●hus principem , precibus vel armis adirent , tac. annal. l. . * tasso . m●lt●que gratia man●it reputante tiberi● publicum sibi odium , extre●am ●●atem , magisque fama quam vi●st●re res suas , tac. annal. l. . consilis & astu res externa● moliri , arm● procul ba●ere , tac. annal. l. . hispaniae praeerat cl●vius ruf●● vir fa●und●s , & pacis artibus , belli ine●p●●t●● , tac. hist. l. . and the day of death , than the day of birth , eccles. . . and dig for it more than for rich treasure , which rejoyce exceedingly , and are glad when they can find the grave , iob . , . and set great pillars round about them , and set arms upon the pillars , for a perpetual memory , and carved ships be●ides the arms , ma●cab . . . wherefore then hast thou brought me forth out of the womb ? o that i had given up the ghost , and no eye had seen me , i should have been as though i had not been , i should have been carried from the womb to the grave , iob . , . i was nourished in swadling cloaths and with care● , wisd. . . * for there is no king that hath any o●●er ●eginning of birth , wisd. . . l●sas 〈…〉 fact●s na●●ra fuisse necesse est , arist. pol. l. . c. . thou shalt come to thy grave in a full age , like as a shock of corn cometh in , in his season , iob . . secund . septuagint . cum ●pud infirmum & credulum , minore metu & majore prae●io peccaretur , tac. hist. l. . nam senem augustum devi●xerat , adeo , uti nepotem unicum agrippam posthumu● in insulam planasiam projic●ret , tac. annal. l. . nulla in praesens formidine dum augustus aetate validus , seque & domum , & pacem sustentavit , postquam profecta jam senectus & agro corpore fatigabatur , aderatque finis , & spei novae ; pauci bon● liber●atis inc●ssum disserere , ibid. ipsa aetas galb●e , & irrisu● & fastid●o erat , tac. hist. l. . senectutem tiberii ut inermem despicient , tac. hist. l. . 〈◊〉 , & principe i●●●to exitium d●mui ejus i●tendi 〈◊〉 , 〈…〉 l. . precarium sibi imperium & brevi transi●●●●● , tac. hist. l. . 〈◊〉 afferebant ve●alia c●nct● , prap●●●mses libe●● . 〈…〉 , tac. hist. l. . theophr . l. de plant. my breath is corrupt , my days are exti●●● , the graves are ready for me , io● . . and the sun stood still , and the moon stayed , ios● . . . sim●l exce●●i●●e augustum , & rer●m pot●ri neronem ●ama e●dem ●●lit , tac. annal. l. . dum res firmando nero●●● i●p●rio 〈◊〉 , tac. annal. l. . my son , pour forth tears over the dead , e●clus . . . mourn before abner : and king david himself followd the bier , s●m . . . jesus wept , io● . . . quomodo imaginibus suis noscuntur , quas nec victor quidem abolevit , ●ic partem memoriae apud scriptores retinent , tac. annal. l. . a cat may look upon a king weldon, anthony, sir, d. ? this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing w thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) a cat may look upon a king weldon, anthony, sir, d. ? [ ], , [ ] p., plate printed for william roybould, at the unicorn in pauls church-yard, london : . anonymous. by sir anthony weldon. cf. wing. annotation on thomason copy: "jan. th.". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng kings and rulers -- early works to . great britain -- kings and rulers -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no a cat may look upon a king: weldon, anthony, sir b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - robyn anspach sampled and proofread - robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ●ars puer alecto , virgo , vulpes , leo , nullu ▪ a cat may look upon a king . depiction of a cat london , printed for william roybould , at the unicorn in pauls church-yard . . to the reader . if i were master either of good language , or good method ; i would then presume to present this ensuing discourse , & according to the fashion , intreat thy courteous acceptance : but being so rude & naked ( yet true ) i send it forth into the world to take its fortune with the rest of the paperbrats of this age : some may fret , some may laugh ; both please me alike : my end only is , that we may all of us , after so much blood & treasure spent , with hearts and hands , pray for and endeavor the welfare , security , & prosperity of the whole . adieu . the introduction . the unparallel'd transactions of these our late times have raised in mee such a confusion of thoughts , that i resolved to look back ; as a man that is stunn'd with a stone , looks not after the stone , but after the hand that flung it . and surely i find ( by the help of my spectacles ) king james was the fountain of all our late afflictions and miseries . it hath been a custome among our flattering priests ( for i know none else used it ) upon mention of deceased princes , to use the expression , of blessed memory ; and so i believe have used it , ever since william the bastard of normandy over-ran this kingdome . which begat another itch in me , to search the lives of all our kings since him , to see if any of them had deserved that reverend remembrance . and first for king william the conqueror . i know no better testimony of him , then out of his own mouth , lying upon his death-bed : his words take as followeth . the english i hated ; the nobles i dishonoured , the commons i cruelly vexed , and many i unjustly disinherited : in the county of york , and sundry other places , an innumerable sort with hunger and sword i slew ; and thus that beautifull land and noble nation , i made desolate with the deaths of many thousands . william rufus . this king did not only oppresse and fleece this nation , but rather with importunate exactions did as it were flay off their skins . his chiefest consorts were effeminated persons , ruffians , and the like ; and himselfe delighted in continual adulteries , and company of concubines ( even before the sun . ) none thrived about him , but treasurers , collectors , and promoters : hee sold all church — preferments for mony , and took fines of the priests for fornication . hunting in that most remarkable new-forrest , walter tyrrel shot him to the heart with an arrow out of a crosse-bow , whether of purpose or not , is no great matter . henry . is branded with covetousnesse , and intolerable taxations ; and cruelty upon his elder brother , whom he kept in perpetual prison , and put out both his eyes : and for his most excellent leachery , leaving behind him fourteen bastards . king stephen . in famous for perjurie ; a hater of this nation , whom he durst never trust , but oppressed this land with strangers , notwithstanding that he had received the crown upon courtesie ; dyes , and leaves behind him two bastards . henry . never such a horrid extractor of monies from the subjects , as this king ; and is infamous for perjury , jealousie , and lechery ; curses all his children upon his death-bed , and so dies leaving three bastards . richard . raked more money by unparalell'd taxes upon this nation , then any king before him : his voyage to the holy-land pared them to the bones by many unjust wayes ; but his unlucky return quite ruined it : he dyes by a poyson'd arrow , and leaves two bastards . king john . of this king we cannot reckon so many impieties as he had : unnatural to his own blood , to the wife in his bosom ; bloody to nobility and clergy ; perjury , often swearing , but never kept his word ; betrayes the crowne and kingdome to the pope ; and rather then want his will to ruine both church , nobles , and the whole nation , sends ambassadours to a moor , a mighty king in africa , to render unto him this kingdome of england , to hold it from him as his soveraign lord , to renounce christ , and receive mahomet . in the heat of his wars with the nobility , gentry , and commons of this land , repaires to the abbey of swines-head , where he is poysoned , and leaves behind him three bastards . henry . a chip of the old block , for no oath could bind him ; jealous of the nobility , brings in strangers , despiseth all counsell in parliament , wastes all the treasure of the kingdome in civil wars , sells his plate and jewels , and pawnes his crown . edward . govern'd his will by his power , and shed more blood in this kingdome , then any of his fore-runners ; counted his judges as dogs , and died as full of malice as he lived full of mischief . edward . a man given to all sorts of unworthy vanities , and sinful delights : the scourge and disgrace of this nation in scotland , against a handfull of men , with the greatest strength of england . after so many perjuries about his favourite gaveston , and slaughter of the nobility , he is deposed and murdered . edward . to his everlasting staine of honor , surrenders by his charter , his title of soveraignty to the kingdom of scotland ; restores the deeds and instruments of their former homages and fealties ( though after the scots paid dear for it ) to supply his want . whatsoever he yielded to in parliament , was for the most part presently revoked : and in that parliament which was called the good , they desire the king ( having abundantly supplied his wants ) to remove from court four persons of special prejudice to his honour , and the kingdomes , with one dame alice piers , the kings concubine , an impudent troublesome woman : but no sooner ended this parliament , having gotten their monies , but those four forbidden return to court , and their wonted insolencies : the speaker , who had presented the kingdomes grievances , at the suit of alice piers , is committed to perpetual imprisonment . richard . t is said of this king , he spared neither the dignity , nor the life of any that crost his pleasure ; spared neither lewd example , nor vild action , to follow cruell councell ; a man plung'd in pleasure , and sloth ; in his private councels would alter whatsoever the parliament had setled ; neglects his debts ; prodigal to strangers , destroyes the nobility ; and for his hypocrisie , cruelty , perjury , and tyranny , is deposed and murdered at pomfret-castle . henry . so true is that distych translated out of suetonius : who first exil'd , and after crown'd , his reign with blood will much abound . for after he had murdered his predecessor , nothing took up this kings reigne but ruine and blood upon the nobility and gentry of this kingdome , with such unsufferable taxes as never were before , nor since . henry . this king reigned about nine years and a halfe , all which time our stories mention nothing but his wars , raising of monies , and spending the blood of this poor nation . henry . and edward . were two men , born as it were , for ruine , blood and misery to this kingdome ; whose lives and actions no man can read with patience : that so much treasure and so many mens lives should be spent and lost , to maintain the ambition , luxury , pride and tyranny of but two men , in so many set-battels fought in the bowels of this kingdom . henry was stab'd with a dagger by the duke of glocester in the tower . edward died at westminster and left behind him two bastards , and a miserable whore jane shore . richard . a monster of lust & cruelty ; whose murders , too many to be here repeated , are at large set down in our chronicles , with his attempts of rape and incest . so perfect he was in villany and hypocrisie , that he would alwayes use most faire language , and shew greatest signs of love and courtesie to that man in the morning , whose throat he had taken order for to be cut that night ; and was the first i read of in our stories , that ever used that oath , god — damn — me . he was slain at bosworth-field ; his body stark naked & mangled , besmear'd with blood and dust , was brought upon a horse to leicester , where for a spectacle of hate and scorn , he lay two dayes unburied . henry . this king , my lord of virulam hath washt his face so cleane with good language , that without a neer approach he is hardly discovered : but surely i find no right he had to the crown , more then the consent of the people , ( which was not then in fashion ) whom hee never durst trust neither , his heart continually burning to destroy all sparks of the right blood , and their abettors . how was the lord chamberlaines life jugled away for his thoughts , and his estate which was so considerable , with many more of our nobility . and for that story of richard duke of york , son to edward the . under the name of perkin warbeck , i do as verily believe he was the said duke of york , as i believe henry the . was the son of this henry the . the circumstances being so pregnant from so many persons of honour , but nothing more confirmes me in it , then this kings indefatigable paines and most infinite cost to get him , and ruine him , and with him the harmless earl of warwick , the one beheaded , the other hang'd at tyburn ; and surely though this king did far excell all his predecessors in craft , yet was he as guilty of cruelty and blood as the worst of them ; nor can all the water in the sea wash from him those two monstrous sins of avarice and ingratitude . henry . to say much of him , were to make you surfeit ; sir walter raleigh's testimony of him is sufficient . if all the pictures and patternes of a merciless prince were lost in the world , they might all be painted again to the life out of the story of this king : his vast expence of treasure , and profuse blood-shed , made this kingdome look with a ghastly face ; and to express him fully , this remaines of him to everlasting , that he never spared man in his anger , nor woman in his lust . i do none of them wrong , for thus i find them branded to my hand by publique records : and surely this puts me in mind of a story i have heard in spain ; a friar preacht before don pedro the king , sirnamed the cruel , took his text which invited him to extoll regal dignity to its highest pitch , often saying , few kings went to hell ; but in the close of his sermon , said , you may , peradventure , wonder that i so often tell you that few kings go to hell , marry the reason is , there are but few kings , for if there were more , they would go all to the devil . of all these our kings , i would know which was of blessed memory , who ruled by blood , oppression , and injustice upon this nation , in contempt of god and man : let no man now wonder if this nation endeavour ( after so long and grievous bondage under tyranny ) to reduce themselves into a free state . and as the face of things do now appeare in their glory ( for such surely they are ) i see no great hinderance to an honorable , and secure setling of this nation in a free state to the worlds end , if we can agree amongst our selves ( which i pray god we may . ) if an honest league be made , and as honestly kept betwixt us and the hollander , ( not that i care much for hans , but because he is a man of business , and surely 't is trade must make this nation rich and secure ) i know no power in christendome can hurt us : shipping and mariners must be cherished , the value of our money so setled , that the mint may go plentifully ; our gold must not be sold for profit as merchandize , by the fraudulent goldsmith to merchants to transport , nor our silver by them pickt and cull'd , to sell to refiners for silver thread to make superfluous lace . ( these digressions , though true , crave pardon . ) as the wheels of our state are many whereon it goes , so there are ( god be thanked ) sufficient to attend them , and make them go right : let them go on and prosper , and i doubt not but that shortly we shall see a clear light shine upon this nation , of honour , respect , and security . now in the close of this preface , if any man aske why i have curtail'd the lives and persons of these thus ; i answer , the common people of this kingdome cannot attend to read chronicles , and they are the major part whom it concerns ; and now by the providence of god , that we are reduced to a free state , in this little book i would have them hereafter know for whom and for what they fight , and pay . next , if any man ask why i make such mention of their bastards ; i answer , onely to let the world see what foundation these six and twenty bastards have laid for honourable , noble , and right worshipfull familes of a long continuance , which have been maintained by the blood and treasure of this oppressed nation . if why i mention not edward the . and edward the . i say they were children , and so died , affording no matter for this present . if why i omit queen mary and queen elizabeth ; i answer , i have nothing to do with women , and i wish i never had . but i must not make the door bigger then the house , i have onely one vote to passe , that ireland may once be setled in obedience to this common-wealth , and scotland reduced to an english province , that there may never more be heard the name of a kirk , or covenant ; and so i address my self to king james . king james . to write the life and reign of this king , requires a better book-man , and a better pen-man : that which i have to observe , is onely to render him as great a tyrant as any of the rest ; for though his fearfulness kept him from wars and blood , yet as much as was in his power he laid as many springs to enslave this nation as ever any ; his will was the sole rule of his government ; nor had the people any thing to act but submissive obedience . his first work was to sound the prelates and nobility , whose ambition and corruption he found suitable and serviceable to his intentions ; and 't was their infusion , so agreeable to his disposition , that made him carry himself so majestically to the parliament of england , ( a power he might justly fear to offend ) but their councels ( though they then served his and their ends ) are now come upon them like a storm , the one voted down root and branch , the other voted uselesse and dangerous . the king brings with him a generall peace with all christendome , not considering the particular interest of this nation , whether it were honourable , or safe , as the affaires of england then stood , his predecessour having taken upon her to be head , and protectrix of the protestant party wheresoever : but he had his ends to himself . first he had heard how many and how often attempts had been used to take away the life of queen elizabeth , whom god notwithstanding preserved and protected , by the diligence of her servants : but he would rather trust to his king-craft , then to gods providence . then having taken away all thought of wars , his design was to luxuriate the people , that so hee might more insensibly lay that foundation of tyrany he intended . and now comes tumbling in monstrous excesse of riot , which consumed many good families , and more good hospitality , formerly the glory both of our nobility and gentry ; with an incredible increase of tavernes and bawdy-houses , for which two we are to this day beholding to the scots . and with this king , and this peace , came the greatest plague that ever this kingdome felt before his time ; as if god had told us from heaven we had deserved it , by betraying our selves ; and which was but a light fore-running punishment , in respect of what in time should follow ; and yet peradventure that plague was but a shadow of himselfe , the greater . the kingdome could not afford more pomp and glory , then was shewn when king james came first through london ; and 't was so much the more considerable as to him , that from a nasty barren country , ( rather a dunghil then a kingdome ) came to be at that instant as great a prince as any in christendome : and indeed it was the wonder of those states-men who had had experience of the gallantry of this nation , that a scot should enjoy this crown without resistance . if the temper of these our dayes had then ( as now ) taken head , we had saved much blood : much mony , and in all likelihood been long since setled to such a free state , as we yet struggle for ; rich , and secure . long had he waited for the death of queen elizabeth ; but longer had they waited , that waited upon him : for had not their hopes as well as his expected their shares of spoils of this kingdome , we may with out doing any wrong to that nation , conclude him in the fate of his many predecessors , whom they murdered . his stock was odious to the more ancient nobility of that nation ; and the cloak of the kirk would have served without scruple for such a covering , as the grand-signior uses to send men doom'd to death . his original extract i find was this : banchoo a nobleman of scotland , had a fair lady to his daughter , whom mackbeth the king desires to have the use of ; banchoo refuses , and mackbeth murders him , and takes the lady by force . fleance , the son of banchoo , fearing the tyrants cruelty , flies into wales to griffin ap lhewellin the prince of wales . lhewellin entertaines him with all hospitable civility . fleance to requite his courtesie , gets lhewellins daughter with child : lhewellin murders fleance , and lhewellins daughter is afterward delivered of a son , named walter ; this son proves a gallant man , and falling out with a noble person in wales , that call'd him bastard , walter slew him , and for his safeguard fled into scotland , where in continuance of time he gained so much reputation and favour , that he became steward of the whole revenue of that kingdome , of which office , he and his posterity retained the sirname , and from whence all the kings and nobles in that nation of that name had their originall ; here 's a goodly foundation . for his person , a man might sufficiently and truly make a volume , onely to tell of his lazinesse , and his uncleannesse ; but i cannot do it without fouling too much paper . he was a great pretender to learning and religion , and for the speculative part , had as much as any of our kings upon record ; but for the practical , and best part of it ( if we may judge of the tree by the fruit ) we may without breach of charity conclude him not guilty : he was the greatest blasphemer in the world ; sweare faster then speak , and curse the people by the clock : and it appeares by the whole course of his life , that he was a most malicious hater of this nation . that insolent act of ramsey's switching my lord of montgomery , at bansted-downs at a horse-race , was questionlesse a laid quarrel to have destroyed much of our english nobility ; and had it been practised upon any but that thin-soul'd lord , who was importun'd but to draw his sword , that had been a bloody day : what reserve the scots had was never known ; but such an affront is not to be construed without reservation . the king was naturally fearful , even as low as could be ; and what he would do , and durst not own , that he would do by his favourites , whom ( for the fitness of his designs ) he would raise from low degree , to oblige them the more , and to desert them with more ease , and shift them often til he had them sitted to his purpose . dunbar was too solid , hayes too light ; northampton too crafty , montgomery too silly , ( here 's two english , two scots , all deserted ) and now he hath found a young scot , that had been one of his pages in scotland , and turn'd off with fifty pounds in mony and cloaths , to seek his fortune ; having spent his time , and his means in france , comes over hither , and for his fashion and language , is entertained by his country man , then lord hayes , ( another scot of the like extract ) for a page , where the king takes notice of him , calls for him , and at the first dash makes him one of the bed-chamber , and suddenly his favourite , and knight sir robert , then viscount rochester , and after earl of somerset . this man the king had wound up to his just pitch , of whom we may justly say trim tram , like master , like man . when this man had long wallowed in his masters bounty , and the treasures of this kingdome , he fell the foullest that ever man did , upon the rocks of dishonor , adultery , and murder : of dishonour , to a noble peer of this land , and in him to the whole , nobility ; adultery , not only to bewhore her , but to get her divorced , and marry her ; and murder , upon the body of that unfortunate gentleman , sir thomas overbury , only for disswading him . and here it is much to our purpose , to insert how this favorites carriage had highly offended pr. henry , who understanding the loose kind of life this man lived , especially relating to her , distastes him , disrespects him , and forbears his company , and flatly fals out with him . somerset complaines to the king : shortly the prince falls sick and dies . that he was poysoned , hath been a common fame ever since : but to snuffe the candle , and make it burn cleare , take the testimony of these famous physitians , that dissected his body , and have left it upon record under their hands . the dissection of the body of prince henry . first , we found his liver paler then ordinary , in certain places somwhat wan ; his gall without any choller in it , and distended with winde . secondly , his spleen was in divers places more then ordinarily black . thirdly , his stomack was in no part offended . fourthly , his midriffe was in divers places black . fifthly , his lungs were very black , and in divers places spotted , and full of a thin watery blood . lastly , the veines in the hinder part of his head , were fuller then ordinary ; but the ventricles and hollownesse of the brain , were full of cleare water . in witnesse whereof , with our own hands we have subscribed this present relation , novemb. . . mayern atkins hammond palmer . gifford . butler . this prince was an active man , and full of high thoughts ; a lover of this nation , and lookt upon by them with much affection and expectation . what feares & jealousies somerset might maliciously infuse into the kings too fearful and timorous soul , we cannot tell : but that language from somerset to the lieutenant of the tower , when he told him he must provide himself to go the next morning to westminster to his trial , said , he would not ; that the king had assured him , he should not come to any trial ; neither durst the king bring him to any trial . this language , i say , stinks abominably : and when he did come to his trial , fearing ( being enraged ) that he might flie out into some strange discovery , there were two men placed on each side of him with cloaks on their arms , with peremptory cōmand , that if sommerset did any way flie out against the king , they should instantly hoodwink him wth their cloaks , take him violently from the bar , and carry him away : and this could be no mans act but the kings . he would often boast of his king-craft ; but if his feares , and somersets malice took this princes life away , 't was a sweet peece of king-craft indeed , but the fruit of it hath been bitter . i cannot enough admire that language hee used , when he gave in charge to his judges the examination of sir thomas overburi●● murder : my lords , i charge you , as you will answer it at that great and terrible day of judgment , that you examine it strictly , without favour , affection , or partiality : and if you shall spare any guilty of this crime ; gods curse light upon you and your posterity ; and if i shall spare any that are found guilty , gods curse light on me and my posterity for ever . this expression hath a most honest out-side : but if the king had a designe of feare , rather to be so rid of somerset , then an inward desire of justice , 't was monstrous foule ; which we shall better judge of by the sequel . seven persons were by the judges condemned to die for this foule murder ; four of them of the least account , and accessaries , are executed ; the three great ones , and principals , the king pardons ; and to somerset himself , to his dying day , was most profusely liberal , and suffered to live with that fire-brand of hel his wife , under the kings nose , all the dayes of their lives . here 's fine jugling ! these must be saved , for fear of telling scotch tales of the king . would the spirits of those noble souls of these our dayes , put up such a piece of injustice in the master , and such an affront and contempt of this nation , both from the master and the man ( two scots ) without vengeance ? i believe not . and this favourite of his , when his estate was seised upon for this foul murder , was found to have two hundred thousand pounds in mony , plate and jewels , in his house ; and nineteen thousand pounds a year in lands comming in : a fine advance from a scots page ; fifty pounds , and a suit of cloaths : ( and can any man tel for what ? ) i never heard that all scotland was worth so much . but enough of him . this king had no wars ; but spent more mony prodigally , profusely , and riotously then any of his predecessors . what swarms of scots came with him , and after him , into this kingdome ? who perpetually suckt him of most vast sums of moneys , which stand yet upon record ; which put him upon all dishonourable wayes of raising monies , to the most cruell oppression of this nation , to serve their riot and luxury : but there are many yet living can justifie this truth : though they lived a while at such a height ; yet they died like themselves , contemptible , miserable beggers ; and at this day scarce one of them can shew the fruits of those vast donatives , either in themselves , or their posterity , that 's worth looking upon : and so let them all perish , whomsoever , scots or english , whose foundation is such . though , i see no reason but any estate may be now questioned , which is known to have been raised upon the oppression of this nation ; nor that any title of honour so bought should descend to posterity . a lord is to be a lord by merit of imployment in some noble office , for the publique good ; not by projecting tricks , and cozening devices to fill a tyrant's coffers , to the enslaving of a gallant free nation . but , &c. to return to king james . in those dayes 't is true , the bishops , nobility , and the lawyers , had a great influence upon the people for their abilities , and supposed honesties ; yet amongst these , such are found , and others are made such , that whatsoever the king would have , they are fit , and willing instruments to bring it about , and make it passe for currant divinity , and law . witnesse , the burning of a whole cart-load of parliament presidents , that spake the subjects liberty ; that were burnt at the kings first comming . witnesse the nullity . witnesse the life of sir walter rawleigh , that was taken away in point of state , whose least part was of more worth then the whole race of the best of the scots nation . witnes , the inhancing of customes . witnes , privy seals , monopolies , and loans , benevolences , sales of lands , woods , fines , new-buildings . witnes , the lamentable losse of the palatinate . witnes , the treaty of the spanish-match . in which two last , this nation received more dishonour , then in any action any former age can paralel , and all under the colour of an honourable treaty . his daughter was undone , and his son bob'd of a wife , after the hazard of his person , and vast expence of infinite treasure to this day undischarged . i could never understand what piece of king-craft it was , to let the prince his onely son , with buckingham his favourite , make that voyage into spain , unlesse it were to be rid of them both : and had he not had to do with a noble enemy , surely they had never returned . hee would sometimes call a parliament , for mony , not for busines : but if the kingdome presented any grievances , he would quarrel by his prerogative , and dissolve it . one letter of his to the parliament , i cannot read but with amazement : which being but briefe , take here from his own hand . a copy of his majesties letter to the lower-house of parliament . mr. speaker , we have heard by divers reports to our great grief that the far distance of our person at this time from our high cou●t of parliament , caused by our want of health , hath imboldened some fiery and popular spirits in our house of commons , to debate and argue publiquely in matters far beyond your reach and capacity , and so tending to our high dishonour , and trenching upon our prerogative royal : you shall therefore acquaint that house with our pleasure , that none therein shall from henceforth presume to meddle with any thing concerning our government , or mysteries of state ; namely , not to speak of our dearest sonnes match with the daughter of spain , nor to touch the honour of that king , nor any our friends or confederates ; and also not to medle with any mans particulars , which have their due motions in our ordinary courts of justice : and whereas we heare they have sent a messenger to sr. edwyn sands , to know the reason of his late restraint ▪ you shall in our name resolve them , that it was not for any misdemeanour of his in parliament : but to put them out of doubt of any question of that nature , that may arise among them hereafter , you shall resolve them in our name , that wee think our selves very free , and able to punish any mans misdemeanours in parliament , as well during their sitting , as afterwards ; which we mean not to spare hereafter , upon any occasion of any mans insolent behaviour there , that shall be ministred unto us . and if they have already touched any of these points which we have forbidden , in any petition of theirs , which is to be sent to us : it is our pleasure , that you shall tell them , that except they reform it before it come to our hands , we will not dain the hearing or answering of it . i leave every reader to comment upon it , according to his own patience and passion : but , that a scot , from so beggerly a condition , to be so peaceably and honorably received to so royal a government over so brave a nation , should use such ungratefull , presumptuous , and proud language to the parliament of england , is to my understanding monstrous , horrible , and not good . but 't was his humor all his reign ; with impatience over-ruling , with jealousies threatning , and at pleasure to dissolve all parliaments , thereby to lay that foundation of tyrannical and arbitrary government , which he intended to bring upon us . his favourite somerset being condemn'd , and quietly laid aside , he was ready provided of another , george villiers by name , a handsom young man , lately return'd out of france , from an allowance of threescore pounds a year : who comes to court , is admitted to a bearers place , presently knighted , and made gentleman of the bedchamber , and the same day a thousand pounds a yeare out of the court of wards given him ; and in a breath made master of the horse , then knight of the garter , then baron of whadon , viscount villiers , earl of somerset , and a privy-councellor , marquesse of buckingham , lord admiral of england , chief justice in eyre of all the parks and forrests on the south-side of trent , master of the kings-bench office , head — steward of westminster , and constable of windsor-castle , and lastly duke ; and then he could go no higher in title ; but by his masters pleasure and courtesie , all the affairs of the kingdome are steered by his compasse , as is at large made known in many mens writings published . yet when he knew his master ( notwithstanding his slabbering expressions of affection , and extravagant honours and riches ) to be weary of him , he found a plaister and a powder , that made him amends for all his favours ; and here the king-craft met with his match . how far king charles might be privy to this busines , i determine not ; but the private familiarity between them , continued so long after , and protecting him from being questioned for this very particular in parliament , is no small presumption . but what the king denied ( justice ) god sent by the hand of john felton , who stabb'd this duke at portsmouth , with a ten peny knife , that hee instantly gave up the ghost with these words , gods wounds , i am slain ! to write all those actions this duke did by these two kings favours , in prejudice of this oppressed nation , would make a cholerick man mad , and a flegmatick stupid : but let him go ; the king is the thing i intend , who made use of him , the flattering prelates , the poor-spirited nobility , and corrupt lawyers , to frame such a government , as all the wealth in this kingdome should be at the kings disposing . which course , with such instructions , he left to his son ; and how his son managed them , hath been so clearly published by supreme authority , fairely written by sowhite a hand , that i intend not here to say much of that prince : only this i can say ; he was a man so wilfull , obstinate , and uxorious , that he quite forsook his own interest as a king , and the honour and interest of this nation , thorough malice , and her counsel ; and did so farre incline to the interest of france against spaine , ( and no thankes for his labour ) that by his meanes alone rochel and dunkirk were both lost : but that , and his fathers instructions , lost him , with the losse of more blood and treasure to this nation , then all our wars had spent since the william the norman . it hath been to me the greatest wonder of the world , how this king could be so blind , as not to prevent that storm that came upon him , till it was too late . were all his counsellors false ? o unhappy king ! or would he be ruled by none but himselfe and his wife ? o more unhappy man ! ( surely in this was the hand of god most visible . ) mischief was in his heart against this nation ; but it came upon himself & all his , as the world hath seen . there was about the time of his death , a book published , which was presented to the world , as he the author : which was so gross an imposture , that i have much marvail'd ( the fraud being so plain , and easily detected ) that no course hath been taken to find him out , and punish'd , that made it : for that it was not his , is as plainly to be discerned , as the sun at noon . but that false perfume lasted but a while , & the scent was only pleasing to them that could not smell . so that i may say , that in our dayes we have seen two the most remarkable and most eminent passages of humane affaires , that this nation hath afforded since the creation : the entrance of king james into this kingdome , with as much pomp and glory as the world could afford : and the exit of his son , with as much shame and misery as could befall a king . and although god almighty be the judge of all men ; yet gods judgments that are so remarkable , are for our instructions , and god is to be glorified by us for these judgments of his upon this kings family . i cannot in the best stories i have read , find who was clearly king james his father . mary queen of scotland ( a lusty young widow ) marries the lord darly son to the d. of lenox , in the year . or thereabouts : and at the same time , had for a reserve in great favor with her an italian fidler , and bothwel a scotch lord . after marriage , the queen proves with childe . the king her husband , that was lord darly , ( enraged by some informations ) comes into the roome where the queen his wife was at supper , and very big ; drags the italian fidler into another roome , and murders him . the queen was shortly delivered of a son , which was our king james . the solemnity of the christening ended , she and bothwel murdred the king her husband . then the queen marries bothwel , ( and all this in a moment of time ) but they are both fain to flie ; the queen came into england , and was here beheaded ; bothwel fled into denmark , and there lay in prison all the dayes of his life . and now ( reader ) observe the fortune of this prodigious family . his supposed father was strangled in his bed , by the consent of his mother , and flung out into a garden . his mother is beheaded . his eldest son pr. henry , by the jealousie , and consent of his father , in the flower of his youth and strength of his age , is poysoned . his daughter , married to the palsgrave ; where shortly her husband ( in ambition to becom a king ) is slain , and she with her many children are driven out of their estates , and flie for shelter into holland , where she hath lived ever since upon the courtesie of this state . her eldest son , having lived long upon a particular charity of this nation , is now at length restored to a feather of his goose . two other of her sons , after six yeares following arms and plunder for king charles , turn'd pyrates at sea , and so are at present . king james himself ( after two & twenty years reign , by the act of his favourite buckingham , and the consent of his son charles that succeeded him ) is poysoned . king charles , after eight years was with the parliament , is taken , arraigned and condemn'd , and is beheaded at his own dores ; his wife fled home to her friends , and his children scattered abroad in the world , to live upon the charity of others . are all these circumstances to be slighted , or unconsidered ? and shall we take the priests word ; king james was of blessed memory ? i challenge the proudest of them ; let them publish one cleare act of honesty from him all the time of his reign , or any honestman that ever he loved , & i 'le yield . his hypocrisie , perjury , cowardise , blasphemy , malice , are known to all ; and base ingratitude , which comprehends more then all the rest : whereof one example of him is well worth our remembring , to sir henry wo●●on , which briefly was thus : sir henry ( a man for person & parts highly esteemed , and honoured of all that knew him ) being in florence , when queen elizabeths death drew nigh , ( which king iames gaped for ) the duke of florence had intercepted some letters , which discovered a designe to take away the life of king james : the duke abhorring the fact , resolves to endeavour the prevention , calls for his secretary to advise by what meanes a caution might be best given to the king ; and it was resolved to be done by sir henry wotton , who ( being well instructed ) is presently dispatched into scotland with letters to the king , and most rare antidotes against all manner of poysons , whereby that mischief was prevented ; and sir henry wotton returns into italy , where shortly after came the news of the death of queen elizabeth , and james king of scots proclaimed king of england ; and away comes sir henry wotton , to joy the king . this had been a fit subject for to have shewn his noble minde upon for a favourite : but what doth the king ? takes him into two and twenty years travaile , like a pack horse , to make him an agent in forreign parts , and leaves him in his old age in eaton-colledge , unable to pay his debts , as many appear by his lamentable complaint upon his death-bed ; his words are these in his last-will and testament . i humbly beseech my lords grace of canterbury , and the lord bishop of london , to intercede with our most gracious soveraign , ( in the bowels of iesus christ ) that out of compassionate memory of my long services , some order may be taken for my arrears , for satisfaction of my debts . this president alone is so transcendently foul , as all his other actions and passions are vertues to it . fellowes of no merit , at home , must wallow in his bounty and their own luxury , to do his foul pleasure , and to execute his tyranical actions ; whilest such a noble soul as this , must suffer want , and die in it . and now lay all these things together , the lives of all our former kings , and the lamentable condition of this nation under these two last ; and tell me if it were not high time to consider of the honour , welfare and security of this nation , by reducing it to a free-state . but before i take my leave of these kings , i would willingly ( as a preparative to the cordial agreement of our free-state ) present some few considerations ; and herein i shall onely shew my hand , and my heart , wishing that some abler pen-man may more substantially publish something to this purpose , in better language , and more at large . first , how often wee have been made slaves to forreign powers , by not agreeing among our selvs . our kings having other dominions beyond seas , have consum'd our blood and treasure , to defend , maintain , or increase them at their pleasures : and their frequent matching into strangers blood , hath increased new titles , and pretences of quarrels , that have afforded matter for bitter warres , both abroad and at home . all which are now laid asleep . next is worth our serious consideration , how god almighty in his providence hath divided us from all the world by a wall of water , and hath brought us into a condition this day , by shipping , trade , and able sea-men and merchants , that no prince in christendome can shew the like for number and abilitie : so that now we have no complements for matches , nor busines with foraign princes but for trade . and here let me use the words of sir walter raleigh , in his discourse of shipping : whosoever commands the sea , commands the trade : whosoever commands the trade of the world , commands the riches of the world , and consequently the world it self . a faire invitation to cherish shipping , sea-men , and merchants . and if hereafter we fall into difference with any forreign prince , we fight for our selves , not for ill-grounded titles , nor to satisfie the ambition of particular , nor to maintain the luxury of any spurious issue . there are but two things ( which i mentioned in the introduction ) can obstruct us ( as i hope ) ireland , and envious presbytery : the royalist , i presume , will heare reason ; and scotland , i suppose , will shortly be reduced to an english province , and kept so by force ; for jocky is not to be trusted ; he is naturally so false , and hath been so high-fed since their scotch king came to this crowne , that his owne country — fare will not down , till they be humbled , ( which , god be thanked , is in a faire way . ) yet if there be any of that nation sensible of their owne security and welfare under our wing , ( which i much feare ) that shall comply in this union , i shall pray to god to make them good christians . and if any forreigne prince whatsoever , shall hereafter ( through ambition , or envy to our state , or pretence of donation from the pope ) assist or maintain , a faction either in scotland or ireland , ( as heretofore ) to hinder , prejudice , or molest our right or interest in these , or either of these places ; i see no reason why we should treat with them as friends . but i am now beside my cushion : my end is only to prepare and perswade a hearty agreement amongst our selves , to the secure setling of our free-state . so farewell scot , and farewell king ; and god blesse the common-wealth of england . finis . published by authority . courteous reader , these books following are printed and sold by william roybould , at his shop at the unicorn in s. pauls church-yard , neer the little north-door . the ( holy-arbor , containing a body of divinity , or the summe and substance of christian religion : first , methodically and plainly treated , of then analysed and applied : wherein also are fully resolved the questions of whatsoever points of moment , have been , or are now controverted in divinity : together with a large alphabetical table of such matters as are therein contained , or occasionally handled either by way of exposition , controversie , or reconciliation . in folio , by john godolphin , j. c. d. . christ alone exalted . in seventeen sermons , preached by dr. tobias crisp . in o . . the history of the bohemian persecution , from the beginning of their conversion to christianity , to these times . in which the unheard of secrets of councels , policie , arts , and dreadful judgments are exhibited . in o . . the assertion of grace , or a treatise of justification , by r. town . the ladies vindication , or the praise of worthy women . in o . . a further discovery of the mysterie of the last times : set forth for the good of such , as in these dissenting times know not to what society of christians to joyn themselves . in o . . a sermon preached by dr. homes , octob. . . at christ-church , before the lord major and aldermen . the mischiefe of mixt-communions , by dr. homes . o the life and reigne of king charles , or the pseudo-martyr discovered : together with some animadversions on the strange contrariety between his publike declarations , protestations , imprecations , and his pourtraicture , compared with his private letters and other of his expresses , not hitherto taken into common observation . in o . . the antiquity of commonwealths , instanced by that of holland , wherein is declared the rise & continuance of that government , as also their lawes and customes both in their civil & military power . in o . . a sermon preached at mary-aldermanbury , novemb. . . by m. william jenkins , being the first he preached after his releasement . church-cases cleared : wherein are held forth some things to reclaim professors is that are slack-principled , antichurchians , nonchurch-seekers , church-levellers : with a pacificatory preface , &c. by d. n. homes . the measvring rod of the lord stretched forth over all nations and the line of true judgment laid to the rulers thereof wherein all governours and rulers, potentates and powers are measured, and all governments and lawes weighed in the true weight : wherein they all may see how far they are degenerated from the law of righteousness, and the rules of wisdome, which was in the beginning, before tyranny, and persecution, and rebellion had shewed it selfe : also shewing the end that will come upon all those rulers and governments, rulers and lawes that have been made in the apostacy, which is to all overthrown ... : also an advertisement to all the rulers upon the earth ... : published for the information of all the rulers upon earth ... / by one who waits to see the kingdoms of the world to become the kingdomes of the lord ... francis howgil. howgill, francis, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing h ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing h estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the measvring rod of the lord stretched forth over all nations and the line of true judgment laid to the rulers thereof wherein all governours and rulers, potentates and powers are measured, and all governments and lawes weighed in the true weight : wherein they all may see how far they are degenerated from the law of righteousness, and the rules of wisdome, which was in the beginning, before tyranny, and persecution, and rebellion had shewed it selfe : also shewing the end that will come upon all those rulers and governments, rulers and lawes that have been made in the apostacy, which is to all overthrown ... : also an advertisement to all the rulers upon the earth ... : published for the information of all the rulers upon earth ... / by one who waits to see the kingdoms of the world to become the kingdomes of the lord ... francis howgil. howgill, francis, - . p. printed for giles calvert ..., london : . reproduction of original in huntington library. eng kings and rulers -- early works to . a r (wing h ). civilwar no the measuring rod of the lord, stretched forth over all nations, and the line of true judgement laid to the rulers thereof; wherein all gove howgill, francis c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - andrew kuster sampled and proofread - andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the measvring rod of the lord , stretched forth over all nations , and the line of true judgement laid to the rulers thereof ; wherein all governours and rulers , potentates and powers are measured ; and all governments and lawes weighed in the true weight ; wherein they all may see how far they are degenerated from the law of righteousness , and the rules of wisdome , which was in the beginning , before tyranny , and persecution , and rebellion had shewed it selfe ; also shewing the end that will come upon all those rulers and governments , rules and lawes that have been made in the apostacy , which is to be all overthrown , and all that which is acted out of gods power , to be thrown down by him , unto whom all power is committed . shewing also that they in whom the power of god is made manifest , cannot be subject to any usurper , or to that power which is gone from the life of god . also an advertisement to all the rulers upon the earth , that they may wait for the restorer to be revealed in the nations , to make up the breaches , and to crush that down which hath made the breach , that so righteousness may cover the earth , and gladness of heart may possess the people . published for the information of all the rulers upon earth : by one who waits to see the kingdoms of the world to become the kingdomes of the lord and his christ , that he alone may rule for ever and ever , called francis howgill . london . printed for giles calvert , and are to be sold at the black-spread-eagle at the west end of pauls . the measuring rod of the lord streched forth &c. listen oh world , hearken oh earth , and all the inhabitants thereof , give eare , oh all nations that are therein , and all the isles thereof , draw near ye potentates thereof , ye ▪ emperours , kings , earles , dukes , nobles , princ●pallities , and dominions , my mouth shall speake the thing that is right , and my lips shall utter forth understanding , my toungue shall declare unto you the counsell of the most high , and what he is bringing to pass in the latter dayes , he that is higher than the highest hath said , he that is greater than the greatest hath spoken , the whole world lies in wickedness , and thick darkness is over the world , his way is perverted , his counsell is despised , and all nations is out of order , notwithstanding the multitude of their counsellers , and notwithstanding all their wisdome , yet folly is brought forth in the middest of the nations . because they have asked counsell and not at the lord , and taken advice and not at the holy one , therefore violence is set up as an ensign , and wickedness runneth down as a river , and cruelty and opression as a mighty stream , the whole earth is full of folly and madness , and all the people thereof are degenerate and grown out of the image of god into a monstrous and strange nature , the prophets are all fooles , the diviners thereof are mad , and they being degenerate themselves from the life of god , have not turned the people from their iniquitie , but hath led them into further blindness , darkness , ignorance , and deceit , and hath made the word of truth of none effect through their traditions , & hath taught for doctrine the precepts of men , & the traditions of them who are out of the faith , and out of the life , and out of the power of god , and the counsellors they have established wickedness by a law , they themselves being stranged from the life of god , therefore violence is broken forth into the earth as a flood , and now all kings , rulers , potentates of the earth who have given their power to the whore , who sitts upon many waters , and the waters are kindreds , and tongues , and people , and nations , yea all nations have been drunk with the cup of her fornication , and being all gone forth from the life , in which the prophets and the holy men of god lived in , and were established in ; the nations are become as waters , reeling to and fro , hither and thither , unsetled , unstable , there the whore hath her seate , and all having drunk of her cup of iniquity and fornication , even of mystery-babylons cup , and are inflamed therewith ; and so reeles to , and fro , as the waters , and are as the waves of the sea unstable , by her who hath made all nations drunk , and by them who have been made drunk with her , even all nations , kindreds , tongues , and people , have the prophets been slain , and the witnesses slain , and none to bury them , not in mystery-babylon , who is drunk with the blood of the saints , and they that have drunk of her cup of fornication , even all the kings , nobles , potentates of the earth , they have acted the like , and have slain the appearance of god , where ever it hath been brought forth , and the red dragon hath stood ready to devour the heir , which is borne of mystery-ierusalem which is the mother of all who are borne from above , who are heires of the promise of eternall life , and the powers of the earth hath joyned their power to the dragon , who cast out floods of venome after the child , which is brought forth by the woman , which is clothed whith the sun : and now the powers of the earth taketh part with the dragon , and their authority and dominion that they exercise is by his power which arises out of the bottomless pit ; and shall goe into perdition , and he hath deceived the nations long , and all hath exercised their power against him who is the heire of the promise , the first-born of every creature , who is higher than the highest , and greater than the greatest , and have changed his lawes , and made them void , and hath set up the law of sinne and death , & hath established unrighteous lawes by the power of darkness , in which all nations hath been involved in , since the dragon hath power , and whosoever would not obey those lawes and customs , and constitutions , the dragon hath had power , and all that have joyned to him for a time , to kill , to imprison , to destroy , and they who have been exalted have had thought to weary cut the saints of the most high , and to root out the memoriall of the just , that he and all his adherents , might reign for ever , in the kingdome of unrighteousness , and in the dominion of darkness , which is the devills dwelling place , and residence for ever , who is at enmity against god , and the children of light , which worship god in spirit and truth , in life and righteousness . now is the time drawing near , and he who is the desire of all nations appeareth , the ancient of dayes is coming , whose throne is established in righteousness for ever , who will break the head of the dragon , and will lay hold upon him , and chaine him up that he deceive the nations no more , and all you emperours , kings , dukes , earles , nobles , lords , and potentates , who have joyned to him , your kingdome shall be rent from you , and your hands shall grow weake , that you shall not be able to defend your selves against him who travells in the greatness of his strength , who is comming up against you , as a lion greedy of his prey , and will devoure at once all his enemies , that thought in their hearts to reign for ever , and to settle themselves in iniquity for ever : now the time draws near when he will put down the authority of the dragon , and of the beast , and the beast with many heads and hornes , and their rule shall come to an end , and he will dash you one againe another as broken pitchers , till you be consumed and brought to nought , and be worn out as a motheaten garment , and will overthrow your lawes and customes , which is made in the night of ignorance , and blindness , and will change your customes and the times , and will reduce the earth again into its first purity , and you that have ruled , shall serve and be tributary ; and as you have had a time of rejoycing over the wittnesses ( who hath troubled your earthly and devillish peace ) and slayn them as sheep for the slaughter ; a time of mourning is comming upon you , when you shall say alas , alas , for your glory shall pass away , and your renown shall wither ; and for your dominion which shall grow so weake , tht you shall not be able to resist him who travells in the greatness of his strength , and treadeth the winepress of the wrath of god , who is mighty and strong to judge the whore , and all they that have committed fornication with her , and have drunk of her cup , and are inflamed with adultery , and cannot cease from sinne , but burnes in envie against the appearing of the manchild who is heir of the promise , yea of life everlasting , born heir to the inheritance which is incoruptible , unto whom all power belongeth both in heaven and earth , who will subdue the lower power , and powers of darkness , and tread them under foot , and all who act from that power which is below the life , below the truth , below the light , that power will he ( and all whom he brings out of the grave , and raises above the grave ) tread down under foot , which stands but in the earth wherein dwells unrighteousness . allthough thy teachers and diviners in the oh earth , who preacheth a divnation of their own brain , & from the imagination of their own hearts , hath made you beleive , oh you powers of the earth , who are in the fall , in the transgression of the life , that you were the higher powers , every emperour , king , duke , earle , nobles , lords , and that all were to stoop to your wills , how contrary soever they have been to god , but you and they must know , there is one higher than the highest , who is king of kings , and lord of lords , who alone will judge the hearts of his people , and their consciences , for he will not give his glory to another , although you have long usurped it , since the dayes of the apostacy , and would have had all to bow to that power which hath transgressed the life , and is gone from the power of god , oh long hath been the night of ignorance , and darkness , and great hath been the apostacy in the earth , since the dayes of the apostles , and since the false christs and false prophets entered into the world , which christ said should come , and cry lo here , and there , and should deceive many , yea all the world wondered after the beast , and iohn , sa● it all ly in wickedness , and the time that christ prophesied of came to be fullfilled in the dayes of iohn , and he saw it ; matt. . , . that many false prophets and antichrists , were gone out into the world , out from the life , out from the truth , cut from the light , wherein the saints had fellowship , who wrote forth the scriptures , and he said they were gone into the world , and he said the whole world lay in wickedness , and so they went from holyness into wickedness , and from the fathers love into the love of the world , and peter and jude , who lived in the same age , they saw them that went in the error of balaam , and in the way of cain , and in gainsaying the power , being turned from it like corah , and also their hearts were exercised with covetuous practices , so iohn saw they were come , john . , , ver. little chilldren it is the last times as you have heard that antichrist shall come , even now there are many antichrists , whereby we know its the last time , and peter saw that false apostles should come , who should make merchandise of the people , and prophesied of it , as you may read pet. . , . and in the , . verses , you may know them by their fruits , having eyes full of adultery ; and cannot cease from sinne ; beguiling unstable soules , and hearts they have exercised with covetuous practices , and they were the cursed children ; and these had forsaken the right way , christ the way and his command also : freely ye have received , freely give , and they laboured to keep the gospell without charge , who were true apostles , but these false prophets , deceitfull workers , antichrists and false apostles , they were gone in balaams way , after the wayes of unrighteousness in cains way , in coras way , in antichrists way , cut of christs way , and these false prophets , false apostles , they spoke swelling words of vanitie , and did allure through the lusts of the flesh , and they like the rest of the false prophets gone before them , cried peace , and promised peace unto others , while they run with them into riotousness , and while they put into their mouthes , and these promised libertie to themselves and others , while they themselves were servants of corruption , and jude bore witnesse that they were turned from the grace of god into lasciviousnesse , and wantonnesse , even from the grace that taught them to deny ungodlinesse , and was sufficient to preserve them from these errours before mentioned , but they went from it , and from the light and life of men , and denied him , and owned another , even him who abode not in the truth ( the foundation of god ) but went out of the truth , and so are bottomlesse or without foundation , and there is the very center , ground and residence of all the false prophets , antichrists , deceivers , all comes from or out of the bottomless pit , and leades to perdition . and paul if not in that age , yet in the next age after lived , & he saw the mystery of iniquity already begin to worke , thess. . . and paul an apostle of christ wrote to timothy his son that the spirit spoke expresly some should depart from the faith , and they should speake lies in hypocrisie timothy . , . and in the of tim. he gave him notice what fruits they should bring forth , they that departed from the faith , chap. . ver. , , , , . yea a great apostacy from the faith there was , while paul was yet living , for he writes to timothy . tim chap. . this thou knowest , that all they which were in asia , be turned away from me , and there were a great people in asia , for great persecution he suffered in asia , and stayed years in asia , acts. . ver. . in so much that all they that dwelt in asia heard the word of the lord , yea and divers great men and of the cheife of asia were his freinds , acts . ver. . so its manifest there were great people , for acts . verse , not only at ephesus , but almost throughout all asia this paul hath perswaded , and turned away much people , said demetrius : and paul writing to the corinthians , saith cor , . . the churches in asia salute you ; and iohn writes to seven , rev. , . rev. . and as was said before , all was departed from the faith , even all they that are in asia are turned away from me , and the apostle wrote to titus ; titus . ver. , . that there were many unruly , and vaine talkers , and deceivers , who subverted whole houses , teaching the things they ought not , for filthy lucre . and iohn , who wrote the last in the revelations , he writes that the whole world wondred after the beast , and his power was so great , that it was said who is able to make warre with the beast , & they worshipped the beast , saying , who is able to make warre with the beast rev. . ver. , . and the beast that arose out of the sea , having seven heads , and ten hornes , and upon his hornes ten crownes , and upon his head the name of blasphemy , and the dragon gave him his power , his seat , and great authority , and he opened his mouth in blasphemy against god , to blaspheme his name and his tabernacle , and them that dwell in heaven , and it was given him to make war with the saints , ver. . , and to overcome them , and power was given him over all kindreds , tongues , and nations , and all that dwell upon the earth , ver. . shall worship him , whose names are not written in the lamb's book of life , shin from the foundation of the world , this beast receiving his power and authority from the dragon hath prevailed ; he rose out of the sea , the waters upon which the whore sits , and the waters are kindreds , tongues and people , and the beast arose out of the sea also , that the whole world wondred after and worshipped , and john that saw this coming or hundred years agoe ; so that in a few ages after the apostles all was worn out , the life lost , the dragon had power , the beast had power , and all wondred after him , and the whore had made all nations drunk with her fornication ; and then she came to sit upon many waters , kindred , tongues and people , hears the waters , hears the sea out of which the beast rose , who received his power from the dragon , and this is he who upon his head had the names of blasphemy , and all kindreds , tongues , and nations whose names were not written in the lambs book , they who honoured the beast , and worshipped the beast , and said who is able to make war with him , admired his power , and submitted unto him ; and he hath had power , and hath prevailed against the saints , did overcome them , and the dragon hath made war with the seed which keep the commandements of god , and the testimony of iesus , all this was seen many ages agoe , and what worke the dragon hath made in the nations and in the earth , where he hath had dominion and prevailed , and what a raging the roaring lyon hath kept in the earth is evident , seeking to destroy them in whom the seed remained , and to destroy them in whom the power of god was , or the least measure , and so the false , prophets , deceivers , antichrists , which wenout then , which the apostle saw , they cried up that power which was from the life of god , and hath cryed it up for the higher power , and said all ought to be subject to it , and said who is able to make war with the beast , for the false apostles and deceivers and antichrists went from the grace of god , and from the light , and from the power of god , into the world and into that nature , which all kindreds , and tongues , and people walked in , and into the power that acts the children of disobedience , and joyned with that power upon which the whore sits : and they taught nations and people to admire this power , and to admire the beast because of his heads and horns , and crowns and names ; and hath wrought miracles before the beast ; and this power which the beast had received from the dragon , this power admires the false prophet , and the false prophet the beast ; so that none could buy nor sell , nay nor live , but that had his marke or the number of his name , and so all hath been in utter darknesse , and the deeds of darknesse hath spread themselves over the earth ; for the whore who is adulderated from god ; and the dragon , and the beast , and the false prophet , all have acted from that power , which is below the truth , and below the life , which power is at enmity against the truth and the life and against the light ; and this power overspread all nations , and the sun being set , the night came over all , and the shadow of death over all nations , and a veil and a covering hath been spread over all : and so out of the midst of thick darkness all hath acted this long and darke night of ignorance in the apostacy , wherein the dragon hath had power , and the beast , and that power hath been admired and set up , which hath transgressed the life , so that any who have been zealous for the truth , and have kept the testimony of jesus , and the spirit of prophesie ; the false prophets in all nations , who are from the testimony of jesus , have called to the beast to slay and to kill and to destroy the seed of the woman , which is cloathed with the sun , and so the beast exercising his power which is from below , have killed and destroyed them who were subject to the higher power . and what torturing and massacring , and persecution , what burning and strangling there hath been , what cruell deaths many have been put to , over all nations and in all nations , where the beast have had power , who makes warr against the life , so that the streets have run with blood , and all being gone from the life and power of god , they set up themselves to be judges over mens consciences , and they who were in the errour , they cryed out of heresie , and they that are gone from the truth into a lie , the ground of blasphemy , they cry out of blasphemy , and under the hornes of the beast , and under the heads , and the crownes of the beast , what cannons constitutions , edicts , and lawes have been in all nations , what trapps , ginns , and snares have been laid in every nation , yea , every home hath pushed , and every head hath lifted up it selfe against christ the head , and every mortall crowne hath advanced it selfe against the crowne of glory , and against the immortall crowne , so that it might be said as eliah said , the altar of the lord hath been broken down and his prophets and his witnesses slain , none hath escaped the rage of the beast . yet there hath been a few who have kept their garments clean , and were not defiled with women , nor with the harlot , those who feared the lord , and durst not offend the righteous law of god in their consciences , but hath denied whole councells who were erred from the faith , and all the powers of the earth in which the beast bore rule , but rather chuse to suffer cruell deathes , than to let goe the profession and possession of their faith , whose blood cryes under the altar , how long oh lord , holy , just , and true , will it be ere thou avenge our blood , which blood and cry is entered into the eares of the lord of hosts , who will speedily take vengeance on the nations , and dash them one against another , and will breake down that power which hath slain the witnesses , yea , and hath gainsaid the power of god , and all nations who are from the life , in which the holy men of god lived , and in that nature still which persecuted the life of god wherever it did apear in any measure , yea , swell'd up and climb'd to the very top of iniquity , which is satans crown and glory , and the preists , and they that went out from the light into the world , in iohns dayes , and peters dayes , who then taught for filthy lucre , and did subvert whole houses from the faith , ever since that time hath spread themselves over the nations , and hath begotten people into a form and into an image , without the life , and so hath worshipped the beast and his image . and the deceit being entered then , and images then being set up , one on this wise , another on that , and some have had an image of many mixtures , such an image as the preists of england , scotland , and ireland worship , and hath got a law to guard it , that whosoever will not bow to it , the furnace is heat hotter to throw them into it . object . and if any say , why i say so , or how do i make that appeare . ans. i answer thus ▪ the cardinalls , jesuites , and other romish preists had a law made to protect their idoll , the mass , and if any spoke to him that was sacrificing to the image , or idoll , then three months inprisonment , but now if any declares against the image , that the preists of england , scotland , and ireland have set up , every one is to pay five pound , or six months imprisonment in a house of correction , and there be tortured , and whipt , and shamefully intreated , nere to the loss of life , nay it s now so much the more hotter now than ever . none must come near the house of their idoll god or image , but must be counted a breaker of the peace , nor speake to a deceiver , and say he is so , nor a hireling and say he is so , nor to a covetous preist and say he is so , and can for proofe bring halfe of his parish to witness the truth of this , but if he speake the truth never so clear , he must to prison or pay five pound , or the house of correction , and there be whipt , and stocked , and fettered , and chayned , and tortured , and so it is manifest that those magistrates , who had a hand in making of this law have outstript the magistrates in the time of mary , when the pope had domination in his height in these nations . and the preists ●ow , who in these nations , who have set up their image of many mixtures , and one year they make one , and another year another , and what as that power likes the best , that is gone out of the life and power of god , that they present to the authority of the nation as an image of a more comely stature , than the former , and then authority makes a law to guard it , and so it may truly be said , as it was said to israell , hath any other nation changed their god , but israell had changed from the living god , to them by nature which are no gods , and so hath these nations gone from god , the fountaine of life , and from the power of god , and hath set up an image in which is no life instead , nay , they are not content with their image , but it growes old , and then pa●ches up another of many mixtures , one while the masse that was held forth as their publick profession , and then prelacy and the book of common prayer , and then presbytery and the directory mixt and made up : ignorance , blindness and of the fragments of popery , and their own invention , and this now is set up for all to bow to , one while one thing which they call faith , and another while another , and heaps of confused confessions , but are all out of the life and from the true faith . and now they have manifested themselves to have no faith , and to be without faith , and are unagreed upon it , instance that which is called the humble petition , and advice presented to o. p. by the late parliament , that there may be a publick confession of faith made and recommended , as the publick profession , and also that none may speak or write against , under a penalty , but this image the lord hath by his immediate hand from heaven curst , and confounded them that would have founded it , before it ever came to be set up , ah silly silly , that ever they who should profess godliness , should so shame themselves and all their teachers , for the teachers are not agreed yet of their faith , so they have either no faith , or else many forms which is feigned , and in this they are not yet agreed , and so being out of the true faith , in which the saints had fellowship ; in the unity of the faith they are all in distraction , and confusion , head , and taile , in the jarr , in the strife about words , and a forme of words , and how many confessions and forms and images is there set forth , and people still ignorant of the mystery of faith which is held in a pure conscience , and wants that which is the evidence of things not seen , and wants that which should let people see him who is invisible , and oh how is people lost in the middest of these fayned , formall , divinations , and how are the rulers in most nations lost in the middest of their counsells , being gone from that which should be a terror to evill doers , and should be for the praise of them that do well . and what if all people in all nations were constrained under a penalty to hold such a form of words , and to consent to such a confession , doth this any more but make hypocrits , when a man is not first perswaded of those things in his mind by the spirit of truth , is this any more , but fainedness , how long hath the god of this world bl●nded the eyes of people , whole cities , townes , and countryes , because they have gotten a formall confession , made by a priest , who is out of christs doctrine , in the steps of the false prophets , and in the practice of the false apostles , and deceitfull workers , and when they have made a confession , or a catechism , as they call it , and hath gotten over the words , and can say them over , now judges they have faith , and are sound christians , when they are ignorant of the first principle or of faith towards god , and so are carried on in the mist of darkness , and ignorance , and knowes not yet repentance from dead workes . object . but some of the rulers , and potentates of the earth may say , we have not persecuted them for well doing , but for heresie , and blasphemy , and sowers of sedition , and because they have not submitted to obey our constitutions and lawes . ans. deceit hath never wanted a cover hitherto , neither hath or can the serpent want subtilty , for it s his nature by which he liveth : nabucadnezar made a law , that whosoever would not obey , should be cast into the furnace , and might not all his magistrates have said to shadrak , meshach , and abednego , that they were not subject to the kings decree , and therefore judge they suffered deservedly , and did not the jewes who were uncircumcised in heart say , when they took up stones to stone christ , we stone thee not for thy good work●s , but thou being a man maketh thy selfe god , and the jewes stoned paul , and stephen , and put peter , and iohn in prison , they said they were movers of sedition , and ring-leaders of sects , but the cheife preists and the false prophets , had allwayes their hands , in conspiring against the life of the just , but persecutors were ever blind , and yet were so conceited , that they saw , that they said to christ are we also blind , but the seed of falshood hath fitten as judge long , and hath laid the heritage of god wast , and hath set it selfe in gods temple as the true heir , and judged the heir not worthy to live , and thousands of thousands have been put to cruell deaths , and a numberless number hath suffered since the apostles dayes , and since the apostacy came in , yet these which have done these things would be called christian magistrates , and ministers of justice , and those teachers who have called to the rulers to punish such as hereticks , and seducers , they would be counted the ministers of christ , and such nations who are out of the life , they would be counted holy . oh nay , christ came not to destroy mens lives , but to save them , and all you rulers in all nations , who goes under the name of christendom , who are upon the earth , and all you teachers that are therein , whose actions and lives , doctrines , and principles , and practices , are contrary to the life of righteousness , and contrary to the doctrine of christ and the practice of the holy men of god , you are all out of christs nature , and out of the divine nature , in the dragons natu●e , and in the corrupt nature , in the nature in which all the disobedient and the rebellious are in , who are heires of wrath and eternall vengeance , therefore repent ye of your iniquity , and tremble before the lord god of heaven and earth , who is roreing from his dwelling place , and uttering forth his dreadfull voice , at the sound thereof all nations shall fear , and be astonished , and the fenced cities , in which you dwell , shall be horribly afraid . behold the time of restoring , is come , and coming , and the year of gods controversy with sions enemies is aproching near you , and he who sits and judges in righteousness , hath shewed himselfe , will rule over the heathen as with a rod of iron , and will pour forth his plagues upon all the families of the earth , that calls not upon his name , but despises it , and tramples upon it , the earth is filled with violence , cruellty and opression , yea it is broken forth as a flood , and the nations is covered with unrighteousness , as with a garment , the beast hath exercised his power , and hath overcome and prevailed long over the heritage of god , and the mountain of the lords house is made desolate , all is void and without form , deceit inthroned , truth trampled upon , judgement turned backward , and the devill reignes a king , equity hath found no place , mercy is shut out of doores , cruelty is entertained , temperance and moderation hath no residence , lust , uncleanness , excess , riotousness , and wantoness , is loved as though it were the way to eternall felicity , pride , hipocrisie , and dissimulation is taken pleasure in , sobriety and meekness hath no dwelling place , but is thrown aside , folly and madness is set up as the greatest wisdome , and the wisdome which is from above counted the greatest folly ; the fear of the lord is slighted , gods pure law thrown behind their backes , the nations and the people therein are compassed about with darkness as a wall , and with ignorance as a curtaine , and with blindness as with a strong fence , they are situated in the region of death , and at the side of the pit , and yet saith no evill shall come near us , nor sorrow touch our tabernacle , and is in a dead sleep of security , wrapt up in the slumber of iniquity , involved in utter darkness , folded up in the deep pit of ignorance ; and desires not the knowledge of wisdome , neither to walk in her path , but her way is grievous unto them , and the eye lid of the morning is unto them as the shadow of death . nevertheless he that weighes all things in an even ballance , before whom all nations are but as the drop of a bucket , he is appearing in his power , and thundring from his holy place , who will make the nations shake as an olive leafe , and the isles tremble before him , who is uttering forth his voice as the sound of many waters , which shall make all the potentates , and mighty of the earth bow , the eye-lids of the morning is opened , and the sun is rising to his height , and the darke aire is scattering by the breath of his mouth , and so all things shall appear in the earth as they are , and every thing under the face of the heaven shall be brought to light , and all the powers of darkness discovered , and the workes , and workers of iniquity shall no longer be hid , but shall be discovered by the light of the sonne of god , and shall be judged and cendemned by the life of righteousness , and blessed are they who know a hiding place in him , when his overflowing scourge passeth over the nations which is already made ready to execute his judgement upon the heathen that know him not , oh who may abide his presence , when he appeares in his power and maj●sty and glory , all the ungodly of the earth , sha●l be as driven stubble before his bow , and shall fly before him , nevertheless the pursues shall overtake , and the destroyer shall lay hold upon them , and all the ungodly shall hear the sentence , go ye cursed from the presence of the lord into the pit of everlasting destruction . and when this day comes upon the nations , all your prophets , diviners and teachers , who are out of the life of christ , who have flattered you and told you , you were the higher power , and you must sit as judge in the things of the father , & lord it over the consciences of people , and prescribe the lord a way , and a limit in your several , nations , and dominions , they shall not be able to deliver themselves neither you , but the helper and the helped shall both fall together , the strengthener and the strengthened shall grow feeble , & their loines weake , so that they shall not be able to stand before him who is the higher power , and the greatest digni●y , who will rule over all usurpers , and over all the children of pride , the dragon , the beast and the false prophet , and teller of lies , shall have their portion in the lake that burns . then shall the ransomed of the lord , and the righteous seed , whom the nations have slain , and persecuted ; the prophets , and holy men of god , and all that have been slain for the testimony of iesus , rejoice over the deceit , and it shall be sung in that day , the lord god omnipotent reigneth , who will ascend above all principallities and powers , thrones and dominions , and tread down all under his feet that the earth may be filled with his glory , and behold he cometh quickly in a moment , and suddain destruction shall be upon his enemies , and the breath of his mouth shall make all melt away that hate the lord , and their remembrance shall rot for ever and ever . therefore oh all ye powers of the earth , who are the sons of fallen adam , whose power ariseth out of the earth , in which the devill dwells and the serpent fe●ds , who bear rule but not by the lord ; who sits as judges in the earth , and yet your judgment is from the earth , and from below , know this , you shall all be judged with the just ; and all your unrighteous decrees , lawes constitutions , ordinances , and edicts , which is made in the fallen wisdome , you and they both together will be cast aside as a thing of nought , and must all be judged with the just , therefore repent and turn to the lord of heaven and earth , that you may know his righteouss judgment set up in your hearts , and the spirit of in justice and error purged out of your hearts , or else you judge not for god , for all the lawes , constitutions , and ordinances , which are made in the fallen principle , and fallen wisdome , to have all these in the head or in the memory , so that he may act in a nation or kingdome , according to the letter of a law prescribed in a nation ; that doth not at all make a man an able minister of justice or a magistrate for god for the root being unholy and corrupt and erronious , from whence those lawes were given forth , the branches is unholy also , the ground being corrupt , the tree bad , the fruit is bad also , and so all nations who are degenerate from the life of god , their lawes and constitutions doth alwayes imbondage the regenerate ; so the heart being deceitfull and unrighteous , such lawes proceeds forth which doth oppress the upright in heart , and all , or most of the lawes in all nations , are received by tradition from generation to generation , since the scattering of israell , who received the law from gods own mouth by the hand of moses a magistrate of the lord , and a judge over israell ; and so heapes of decrees , statutes , and ordinances there is in the nations which doth not answer that of god in the conscience of every man , and so that which is pure of god in the conscience of every one cannot be subject to those lawes and tradi●ions , but rather suffers , as many thousands have done , cruell deaths , and great oppression all this dark time of antichrist reign , and of the beast in all nations since the apostacy ; and death raigning over all the sonnes of the first adam , in the transgression , death hath breathed forth it self upon the face of the earth , for sin entering and death by sinne it rules in the heart , and exerciseth his power which stands in unrighteousness , and so all mankind in all their acting , can do nothing for god but against him ; and against his people who are redeemed out of the region of death , and so all law-givers , and law-makers , and lawes which stands in the will of man , and in the unrighteous principle , will the second adam , the lord from heaven , the restorer of mankind utterly overthrow , abolish and take away their power , for the law-giver shall come out of sion ; who ever in all nations , that ever come to see him must see him come from thence , whose appearance shall be as a lamp that burnes , and he shall change the customes and the times and the lawes , and overthrow all them that stands in the curse , for he shall lead out of death , and out of its path ; and from under the law of sin and death , that all that heares him and comes to be subject to his law , shall deny all those lawes in the very ground , and bear their testimonie against them , which stands in that nature , that transgresseth the life , and therefore give ear all nations , and all emperors kings , monarkes , lord , iudges , and rulers of the earth , in all nations he is come and coming , whose right it is to judge the earth in righteousness , and the people with equity , even he unto whome all judgment is committed , and he hath appeared as the sonne of god in the north region of the world in power and majesty and great glory , and hath made the mountaines me●t before him , and he hath dried up all the springs of babylon , and hath made the cedars bow ; and made the trees of the forrest to shake ; and the sturdy oakes hath he cut up by the rootes ; and turned a pleasant land into a wilderness , and hath made the wilderness to blossome , and hath changed the customes allready , and hath broken deaths covenant , and hath overthrown the mighty men , yea even the horse and his rider , and hath taken off their chariot wheeles in the day of battail , and it hath been a dreadfull day and a sore slaughter , as in the dayes of gibea , or as in the valley jehos●phat and a sorrowfull day hath come , and great mourning , as hadadrimmon in the valley of megiddo , for one post hath met another , and the news hath been , babylon is taken at both ends , and he hath over-run the multitude of egypt , and trampled upon them , as the prancing of horses in battel , so that the mighty are fallen by him , and the strong hath not been able to help themselves against him who hath come as one that trod the winepress , and now hath overturned the powers of death , hell and the grave , and hath broken deathes covenant , and will put an end to all changeable lawes , and hath and will establish his law which indures for ever & ever : and now heare , all that are left unspoyled are angry , and all that worship the beast , are left unslain , blasphemes him and speakes evi●l of his name , and of his wondrous workes which he hath done in t●is day , as in the land of egypt , and in the fields of zoan ; for he hath turned the waters into blood , and hath cut all the fresh springs , and hath slain the first-born of egypt , at which pharaoh and all his wise men , and all the egyptians are angry , and still resists the lord , till they will , with the rest who have resisted him , be swallowed up of the deep . and now oh nations , who are scituated under the whole face of the heaven , he is coming up against you as a giant refreshed with wine , and shall run his course , and none shall be able to stop his way , and shall come as israel , after the slaughter of edom , with their garments red ; and he travails in the greatness of his strength , and shall make all nations desolate , who have given their power to the beast , and will break their covenants , and throw down your traditions which are heathenish , and he is bringing a handfull out of the north country , who have been eye-witnesses of his power , majesty , and glory , and of his noble acts , and though but a handfull , yet they are blessed , and his increase shall be great , for they shall subdue nations , and kings shall be tributary to them , and they shall be his witnesses to the ends of the world , and shall publish his righteousness from generation to generation , & bear their testimony of him , who lives for ever and ever , who is the lord of heaven and earth , our righteousness ; who hath broken open the seals of the deep , and hath made the springs of life to flow forth as though it issued out of a wombe ; by which his little ones are refreshed and grow in strength , honour , and glory to him in the highest , whose judgements are just , holy , pure and equall for ever and ever : oh who can stand before him , who hath uttered forth his voice before his camp , and its very great , devouring fire is before him , and it is tempestuous round about him , and his sword devoures much flesh , and all the ungodly shall be slain , heaps upon heaps , so that there shall be none left to bury the dead : a glorious high throne hath he erected , and he sits thereon , and judges in righteousness , even he before whose face the heaven and the earth shall fly away , and the sea be dried up , oh who can dwell with d●vouring fire , who can dwell with everlasting burning , who can stand when he appears , when he draws out his sword of justice all nations shall grow pale , and all the rulers feeble , and the warriour shall not find his hands in the day of batta●l , when they encounter with the almighty , for his sword shall be fatted with slaughter , and all nations who resist shall become soked with blood . oh he is dreadfull , who can stand when he appears , who is a consuming fire , therefore all rulers in nations , and potentates of the earth , feare and dread his holy name , and bow unto his righteous scepter , least you be cut off , and perish with the rest of the uncircumcised , who have resisted him , and go down into the nethermost hell for ever ; for assuredly the day of your fanning and trying is near , arme your selves , put on your armour , see if you be able to stand in the day of the lord . oh , nay you will all be as dust before the whirl-wind , and shall be scattered in the fierce anger of the lord , and all your changeable laws , constitutions , customs , and traditions , which is brought forth from the changeable principle , which is gone out from the life , and all your turning of th●ngs upside down , shall be as the potters clay , for he unto whom the eternall being hath committed all judgement , which he hath appointed to judge in righteou●ness is appearing , and come , and coming , who si●s as a refiners fire , and sits as judge among the gods , who will not give his glory and honour to any other . and so all you that b●are rule and not by him , who is the true light which in●ightneth every man that cometh into the world your p●wer other is from another , even from him who is 〈…〉 with the light , for by me saith the l●rd k●ngs rule , and princes decree justice , and such as were obedient un●o his righteous law written in their hearts ; as david , solomor , jehosaphat , ezekiah , and the rest of the holy kings and princes , who were guided by that which was just & unchangeable , they ruled by his power and decreed justice , and answered that which was just in every mans conscience , which is one with that power in which they ruled , and from whence they acted , and so a terrour they became to none , but evil doers , who were out of the power , and out of the truth , and in that nature which stood up against that powers by which the princes decreed justice , and so with the power of god , all these rulers , and rules , and governments , which is not according to the power of the just god , is to be abolished at the coming of him , whose day shall come , and in his power and glory he shall appear , which shall darken and dazell , extirpate , and utterly destroy all , root and branch together , who is out of his power and against it , so there shall be a very great overturning , such as hath not been from the beginning , neither shall be ever hereafter . and then shall the restorer be seen , who shall restore the earth into its first purity , and there shall be judges as at the first , and counsellers as at the beginning ; then shall the earth injoy her rest , and the nations their sabaoth , for the lord of glory hath considered it , and he hath listened , and a great cry is heard out of all nations , of the poor , and of the opressed , and of his creatures which he hath made , how they have been chopped to pieces , as flesh for the pot , and ground to dust as though they had not been gods workmanship , and his seed in al● nations hath been held in great captivity ; whose sighes , groanes and tears hath pierced through the clouds , and is entered to the throne of god , who is now arising to plead the cause of the poor and the needy , and now woe to the world , and to all them that have borne rule , but not by the lord . an advertisment to all the rulers upon earth , there is one onely god , the creator and the bringer forth of all things , whose way is equal , and whose judgements are just , whose law is righteous , whose statutes are pure , answering his own pure witness in every man under the face of heaven in all nations upon the earth , so as every man in all nations upon the earth comes to own gods pure witness in himself , placed by the lord ; he shall be made to confess unto the righteous acting of those rulers who rule in righteousness , by the righteous law of god ; but where any ruler is not ruled himself , by that which is pure of god which condemneth self , and self-actings in himself , he bears rule , but not in gods dominion , and so layes yoaks upon a nation , country or people , to make all submit to his will , decrees , and ordinances , and to deny that which is pure of god in themselves , and then joyns to his deceit , and thus iniquity gets head , and is set up as a rule , and the law of god , both in the ruler , and the ruled , is throwne behind their back , and so deceit leadeth , and the changeable mind acteth it self out in every thing that it hath to do withall ; and so tyranie and opression spreads over a whole nation , and the just suffers in it . and hence it is that there are so many several laws , ordinances and constitutions , and traditions , and customs among men in many nations and countreys , and regions , one differing from another , and heaps of confusion , that hardly in any nations , or few in a nation knows what is law , there is so much variableness , and changeableness amongst the lawmakers , one while setting up , another while pulling down , and as deceit advanceth it self in any particular ruler , then there must be a law made , and a penalty upon the non-performance , as death , banishment , tortering , whipping , racking , prisonment , fining , to the utter destruction of many ; and all the ground of this is because the rulers are gone from that of god in themselves , and then acts in their own wills , and by their craft and deceit which stands in the ground , which is cursed , and calls this christian pollicy and wisdom , and cruelty becomes a law , and the devil keeps his dominion in the earth , and deceit gets a cover and hides it self now it was not so from the beginning ; for as god is one , and his name one , his law is one , which is pure and equal , and unalterable , and indures for ever and ever . now man being made in gods own image , answered the pure law of god , and being gods image was one with the law , and the law was not against him , but was his life and joy , and he had power to obey it ; for he was of its own nature , for as god is pure and holy , and the image which he brought forth man in was pure and holy , and that which was mans guide and rule was pure and holy , here was unity and purity , and he that created , and man that was created was in unity , and then there was no woe , no condemnation , no sorrow , no death , no tribulation , nor anguish , nor wrath , revealed against man who was the image of god , and he stood in the dominion of god , and had dominion over that which was contrary , here was no tyranie , here was no cruelty , no prisons , no envie , no persecution , no killing nor destroying , no defrauding , no jarre , no strife , no devouring , but all gods creation at unity , and man at unity with god , being partakers of his dominion , whereby all the earth was in order , and in that wisdom which changed not , and here man had dominion and power , and ruled in gods authority , and was guided by the higher power , and while he was subject to it , death had no power over him ; now this was before sin entered , and before death entred , & before enmity had appeared in the earth , but now was the lord king and law-giver , and judge , who ruled in righteousness , and man being subject to him , there was no law against him , nor no guilt of any thing , for transgression was not known in the earth , and there was no curse , but all was in unity and peace , no changeableness , but all was in the covenant , all the workmanship of his hand was united unto him , and all that he had made was blessed , and all the creation were partakers of his blessedness , and all stood in the covenant , by which every creature received power , virtue and dominion , here was one mind , and here was no double , no variation , no mutation , nor change , but the dominion of the everlasting god was felt , which indures for ever and ever , and any other thing was not seen in the earth , but man crowned with honour , dominion and dignity , wherein could be nothing but rejoycing , and pure peace and joy , now no evill was known , neither was there any such thing , but goodness possessed the whole earth , and righteousness breathed forth it self in all things in the circumference thereof , and all the works of his hends pleased him , and man made partakers of his pleasure , and was accepted , and not rejected , thus in part i have shewed unto you the state of the earth , and of mankind , and the glory of gods creation , and the blessedness thereof , but if i could declare unto the whole world , from years end , to years end , i should fall short , and words would be wanting , to express the felicity and happiness in which man was brought forth in , neither shall any be able to see into those things , or to declare certainly of those things , who come not beyond time , to him who is eternal , who gave them a being . but after man had taken of the tree of knowledge of good and evill , and had eate of the fruit thereof ; and consented to the beguiler , and to the serpent , sin entered , and death by sin , man lost his dominion , and became subject to another , and another had power over him , and now the course of nature was set on the fire of hell , the curse entered , and man dead while he lives ; and in that day he eate did die , and death breathed forth it self in the earth ▪ and cain is brought forth in his own image , to wit , in the image of him who was gone out of gods dominion , and he became a murderer , and slew him that was accepted of god , and here appeared now the enmity , and its life was to destroy , and to murder , and to kill abell , who believed and offered up a sacrifice , and cain offered in the unbelief , and was not accepted , so abell who was just lived by faith , but cain who was in the envie and in the wrath , this life was death to him and to his nature , and so all who are out of the faith , are dead while they live . now after the transgression in process of time , when the seed of fallen adam began to increase in the earth , being driven out from the presence of the lord ; they spread over the whole earth , and sought many inventions being gone from that of god in themselves , by which they were united unto him , having broken his covenant , and joyned in covenant with death , death acts forth it self against the seed , which is not of its nature , and alwaies sought to imbondage it , and to kill it as cain did abell , and esau , jacob , and ismael did unto isaack and unto his seed . now the seed unto which the promise was received , the law from the mouth of the lord , and they that persecuted the seed , invented , and made laws of their own , according to that nature in which they lived , and so became heathenish in their fashions , and laws , and customs , and cruelty grew up as it was nourished , and leavened into its own nature , and unbelief grew into a mighty stature , and monsters was brought forth in such a strange shape in every thing , that the enmity did appear in , as had not been seen in the earth before , and and so man being gone astray from the life of righteousness , every thing is abominable , and of a stranger nature , that he brings forth : yet take notice of this , that as the seed unto which the promise was who were in the faith , and obeyed through faith , they had a law , so they in unbelief had also a law , as the seed worshipped the living god , through a lively and a living faith , and so sinned not in so doing , the seed of the serpent imitated a worship , and worshipped in death and unbelief , and as the laws of one was equal , such as david and solomon , the other was unequal , such as jeroboam and rehoboam , and as the one set up equity by a law , the other made a law to set up iniquity . and the seed , they sought not their own honour , but the honour of him who was their reward , but the seed of the evil doer sought himself and his own honour , and as the spirit of the lord breathed forth it self , and spoke the truth in the power of god , deceit uttered forth lies in hypocrisie , and in the power of death , and as the upright lived unto god in the spirit , deceit lived unto the flesh , and unto him who hath the power of death , which is the devill , and as they fulfilled the law of god , who were led by his holy spirit of god into all truth , the other followed their own imaginations , and answered the deceit and foolish mind , and they whose understanding was darkened loved them , and had pleasure in them . so it may be truly said , many nations , rulers and ruled sit in the region of the shaddow of death ; and the living god is forgotten among them , & one against another , they are seeking one anothers ruine , & all in the violence , & in the cruelty . therefore all rulers and potentates of the earth , magistrates and governours under the whole face of heaven , hearken unto the words of my mouth , and listen unto understanding , that you may be partakers of the happiness and felicity which god is shedding abroad , now in the latter dayes , that so the restorer you may know in your regions , and the deliverer in your nations , and the maker up of the breach in your dominions , that he who is the desire of all nations may be revealed among you . he which must restore is not born of man , nor cometh not to a people or a nation , in the will of man , neither seeks he himself , but the glory of the father , who hath sent him to seek , and to save that which is lost , and to heale the breaches , and to destroy that which hath made the breach , that so all nations who receive him , & believe in him , may be reconcil'd unto him , and one to another ; that the earth may injoy rest & the regions quietness ; therefore all be warned not to look forth in your wils , for there you will not receive him , but slight him , as many before you have done , and so lie down in sorrow , and weary your selves in vanity , and lie down in infamy , and never come to see his dignity . now he , of whom i declare unto you , is the son of god , who is the light of the world , and the life of man , and hath lightened every man that cometh into the world , which light wherewith all men are inlightned is not contrary to the law of god which indures for ever , but one with it , and this will let you see , violence , treachery , murder , envie , wrath , maliciousness , drunkeness , whoredom , lying , cursed speaking , stealing , defrauding , cheating , cosening , rioteousness , pride , arogancy , emulation , contention , strife , hatred , persecution , cruelty , opression , i say the light which comes from christ by whom the world was made , will shew you that all these things is sin and evil in the sight of god , and also will let you see there is a ground from whence these , and all other evils proceed , which ground is in all the sons of men in the transgression , till it be removed , and these things before mentioned , be the fruits that grows from it , and buds forth themselves in all nations , and in every man in every nation , so the earth is filled with violence , and the grapes are as sodom , & the fruit as gomorrah , whom god overthrew , and till these things be done away , and these fruits wither , and the root from whence they arise be removed out of every particular man who is a ruler , he cannot be a blessing to a nation , neither rule for god in a nation , neither will he or can he be a terrour to all these things before mentioned . while he himself is in those , for he cannot destroy his own life , neither will iniquity set up righteousness , nor the worker of iniquity advance christ . therefore listen to the words of my mouth , and despise not counsell , least you perish among fools , and go down to the horrible pit , where there is everlasting misery unto all perpetuity . now god that made both heaven and earth , and all things that therein are ; he is light , and with him is no darkness at all , he never changes his purity ; nor alters his righteous decrees , his eye is pure , and alwaies fixed to behold all the works of the sons of men , and he searches the heart of man with his eye , and pierceth through the secret places , and is near to every man , although man do not see him , he is invisible , and eternal , and his law indures for ever , and the unalterable decree , by which sin is judged and reproved in the world , and in every particular man , and every man who hearkens and hears the words of the pure law , which judges all sin in man , receiveth the sentence of death in himself , and is judged by the righteous words of his mouth , and so sin in the particular comes to be condemned , and all these changeable things is trodden under foot , which is acted and brought forth from the changeable mind of man , and so all laws , constitutions and decrees , which is made in the will of man , comes to be thrown down by his righteous law which proceeds out of the mouth of the righteous god , who is light , and so as his unchangeable and unalterable decree comes to be set up in every particular ruler , & governour , and himself judged with the just , he comes to bear his rule for the just , and answers that which is just in every man , and no longer can he act against well doing , but is a leader , and an incourager of it in all , and is a terrour to the unjust , and so comes to know the dominion again which man lost through disobedience and transgression . now all you powers of the earth , wait that you may come to see that , & feel it revealed in your selves , to wit the law of god from the mouth of god , that so you following it , sin may be judged in your selves , & you come to know the one lord the lawgiver which leads man back out of sin , & transgression by his son whom he hath sent into the world , that all men through him might believe in the father , & be restored out of sin & transgression unto life eternal , where death hath no entrance , & so all who waits upon the light of the son of god , and is obedient to it , they come to feel his power and his decree which cannot alter its property or verity , , & all who comes to be guided by it , you will come to see that which unites you unto god , & one nation to another , in the covenant of god! oh that all your eyes were opened , that you might see that which belongs to your peace & the well being of all nations , that so the power of the flock might be refreshed among you , and this i speak unto you , a change must be witnessed in your selves , before you will cease acting in the changeable mind , now the time draws near , the lord will try you , for the earth must be left without excuse , and he will have all warned , for god will no longer be limited , and therefore take heed how you gainsay any or resist any , vvho may declare unto you the counsell of god , and cause them not to be persecuted or hurt , but all be calme and moderate , and learn vvisdom from above , from him vvho hath inlightned you , that you may come to deny your selves , and follovv him vvho condems all self actings , and self vvill in man , and all customs , lavvs , and worships , & traditions , that is made in the vvill of man , that so he unto vvhom all povver is committed may be feared , and vvorshipped in spirit , in life , truth and righteousness , that so all sedition , rebellion , treachery and unrighteousness may be cleansed out of the earth , and that all quarrelling , fighting , contention may end ; and people come out of that vvhich the svvord is against , that so the svvords may be beat into plovvshares , and the spears into pruning hooks , that so violence may be done avvay , and cruelty , svvept out of the nations , that the dominion of god may be set over all , and his truth advanced above all , that the kingdoms of the world may become the lords , & his christs ; and blessed are they that stoop unto his scepter , vvho judges the nations in righteousness , and the people vvith equity , who is the salvat●on of all his people for evermore , and a hiding place in the day of trouble . london , the . of the . moneth , . the end . reverend brethren. the kings majesty who lately reigned, being contrary to the dissent and protestation of this kingdom, now removed by a violent death the estates of parliament have declared and proclaimed the prince of scotland, and of wales to be king, ... church of scotland. general assembly. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing c aa). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing c aa estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) reverend brethren. the kings majesty who lately reigned, being contrary to the dissent and protestation of this kingdom, now removed by a violent death the estates of parliament have declared and proclaimed the prince of scotland, and of wales to be king, ... church of scotland. general assembly. douglas, robert, - . sheet ([ ] p.) printed by evan tyler printer to the kings most excellent majesty, [edinburgh] : . title from caption and opening lines of text. the prince of scotland, and of wales = charles ii, future king of england. place of publication from wing cd-rom, . dated at end: edinburgh, febr. . . reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library, washington, d.c.. eng charles -- i, -- king of england, - -- early works to . charles -- ii, -- king of england, - -- early works to . kings and rulers -- great britain -- early works to . a r (wing c aa). civilwar no reverend brethren. the kings majesty who lately reigned, being contrary to the dissent and protestation of this kingdom, now removed by a vi church of scotland. general assembly a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion reverend brethren . the kings majesty who lately reigned , being contrary to the dissent and protestation of this kingdom , now removed by a violent death , the estates of parliament have declared and proclaimed the prince of scotland , and of wales to be king , as you will perceive by the inclosed proclamation ; and have resolved to make addresses to him with all possible speed about these things that concern the security of religion , and the peace of these kingdomes . and because of the great importance of his majesties disposition and of these affaires , we hope that you will be carefull to deale earnestly with god both in private and publick , in behalfe of his majesty who now is ; and we have thought fit that a solemn publick humiliation be kept on thursday the . of this instant , as for all the sins and provocations of the land , so to pray the lord in a speciall manner for these things following . . that he would deliver the king from the snare of evill counsell in which he is now involed , and teach him in his youth in the knwledge of his way , that he may fear his name : and imploy his power for establishing and advancing the kingdom of jesus christ , and the work of reformation . . that the lord would be pleased to blesse those addresses that are now to be made to his majestie for the security of religion , the union betwixt the kingdomes , and the peace and safety of this kingdome . . that he would strenthen and deliver our afflicted brethren in england , who suffer by the violence and strange practises of the sectaries . . that he would in his mercy prevent all those calamities and confusions that the present great revolution of affaires doth threaten these kingdomes with . so hoping that you will be carefull to stirre up your selves and others to wrastle with god in such an exigent , and to intimate the fast timously , and to keep the same in your severall congregations the foresaid day . we shall only adde that if there be any in your congregations who refuse to renew the covenant , and are not excluded by the act ; our judgement is , that after you have conveened them before you , and found them obstinate , that you make publick intimation of their names from your pulpits , as of persons that are dissaffected , and enemies to the cause of god ; and that you referre them to the next generall assembly ; till which time you are to suspend them from the sacrament of the lords supper , and from all ecclesiastick charge , that so they may be in the same case with those who are excluded because of their malignancy and accession to the engagement . we commend you to his grace and rests , edinburgh , febr. . . your affectionate brethren , the commissioners of the generall assembly . m. ro. duglasse moderator . postscript . if these come not timously to your hands , you will be carefull to keep the next thursday after the receipt hereof . printed by evan tyler printer to the kings most excellent majesty ; . an ansvver to the first part of a certaine conference, concerning succession, published not long since vnder the name of r. dolman hayward, john, sir, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an ansvver to the first part of a certaine conference, concerning succession, published not long since vnder the name of r. dolman hayward, john, sir, ?- . [ ] p. imprinted [by eliot's court press, r. bradock, p. short, t. snodham, r. field, and j. harrison] for simon waterson, and cuthbert burbie, at london : . dedication signed: io: hayvvard. a reply to: a conference about the next succession to the crowne of ingland. "eliot's court press pr[inted]. pia, bradock a-c, short d-g, snodham h-l, field m-p, and harrison q-v"--stc. signatures: a⁴ ² a-v⁴. the first leaf is blank except for signature-mark "a". quires d-g are paginated - . some copies have slip-cancels on f r line , i v lines , , and i r line . reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng conference about the next succession to the crowne of ingland -- controversial literature -- early works to . kings and rulers -- succession -- early works to . great britain -- kings and rulers -- succession -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - rina kor sampled and proofread - rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an ansvver to the first part of a certaine conference , concerning svccession , pvblished not long since vnder the name of r. dolman . at london imprinted for simon waterson , and cuthbert burbie . . to the kings most excellent maiestie . most loued , most dread , most absolute both borne and respected soueraigne , to offer excuse for that which i needed not to haue done , were secretly to confesse , that hauing the iudgement to discerne a fault , i wanted the will not to commit it . againe , to seeke out some coulers to make it more plausible , were to bring in question the sufficiencie thereof . therefore without further insinuation either for pardon or for acceptance , i here present vnto your maiestie this defence , both of the present authoritie of princes , and of succession according to proximitie of bloud : wherein is maintained , that the people haue no lawfull power , to remoue the one , or repell the other : in which two points i haue heretofore also declared my opinion , by publishing the tragicall euents which ensued the deposition of king richard , and vsurpation of king henrie the fourth . both these labours were vndertakē with particular respect , to your maiesties iust title of succession in this realme : and i make no doubt , but all true hearted englishmen wil alwaies be both ready and forward to defend the same , with expence of the dearest drops of their bloud . the lord vouchsafe to second your honorable entrance to the possession of this crowne , with a long & prosperous continuance ouer vs. your maiesties most humble and faithfull subiect . io : hayvvard . qui tibi nestoreum concessit pectus e● ora , nestoreos etiam concedat iupiter annos . to r. doleman . you will thinke it strange maister doleman , that hauing lien these many yeares in quiet harbour frō the tempest of mens tongues , you should now feele a storme to breake vpon you ; peraduenture you were perswaded ( as euery one suffereth himselfe to be beguiled with desire ) that this silence did growe , eyther vpon acceptance of your opinion , or from insufficiencie to oppose against it . i assure you neither ; but partly from contempt , and partly from feare . th● contempt proceeded from the manner of your writing , wherein you regarde not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : not how eyther truly or pertinently , but how largelye you do wright : endeauouring nothing else , but eyther to abuse weake iudgements , or to feede the humors of such discontented persons , as wante o● disgrace hath kept lower then they had set their swelling thoughts . the feare was occasioned by the nimble eare which lately was borne to the touche of this string : for which cause our english fugitiues did stand in some aduantage , in that they had free scope to publish whatsoeuer was agreeable to their pleasure ; knowing right well , that their bookes could not be suppressed , and might not be answered . it may be you will question , wherefore i haue not answered your second part : it is ready for you , but i haue not now thought fit to divulge the same ; partly because it hath beene dealt in by some others ; but principallie because i know not how conuenient it may seeme , to discusse such particulars , as with generall both liking and applause are now determined . i forbeare to expresse your true name ; i haue reserued that to my answere to some cast pamphlet which i expect you will cast forth against mee : and i make little doubt but to driue you in the end to such desperate extremitie , as ( with achitophell ) to sacrifice your selfe to your owne shame , because your mischieuous counsaile hath not bin embraced . an ansvvere to the first chapter ; whereof the title is this . that succession to gouernement by neerenesse of bloude is not by lawe of nature or deuine , but onely by humane and positiue lawes of euery particular common wealth : and consequently , that it may vpon iust causes , be altered by the same . here you beginne , that other conditions are requisite for comming to gouernement by succession , besides propinquitie or prioritie of bloude ; which conditions must be limited by some higher authoritie then that of the king , and yet are they prescribed by no law of nature or deuine . for otherwise , one that wanteth his wits or sences , or is a turke in religion , might succeed in gouernment ; which you affirme to be against al reason , law , religion , wisdom , cōsciēce , & against the first end of institutiō of cōmō wealths . and that byllay , who maintaineth the contrarie , doth it in fauour and flattery of some particular prince . what cōditiōs are requisit in succession besides priority of bloud , & by what authority they are to be limited , i w●l thē examin whē you shal propoūd : but for your reason of this assertiō , you must heaue other men thē billay out of credit , for reason , law , cōsciēce , & wisdom , before you cary it for cleare good . as for entire cōtrariety in religion , or differēce in some particular points therof , whether it be a sufficient cause of exclusion , or no , i wil refer my selfe to that place , where you do strain your strength about it . in disabilities to gouern , baldus a doth distinguish , whether it be naturall , or accidentall ; affirming , that in the first case it sufficeth to exclude , because he that is incapable of gouernmēt frō his birth , had neuer any right of successiō setled in him : in the other it doth not suffice ; because he that is once inuested in right of succession , cānot be depriued therof without his fault . many do follow this distinction ; io : igneus b doth limit it , to such dignities as are not absolute : but i●son c , angelus d & diuers others do indistinctly hold , that the eldest son of a king or other gouernor , although he be borne either ●urious , or a foole , or otherwise defectiue , cānot therfore be excluded frō his successiō . these affirm , that any end of institution of common wealths is , if not fully , yet better satisfied , by appointing a protector of the state ( as vpō diuers occasions it hath bin vsuall ) then by acknowledging another prince ; as wel for other respects , as for that by continuāce of succession in one discent , a faire & ordinary occasion is remoued , both of mutiny & inuasion . for enemies wil not readily attempt , & subiects do most willingly obey that prince , whose ancesters haue worn out those humors both of hatred & contempt which do commonly accompany new raised estates . i wil not confirm this last opinion , by the exāple of neptune the son of saturn ; who , althogh he was lame on both his legs , yet had the gouernment of the sea allotted to him : but i wil cōfirm it by the practise of athens & laced●mon , the two eyes of graecia , as leptines e & iustine f do aptly term thē . herodotu : g reporteth that whē alexandrides king of sparta left , sons , cleomenes the eldest , distracted in wits , & dorieus the yongest , both of ability & inclination to all actions of honor , the lacedaemoniās acknoledged cleomenes for their king . agesilaus also the famous king of lacedaemon was lame , as plutarch & probus aemilius h do report . paul. orosius i saith , that the lacedaemonians did chose to haue their k. halt rather thē their kingdom . herodotus k also writeth that after the death of codrus king of athens , medon his eldest son , & neleus the next , did contend for the kingdom , because neleus would not giue place to medon , who was by reason of his lame legs , if not vnable , yet vnapt to gouerne . the matter being almost brought to the sentence of the sword , it was mediated between thē , that the cōtrouersie should be decided by the oracle of apollo-apollo was consulted ; by whose iudgement medon was declared king . iosephus l hath left recorded , that aristobulus & hircanus , after a long & cruel contētion for the kingdom of iury , made pompeie the iudge of that right which by arms they wer vnable to decide . hircanus alleaged that he was eldest brother ; aristobulus excepted , that hircanus was insufficient to gouern a realme . hereupon pompei gaue sentence , that aristobulus should giue ouer the kingdome which he did vsurp , & hircanus be restored to his estate . the like iudgement doth liuy m write , that annibal gaue for the kingdome of that country , which is now called sauoy restoring brancus vnto his right , from which he had beene by his younger brother expelled . and although pyrrus did appoint that sonne to succede , whose sworde had the best edge , yet was the eldest acknowledged , who bare the least reputation for valour . lisander moued the lacedaemonians to decree , that the most sufficient , & not alwais the next in bloud of the ligne of hercules , should be admitted to the kingdome ; yet plutarch n saith , that he found no man to second his aduise . i will adde an example of later times . ladislaus , a man more famous for the sanctitie of his life , then for his kingdom of hungary , left by his brother grisa two nep●ewes ; colomannus the elder , who was dwarfye , lame , crooke-backt , crab-faced , blunt and bleare-eyed , a stammerer , and ( which is more ) a priest : and almus the younger , a man free from iust exception . yet these respectes set aside , a dispensation was obteined from the pope , and colomannus , notwithstanding his deformities and defectes , was accepted by the people for king . girarde writeth , that the custome of the french was to honour their kings whatsoeuer they were , whether foolish or wise , able or weake : esteeming the name of king to be sacred , by whomsoeuer it should be borne . and therfore they supported in estate , not onely charles the simple , but charls the . also , who raigned many years in open distēperature & disturbance of minde . so you see , that the practise of many nations haue beene contrary to your conceipt : and that the interpreters of the ciuill and canon lawe ( good arbitrators of naturall equitie ) either beare against you , or stand for you onely when disabilitie is naturall : adding further , that if the excluded successor hath a sonne , before or after succession doth fall , free from any such defect , the right of the kingdome descendeth vnto him . this affirmeth baldus q , socinus r , cardinall alexander , and before them , andreas iserna . t because the inhabilitie of parents doth not preiudice the children , especially in regard of their naturall rightes u : neither is it any impediment wherefore they should not enioy either priuiledge or dignitie from the person of their grandfather . magis est ( saith vlpian x ) vt aui potius dignitas prosit , quam obsit casus patris . it is fitter that the son should receiue profit by the dignitie of his grandfather , then preiudice by his fathers chaunce . and this ( we may thinke ) is a reasonable respect , wherefore other interpreters haue not allowed their principall opinion , in repelling him who is disabled by birth . for if another be once possessed of his place , it will be hard for any of his children to attaine their right : wherevpon difunion , factions , warres may easily arise . it is inconuenient ( i grant ) to be gouerned by a king , who is defectiue in body or in minde : but it is a greater inconuenience , by making a breache in this high point of state , to open an entrance for all disorders , wherein ambition and insolencie may range at large . for as mischiefe is of that nature that it cannot stand , but by supportaunce of another euill , and so multiplieth in it selfe , till it come to the highest , and then doth ruine with the proper weight : so mindes once exceeding the boundes of obediēce , cease not to strengthen one bouldnesse by another , vntil they haue inuolued the whole state in confusiō . we find that gabriel the yongest brother of the house of saluse kept his eldest brother in close prisō , vsurped his estate , and gaue forth for satisfaction to the people , that hee was mad . i could report many like examples : but i shal haue occasion to speake more hereof in the further passage betwixt vs. after this you conclude three points . that inclination to liue in companie is of nature . that gouernement and iurisdiction of magistrates is also of nature . that no one particulare forme of gouernement is naturall ; for then it should be the same in all countries , seeing god and nature is one to all . but before i ioyne with you , either in contradiction or consent , it shall not be amisse to declare briefly , what we vnderstand by the lawe of nature , and by what meanes it may best be knowne . god in the creation of man , imprinted certaine rules within his soule , to direct him in all the actions of his life : which rules , because we tooke them when wee tooke our beeing , are commonly called the primarie lawe of nature : of which sort the canons x accompt these precepts following . to worship god : to obey parents and gouernours , & therby to conserue common society : lawful coniunction of man & woman : succession of children : education of children : acquisition of things which pertaine to no man : equall libertie of all : to communicate commodities : to repell force : to hurt no man : and generally , to do to another as he would be done vnto : which is the sum and substance of the second table of the decalogue . and this lawe thom. aquine y affirmeth to be much depraued by the fall of man ; and afterwards more , by errour , euill custome , pertinacie , and other corrupters of the mind : and yet doth it yeeld vs so large light , that saint paule z did esteeme it sufficient to condemne the gentiles , who had no other law written . out of these precepts are formed certaine customes , generally obserued in all parts of the world : which , because they were not from the beginning , but brought in afterward , some as a consequence or collection , others as a practise or execution of the first naturall precepts , are called the secondarie lawe of nature , and by many also the law of nations . gaius , ' saith : that which naturall reason doth constitute among all men , is obserued by all alike , and termed the lawe of nations : and the same is called by iustinian a ; the lawe of nature . cicero b likewise saith : the consent of al nations is to be esteemed the lawe of nature . but this is to be takē , not as though al natiōs haue at any time obserued one vsage alike : it is not necessary faith baldus c , that the word al● should cary so large a sēce : neither hath it euer bin brought into knoledge what customes all nations haue held in vse . and it is most certain , that ther is not one point or precept of the law of nature , but , by reasō , partly of the weaknes , partly of the corruption , which the fal of adam fasten in his posteritie , some people haue at all times , either neglected or els depraued : some being so dull as they could not perceiue , others so malicious as they would denie , that which nature did lay before them . yea , such is either the weakenesse or wilfulnesse of our iudgement , that they who are not onely admitted but admired for wise men , doe many times disagree in determining what is most agreeable to nature : much lesse may we either expect or imagine , that al natiōs , so differēt , so distāt , neuer so much as now , and yet not now fully discouered , should iūpe in one iudgemēt for vniform obseruatiō of any custome : neither is that no natural right , as zenophon d noteth , which many dayly doe transgresse . and therefore donellus e did vniustly reiect the discription which gaius gaue of the law of nations , by taking the word al in the amplest sence . s. ambrose f and s. hierome g did in this sort declare it ; that we are to take that for a decree of natiōs , which successiuely and at times hath beene obserued by all . but as for any one time , as it is to be iudged the decree or custome of a whole citty , which hath passed by consent of the most part , although al haue not allowed , and some perhaps haue opposed against it h ; so is it to be esteemed the lawe of nations , the common lawe of the whole world , which most nations in the world are found to imbrace . and because gouernment was not from the beginning , but induced as a consequēce of the primary precept of nature ; to maintaine humane societie : therefore whensoeuer wee speake of naturall gouernment , we are intended to meane the secondary lawe of nature , which is the receiued custōe , successiuely of al , & alwaies of most nations in the world . out of this we may gather , that three rules doe chiefly lead vs to the knowledg of this law . the first is that which cicero i in the like case giueth : to appeale vnto sēce : because there is no man but by the light of nature , hath some sence of that which nature doth allowe . s. augustine k saith , i know not by what inward conscience we feele these things : and likewise tertullian l : nature hath tainted all euill eyther with feare or with shame . wherto agreeth that which s. ambrose saith : although they deny it , they cannot but shew some tokens of shame . herupō the authors of the ciuill lawe n do reiect that for vniust , which is not demaunded without shew of shame . for , as cassiodorus o writeth ; god hath giuē●l men such a sence of iustice , that they who know not the lawes , cannot but acknowledge the reason of truth . but because this light of nature , in many men is exceeding dimme ; the next rule is to obserue what hath bin allowed by those who are of greatest both wisedome and integrity , in whom nature doth shew her selfe most cleere . for as aristotle saith ;? ; that is probable which prooued men do approue . among these , the first place pertaineth vnto them , who by inspiration of god , haue compiled the books of holy scripture : to whom as attendants we may adioyne the anciēt counsailes & fathers of the church . the next place is to be giuē to the authors of the ciuill lawe ; whose iudgement hath bin these many hundred yeers , admired by many , approoued by all , and is at this daie accepted for lawe , almost in all states of the christiā common wealth . to these also we may adioyne , as attendants , their interpreters of most approued note . the third place is due to philosophers , historiographers , orators and the like ; who haue not vnprofitably endeauoured to free nature of two cloudes , wherewith shee is often ouercast : grosse ignorance , and subtill errour . but because naturall reason , as alciate p affirmeth , doth sometimes varie , according to the capacitie of particulare men ; euen as the sunne , beeing in it selfe alwaies the same , giueth neither heate nor light to all alike : the third rule followeth , to obserue the common vse of all nations , which cicero q calleth ; the voice of nature : because as aristotle r hath written , it is not done by chance which euery where is done . plato s saith , this shall be the proofe hereof , that no man doth otherwise speake : and likewise baldus t , i dare not disalow that which the world alloweth . and in this cōmon lawe or custome of the world , three circumstancies are to be considered : antiquitie , continuance , and generalitie . now then your first position is so cleerelie true , that you doe but guild gould in labouring to prooue it : for man is not onely sociable by nature , but ( as aristotle u affirmeth ) more sociable then any other liuing creature . these notorious pointes , the more we prooue , the more we obscure . your second is also true , for as tullie saith x without empire , neither house , nor citty , nor nation , nor mankinde can stand , nor the nature of all things , nor in a word , the world it selfe . whereto agreeth that of aristotle y : gouernment is both necessary and also profitable . but whereas you bring in proofe hereof , that there was neuer people founde , either in auncient time , or of late discouerie , which had not some magistrate to gouerne them , neither is it necessarie , and yet false . it is not necessarie to haue so large a consent of nations , as i haue declared before : and it is false that in all times and nations there haue beene magistrates . after the deluge , magistrates were not knowne vntil kings did arise , as hereafter it shall appeare . the iewes were often without either magistrates or gouernement : whereupon in certaine places of the booke of iudges z it is thus written : in those dayes there was no king in israell , but what seemed right to euery man that did hee . sometimes democraticall gouernement doth drawe to a pure anarchie ; and so doth the interregnum of electiue principalities . leo aser reporteth , that in guzala , a countrie of africke , the people haue neither king nor forme of gouernement ; but vpon dayes of mart , they elect a captaine to secure their trafficke . the same authour deliuereth , that the inhabitantes of the mountaine magnan , vpon the frontiers of fez , haue noe forme of common wealth , but doe stay trauailers ( vnpartiall iudges ) to decide their controuersies . leo himselfe was arrested to bee their iudge , and when hee had spent many dayes in determining their debates , hee was in the end presented with hennes , ducks , geese and other of their countrie commodities , which serued onelie to discharge his host . and if this your reason should bee of force then were not sociabilitie naturall , because many men haue made choise to liue alone . but how thē , wil you say , is nature immutable ? it is in abstracto , but it is not in subiecto . or thus : in it selfe it is not chāged : in vs , by reasō of our imperfectiōs , it is . or els more plainely , it is not changed , but it is trāsgrested . but nature , you say , is alike to al. not so , good sir : because all are not apt alike to receiue her : euen as the sun beames doe not reflect alike vpon a cleane and cleare glasse , and vpon a glasse that is either filthy or course : and in many , not onely men , but nations , euill custome hath driuen nature out of place , and setteth vp it selfe in steade of nature z . your third conclusion , that no particulare forme of gouernement is naturall , doth not finde so easie acceptaunce . your onely proofe is , that if it were otherwise , there should be one forme of gouernement in all nations ; because god and nature is one to all . but this reason i haue encountred before : and yet you take paines to puffe it vp with many waste words ; howe the romanes changed gouernment ; how in italie there is , a pope , a king and many dukes ; how millaine , burgundie , loraine , bavier , gascoint , and britaine the lesse were changed from kingdomes to dukedomes ; howe germanie was once vnder one king , and is now deuided among dukes , earles , and other supreme princes ; how castile , aragone , portugall , barcelona and other countries in spaine , were first earldomes , then dukedomes , then seuerall kingdomes , and now are vnited into one ; how b●eme and polonia were once dukedomes , and now are kingdomes ; how fraunce was first one kingdome , then deuided into fower , and lastly reduced into one . how england was first a monarchie , vnder the britaines , then a prouince vnder the romaines , after that diuided into seauen kingdomes , and lastly reduced into one ; how the people of israell were first vnder patriarkes , abraham , isaac , and iacob , then vnder captains , then vnder iudges , thē vnder high priests , then vnder kings , and then vnder captaines and high priests againe . i will not followe you in euery by way whereinto your errours doe leade ( for who would haue aduentured to affirme , that the childrē of israell were vnder abraham and isaac ; and that the britaine 's at the first were vnder one king , whereas caesar reporteth that hee found fower kings in that country which is now called kent ) but i will onely insist vpon the principall point ; in regard whereof , all this bundell of wordes is like a blowne bladder , full of winde , but of no weight . for first you doe but trifle vpon tearmes , in putting a difference betweene kings , dukes , and earles , which holde their state with soueraigne power . wee speake not of the names , but of the gouernement of princes . supreme rulers may differ in name ; they may change name also , either by long vse , or vpon occasion : and yet in gouernment neither differ nor change . secondly , it is a more vaine ieast to put a difference ( in this regarde ) beweene a great territorie and a small . if a kingdome bee enlarged or streight●ed in limites , the gouernement is not thereby changed : if many kingdomes bee vnited into one ; if one bee diuided into many ; the nature of gouernment is no more altered , then is the tenure of lande , either when partition is made , or when many partes accrewe into one . the knot of doubt is , whether it bee not naturall , that one state , bee it great or small , should rather bee commaunded by one person , howsoeuer intitled , then by many . and if wee descende into true discourse , wee shall finde , that the verie sinewes of gouernment doe consist , in commaunding and in obeying . but obedience can not bee performed , where the commaundementes are , eyther repugnant or vncertaine : neither can these inconueniences bee any waies auoided , but by vnion of the authoritie which doth commaunde . this vnion is of two sortes ; first , when one commaundeth ; secondly , when many doe knit in one power and will. the first vnion is naturall ; the seconde is by meane of amitie , which is the onely bande of this collectiue bodie : and the moe they are who ioyne in gouernment , the lesse naturall is their vnion , and the more subiect to dissipation . for as tacitus saith ', : aequalitie and amitie are scarce compatible . naturall reason teacheth vs , that all multitude beginneth from one , and the auncient philosophers haue helde , that from vnitie all thinges doe proceede , and are againe resolued into the same . of which opinion laertius a reporteth that musaeus of athens was authour , who liued long before homer : but afterwardes it was renewed by pythagoras , as plutarch b alexander c , and laertius d doe write : who added thereunto , that vnitie is the originall of good , and dualitie of euill : and of this opinion saint hierome e was also , whose sentence is repeated in the canonicall decrees f but vnder the title and name of saint ambrose . hereupon homer doth oftentimes call good 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and applyeth the terme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to affliction and trouble . hereupon galen g also writeth , that the best in euerye kinde is one . plato produceth all thinges from one h ; measureth all thinges by one i ; and reduceth all thinges into one k . the whole worlde is nothinge but a greate state ; a state is no other then a greate familie ; and a familie no other then a greate bodye . as one god ruleth the worlde , one maister the familie , as all the members of one bodye receiue both sence and motion from one heade , which is the seate and tower both of the vnderstanding and of the will : so it seemeth no lesse naturall , that one state should be gouerned by one commaunder . the first of these arguments was vsed by soliman , lord of the turkes l . who hauing strangled sultane mustapha his sonne , because at his returne out of persit , he was receiued by the soldiers with great demonstrations of ioy ; hee caused the dead bodie to be cast forthe before the armie , and appointed one to crye ; there is but one god in heauen , and one sultane vpon earth . the second was vsed by agesilaus , to one that moued the spartans for a popular gouernment ; goe first ( saide hee ) and stablish a popular gouernment within your owne doores . to the third tacitus m did allude , when hee saide : the body of one empire seemeth best to be gouerned by the soule of one man. in the heauens there is but one sunne ; which serinus n also applyeth vnto gouernement , in affirming , that if wee set vp two sunnes , we are like to set all in combustion . many sociable creatures haue for one company , one principall either gouernour or guide ; which al authors take for a natural demonstration of the gouernment of one . and if you require herein the testimonie of men , you shall not finde almost any that writeth vpon this subiect , but hee doth , if not alleage , yet allow that of homer : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one lord , one king. plutarch declareth both his owne iudgement concerning this point , and also the consent of others , in affirming o that all men did acknowledge , that the gouernment of a king is the most excellēt benefit that god hath giuen vnto men . callimachus saith , p that kings proceede from god : homer affirmeth , q that they are cherished by god . your selfe doe shew r out of aristotle , seneca , plutarch , s. hierome , s. chrysost●me and s. peter , that monarchie is the most excellent and perfect gouernement , most resembling the gouernement of god , and most agreeable vnto nature . but what doe you meane to acknowledge all this , and yet to denie that monarchie is naturall ? doe you take it to be aboue nature ? or how els is it most excellent and perfect ? how is it most agreeable to nature , and yet not naturall ? can any action be most agreeable to iustice , and yet not iust ? i know not by what strategeme , or cunning cranck of the schools , you can be made agreeable to your selfe . but now if we consider the generall custome of al people , we shall find that all the ancient nations in whom the laws of nature were least corrupt , had no other gouernment : as the assyrians , medes , persians , parthians , indians , scythians , sirians , phoeniciās , arabiās , aegyptians , africans , numidiās , mauritaniās , britās , celtes , gaules , latines , hetruscanes , siciliās , atheniās , lacaedemoniās , corinthiās , achaeās , sicyonians , candiās , & in one word , all . tullie saith s : it is certaine , that al anciēt nations were vnder kings : with which opinion salust t consenteth ; & iustine also , where he saith u ; the ēpire of natiōs at the first was in the hands of kings . and whē the people of israel desired a king , they alleged that al other nations were gouerned by kings x . the athenians were the first ( as plinie affirmeth ) who set vp the gouernment of many , whose exāple certaine other towns of greece did follow , rather blinded by ābitiō , thē led by iudgemēt . amōg these , if the highest authority were in the least part of the citisens , it was called aristocracy ; if in the most or in all , it was termed democracy ; wherin you confesse x that neither they did nor could any long time continue ; but after many tumults , seditions , mutinies , outrages , iniusticies , banding of factions , and inundations of bloud , they were in the end either dissolued or vanquished , and reduced againe vnder gouernement of one . the state of rome began vnder kings ; it atteined the highest pitch both of glory and greatnes vnder emperors : in the middle time , wherin it neuer inioyed x. yeeres together free frō sedition , polybius saith that is was mixed ; the consulls represēting a monarchie , the senate , an aristocracie , & the cōmon people a democracy : which opinion was likewise embraced by dionysius halicarnasseus , cicero , cantarine and others . but many do hold that the state of rome at that time was populare : which seemeth to be confirmed by the famous lawier & coūsailer vlpian , where he saith y that the people did grāt al their power & authority to the prince . whatsoeuer it was in shew , in very deede it was alwayes gouerned by some one principall man. liuie wrighteth of scipio z , that vnder his shadow the city was protected , & that his looks were in stead of lawes : & likewise of papirius cursor ,' ; that he sustained the romane affaires . so said thucidides , that athens was in appearance populare , but aristides was the true monarch thereof : & plutarch a also affirmeth , that pelopidas and epaminondas were no lesse then lords of the populare state of thebes : but after the death of these mē , both the states of athens and thebes floated in tumults , as the same authour obserueth b , like a ship in a tempest without a pilot . so did peter sodarine gonsalonier of florence giue forth , that the title of popularity was vsed as a maske , to shadow the tyrāny of laurence medices : but florence did neuer so florish both in honor , wealth , and quiet , as vnder that tyranny . also in actions of weight , in great dangers and necessities the romans had recourse to one absolute and supreme commāder , which liuie calleth c the highest refuge ; whose authority as the romans did most reuerētly respect , so was it many times fearefull to their enemies . of the first , liuie saith d ; the dictators edict was alwayes obserued as an oracle : of the second e , so soone as a dictator was created , such a terror came vpon the enemies , that they departed presently from the walles . likewise in cases of extremity the lacedaemonians had their high gouernour whom they called harmostes ; the thessalonians had their archos ; and the mytilenians also their great aezymnetes . lastly , tacitus reporteth f that certaine wise men discoursing of the life of augustus after his death , affirmed rightly , that ther was no other meane to appease the discordes of the state , but by reducing it vnder the gouernement of one . let vs now take a view of our present age . in al asia , from whence tullie saith , g ciuility did first spread into other parts of the world , no gouernment is in vse but by a monarch , as appeareth by the tartarians , turks , persians , indians , chinans & cataians : no other gouernmēt is found to be foūded in al the cuntries of affrick : in america also and all the west parts of the world , no other is yet discouered : in europe only , vpō eyther declining or chāg of the empire , a few towns in germany & italy did reuiue againe the gouernment of many : som are alredy returned to a monarchy , and the residue in their time will do the like , euen as all others haue done which haue bene before them . what then shal we say of this so ancient , so continuall , so generall consent of all nations ? what can we say , but cōclude with tertullian . these testimonies , the more true , the more simple ; the more simple , the more common ; the more common , the more natu●all ; the more naturall , the more deuine . but because ambition is a most firy affection , and carieth men blindfold into headlong hopes , wherby many do aspire to beare rule , neither they good , nor with any good either means or end ; the custome or lawe of nations hath by two reines endeauored to keep in this raging desire : by succession & by election . and yet againe , because election is most often , if not alwaies , entangled with many inconueniences ; as first , for that the outragies during the vacancy , are many & great ; euery one that is either grieued or in wāt , assuming free power both for reuēge & spoile . secondly , for that the bouldest winneth the garlād more often then the best ; because the fauour of the people doth alwayes tast more of affection then of iudgement . thirdly , for that they who do not leaue their state to their posterity , wil dissipate the domain and worke out of it either profit or friends ; for so we see that the empire of germanie is pluckt bare of her fairest feathers . fourthly , for that occasions of war are hereby ministred ; & that , either whē one taketh his repulse for indignity ; vpō which ground frauncis the first , king of fraūce , could neuer be driuē out of practise against charles the . emperor ; or els whē by means of factiōs many are elected , as it happened in almaine when lewes of bauier , and albert of austria were elected emperors , wherupon eight yeers warre betweene them did ensue ; and as it often happened in the empire of rome , when one emperour was chosen by the senate , and another by the soldiers , and sometimes by euery legion one ; whereby such fiers were kindled , as could not bee quenched without much bloude . for these warres are most cruelly executed ; because the quarrell leaueth no middle state inter summum & praecipitium ; betweene the highest honour and the deadliest downefall . for these and diuers other respectes , it hath bin obserued , at most times in all nations , and at all times in most , that the roialtie hath passed by succession , according to propinquitie of bloud . we read that ptolomie , who after the death of alexander the great seazed vpon aegypt , and part also of arabia and of africk , left that state to his youngest sonne : but trogus saide , and out of him iustine i , that it was against the lawe of nations , and that vpon this occasion one of them did worke the death of the other . and therefore when afterward ptolomie surnamed physcon , at the importunitie of his wife cleopatra , would haue preferred his youngest son to the succession of his kingdom , iustine saith k , that the people opposed themselues against it ; but pausanias l more probably affirmeth , that they reuersed his order after his death . the same course was held in italy by the hetruscanes , latines , and those albanes from whome the romanes tooke their originall . liuie m writeth that procas king of the albanes appointed numitor to succeede in his estate , but amulius his yonger brother did vsurpe it by force : hereupon dionysius halicarnasseus n saith ; that amulius held the kingdome against right , because it appertained to his elder brother . among the graecians , during the space of six hundred yeares , wherein they were gouerned by kings , we finde but timondas and pittacus who were elected , the one of corinth , the other of negropont ; the residue held their states by order of successiō , as thucidides affirmeth , encoūtring therein the opinion of aristotle . liuy writeth o , that perseus king of macedon said , that by the order of nature , the law of nations , and the ancient custome of macedony , the eldest sonne was to succeede in the kingdome . diodorus siculus p , and iustine q doe report , that by this custom alexander succeeded his father amyntas , before his yonger brother phillippe . herodotus declareth that the same order was obserued amōg the troianes ; affirming , that after the death of priamus , the kingdom was not to deuolue vnto alexāder , because hector was before him in years . the same also doth appeare by that which virgil writeth : praeterea sceptrum ilione , quod gesserat olim , maxima natarum priami . the scepter vvhich ilione , vvhen she the state did stay , the first daughter of priamus , vvith royall hand did svvay . out of which place seruius maurus doth collect , that women also did vse to gouerne . but more plainely this custome of the troianes doth appeare , by that which messala coruinus t writeth , that troius had two sonnes , ilus and assaracus ; and that ilus by priuiledge of his age succeeded in the kingdome . the persians also , who for a long time held the reines of all the nations neere vnto them , had the same order of succession , as zenophon u witnesseth ; which is also confirmed by two famous histories ; one between artaxerxes & cyrus , wherof plutarch x maketh mention , the other between artabazanes & xerxes , reported by herodotus y & iustine z ; wherin artabazanes alleaged , that it was a custome among all men , that the eldest son should first succeed . agathocles , & out of him athenaeus do write , that the persians had a golden water ( for so they terme it ) whereof it was capital for any man to drinke , but only the king and his eldest son . whither this water were drawen out of the riuer euleus , which inuironeth the tower susis , & the temple of diana , wherof pliny a writeth , that only the kings of persia did drink ; or whether out of choaspis , whose waters herodotus doth report to haue bin boiled , & caried after the king in siluer vessels ; or whether both these were one riuer , i will neither determine nor discourse . in siria , which is called assiria ( as herodotus , writeth ) & also phoenicia , palestina , & mesopotamia , as appeareth by pliny b eusebius c & diuers other , the same custome is proued by that which iustine d , & l. florus doe write , that demetrius , hauing bin deliuered by his brother antiochus , king of siria , for an hostage to the romanes , & hearing of the death of antiochus , declared to the senat in open assēbly , that as by the law of nations he had giuen place to his elder brother , so by the same law , the right of succession was then cast vpon him . the parthians , who being thrice attempted by the romans , in the time of their chiefest both discipline and strength , were able to beare themselues victorious , did alwaies acknowledge for their king , the next of the bloud of their first king arsaces e . among the germaines also , who were of force to defeate fiue consulare armies of the romanes , tacitus f affirmeth that the eldest sonne did intirely succeede , onely the horses did fall to the most valiant . and that this was likewise the custome of the iewes , it is euidēt by the whole history of their kings , especially where it is said g , that ioram succeeded iosaphat ; & the reason added , because he was the eldest . i should but burne day ( as the saying is ) in running further vpon particulars . herodotus h doth aduow it to be a general custome among al men , that the first in birth is next in succession . certaine ages after him s. hierome i said , that a kingdom is due vnto the eldest . in late ages our selues may see , that the tartars turks , persians , & all the asiaticks haue no other form of cōstituting their kings . no other is folowed in all the countries of africk . in the west indies no other is yet discouered ; insomuch as when frances pizaire , in the conquest of peru , had slain atibalippa the king therof , the people brake into shew , some of ioy , all of contentmēt ; because he had made his way to the kingdom , by murthering of his elder brother . in europe it is not long since all the monarchies were successiue . when the empire of almaine was made electiue , it became in short time so either troblesom or base , that diuers princes refused to accept it : of late it hath bin setled in one family , but hath as yet litle increased either in dignity or in power . the people of denmarke , sweden , hungary , and b●eme , doe chalenge to themselues a right of election , but they accept their king by propinquitie of bloud . so they did in polonia , vntill the line of iagello was worne out , and then they elected for king , henry duke of aniou in france : since which time , they haue alwaies in the change of their kings , exposed their state to faire danger of ruine . vpon this both generall and continuall custome baldus k saith , that kingdomes are successiue by the law of nations ; affirming further , l that alwayes it hath beene , & alwayes it shall bee , that the first borne succeedeth in a kingdome : wherein he is either followed or accompanied with open crie of al the choise interpreters of both lawes ; as namely the glossographer , iohan. andreas , hostiensis , collect. pet. anchoranus , antonius , imola , card. florentinus , abb. panormitanus m , oldradus n , albericus o , angelus p , felinus q , paul. castrensis r , alexander s , barbatius t , franc. curtius u , guido pape x , card. alexander y , philip . francus z , iason a , philippus decius , carol . ruinis c , anto. corsetta d , ripa e , calderine f , alciate g , and manie other of somewhat more ordinarie name . who all with full voice do agree , that in kingdomes and other dignities , which cannot bee either valued or diuided but they are dismembred , the eldest son doth entirely succeed . and this manie of them do call the law of all nations , deriued from the order of nature , and from the institution of god ; and confirmed by the canon , ciuil and other positiue lawes . for the succession of children , is one of the primarie precepts of nature h : whereby his mortalitie is in some sort repaired , & his continuance perpetuated by his posteritie . but among al the children , nature seemeth to preferre the first borne , by imprinting in the mind of parents the greatest loue and inclination towards them , as diuers of the authors before alleaged do affirm ; & as it may appeare by that of the prophet zacharie i , and they shall lamēt ouer him as men vse to lament in the death of their first borne : and likewise by that which is said of dauid , that he would not grieue his sonne ammon , for that he loued him , because he was his first borne . hereupon lyra l , and before him saint augustin and saint chrysostome n do affirme that the last plague of the egyptians , which was the death of their first borne , was the most sharpe and heauie vnto them . for nothing ( saith saint augustin o ) is more deare then the first borne . aristotle , plinie p , aeltane q , and tzetzes do write , that the same affection is also found in certaine beasts . s and to this purpose is that which herodotus r reporteth , t , that when the lacedaemanians had receiued an oracle , that they should take for kings the two sonnes of aristodemus and aegina , but giue most honor vnto the eldest , and they were ignorant which was eldest , because the mother and the nurse refused to declare it ; they obserued which of the children the mother did wash and feed first , and thereby found out that eristhenes was the eldest . lucian u citeth the loue of the first borne , as growne into a prouerbe . gregorie nazianzene saith x , that all men haue a sense thereof . saint ambrose y writeth , that in this respect god called the people of israel his first borne z , for that they were , not most ancient , but best beloued . lastly s. chrysostome affirmeth that the first borne were to be esteemed more honorable then the rest . and this naturall precedence both in honour and in fauour , seemeth to be expressely ratified by god ; first where he said vnto cain , of his brother abel b , his desires shall be subiect vnto thee , and thou shalt haue dominion ouer him : according to which institution , whē iacob had bought his brothers right of birth , isaak blessed him in these words c bee lord ouer thy brethren , and let the sonnes of thy mother bow before thee : secondly , where he forbiddeth the father to disinherit the first sonne of his double portion ; because by right of birth it is his due d : thirdly , where he maketh choise of the first borne to be sanctified to himselfe . and whereas god hath often preferred the youngest , as abel , isaac , iacob , iuda , phares , ephraim , moses , dauid , salomon , and others ; it was no other then that which christ f said , that manie that were last should be first : and that which saint paul hath deliuered g , that god hath chosen the weak , and base , and contemptible things of this world , least any flesh should glorie in his sight . so hath herodotus written h how artabanus the persian , in complaining maner did confesse , that god delighted to depresse those things that were high . but if the first borne die before succession fall ; or if being possessed of the kingdom , he die without issue ; his right of birth deuolueth vnto the next in bloud : and if he dieth in like maner , then vnto the third , and so likewise to the rest in order . this is affirmed by albericus i ; and may be confirmed by that which baldus saith k , that succession hath reference to the time of death , and respecteth the prioritie which is then extant l . and againe m , he is not said the first borne in lawe , who dyeth before the fee openeth , but he who at that time is eldest in life . and this opinion is embraced by alciate ; because as celsus saith o ; primus is dicitur ante quē nemo sit , he is first who hath none before him . iaco. a retinus , cinus , albericus and baldus doe forme this case p : there is a custome , that the first borne of the first mariage shoulde succeede in a baronnie ; a certaine baron had three wiues ; by the first he had no children , by the other two manie ; the first sonne of the second mariage shall succeede : because ( as the glossographer there saith ) the second mariage in regarde of the thirde is accompted first . baldus p dooth extende it further ; that if hee hath a sonne by the first mariage ; and hee refuse the baronie , the first sonne by the second mariage shall succeede in his right : and so hee saith it was determined in the kingdome of apulia , when lewes the kings eldest sonne was professed a friar . and this decision is allowed by alexander q , oldradus r , and antonius corsetta s : and is prooued by plaine text of the canon law , both where the second borne is called first borne , whē the first borne hath giuen place t ; and also where he is called the onlie sonne u , whose brother is dead y . but because it is a notorius custome that the neerest in bloud doth succeede , although perhaps remoued in degree , i wil labour no more to loade it with proofe : for who wil proclaime that the sunne doth shine ? but if we should now graunt vnto you ( which is a greater curtesie , then with modesty you can require ) that no particular forme of gouernement is naturall : what will you conclude thereof ? what inference can you hereupon enforce ? that there is no doubt but the people haue power to choose and to chaunge the fashion of gouernment , and to limitte the same vvith vvhat conditions they please . what sir ? can you finde no thirde ? but that either one forme of gouernment is naturall , or that the people must alwaies retaine such libertie of power ? haue they no power to relinquish their power ? is there no possibilitie that they may loose it ? whether are you so ignorant to thinke as you speake , or so deceitfull to speake otherwise then you thinke . there is no authoritie which the people hath in matters of state , but it may bee either bound or streightned by three meanes . the first is by cession or graunt : for so the romans by the law of royaltie y yeelded all their authoritie in gouernment to the prince . of this lawe vlpian z maketh mention ; and bodin a reporteth that it is yet extant in rome grauen in stone . so the people of cyrene ; of pergame and of bithynia , did submit themselues to the empire of the romanes . so the tartarians commit absolute power both ouer their liues and their liuings to euerie one of their emperours : & so haue our people manie times cōmitted to their king the authoritie of the parliament either generallie , or els for some particular case . for it is held as a rule , that any man may relinquish the authoritie which he hath to his owne benefit & fauour b . neither is he againe at pleasure to be admitted to that , which once hee did thinke fit to renounce c . and as a priuate man may altogether abādon his free estate , and subiect himselfe to seruile condition d , so may a multitude passe away both their authoritie and their libertie by publike consent . the second is by prescription and custome , which is of strength in all parts of the world , least matters should alwaies float in vncertaintie , and controuersies remaine immortall e . and that this authoritie of the people may be excluded by prescription , it is euident by this one reason , which may be as one in a third place of arithmeticke , in standing for a hundred . euerie thing may be prescribed , wherein prescription is not prohibited f : but there is no lawe which prohibiteth prescription in this case ; and therefore it followeth that it is permitted . and generallie , custome doth not only interpret law g , but correcteth it , and supplieth where there is no lawe h : in somuch as the common lawe of england , as well in publick as priuate controuersies , is no other ( a fewe maximes excepted ) but the common custome of the realme . baldus saith i , that custome doth lead succession in principalities , which martinus k aduiseth to fixe in memorie , because of the often change of princes : and the particular custome of euerie nation is at this day , the most vsuall and assured law betweene the prince and the people . and this doe th● emperours honorius and arcadius l , in these wordes cōmand punctuallie to be obserued : mos namque retinendus est fidelissimae vetustatis : the custome of faithful antiquitie must be retained : which place is to this sense ballanced by pau. gastrensis , frane . aretinus , and phil. corneus ; who termeth it a morall text . the like whereto is found also in the canon lawe , k : and noted by the glossographer l , archidiaeonus m , romanus n , and cepola . neither were the fathers of the nicene councel of other opinion , who thus decreed : let auncient customes stand in strength p : whereto also agreeth that old verse of ennius , o moribus antiquis res stat romana virisque : customes and men of oldest sort ; the romane state do best support : which is cited by saint austin q ; and esteemed by cicero r both for breuitie and truth , as an oracle . to the same sense periander of corinth said s , that old lawes and new meates were fittest for vse : which saying phauorinus in gellius did in this manner a little vary : liue after the passed manner , speake after the present t . hereto also pertaineth that edict of the censors mentioned by suetonius , & aul. gellius x : those things which are beside the custome and fashion of our elders , are neither pleasing , nor to be adiudged right y . of this point i shall haue occasion more particularlie hereafter to write . the third meanes whereby the people may loose their authoritie , is by way of conquest . for howsoeuer saint augustine z , and after him alciate a , doe disallowe ambition of enlarging empire ; and tearme warres vpon this cause great theeueries b : whereupon lucane , and his vncle seneca d , called alexander the great , a great robber of the world e , yet there is no doubte but the sentence of victorie , especiallie if the war was vndertakē vpon good cause ( as the conqueror being made his own arbitrator wil hardlie acknowledge the contrarie ) is a iust title of acquisition f ; reducing the vanquished , their priuileges , liberties and whole estate , vnder the discretion of him that is victorious . caesar sayth ; he geueth all that denieth right g : which sentence is approoued by couaruuias h ; affirming , that the victor maketh all which his sword tou●heth to be his owne . so sayth baldus i , that he doth his pleasure vpon the vanquished : and againe caesar in the speech of ariouistus ; it is the law of armes , that the victorious should commād those whom they haue subdued , euen as they please . clemens alexandrinus saith , the goods of enemies are taken away by right of warre . isocrates hath written , that the lacedaemonians did by title of victorie in this sort maintaine their right . we hold this land giuen by the posteritie of hercules , confirmed by the oracle of delphos , the inhabitantes thereof being ouercome by warre . which was not much vnlike that which iephte captaine of israell expostulated with the ammonites . are not those things thine which chamos thy god hath possessed ? but whatsoeuer the lord our god hath conquered , pertaineth vnto vs. yea , god doth expressely giue to the people of israel , the cities which they should subdue ; some into ful possession , others into seruitude & subiection : by which title iacob also had giuen to ioseph his partage among his brethrē , euen the land which he had taken frō the amorites with his sword and with his bow . it was vsuall to the romans , and as appian saith q , iust , to retaine principall or direct dominion , in al thinges which they brought vnder the sway of their sworde . brissonius r hath collected certaine examples of the forme of yeelding vnto the romans , whereby al prophane & sacred , al humane and diuine matters were submitted vnto them . seeing therefore that the people may so many wayes loose both their power and their right in affaires of state , is not your ignorance aduenturous so generallie to affirme , that if no one forme of gouerment bee naturall , there is no doubt but the people haue power both to alter and limit the same , as they please ? can no lawe , no custome , no conquest restraine them ? your pen doth range , and your iudgement rage beyond al compasse and course of reason . you should haue said , that there is no doubt , but if by al or any of these meanes , the right both of succession and gouernment be setled in one familie , according to propinquitie and prioritie of bloud , the people may neither take away nor varie the same : and if they doe , they commit iniustice , they violate the law of nations , whereby they expose themselues , not onlie to the infamie and hate of al men , but to the reuenge of those who wil attempt vppon them . for it is not onlie lawfull but honourable , for any people , either to right or reuenge the breach of this lawe ; against them which contemne it , as monsters ; against them who knowe it not , as beasts . saint augustine saith s ; if a citie vppon earth should decree some great mischiefes to be done , by the decree of mankind it is to be destroied . and as in the state of one countrey any man may accuse vpon a publicke crime , so in the state of the world , any people may prosecute a common offence : for as there is a ciuill band among all the people of one nation ; so is there a natural knot among al men in the world . you close your conclusion with this conceit , that the word naturall prince , or naturall successor , is to be vnderstood of one , who is borne within the same realme , and that it is ridiculous to take it , as though anie prince had natural interest to succeed . but what construction wil you then make of that which herodian deliuereth s , in the speech of commodus the sonne of marcus ? now hath fortune giuen me vnto you for prince in his stead , not drawen into the state , such as they were , who were before me ; nor as one that glorieth in the purchase of the empire ▪ for i onlie am borne vnto you and brought vp in the court , neuer swathed in priuate cloathes , but so soone as i was borne the imperiall purpure did receiue me , and the sun beheld me at once , both a man and a prince . consider these things , t and honour your prince by right , who is not giuen , but borne vnto you . girard goeth further in writing of charles the simple , that he was king before he was born . say therefore againe , that it is ridiculous to take the word natural prince , for one that hath right of succession inherent in him by birth ; and i wil say that this mirth wil better beseeine a natural indeede , then any man that is wise . but let vs now consider the further passage of your discourse ; both how you are able to fortifie this foundation , and what building it is able to beare . to the second chapter , which is intituled , of the particular forme of monarchies and kingdomes , and the different lawes whereby they are to bee obtained , holden and gouerned in diuers countries , according as each common wealth hath chosen and established . in this chapter you spend much speech in praising a monarchie , and preferring it before the gouernment of manie ; which you doe to no other end , but to insinuate your selfe either into credit , or aduantage to drawe it downe ▪ euen as ioab presented amasa with a kind kisse , to winne thereby opportunitie to stab him a . for in the end b you fetch about , that because a prince is subiect , as other men , not onely to errours in iudgement , but also to passionate affections , in his will ; it was necessarie , that as the common wealth hath giuen that great power vnto him , so it should assigne him helpes for managing the same . and that a prince receiueth his authoritie from the people , you proue a little before c , for that saint peter tearmeth kings humane creatures , which you interpret to bee , a thing created by man ; because by mans free choise , both this forme of gouernment is erected , and the same also laide vpon some particular person . i know not in what sort to deale with you , concerning this interpretation . shall i labour to impugne it by arguments ? why , there is no man that wanteth not either iudgement or sinceritie , but vpon both the naturall and vsuall sense of the words , hee will presently acknowledge it to bee false . shall i go about either to laugh , or to raile you from your errour , as cicero in the like case perswaded to doe ? but this would bee agreeable neither to the stayednesse of our yeeres , nor the grauitie of our professions . i am now aduised what to doe ; i will appeale , as machetes did before philip of macedon , from your selfe asleepe , to your selfe awake ; from your selfe distempered by affection , to your selfe returned to sobrietie of sense . do you thinke then in true earnest , that a humane creature is a thing created by man , or rather that euery man is a humane creature ? is a brutish creature to be taken for a thing created by a beast ? spirituall , angelicall , or anie other adiunct vnto creature , what reference hath it to the authour of creation ? and if it were so , then should al creatures be called diuine , because they were created by god , to whom onely it is proper to create ; and in this verie point , saint paul saith , that all authoritie is the ordinance and institution of god. neither needeth it to trouble vs that saint peter should so generally inioine vs to be obedient to all men , no more then it troubled the apostles , when christ commanded them to preach to all creatures d ; according to which commission , saint paul did testifie , that the gospell had beene preached to euerie creature vnder heauen : but saint peter doth specifie his generall speech , and restraine his meaning to kings and gouernours ; in which sense saint ambrose citeth this place , as it followeth : bee subiect to your lords , vvhether it bee to the king , as to the most excellent , &c. this interpretatiō not only not relieuing you , but discouering very plainly either the weaknesse or corruption of your iudgement , it resteth vpon your bare word , that kings haue receiued their first authoritie from the people ; which although i could denie , with as great both countenance & facilitie , as you affirme , yet will i further charge vpon you with strength of proofe . presently after the inundation of the world , we find no mention of politike gouernement , but onely of oeconomical , according as men were sorted in families : for so moses hath written g , that of the progenie of iapheth , the iles of the gentiles were deuided after their families . the first , who established gouernment ouer manie families , was nimrod the sonne of cush , accounted by saint chrysostome h the first king : which authoritie hee did not obtaine by fauour and election of anie people , but by plaine purchase of his power . heereupon moses calleth him a mightie hunter i , which is a forme of speech among the hebrues , whereby they signifie a spoiler or oppresser . and this doth also appeare by the etymologie of his name ; for nimrod signifieth a rebell , a transgressour , and as some interpret it , a terrible lord : and names were not imposed in auncient times by chance or at aduenture , as plato k , one of natures chiefe secretaries , and among the latin writers aul. gellius l doe affirme . many hold opiniō , that this nimrod was the same , whom the grecians cal ninus : which seemeth to be confirmed by that which moses saith m , that hee did build the citie of niniue . of this ninus , iustine writeth n that he was the first who held that which hee did subdue ; others , satisfied with victorie , aspired not to beare rule . nimrod foūded the empire of the assyrians , which continued by succession in his posterity , vntil it was violently drawn frō sardanapalus to the medes . from them also cyrus by subuersion of astyages did transport it to the persians ; and from them againe the grecians did wrest it by conquest . after the death of alexander , his captaines without any consent of the people , made partition of the empire among them ; whose successors were afterwards subdued by the armies and armes of rome . and this empire , beeing the greatest that euer the earth did beare , was in the end also violentlie distracted , by diuers seueral either conquests or reuolts . leo after writeth , that it is not a hundred yeares , since the people of gaoga in africk had neither king nor lord , vntill one hauing obserued the greatnesse and maiestie of the king of tombute , did enterprise to attaine soueraigntie aboue them ; which by violence he effected , and left the same to his posteritie . and because i will not bee tedious in running through particulars , giue you an instance of anie one people , which hath not diuers times receiued , both prince and gouernment by absolute constraint , et phillidasolus habeto ; and i will yeeld to all that you affirme . but failing herein , you shall bee enforced to confesse , that in manie , yea in most , if not in all countries , the people haue receiued libertie , either from the graunt or permission of the victorious prince , and not the prince authoritie from the vanquished people . what helpes nowe doe you imagine , that the people haue assigned to their prince ? the first , you affirme to be the direction of lawes . but it is euident , that in the first heroicall ages , the people were not gouerned by anie positiue lawe , but their kings did both iudge and commaund , by their word , by their will , by their absolute power ; and , as pomponius saith * , omnia manu a reg●bus gubernabantur : kings gouerned all things : without either restraint or direction , but onely of the lawe of nature . the first lawe was promulged by moses ; but this was so long before the lawes of other nations , that iosephus writeth * , it was more ancient then their gods : affirming also , that the word law is not found in homer , or in orpheus , or in anie writer of like antiquitie . of this law of nature homer maketh mention in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and they who keepe the lawes which god hath prescribed . and againe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vnciuill and vniust is he , and wanting priuate state , who holdeth not all ciuill war in horror and in hate . and of the iustice of kings he writeth in this maner . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in which verses chrysostome affirmeth q by the iudgment of alexander , that homer hath delineated the perfect image of a king : but that hee maketh mention of anie positiue lawes , i doe rather doubt then assuredlie denie . for kings in auncient times did giue iudgment in person , not out of any formalitie in lawe , but onlie according to naturall equitie . virgil saith r : hoc priami gestamen erat cumiura vocatis more daret populis . this was the robe which priamus did alwaies vse to weare , when he the people to him called , their causes for to heare . which he doth also affirme of aeneas s , dido t and of alcestes u . the like doth herodotus report * of midas king of phrygia , who consecrated his tribunall to apollo : and the like also dooth plutarch x of diuers kings of macedonia : philarchus affirmeth in athenaeus , that the kings of persia had palme trees and vines of goulde , vnder which they did sit to heare causes . but because it grew both troublesome & tedious , for al the people to receiue their right from one man y ; lawes were inuented , as cicero saith , and officers also appointed to execute the same . another original of lawes was thus occasioned : when anie people were subdued by armes , lawes were laid like logs vpon their necks , to keepe them in more sure subiection : which both because it is not doubtful , and to auoid prolixitie , i will manifest onlie by our owne example . when the romans had reduced the best part of this iland into the forme of a prouince ; as they permitted libertie of lawe to no other countrie vnder their obedience , so here also they planted the practise of their lawes : and for this purpose they sent ouer manie professors , and among others papinian , the most famous both for knowledge and integritie , of all the authors of the ciuill lawe . againe , when the saxons had forced this realme , and parted it into seauen kingdomes , they erected so manie settes of law ; of which onelie two were of continuance , the mercian lawe ; and the west saxon law . after these the danes became victorious ; and by these newe lordes new lawes were also imposed , which bare the name of dane-lawe . out of these three lawes , partlie moderated , partlie supplied , king edward the confessor composed that bodie of lawe , which afterwardes was called saint edwards lawes . lastly , the normans brought the land vnder their power ; by whom saint edwards lawes were abrogated , and not onlie new lawes , but newe language brought into vse ; in somuch as all pleas were formed in french ; and in the same tongue children were taught the principles of grammar . these causes wee find of the beginning of lawes ; but that they were assigned by the people for assistance and direction to their kinges , you bring neither argument , nor authoritie for proofe ; it is a part of the drosse of your owne deuise . the second helpe , which you affirme that common wealthes haue assigned to their kings , is by parliaments and priuie councelles . but parliaments in al places haue bin erected by kings ; as the parliament of paris and of montpellier in fraunce , by philip the faire ; the parliament in england by henrie the first ; who in the sixteenth yeare of his raigne a , called a councell of all the states of his realme at salisburie , which our historiographers do take for the first parliament in england ; affirming that the kings , before that time , did neuer call the common people to counsell . after this the priuie councell at the instance of the archbishop of canterburie , was also established ; and since that time , the counsellors of state haue alwaies bin placed by election of the prince . and that it was so likewise in auncient times , it appeareth by tha● which homer writeth : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 first hee established a councell of honorable old men : and likewise by virgill . — gaudet regno troianus acestes . indicitque foru , et patribus dat iura vocatis : acestes of the troiane bloud in kingdome doth delight , he sets a court , and councell cals , & giues ech man his right . i will passe ouer your course , foggio , drowsie conceite , that there are few or none simple monarchies in the world , ( for it would tire : any ●to toyle after your impertinent errours ) and wil now rip vp your packet of examples , whereby you indeuour to shew , that the power of kings hath bin brideled by their subiects . but what do you infer hereby ? what can you inforce ? will you rake ouer al histories for examples of rebellion , and then argue , a facto ad ius ; that euerie thing is lawful which you finde to haue bin done ? iustinian sayth : non exemplis , sed legibus iudicandum * : we must iudge facts by lawe , and not lawe by facts , or by examples : which alciate and deciane do terme a golden lawe ; because there is no action either so impious or absurd , which may not bee paralleled by examples . will you prooue it lawful to vse fleshlie familiaritie with the sister , with the mother in law , with the natural mother ? you haue the example of cambyses for the first , caracalla for the second , dionysius and nero for the third . the iewes vppon whom god had setled his choise , did at times ( beside many other enormities ) erect male stewes . of the two nations , whose examples you vse , the romans and the lacedaemonians , the first did the like vnder diuers emperours , as lampridius writeth ; and in more auncient times allowed also parricide of children d : the other would sort themselues by fifteene and twentie families together , and hold both wiues and goods in common . i omit the vnnatural customes of diuers other nations ; and will now declare , how in straining a fewe examples to countenance your conceit , you are constrained to beare your selfe no lesse cunning in concealing truthes , then bold in auouching things which are , not only vncertaine , but plainely false . it is true which you write , that the kings of sparta , by the institution of lycurgus , were obedient to the officers called ephori ; but these were titular kings , hauing no other power but a single voice among the senators : and because all affaires were caried by consent of the people , the estate was then esteemed popular . afterwards theopompus , by pretence of an oracle , drew this authoritie from the people , to a senate of thirtie ; whereby the gouernment did change into an aristocracie ; & yet the naked name of kings was retained . by this shuffling of rule the lacedaemonians were continually tossed with tempests of sedition , ceasing not to wade in their owne bloud ( as before you haue acknowledged ) vntill in the end they were brought into subiection ; first , by the macedonians ; afterward by the achaeans ; and lastly by the romans . i will not say now what reason haue we ? but what a shame is it for vs , to open our cares to these vtopicall state-writers ? who being mellowed in idlenesse , & hauing neither knowledge nor interest in matters of gouernment , make new models vpon disproportioned ioints , borrowed from nations most different in rule . you affirme by the testimonie of liuie , that for offence taken against romulus , because hee raigned at pleasure , and not by law , the senators did cut him in peeces : in which short assertion many base vntruths are included , beneath the degree of anie vile word . liuie writeth that he sorted the people into order , and gouerned them by lawes e , and that hee was also both aduised and valiant in the field ; euen such a one as homer describeth : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 both a good king , and couragious commander . concerning his end , liuie writeth , that in taking muster of his armie , a thicke tempest did arise , after which he was neuer seene ; wherein he is seconded by solinus , eutropius and the rest : only liuie addeth , that there was a rumor , but verie obscure , without any certaine either authour or ground ; i will adde also without probabilitie , that he was torne in peeces . for howe probable is it , that such a fact , in the open view of his armie , could bee verie obscure ? how probable is it also , that the people would first teare him in peeces for his iniustice , and then worship him for a god ? further , with what either confidence or conceit doe you alleage this report of liuie , for his opiniō ? i find your fetch ; you apprehend euerie thing which may , if not confirm , yet countenance that doctrine , which lately you haue drawne out of cerberus denne ; that it is lawfull to contriue the death of kings . that the people were grieued against seruius tullius for raigning without election : it is a meere fantasie , a dreame , a deuise . liuie faith f , that hee was declared king with such a consent , as no man had bin before him . that tarquinius neglected the lawes of gouernment prescribed to him by the common wealth , it is an ougly vntruth . liuie saith , that he brake the auncient manner of kings before him : but for lawes pomponius affirmeth g , that at that time the romans had no lawes but from their kings , and that sextus papirius reduced them into one volume , which was called the ciuill law of papirius h , and that when the people expelled their kings , they abrogated their lawes also , and remained twentie yeares without any law . lastly you adde , that the romans did expell their kings , and erect consuls in their steed : but you suppresse that which followed , which i hold for a common consequence of the like disorder : first , that for this cause , they were presently almost ouerwhelmed with warres : secondly , that in this state , they neuer enjoyed long time free from sedition : lastly , that as tacitus saith , i there was no meanes to appease these tumults , but by returning to a monarchie againe . all this i write , rather to manifest the maner of your dealing , then that i hold it much regardable what romans did . your examples of our present age i will wrap vp in these few words . all nations , very few excepted , do consent in this forme of gouernment ; first , to bee vnder one prince ; secondly , to accept him by succession , according to propinquitie of bloud : in other circumstances , either for in augurating their prince , or for the maner of managing and executing his gouernment , not two nations in the world in all points do agree . and yet is not this diuersitie raised , by any lawes which the people doe prescribe vnto their prince , as you doe most grossely , yea peeuishly , yea maliciously affirme ; but by the particular lawes and customes of euerie nation , in which the consent of the prince , either secret or expresse , sometimes onely is sufficient , alwayes principally doth concur . vpon this diuersitie of customes you conclude , that it sufficeth not to alleage bare propinquitie of bloud . what ? not where that custom is established ? as i haue declared it to bee in most nations of the world ? doth difference of customes make all custom void ? doth diuersitie of custome in some circumstances take away the principall custome of succession by bloud ? this cleaueth together no surer then sand ; you loose both labour and credit in obtruding vnto vs these weake and loose arguments , without either force of reason or forme of art. your instance of the lawe salicke in france , doth offer occasion to enter into a large fielde , wherein i could plainlie prooue , that there was neuer anie such lawe made to bind the discent of the crowne of fraunce ; and that it hath bin the custome in most parts of the world , not to exclude women from succession in state : in so much as beda k and before him eusebius l , and plinie m do● write , that certaine people were gouerned onlie by princes of that sex . but because this is a matter both of long discourse , and not proper to our purpose , i wil conteine my selfe within this obseruation ; that the exclusion of king edward the third from the crowne of fraunce , vppon this pretence , was the cause of the effusion of their brauest bloud , and of the spoile , wast , and conquest of all that realme . i acknowedge that the english haue lost the possession of that conquest ; and that was by meanes of domestical warres , for excluding the neerest in bloud from the crowne ; into which vnquiet quarrell , you doe now endeuour againe to imbarke vs. yet no man can assure that the miseries of fraunce for this cause are at an end . rammes recoile to strike harder : we are gone rather backe then away : i will not presage , but anie man may coniecture , that our minds and our meanes will not alwaies want the fauour of time . after all this you proceede a degree further : that it is lawfull vpon iust considerations , not only to put backe the next inheritour of the crowne , but also to remoue him who is in full possession thereof . and y● is plaine ( you say ) not onely by the grounds before by you alleaged , but also by example of the romans & graecians : & because god hath commonlie concurred in such iudiciall actions of the state ; not onely in prospering them , but in giuing them also some notable successour . and yet you protest you are far from their opinion , who vpon euerie mislike are readie to band against their prince ; and that you esteem the tenure of a crown , if once it be setled , the most irregular , whereto euery man is bound to settle his conscience , without examination of title or interest ; but onely by the supreme law of gods disposition , who can dispence in what he listeth : and that notwithstanding you are as farre , from the abiect flatterie of billaie and others ; who affirme , that princes are subiect to no law or limitation at al , and that they succeed by nature and birth onely , and not by admission of the people ; and that there is no authoritie vnder god to chasten them . these you call absurd paradoxes ; and herewith you settle your self to shewe in the next chapter , what good successe hath insued the deposition of princes . concerning your protestation , wee may say vnto you as isaac said to his sonne iacob n . the voice is iacobs voice , but the hands are the hands of esau : you speake faire , and therewith also well ; but the maine drift of your discourse , is nothing else but a tempestuous doctrine of rebellion and disorder : you being therein like the boatman , who looketh one waie and pulleth another ; or rather like the image of ianus , which looked two contrarie waies at once . it is a rule in lawe ; that a protestation contrarie to a mans act , will not serue to relieue him o : onlie this shal serue to conuince you , either of false or of forgetful dealing , when we come to that place where in flat words you maintaine the contrarie . concerning the querele which you lay against billaie ; as i haue not seene what he hath written , so wil i not interpose betweene him and you . i neuer heard of christian prince who challenged infinite authoritie without limitation of any law , either natural or diuine . but where you terme it an absurd paradoxe , that the people should not haue power to chasten their prince , and vpon iust considerations to remoue him ; i am content to ioine with you vppon the issue . and first i note the maner of your dealing , in that you haue omitted to expresse what these iust considerations may be . for seeing there hath bin no king , who is not noted of some defects ; and againe , no tyrant , who hath not manie commendable partes ( as plutarch writeth p that dionysius excelled most princes in diuers pointes of iustice and vertue ) it is a matter of dangerous consequence , to leaue these considerations vndetermined and at large . but who seeth not , that you do it out of pollicie , that you may vpon euerie particular occasion , declare such causes to be sufficient as you please ? how then doe you proue , that vpon anie cause , the people haue power to dispossesse their prince ? this is plaine ( you say ) not onlie by the groundes before by you alleaged , but also by example of y● romans & graecians . the grounds by you alleaged , are two . one in your first chapter , that because no one forme of gouernment is natural , the people haue power both to choose , and to change , and to limit it as they please . the other ground is in this chapter ; that because there are diuers lawes and customes in matters of principalitie , it sufficeth not to alleage bare propinquitie of bloud . why ; but had you no text of scripture , no father of the church to alleage ? no lawe ? no reason ? no better example ? no surer grounde ? it is more then this which you bring against your selfe , in citing out of saint peter q ; the lord knoweth to reserue the vniust vnto the daie of iudgement ; and especiallie them that despise gouernment , and speake euill of those that are in dignitie . and out of saint iude r : likewise these dreamers despise gouernment , and speake euill of them that are in authoritie . besides also , you haue alleaged out of saint s paule : let euerie soule be subiect vnto the higher power ; for there is no power but of god : whosoeuer therefore resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god ; and they that resist shall receiue to themselues iudgment . and likewise out of s. peter : t submit your selues to euerie humane creature , whether it be to the king , or vnto gouernors ; for so is the will of god. to which places we maie likewise ad that , which s. paule did write vnto titus u : put them in remembrance that they be obedient to the principalities & powers . and writing to timothy * he exhorteth vs also to praie for them , that we may leade vnder them a peaceable life . but perhaps you wil say , that the apostles did not meane this of wicked princes . trifler : the apostles spake generallie of al : saint . peter x maketh expresse mention of euil lords . and what princes haue euer bin more either irreligious or tyrannical , then caligula , tiberius , nero , the infamie of their ages , vnder whose empire the apostles did both liue and write . bellarmine the great master of controuersies perceiuing this to be vnanswerablie true , did in another sort rather cut then vntie the knot : affirming y that at that time it was necessarie to admonish the christians to performe obedience to their kings , least the preaching of the gospel might otherwise be hindred : which is as if in direct tearmes he should haue saide . sir kings : whilest our heads were vnder your girdle , we were content to curry fauour , by preaching obediēce vnto the people : but now we haue got the wind of you ; we must plainlie tel you , that you hold your crownes at their curtesie and fauour ; and haue no power in effect , but as lieutenants general . i know you wil make a sower face at this ; it will go very much against your stomackes ; but there is no remedie , you must take it down ; they are your good lords ; they may dispossesse you . prophane bellarmine : is christian religion a meere policie ? doth it applie it selfe onlie to the present ? doth it turne alwaies with the time ? may the principal professors thereof say , as an infidel moore did , whē he violated the faith which he had giuen vnto christians ? we haue no bone in our tongues that we cannot turne them which way we please . wee seee plainlie that you say so : and it is as plaine , that it was far from the true meaning of the apostles . s. iude z writeth sharpelie against those , who had mens per●ons in admiration because of aduvntage . s. paul also saith * : goe i about to please men ? if i should please men , i were not then the seruant of christ. i wil giue you an example of another time . nabuchadnezzar king of assyria , wasted al palestina ; tooke hierusalem ; slew the king ; burnt the temple ; tooke away the holy vessels and treasure : the residue he permitted to the crueltie and spoile of his vnmerciful soldiers ; who defiled al places with rape , ruine and bloud . after the glut of this butcherie , the people which remained , he led captiue into chaldaea , and there commaunded , that whosoeuer refused to worship his golden image , should be cast into a firie furnace . what crueltie , what impietie is comparable to this ? and yet the prophets ieremiah a and baruch b did write to those captiue iewes , to praie for the prosperitie and life of him , and of baltazar his sonne , that their daies might be vpon earth as the daies of heauen : and ezechiel c both blameth and threatneth zedechia , for his disloialtie in reuolting from nabuchadnezzar , whose homager and tributarie he was . what answere wil you make to this example ? i am wiselie busied to cast forth this question ; what answere can you make , which your owne knowledg will not conuince ? many other places there are in holy scripture , whereby not onely our actions are tied to obedience ; he that doth presumptuously against the ruler of the people shal die d : but also our words , thou shalt not speake euill against the ruler of the people e ; yea , our secret thoughts : detract not from the king , no not in thy thought ; for the foules of the aire shall carie thy voice f . the reason hereof is not obscure : because princes are the immediat ministers of god g ; & therefore he called nabuchadnezzar , his seruant h ; & promised him also hire & wages for the seruice which he did i . and the prophet esay k calleth cyrus , a prophane & heathen king , the lords annointed . for , as salomon saith l , the harts of kings are in the hands of the lord : & he stirreth vp the spirit , euen of wicked princes to do his wil m : & ( as iehoshaphat said to his rulers n ) they execute not the will of man , but of the lord. in regard hereof dauid calleth thē gods o ; whereof plato also had some sense , when he said p , a king is in steed of god . and if they do abuse their power , they are not to be iudged by their subiects , as being both inferiour and naked of authoritie , because all iurisdiction within their realme is deriued from thē , which their presence only doth silence & suspend : but god reserueth them to the ●orest trial : horribly and sodainly ( saith the wise man q ) will the lord appeare vnto thē , and a hard iudgment shal they haue . you iesuits do yeeld a blindfold obediēce to your superiours , not once examining either what hee is , or what he doth commād : & although the pope should swarue frō iustice , yet by the canons r , men are bound to performe obedience vnto him , and god only may iudge his doings : and may a king , the lords lieutenant , the lords annointed in the view of his subiects , nay , by the hands of his subiects , bee cast out of state ? may he , as was actaeon , be chased and wooried by his own hounds ? wil you make him of worse conditiō , then the lord of a manor ? then a parish priest ? then a poore schoolemaster , who cannot be remoued by those that are vnder their authoritie and charge ? the law of god cōmandeth that the child should die , for anie contumely done vnto the parents . but what if the father be a robber ? if a murtherer ? if for all excesse of villanies odious & execrable both to god and man ? surely hee deserueth the highest degree of punishment ; & yet must not the son lift vp his hand against him : for , as quintilian saith s , no offence is so great , as to be punished by parricide . but our country is dearer to vs then our selues : & the prince is the father of our country u : whose authoritie , as baldus noteth * , is greater then of parents : and therfore he must not be violated , how impious , how imperious soeuer he be . if hee commaundeth those things that are lawfull , we must manifest our obedience by readie performing . if he inioine vs those actions that are euill ; we must shew our subiection by patient enduring . it is god only who seateth kings in their state ; it is he only who may remoue them . the lord wil set a wise king ouer the people which he loueth , as himselfe doth testifie x . and againe , for the sins of the land the kings are changed y . as therefore wee endure with patience vnseasonable weather , vnfruitful yeares , & other like punishments of god ; so must wee tolerate the imperfections of princes , and quietly expect either reformation , or els a change . this was the doctrine of the ancient christians , euen against their most mortall persecuters . tertullian saith z , for what warre are we not both seruiceable and readie , although vnequall in number , who doe so willingly endure to be slaine ? neither want we strength of number : but god forbid , that religion should be maintained with humane fire . from him also saint cyprian , a most studious reader of tertullian , as saint hierome * noteth , in like maner writeth a : although our people bee exceeding copious , yet it doth not reuenge it selfe against violence : it suffreth . saint augustin saith b : it is a generall paction of humane societie to obey kings . which sentence is assumed into the body of the canon law c . in a word , the current of the ancient fathers is in this point concurrent ; insomuch as among thē all there is not one found , not anie one ; one is a small number ; and yet i say confidently againe , there is not anie one , who hath let fall so loose a speech , as may be strained to a contrarie sense : how then are you of late become , both so actiue & resolute to cut in sunder the reines of obedience , the verie sinewes of gouernment & order ? whence had benedetto palmto , a iesuite , his warrant , to incite william parrie to vndertake the parricide of our queene ? whence did annibal codretto , another iesuite , assure him , that the true church made no question , but that the fact was lawfull ? whence did guignard , a iesuite , terme the butcherie of henry late king of fraunce , an heroicall act , and a gift of the holy ghost ? whence did he write of the king , who now there raigneth : if without armes he cannot be deposed , let men take armes against him ; if by warre it cannot be accomplished , let him bee murthered ? whence did ambrose verade , rector of the colledge of the iesuits in paris , animate barriers ( as he confessed ) to sheath his knife in the kings breast ; assuring him by the liuing god , that he could not execute anie act more meritorious ? whence did the commenter vpon the epitome of confessions , otherwise the seuenth booke of decretals , commend all the iesuits in these termes d , they set vpon tyrants , they pull the cockle out of the lords field ? it is a rule in nature , that one contrarie is manifested by the other . let vs compare then your boisterous doctrine with that of the apostles , and ancient fathers of the church , and we shall find that the one is like the rough spirit , which hurled the heard of swine headlong into the sea ; the other like the stil & soft spirit which talked with elias f . neither was the diuel euer able , vntil in late declining times , to possesse the hearts of christians with these cursed opinions , which doe euermore beget a world of murthers , rapes , ruines & desolations . for tel me , what if the prince , whom you perswade the people they haue power to depose , be able to make & maintaine his partie , as k. iohn and king henry the third did against their barons ? what if other princes , whom it doth concerne , as wel in honor , to see the law of nations obserued , as also in policie , to breake those proceedings which may form precedents against themselues , do adioin to the side ? what if whilest the prince and the people are ( as was the frog and the mouse ) in the heate of their encounter , some other potentate play the kite with them both ; as the turke did with the hungarians ? is it not then a fine peece of policie which you doe plotte ? or is it not a grosse errour to raise these daungers , and to leaue the defence to possibilities doubtfull . goe too , sirs , goe too , there is no christian country , which hath not by your deuises ben wrapped in warres . you haue set the empire on swim with bloud : your fires in france are not ye : extinguished : in polonia & all those large countries , extending from the north to the east , you haue caused of late more battels to be fought , then had ben in yeers before . your practises haue heeretofore preuailed against vs : of late yeers you haue busied your selues in no one thing more , then how to set other christian princes on our necks ; stirring vp such store of enemies against vs , as , like the grashoppers of egipt , g might fill our houses , and couer our whole land , and make more doubt of roome then of resistance . our owne people also you haue prouoked to vnnaturall attempts : you haue exposed our country as a pray , to them that will either inuade or betray it ; supposing belike that you play christs part well , when you may say as christ did , h thinke not that i came to send peace , i came not to send peace but a sword . but when by the power & prouidēce of god , all these attempts haue rather shewen what good hearts you beare towards vs , then done vs any great harme ; when in all these practises you haue missed the mark , now you do take another ●ime : now hauing no hope by extremitie of armes , you indeuour to execute your mallice by giuing dangerous aduise : now you goe about to entangle vs with titles , which is the greatest miserie that can ●all vpon a state . you pretend faire shewes of libertie & of power , sed timeo danaos & don● ferentes : wee cannot but suspect the courtesies of our enemies : the power which you giue vs will pull vs downe ; the libertie whereof you speake will fetter vs in bondage . when themistocles came to the persian court , artab●nus captaine of the guard , knowing that hee would vse no ceremonie to their king , kept him out of presence , and said vnto him : you grecians esteeme vs barbarous , for honouring our kings , but we persians esteeme it the greatest honour to vs that can be . the like answere will we frame vnto you : you iesuits account it a bondage to be obedient vnto kings ; but wee christians account it the greatest meanes for our continuance both free and safe . to the third chapter , which is intitledof the great reuerence and respect due to kings , and yet how diuers of them , haue ben lawfully chastised by their common wealthes for their misgouernment , & of the good & prosperous successe that god commonly hath giuen to the same , and much more to the putting back of an vnworthie pretender . that princes may bee chastised by their subiects , your proofes are two : one is drawen from certaine examples ; the other from the good successe and successors which vsuallie haue followed . surely it cannot be but that you stand in a strong conceite , either of the authoritie of your woord , or simplicitie of our iudgement ; otherwise you could not bee perswaded , by these slender threds to draw any man to your opinion . of the force of examples i haue spoken before ; there is no villanie so vile which vvanteth example . and yet most of the examples which you doe bring , are either false , or else impertinent . for there haue beene diuers states , wherein one hath borne the name & title of king , without power of maiestie . as the romanes in the time of their consulate estate , had alwaies a priest , whom they entitled king , whose office consisted in certaine ceremonies & sacrifices , which in former times could not be performed but by their kings . likewise the lacedaemonians , after licurgus had formed their gouernment retained two kings , who had no greater stroke in matters of state , then a single voice as other senators . such were in caesars time many pettie kings of gaule , who ( as ambiorix king of leige confessed ) were subiect to their nobilitie , & iusticeable by them . such are now the emperours of almaine ; because the puissance & maiestie of the empire pertaineth to the states , who are sworne to the empire it selfe , and not to the person of the emperour . such are also the dukes of venice , the soueraignetie of vvhich state is setled in the gentlemen . in these and such like gouernments , the prince is not soueraigne , but subiect to that part of the common wealth , which retaineth the royaltie and maiestie of state , whether it be the nobilitie , or common people : and therefore your examples drawen from them is nothing to our purpose . concerning successe , it cannot bee strange vnto you , that by the secret , yet iust iudgement of god , diuers , euill actions are carried with apparance of good successe the prophet dauid said , a that his treadings had almost slipt , by seeing the wicked to flourish in prosperitie : the prophet ieremiah b seemed also to stagger vpon this point & it hath alwaies ben a dangerous stone in the way of the godly , whereat manie haue stumbled , and some fallen . besides , it ordinarily happeneth that good princes succeede tyrants ; partly because they are so indeede , as being instructed to a better mannage of gouernment , both by the miserable life of their predecessors , and by the o●gly infamie which remaineth after their death : partly because by meanes of the comparison they both seeme , and are reported to bee farre better then they are . heerevpon lampridius saith of alexander seuerus : c i may also say , that alexander was a good prince by feare ▪ for that heltogab●lus his predecessor was both an euill prince , and also massacred and slaine . seing therefore the reason is so manifest , wherefore good princes should succeede tyrants , is it not rashnesse ? is it not impudencie ? is it not impietie for vs to wade with vncleane feete into gods secret counsells , vnknowne to the angells , and to iustifie vpon this euent the paricide of any prince ? for my part , i know not whether you shew your selfe more presumptuous in entering into this obseruation , or in pursuing it more idle and impure . i will passe ouer your protestation of respect and obedience due vnto princes : protest what you please , wee will take you for no other then a vile ●inde of vermine , which , if it bee permitted to creepe into the bowels of any state , will gnaw the hart strings thereof in sunder . this you manifest by the course comparison which presently you annexe , that as a naturall body hath authoritie , to cure the head if it be out of tune , and reason to cut it off oftentimes , if it were able to take another ; so a body politick hath power to cure or cut off the head , if it be vnsound . but what either will or power hath any part of the body in it selfe ? what either sence for the one , or motion for the other , which proceedeth not altogether from the head ? where is the reason seated which you attribute to the body , both in iudging and curing the infirmities of the head ? certaine it is , that in your cutting cure you deale like a foolish phisition , who finding a body halfe taken and benummed with a palsie , cutteth off that part to cure the other , and so make sure to destroy both . you suppose belike that to enter into greater perills , is the onely remedie of present dangers . i omit to presse many points of this comparison against you , because comparisons do serue rather to illustrate then inforce : and i know not what assertion you might not easely make good , if such sencelesse prating might goe for proofe . i come now to your particular examples , wherof the first is of king saule ; whom you affirme to be depriued and put to death for his disobedience . saule depriued and put to death ? i neuer heard that any of his subiects did euer lift vp one thought against him . dreamer , you will say , hee was slaine by the philistimes : good ; but who depriued him ; it was god ( you say ) who did depriue him ? you must pardon vs if vpon the sodaine wee doe not conceiue the misterie of your meaning : your vvords of depriuation and putting to death , doe rather import a iudiciall proceeding against him , thē that god deliuered him to be vanquished , by his enemies in the field . but vvhat is this to dispossessing by subiects ? yes , you say , because vvhat soeuer god hath put in vre in his common vvealth , may be practised by others . why , but then also good princes may be deposed by their subiects ; because god deliuered iosiah to be slaine by the aegiptians . you firebrands of strife , you trumpets of sedition , you red horses vvhose sitters haue taken peace from the earth , d how impudently doe you abuse the scriptures ? how doe you defile them vvith your filchie fingers ? it is most certaine that dauid knew , both because samuel tould him , and because he had the spirit of prophesie , that god had reiected saul , and designed him to be king in his place : yet his doctrine was alwaies , not to touch the lords anoin●ed , wherto his actions vvere also answerable . for vvhen saul did most violently persecute him , he defended himselfe no otherwise then by flight . during this pursuit , saul fell twice in to his power ; once he dyd not onely spare but protect him , and rebuke the pretorian soldiers for their negligent vvatch : the other time his hart did smite him , for that he had cut away the lappe of his garment . lastly , he caused the messenger to be slaine , vvho vpon request , and for pittie , had furthered ( as he said ) the death of that sacred king. wee haue a precept of obedience , vvhich is the mould vvherein vvee ought to fashion our actions . god onely is superiour to princes ; vvho vseth many instruments in the execution of his iustice , but his aucthoritie he hath committed vnto none . your second example is of king amon , vvho vvas slaine ( as you vvright ) by his owne people ; because he vvalked not in the vvayes of the lord. this is somewhat indeed if it be true ; let vs turne to the text . f amon was xxii . yeeres ould when he began to reigne &c. and he did euill in the sight of the lord &c. and his seruants conspired against him , & slew him in his house , and the people smote all those who conspired against king amon , and made iosiah his sonne king in his stead . but this is very different from that which you report . amon was slaine by his seruants , and not by the people ; who were so far from working , that they seuerely reuenged his death . and although amon was euill , yet the scripture laieth not his euill for the motiue whervpon his seruants slue him . the diuell himselfe in alleaging the scripture , vsed more honestie & sinceritie ( if i may so terme it ) then you : for he cited the very vvords , vvresting them onely to a crooked sence : but you change the vvords of the scripture ; you counterfeit gods coine , you corrupt the recordes vvhich he hath left vs. i vvill now shake of all respect of ciuilitie towards you , and tell you in flat and open termes ; that as one part of your assertion is true , that good kings succeeded saul and amon ; so the other part , that either they vvere , or in right could haue bene depriued and put to death by their subiects , it is a sacrilegious , a logger-headed lye . of your example of romulus i haue spoken before . i haue declared also how the romanes , presently after the expelling of their kings , & for that cause , were almost ouerwhelmed with the weight of warre ; being beaten home to the very gates of their citie . and had not chocles by a miracle of manhood susteined the shock of the enemies , whilest a bridge was broken behind him , the towne had bene entred and their state ruined . and wheras you attribute the inlargement of the empire , which happened many ages after , to this expelling of their kings , you might as well haue saide , that the rebellion against king iohn was the cause of the victories which wee haue since had in france . i haue before declared , that the state of the romanes vnder their consulls , was popular , rather in shew , then in deede : this shew began also to end , when by the law valeria , l. sylla was established dictator for foure and twentie yeares . after this , the empire did mightely encrease , vntil the reigne of traian● ; at which time all authors agree that it was most large ; and yet far short of your wandring suruey , not halfe fifteene thousand miles in compasse . in your example of caesar , i neuer saw more vntruthes crowded together in fewer words : you say he brake all lawes , both humane and deuine : that is one ; his greatest enemies did giue of him a most honorable testimonie . you say he tooke all gouernment into his hands alone : that is two ; the people by the law seruia elected him perpetual dictator . you make his death to be an act of the state : that is three ; for they who slew him , were both declared & pursued by decree of the state for publicke enemies ; of whom , not any one , either died a naturall death , or liued three yeeres after ; it was further decreed , that the court where he was slaine should be stopped vp , that the ides of march should be called parricidium ; & that the senate should neuer be assembled vpon that day . you say that augustus was preferred in his place : that is foure ; and all within the compasse of sixe lines . augustus was neuer chosen dictator ; suetonius writeth g that hee entreated the people vpon his knee , not to charge him with that office . but augustus , antonius and lepidus did first knit in armes by the name of triumuiri , to reuenge the death of iulius caesar ; whervpon a long cruell and doubtfull warre was set vp , which continued the space of xx . yeers ; first , betweene these three , and the murtherers of caesar ; then , betweene lepidus , and the other two ; lastly betweene augustus & antonius : and this was the sweet successe of the murther of caesar. augustus , after his victorie was made perpetuall tribune , as suetonius hath written h dio. saith , i that he was freed from the power of the lawes ; as pompeie also had beene before him . tacitus addeth , k that the people hauing their hearts broken with broiles , permitted him to rise into rule , and to draw by degrees the whole authoritie of the state into his handes . and so it seemeth that the royall law was not yet established , l by which the people gaue ouer their power in gouernment : wherevpon some make good the sentence which the senate gaue against nere ; because the soueraigntie was not then by any expresse act setled in the emperour . but where you bring the succession of vespasian as a good successe of this sentence against nero , it is a vvilde and witlesse vntruth . galba succeeded next after nero ; who was slaine in a sedition raised by otho . otho againe was ouercome in field by vitellius ; whervpon hee slue himselfe . lastly , vitellius was ouerthrowne and slaine by the captaines of vespasian ; who was the fourth emperour after nero. these intestine warres , these open battailes fought to the full , this slaughter of emperours , which you terme interludes , vvere the immediate successe after the death of nero. you furies of hell , whose voices are lightening and thunder , vvhose breathing is nothing but sword , fire , rages and rebellions : the encountring of armies , the butcherie of millions of men , the massacre of princes , you accompt enterludes : these are your pleasures ; these your recreations . i hope all christian common vvealthes vvill beare an eye ouer your inclination , and keepe out both your persons and perswasions , from turning their state into an open stage for the acting of these enterludes . you continue your base bouldnesse in affirming , that the senate procured the death of domitian ; that they requested the soldiers to kil heliogabalus ; that they inuited constantine to come & doe iustice vpon maxentius : this broken kinde of disguising is familiar vnto you , to make such violencies as haue often preuailed against excellēt princes , to seeme to be the act of the vvhole state . and vvheras you bring the succession of alexander seuerus for a good successe of the murther of heliogabalus , being the rarest prince ( you say ) that euer the romanes had ; you might haue alleaged any author in proofe thereof better then herodian , vvho vvriteth of him in this manner . m alexander did beare the name and ensignes of the empire ; but the administration of affaires & gouernment of the state did rest vpon wemen . and further he vvriteth that by his slacknesse and cowardice , the romane armie vvas defeated by the persians ; & finally , that for his vvant of courage , he vvas slaine by his owne soldiers . by this vve may see that you goe blindfold ; being so far from caring , that many times you scarce know vvhat you vvright . your markable example ( as you terme it ) of the change o● the empire , frō the west to the east ; frō cōstantin the sixt , to charles king of france , doth mark out nothing more vnto vs , then your foūdred iudgemēt . the questiō is not what one forren prince may do against another , but what subiects may do against their soueraign : this is the point of cōtrouersie , heete you must cloase ; and not trauerse about in discourses impertinent . the change of the kingdome of france from childeric to pepin , your owne authour girard n affirmeth to be , both an ambitious & fraudulēt vsurpation , wherin pepin vsed the reuerēce of religiō as a mantle to couer his impietie & rebelliō . the matters which he obiected against childeric were two ; first , his insufficiēcie , the ordinarie pretence of most rebellions ; but girard , o saith , that the auncient custome of the french was , to loue & honor their kings , whether sufficient or vnable , worthie or weake ; & that the name of king vvas esteemed sacred , by whomsoeuer it was borne . secondly he obiected , that his subiects were condicionally sworne vnto him ; & this also girard writeth to be a forced and cautelous interpretation , violently streining the words of their oath to his aduantage : and in deede , if the oath of the people had ben conditionall , vvhat needed they to procure a dispensation for the same ? this vvas the first act ( saith he ) wherby the popes tooke occasion to set in their foot of authoritie , for transporting of kingdoms from one race to another : which growing to strength , hath filled all christian countries with confusion and tumult . likewise the change of that kingdome from the line of pepin to the line of capet , vvas a meere violence & intrusion , & so vvas it acknowledged by eudes earle of paris , the first of that family vvho did vsurp : & for that cause he was constreined after two yeares reigne , to quit the crowne , & to giue place vnto charles the lawfull heire . and vvhen robert , brother vnto eudes , did enter into armes to recouer that vvhich his brother once held , he vvas beaten downe and slaine by the faithfull subiects of king charles . hugh , the sonne of robert nourished this ambition : but hugh capet his sonne vvith better both opportunitie & successe , but no better right , did accomplish the enterprise . for girard q calleth him an vsurper , & charles duke of lorrane the true heire to the crowne . between these two ( as in all vsurpations it is vsuall ) vvar vvas raised ; but by the vnsearchable iudgement of god the duke of lorraine vvas cast to the ground . and there is little doubt , but , if he had preuailed , lorraine had bene at this day a member of the crowne of france . the like answer may be giuen to your example of suintilla : & this beside ; that the kingdom of the gothes in spaine , vvas not then setled in succession , & chiefly during the reigne of victeric , gundemir , sisebuth , suintilla , sicenand , cinthilla , and tulca . the historie of alphonso , another of your examples , standeth thus . alphonso had a sonne called ferdinand , who died during the life of his father , & left two yong sons behinde him . after the death of ferdinand , his yonger brother sancho practised with d. lope diaz de haro lord of biscay , to procure him to be aduanced to the successiō of the kingdom , before his nephewes . d. lope vndertoke the deuise ; & drawing some other of the nobilitie to the partie , they so wrought with the king , that in an assembly of the states at segouia , sancho was declared successor , & the childrē of ferdinand appointed to be kept in prison . but sancho , either impatiēt to linger in expectatiō , or suspicious that his father grew inclinable towards his nephewes , made league with mahomed mir , king of granado , a moore ; by whose ayde , & by the nobilitie of his faction , he caused him selfe to be declared king . heerevpon , alphonso was enforced to craue assistance of iacob aben ioseph king of maroco , who before had bene an enemie to alphōso : but vpon detestatiō of this vnnatural rebelliō , he sent forces to him , protesting notwithstāding that so soone as the war should be ended , he wold become his enemie againe . so alphonso by help , partly of the marocco moores , & partly of his subiects which remained loyall , maintained against his sonne both his title & state during his lyfe , but not without extremitie of bloudshed ; & opportunitie for the moores , being assistāt to both parties , to make themselues more strong within the countries of spaine . for this cause alphonso disinherited his sonne by his testament , and cast a cruell cursse vpon him & his posteritie : & afterward it vvas ordeined in an assembly of the states holden at tero , that the childrē of the elder brother deceased , should be preferred before their vnckle . how then will you verifie your two points by this historie ? first , that alphonso vvas depriued by a publick act of parlament : secondly , that it turned to the great cōmoditie of the state . it is not a milliō of masses that are sufficiēt to satisfie for all your deceitful & malicious vntruthes . i meruaile how the rebellion of absolon , against king dauid his father escaped you : oh ; it wanted successe ; & you could not so easily disguise the report . you write that the common wealth of spaine , resoluing to depose d. pedro the cruell , sent for his brother henry out of france , & required him to bring a strength of frenchmen with him : but hereby you make it plain , that the common wealth was not fully agreed . the truth is , that this was a dangerous deuisiō of the state , between two concurrents ; some holding for henry , & some for pedro. henry obtained forren asistance by the french , pedro by the english . in the meane time , whilst peter was throwen out of state by the forces of france , & after that henry by the armes of england ; & againe peter deiected both from dignitie and life by his brother henry ; the poore country became a spectacle for one of your enterludes . your example of don sancho capello king of portugal , containeth many intollerable vntruthes . for neither was he depriued of his dignitie , neither did the pope & counsell of lions giue either authoritie or consent that he should be depriued ; neither was he driuen out of his realme into castilla ; neither died he in banishmēt ; neither was alphonso his brother king during his life . these fiue vntruths you huddle into one heape . the counsaile of lions wholy opposed against the deposing of don sancho , notwithstanding many disabilities were obiected against him : in regard wherof they gaue directiō , that alphonso his brother should be regent of the realme ; as in that case it is both vsuall & fit . but sancho taking this to dislike , did seeke aide of the king of castile ; & in that pursuite ended his life without issue : wherby the right of succession deuolued to alphonso . to your examples of greeke emperours , i will answer by your words ; which are ; r that for the most part they came not orderly to the crowne , but many times the meanes thereof were tribulent and seditious . the deposing of henry king of polonia , i acknowledge to be both true & iust ; i haue nothing to except against it . when the crowne of france did discend vnto him , he forsooke polonia , & refused to return again to that swaggering gouernment , wherevpon they did depose him . giue vs the like case , & you shal be allowed the like proceeding ; but you esteeme your examples by tale & not by touch : being not much vnlike a certaine mad fellow in athens , who imagined euery ship which was brought into the hauen to be his : for vvhatsoeuer you finde of a king deposed , you lay claime vnto it , as both lawfully done , and pertayning to your purpose , whereas one of these doth alwaies faile . concerning your two examples , one of sueden , and the other of denmarke , i shall haue occasion to speake hereaf●er . the nobility of those countries pretēd , that their kings are not soueraigne , but that the power in highest matters of state pertaineth vnto them . if it bee thus , the examples are not appliable to the question , if it be otherwise , then the princes had wrong . wee are come now to our domesticall examples ; the first whereof is that of king iohn , who was deposed by the pope , you say , at the suite of his owne people . all this people was the archbishop of cant. the bish . of london , and the bish . of ely ; at whose cōplaint , the pope did write to phillip king of france , that hee should expell king iohn out of his realme . if not conscience , if not ordinarie honestie , pure shame should haue drawen you to another forme of writing . hee was also depriued ( you say ) afterwards by his barons . heauy beast ; call you this a depriuation ? the commons were neuer called to consent ; the clergie were so opposite to those that stoode in armes against king iohn , that they procured excommunication against them : first generally ; then by name ; lastly , lewes the french kings sonne was also included : of the nobilitie , which is onely the third state of the realme , i make no doubt but some reserued themselues to bee guided by successe ; others , and namely the earles of warren , arundell , chester , penbrooke , ferrers , salisburie , and diuers barons did openly adhere vnto king iohn ; you may as well call any other rebellion a depriuation , as affirme that the rest either did or might depriue him . and whereas you bring in king henry the third , as a most worthie successour after this depriuation ; i will derogate nothing from his worthinesse : but there was neuer king in england , who without concurrent in the title of the crowne , did draw more bloud out of the sides of his subiects . your second example is of king edward the second , whom many of our histories report to bee of a good and courteous nature and not vnlearned ; imputing his defectes rather to fortune , then either to counsell or carriage of his affaires . his deposition was a violent furie , led by a vvife , both cruell & vnchast ; & can with no better countenance of right be iustified , then may his lamentable both indignities and death , vvhich therupon did ensue . and although the nobilitie , by submitting thēselues to the gouerment of his sonne , did breake those occasions of wars which doe vsually rise vpon such disorders , yet did not the hand of god forget to pursue reuenge . for albeit king edward his son enioyed both a long & prosperous raign , yet his next successor king richard the second , vvas in the like violent manner imprisoned depriued & put to death . i will prosecute the successiue reuenge which heereof also ensued , being a strange matter , & worthie to be rung into the eares of all ages . king henry the fourth , by whom king richard was deposed , did exercise the chiefest acts of his raigne , in executing those who conspired with him against king richard. his son had his vertue well seconded by felicity ; during whose raigne by meanes of the wars in france , the humour against him was otherwise imployed & spent : but his next successor king henry the sixth was in the very like manner depriued , & together with his yong son edward imprisoned and put to death by king edward the fourth . this edward died not without suspiciō of poison ; & after his death , his two sons were in like maner disinherited , imprisoned & murthered by their cruell vnkle , the duke of glocester : who being both a tyrant and vsurper , was iustly encountred and slaine , by king henry the seauenth , in the field . so infallible is the law of iustice in reuenging cruelties and wrongs , not alwaies obseruing the presence of times wherein they are done , but often calling them into reckoning ; whē the offenders retaine least memorie of them . likewise the deposition of king richard the second was a tempestuous rage , neither led nor restrained by any rules of reason or of state ; not sodainely raised and at once , but by very cunning and artificiall degrees . but examine his actions vvithout distempred iudgement , & you will not condemne him to be exceeding either insufficient or euill weigh the imputations that were obiected against him , and you shall find nothing either of any truth or of great moment . hollingshead writeth , that he was most vnthankfully vsed by his subiects ; for although , through the frailtie of his youth , he demeaned himselfe more dissolutely , then was agreeable to the royaltie of his estate , yet in no kings daies , the commons were in greater wealth , the nobilitie more honoured , and the clergie lesse wronged : vvho notwithstanding in the euill guided strength of their will tooke head against him , to their owne headlong destruction afterward : partly during the raign of king henry , his next successor , whose greatest atchiuements were against his owne people ; but more especially in succeeding times , whē vpon occasiō of this disorder , more english bloud was spent , thē was in all the forren wars which had ben since the cōquest . three causes are commonly insinuated by you , for which a king may be deposed ; tyranny , insufficiencie , & impietie : but what prince could hold his state , what people their quiet assured , if this your doctrine should take place ? how many good princes doth enuie brand with one of these markes ? what action of state can be so ordred , that either blind ignorance or set mallice wil not easely straine to one of these heads ? euery execution of iustice , euery demand of tribute or supply shall be claimed tyrannie : euery infortunate euent shall be exclaimed insufficiencie : euery kind of religion shall by them of another sect , be proclaimed impietie . so dangerous it is to permit this high power to a heedlesse and headlesse multitude , who measure things , not by reason and iustice , but either by opinion , which commonly is partiall ; or else by report , which vsually is full of vncertainties and errors : the most part doing because others doe ; all easie to become slauish to any mans ambitious attempt . so dangerous it is to open our eares to euery foolish phaetō , who vndertaking to guid the chariot of the sun will soone cast the whole earth into combustion . you proceede that king henry the sixth was also deposed for defectes in gouernment . let vs yeeld a little to you , that you may bee deceiued ; a little that you may be carried by your affections ; how can you excuse these open vntruthes , wherein it cannot bee but the diuell hath a finger ? you cannot bee ignorant , that the onely cause which drevv the familie of yorke into armes against king henry , vvas the title which they had vnto the crowne : by vertue whereof , it vvas first enacted , that richard duke of yorke should succeed king henry , after his death : but for that hee made vnseasonable attempts , he was declared by parlament incapable of succession , and afterwards slaine at the battaile of wakefield . then edward his sonne , prosecuting the enterprise , & hauing vanquished king henry at the battaile of s. albons , obtained possession of the state , caused king henrye to be deposed , and himselfe to be proclaimed & crowned king . afterward he vvas chased out of the realme , and by act of parlament both depriued and disabled from the crowne . lastly he returned againe , and depriued king henrye both from gouernment & from life . it is true , that some defects vvere obiected against king henry ; but this was to estrāge the harts of the peple frō him . the main cause of the war did proceed , frō the right of the one partie , & possessiō of the other : the contrarietie of the acts of parlament vvas caused , by the alternatiue victories of them both . your last example is of king richard the third , of vvhom you vvright ; first , that although he sinned in murthering his nephewes , yet after their death hee vvas lawfull king : secondly , that he was deposed by the common wealth , who called out of france henry earle of richmond , to put him downe , philosophers say that dreames doe commonly arise , by a reflection of the phantasie vpon some subiect , wherof we haue meditated the daie before . it may be y● your drowsie conceit vvas here cast into a dreame , of that vvheron it had dozed in all this chapter : or at the best , that you are like vnto those , vvho haue so often tould a lie , that they perswade themselues it is true . king edward the fourth left other children besides those that were murthered ; the duke of clarence also , vvho vvas elder brother to king richard , lest issue in life ; all vvhich had precedence of right before him . and as for the second point , tell mee i pray you , by vvhat parlament vvas king richard deposed ? vvher did the states assemble ? vvhen did they send for the earle of richmond to put him down ? by what decree ? by vvhat messengers ? ther is no answer to be made , but one ; and that is , to confesse ingenuously , that you say vntrue ; & that it is your vsuall manner of deceiuing , to impute the act of a few vnto all ; & to make euerie euent of armes , to be a iudicial proceeding of the common wealth . for it is manifest , that the earle of richmond had his first strēgth from the king of france ; & that after his discent into england , more by halfe , both of the nobilitie & common people did stand for king richard , then stirre against him . you adioyne for a speciall consideration , that most excellent princes succeeded these vvhom you affirme to be deposed . i vvill nor extenuate the excellencie of any prince ; but i hould it more vvorthie to be considered , that these disorders spent england a sea of bloud . in the ende you conclude , that all these depriuations of princes vvere lawfull . nay ; by your fauour ; if you sweat out your braines , you shall neuer euince , that a fact is lawfull beecause it is done . yes ( you say ) for othervvise two great inconueniences vvould follow ; one , that the actes of those that vvere put in their place , should be voide and vniust : the other , that none vvho now pretend to these crownes , could haue any tytle , ●or that they descend from them , vvho succeeded those that were depriued . you deserue now to be basted with words vvell stiped in vineger and salt : but i will be more charitable vnto you , and leaue bad speaches to black mouthes . for the first , the possession of the crowne purgeth all defects , and maketh good the actes of him that is in authoritie , although he vvanteth both capacitie and right . and this doth vlpian expressely determine t vpon respect ( as he saith ) to the common good . for the other point , the successors of an vsurper , by course and compasse of time , may prescribe a right ; if they vvho haue receiued wrong , discontinue both pursuit and claime . p●normitane saith : u successor in dignitate potest praescribere , non abstante vitio sui praedecessor is : a successor in dignitie may prescribe , notwithstāding the fault of his predecessor : otherwise , causes of vvar should be immortall , and titles perpetually remaine vncertaine . now then for summarie collection of all that you haue saide ▪ your protestations are good ; your proofes light and loose ; your conclusions both dangerous & false . the first doth sauour of god ; the second of man ; the third of the diuell . to the fourth chapter which beareth tytle . wherein consisteth principally the lawfulnesse of proceeding against princes , which in the former chapter is mencioned , what interest princes haue in their subiects goods or liues ; how oathes doe binde or may bee broken , of subiects towards their princes ; and finally the difference betweene a good king and a tyrant . heere you cloase with billaye vpon two points ; first , vvhether a king is subiect to any law ; secondly , whether all temporalities are in proprietie the kings : but because these questions doe little perteine to our principall controuersie , i vvill not make any stay vpon them ; it suffiseth that vve may say vvith seneca a omnia rex imperio possidet , singuli domino : the king hath empire , euery man his particular proprietie in all things . after this , you proceede further to make good , that the princes before mencioned vvere lawfully deposed ; and that by all law ; both diuine and humane , naturall , nationall and positiue . your cause is so badd , that you haue need to set a bould countenance vpon it . but what deuine lawes doe you alleage ? you haue largely beefore declared ( you saye ) that god doth approoue the forme of gouernmēt vvhich euery common wealth doth choose , as also the conditions and statutes which it doth appoint vnto her prince . i must now take you for a naturall lyer , when you wil not forbeare to bely your selfe : you neuer proued any such matter ; & the contrary is euident , that sometimes entire gouernments ; often , customes & statutes of state ; & very commonly accidentall actiōs , are so vnnaturall & vniust , that ( otherwise then for a punishment and curse ) wee cannot say that god doth approue thē . we haue often heard that the church cannot erre in matters of faith ; but that in matter of gouerment a cōmon wealth cannot erre , it was neuer ( i assure my selfe ) published before . but let vs suppose ( supposall is free ) that god alloweth that forme of gouernment which euery common wealth doth choose : doth it therfore follow that by all deuine lawes princes may be deposed by their subiects ? these broken peeces will neuer bee squared to forme strong argument . but wherefore doe not you produce the deuine canons of scripture ? surely , they abhorre to speake one word in your behalfe : yea , they doe giue expresse sentence against you , as i haue shewed before . well let this passe among your least escapes , in making god either the author or aider of rebelliō : you alledge no other humane law , but that princes are subiect vnto law and order . i vvill not denie but ther is a duty for princes to performe : but how proue you that their subiects haue power to depose them if they faile ? in this manner . as the common vvealth gaue them their authoritie for the common good , so it may also take the same away , if they abbuse it . but i haue manifested before c , both that the people may so graunt away their authoritie that they cannot resume●t ; & also that few princes in y● world hold their state by graunt of the people . i will neuer heereafter esteeme a mans valure by his voice : your braue boast of all lawes , diuine , humane , naturall , nationall and positiue , is disolued into smoake : you busie your selfe as the poets wright of morpheus , in presenting shadowes to men a sleepe . but the chiefest reason ( you say ) the very ground and foundation of all . soft : what reason ? what ground ? if you haue alreadie made proofe by all lawes , humane and deuine , naturall , nationall and positiue , what better reason ? what surer ground will you bring ? tush : these interruptions . the chiefest reason ( you say ) the very ground and foundation of all is , that the common wealth is superiour to the prince ; and that the authoritie which the prince hath , is not absolute , but by the way of mandate and commission from the common wealth . this is that which i expected all this time : you haue hetherto approached by stealing steps , you are now come cloase to the wall , do but mount into credit and the fort is your owne . you affirmed at the first , that princes might be deposed for disabilitie ; then , for misgouernmen● ; now , vpon pleasure and at will. for they who haue giuen authoritie by cōmission , doe alwaies retaine more then they graunt ; d & are not excluded either frō commanding or iudging , by way of preuention , concurrence , or evocation ; euen in those cases which they haue giuen in charge e : the reason is declared by vlpian f . because hee to whom iurisdiction is committed representeth his person who gaue commission , and not his owne . herevpon alexander g , panormitane h , innocentius , and felinus i doe affirme , that they may cast their commissioners out of power when they please , because as paulus saith k ; a man can iudge no longer , when he forbiddeth who gaue authoritie . further , all states take denomination from that part wherin the supreme power is setled ; as if it bee in one prince , it is called a monarchie ; if in many of highest ranck , then it is an aristocracie ; if in the people , then a democracie . whervpon it followeth ; if the people are superiour to the prince , if the prince hath no power but by commission from them , that then all estates are populare : for we are not so much to respect who doth execute this high power of state , as from whō immediately it is deriued . hereto let vs ad that which you haue said in another place l ; that in populare gouernments there is nothing but sedition , trouble , tumults , outragies & iniustices vpon euery light occasiō ; & thē we shall perceiue ; first , that you want the art of a wise deceiuer , not to be entangled in your tale ; secondly , that this is meere poison , which the diuell hath dropt out of your pen , to infect christian coūtries with disobedience & disorder . in a word , to the contrary of this your impudent vntruth , our laws do acknowledge supreme authority in the prince within the realme & dominions of england m , neither can subiects beare thēselues either superior or equall to their soueraigne ; or attempt violence either against his persō or estate , but as well the ciuill law n , as the particulare lawes & customes of all countries do adiudge it high & hainous treasō . i will speake now without passion ; what reason haue we , to accept your idle talk for a kind of authority , against the iudgement & lawes of most nations in the world ? you proceede that the power of a prince is giuen to him by the common wealth , with such conditions & exceptions , as if the same be not kept , the people stand free . that the prince receiueth his power vnder plain conditiōs , you go about to proue afterward : now you hold on , that in all mutual contracts , if one side recede from promise , the other remaineth not obliged ▪ & this you proue by two rules of the law . the first is o ; he doth in vaine require promise to be kept of another man , to whom he refuseth to performe that which he promised : the other is p a man is not bound to performe his oath , if on the other part , that be not performed , in respect whereof he did sweare . poore fellow , had you ben as conuersant in the light of law , and cleere course of iustice , as you are in the smoake & dust of some corner of a colledge , you wold neuer haue concluded so generally so confidētly vpō any of the rules of law , which are subiect , for the most part , vnto many exceptions . alexander q & felinus r doe assigne fiue fallencies vnto these rules : socinus s giueth the cootrarie rule : to him that breaketh his faith or oath , faith ought to bee kept ; & thē restraineth it with seauē limitations . but all affirme , that in those offices which are mutuall between any persōs , by the law of nature or of god ; as between the father & the child , the husband & the wife , the master & the seruant , the prince and the subiect ; although the same be further assured by promise or by oath , the breach of duty in the one , is no discharge vnto the other . and therfore if the father performeth not his duty towards his children , they are not thereby acquitted both of the obedience & care , which god & nature exacteth of them ; howsoeuer solon in his lawes discharged children from nourishing their parents , if they did not traine them in some trade , wherby they might acquire their liuing . much lesse are subiects exempted from obedience , if the prince either erre or be defectiue in gouernment : because the like respect is not due vnto parents as vnto princes ( as i haue somewhat touched before ) insomuch as a sonne that beareth authoritie , hath right both to commaūd and compell the father . t this was declared among the romanes , by that which plutarch u , liuie x , valerius y , and gellius a , doe report of q. fabius : to whome , being consull , when fabius maximus his father , who had bene consull the yeare before , did approch sitting vpon his horse , the sonne commanded him by a sergeant to allight : the father not onely obeyed , but highly commended both the courage and iudgement of his sonne , in maintaining the maiestie which he did beare , and in preferring a publicke both dutie and authoritie beefore priuate . vpon those examples paulus the lawier did wright , z that publick discipline was in higher estimation among the romane parents , then the loue of children . after an impertinēt discourse , that vpon diuers cōsiderations an oath ought not to be performed ; you annex another cause wherefore subiects may withdraw their alleageāce ; & that is , when it should turne to the notable dammage of the common wealth and both these you affirme to be touched , in the depriuation of childeric king of france . but i regard not what was touched in the depriuation of childeric ; i haue answered to that in the chapter next before ; i require either arguments or authoritie of more tough temper . well then let vs turne back the leafe , and there we shall finde a rule of the law ( because by rules onely you will beat down rule ) a in euill promises it is not expedient to keepe faith : which is also confirmed by a sentence of isidorus : b in euill promises , break your word ; in a dishonest oath change your purpose . well fare your vvits , good soule ; doe you accompt the promise of obedience euill ? not so ( i suppose you will say ) but it turneth to be euill vvhen it turneth to the notable detrimēt of the commō wealth . it is one of your peculiar guifts , the further you goe , the more impious you declare your selfe . for if you take the word euill in noe higher sence then for detriment and damage , it would follow vpon your rule , that a man vvere no further tyed to his promise , then the performance thereof were aduantageable vnto him . you vvould inforce also , that if the father doth dissipate his patrimoniall estate , and runne a course to ruine his familie , the children and the wife may thervpon disauow their duties . but if vvee take a true touch of this point , we shall finde , that the vices of any prince are not sufficient of themselues to ouerthrow a state , except therevpon rebellions be raised , vvhich vvill draw all things into confusion . for there is no prince , vvhich either hath liued , or can almost be imagined to liue , in so little sence of humanitie , but generally he both fauoureth and maintaineth some order of iustice ; onely against particuler persons , some of them haue violently bene carried by the tempest of their passion , vvhereby notwithstanding the inordinate desires of one man , can not possibly reach to the ruine of all . so saith suetonius , c that vnder domitian the prouinces vvere vvell gouerned , onely certaine priuate men at rome , felt the euill of his crueltie and other vices . but vvhen the people doe breake into tumult , then all course of iustice is stopped ; then is either assistance made , or resistance vveakned for forren inuasion ; then is euery one raysed into hope vvho cannot flye but vvith other mennes feathers ; then , as vvhen a fierce horse hath cast his rider , the reines are loosed to those insolencies , vvhich a dissolute people , nothing restrained either by honestie or feare doe vsually commit . for as it is the nature of men , vvhen they come out of one extremitie vvherin they haue bene houlden by force , to runne vvith a swift course into another , vvithout staying in the middest ; so the people breaking out of tyrannie , if they bee not helde back , vvill runne headlong into vnbrideled libertie ; and the harder they vvere kept vnder beefore , the more insolently vvill they then insult . i obserue that saint paul alleageth two reasons vvherefore vve should be obedient euen to vvicked and cruell princes : one is for conscience sake , beecause they are the ministers of god d , and in their royaltie doe beare his image : another , for the safetie , and tranquillitie of our selues ; that wee may lead vnder them a quiet and peaceable lyfe e . wherevpon the prophet ieremiah also exhorted the iewes , to ●eeke the peace of the cittie vvhether they should be transported , because in the peace therof their quiet should consist : for by obedience , a few particulars remaine in daunger ; by rebellion , all ; by obedience , vve can be vnder the tyrannie but of one ; by rebellion , vve are exposed to the rapine and crueltie of many ; by the one nothing , by the other all things are permitted . vpon this ground saint augustine saide ; g it is a generall couenant of humane societie to obey kings ; and likewise saint ambrose h it is a great and speciall point of doctrine whereby christians are taught to be subiect vnto higher powers . three vvaies a cruell prince may vvork violence against his subiects ; vpon their goods ; vpon their persons ; and vpon their consciences , by commaunding them to commit that which is euil . of the first , saint ambrose saith : i if the emperour demaundeth tribute , wee doe not deny him ; if he desireth fieldes , let him take them if he please : i doe not giue them to the emperour ; but therewith also i doe not deny them . of the second , tertullian vvrighteth k as i haue alleaged him before : for vvhat vvar are vvee vnseruiceable or vnfit , although vnequall in number , vvho doe so vvillingly suffer death : yea , he vvas so farre from iudgeing it lawfull to resist , that he thought it scarce allowable to flye . in the third case , not your rule of law , but the rule of the apostles taketh place , it is better to obey god then man : l vvhereby the subiect is not bound to yeeld obedience . but how ? hee is not bound to obey by doeing , but by suffering hee is : he is not bound to obey in doing that onely vvhich is euill ; but he is not thereby freed from doing any other thing which is lawfully commanded . s. augustine saith m : iulian was an infidell emperour , an apostata ; an idolater ; christian soldiers did serue this infidell emperour ; when hee would haue them worship idols , and offer frankencense vnto them , th●y preferred god before him : but when hee saide ; bring foorth the armie , march against such a nation ; they did presently obey . all this seemeth to bee confirmed by god himselfe , who after hee had forevvarned the people of israell by the mouth of samuell , what heauie , what open iniustice they should endure vnder some of their kings , hee concludeth in these words : and yee shall cry out in that day because of your king , and the lord will not heare you . as if hee had said : you shall grudge at this burthen , you shall grone vnder it ; but you shall not haue power , either to shrinke from it , or to shake it off . surely , if you had been aduised , you would priuily haue blowen your blasphemies into the eares of those ideots , who adore you for the great penitentiaries of the sea of rome , & esteeme your idle imaginations as the articles of their faith : & not so publikely haue poured forth your self into these paradoxes , both impious & absurd ; not so boisterously haue stepped , like hercules furens , vpon the opē stage of the world , to denoūce depriuation against all princes . you would not thus confidently haue opposed your hot headed assertiō against al the ancient fathers of the church . you would not thus ignorantly haue troubled the waters of true humane wisdom , by corrupting the sence of the ciuell laws : you would not thus profanely haue abused the scriptures in maintaining rebellion , as coniurers doe in inuocating the diuell . for first , you are thereby discouered to be , neither religious , modest , nor wise : secondly , you haue runne your selfe into the compasse of a canon , in the councell of chalcedon . q wherein it is thus decreed against you : if clerkes shall be found to be contriuers of conspiracies , or raisers of factions , let them be degraded . after this you declare , who is a tyrant ; and that is a king , ( you say ) if once he doth decline from his dutie : which is a large description , and fit to set all christian countries on floate with bloud . comines saith , that he is to be esteemed a good king , whose vertues are not ouerballanced by vice . i omit your thicke error in putting no difference betweene a magistrate and a king , with many other of like qualitie , and do come now to a principall point of your strength : that christian princes at this day are admitted vpon conditions , and likewise with protestations , that if they do not performe the same , their subiects are free from all alleageance . this you will prooue by the particular oathes of all princes , if the ouerrunning of your tongue may haue the ful course without encounter . to the fifth chapter , which is entitled : of the coronation of princes , and maner of admitting to their authoritie , and the oathes which they do make in the same vnto the common wealth , for their good gouernment . first i will preface ; that no prince is soueraigne , who acknowledgeth himselfe either subiect or accomptable to any but to god ; euen as marcus aurelius said : that magistrates were iudges of priuate men , and the prince of magistrates , and god of the prince . in regard of this immediate subiection , princes are most especially obliged to the lawes of god and of nature : for r baldus , s alexander , t speculator , u all interpreters , w the lawe it selfe , do affirme , that princes are more strictly bound to these lawes , * then any of their subiectes . whereof x dionysius the tyrant had some sence , when he sayd vnto his mother : that he was able to dispence with the lawes of syracusa , but against the lawes of nature he had no power . if therefore a prince doth professe , that he will beare himselfe regardfull o● the accomplishment of these lawes , he doth not condition or restraine himselfe , but maketh an honorable promise of indeuour , to discharge his dutie ; being tyed thereby to no s●anter scope then he was before . the reason hereof is : y quia expressio eius quod tacitè inest , nihil operatur : the expressing of that which is secretly vnderstood , worketh nothing . againe , when the promise is not annexed to the authoritie , but voluntarily and freely made by the prince , his estate is not thereby made conditionall . for the interpreters of the ciuill lawe do consent in this rule : z pacta conuenta quae contractibus non insunt , non formant actionem : couenants which are not inherent in contracts , do not forme an action . * and therefore although by all lawes , both of conscience and state , a prince is bound to performe his promise ; because ( as the maister of sentences saith ) god himself will stand obliged to his word : yet is not the authoritie , but the person of the prince hereby affected ; the person is both tyed and touched in honour , the authoritie ceasseth not , if performances do faile . of this sort was that which you report of traian , who in deliuering the sword to his gouernors , would say : if i raigne iustly , then vse it for me ; if otherwise , then vse it against me : but where you adde , that these are the very same words in effect , which princes do vse at their coronations , ( pardon me , for it is fit i should be mooued ) you will find it to bee a very base 〈◊〉 lye . of this nature was that also which the same traian did , ( to encourage his subiects to do the like ) in taking an oath to obserue the lawes : which pliny the younger did account so strange , as the like before had not bene seene . but afterward , theodoric did follow that fact ; whereupon cassiodorus saith : ecce , traiani nostri clarum seculis reparamus exemplum ; iurat vobis per quem iuratis : we repaire the famous example of traian ; he sweareth to you by whome you sweare . so when king henry the fifth was accepted for successour to the crowne of fraunce , he made promise , to maintaine the parliament in the liberties thereof . and likewise diuers princes do giue their faith , to mainetaine the priuiledges of the church , and not to change the lawes of the realme : which oath is interpreted by * baldus , a panormitane , and b alexander , to extend no further then when the lawes shall be both profitable and iust : because iustice and the common benefit of subiects , is the principal point , both of the oath and dutie of a prince , whereto all other clauses must be referred . and now to your examples . first , because in all the ranke of the hebrew kings , you cannot find either condition or oath ; not : in the auncient empires and kingdomes of the world ; not vsually in the ●lourishing time of the romaine state , both vnder heathen and christian emperors ; because these times are too pure for your purpose , you fumble foorth a dull coniecture : that forsomuch as the first kings were elected by the people , it is like that they did it vpon conditions and assurances for themselues . that the first kings receiued not their authoritie from the people , i haue manifested before c : and yet your inference hereupon is no other , then if you should sue in some court for a legacie , alleadging nothing for your intent , but that it is like the testator shold leaue you something ; in which case it is like ( i suppose ) that your plea wold be answered with a silent scorne . after a few loose speeches , which no man would stoupe to gather together , you bring in the example of anastasius the first emperour of constantinople ; of whom the patriarch euphemius required before his coronation , a confessiō of the faith in writing , wherin he should promise to innouate nothing . and further , he promised to take away certaine oppressions , and to giue offices without mony . let vs take things as they are , and not speake vpon idle imagination , but agreeable to sence : what either condition or restraint do you find in these words ? condition they do not forme , because in case of failance they do not make the authoritie void : neither do they make restraint , because they containe no point , whereunto the lawe of god did not restraine him . all this he was bound to performe without an oath ; and if he were a thousand times sworne , he was no more but bound to perform it : euē as if a father should giue his word to cloath and feede his child ; or the husband to loue his wife ; or any man to discharge that dutie , which god and nature doth require . it is true , that anastasius was both a wicked man , and iustly punished by god for the breach of his faith ; but his subiects did neuer challenge to be free therefore from their alleageance . the same aunswere may be giuen to the promise , which michael the first gaue to nicephorus the patriarch : that he would not violate the ordinances of the church , nor embrue his hands with innocent bloud ; especially if you take the word ordinances for matters necessarie to be beleeued : but if you take it in a larger sence , then haue i also declared in the beginning of this chapter , how farre the promise doth extend . your next example is of the empire of almaine ; from whence all that you obiect , doth fall within this circle . after the death of charles the great , the empire was held by right of succession , vntill his line was determined in conrade the first . after whose death it became came electiue : first in henry duke of saxony , then in otho his son ; and afterwards in the rest : from whom notwithstanding no other promise was wrested , but the discharge of that dutie , which they were enformed , or rather threatned , that god wold seuerely exact at their hands . but ( as in all electiue states it vsually hapneth ) at euery new change and choise , the emperor was deplumed of some of his feathers , vntill in the end he was made naked of authoritie , the princes hauing drawne all power to themselues . so by degrees the empire was changed from a monarchie to a pure aristocracie ; the emperour bearing the title thereof , but the maiestie and puissance remaining in the states . during which weaknesse of the emperour , some points were added to his oath , which seemed to derogate from the soueraigntie of his estate . but what is this to those princes , who haue retained their dignitie , without any diminution , either of authoritie , or of honour . the like may be said of polonia , which not many hundred yeares since was erected into a kingdome : and although the states did challenge therein a right of election , yet did it alwaies passe according to propinquitie of bloud , and was esteemed a soueraigne monarchie ; vntill after the death of casimire the great , when lodonicus his nephew king of hungarie , rather greedie then desirous to be king also of polonia , did much abase the maiestie thereof . yet falling a●terward into the line of iagello , who maried one of the daughters of lodowicke , it recouered the auncient both dignitie and strength . but when that line also failed in sigismond augustus , the last male of that familie , the states elected henry duke of anjowe for their king , with this clause irritant ; that if hee did violate any point of his oath , the people should owe him no alleageance . but whereas you report this as the vsuall oath of the kinges of polonia , you deserue to heare the plainest tearme of vntruth . in the kingdome of spaine you distinguish two times : one , before the conquest thereof by the moores ; the other , after it was recouered againe by the christians . i acknowledge a difference in these two times ; for that in the one , the right of the kingdome was electiue ; in the other , it hath alwaies remained successiue : insomuch as d peter belluga , a diligent writer of the rights of arragon , doth affirme , that the people haue no power in election of the king , * except in case the line should faile . concerning the matter in controuersie , you affirme , that the kings did sweare the same points in effect , which before haue bene mentioned . this wee must take vpon your forfeited faith , for you alleadge no forme of oath ; onely you write , that the fourth nationall councell of c toledo , with all humilitie conuenient did require , that the present king , and all other that should follow , would be meeke and moderate towardes their subiects , and gouerne them with iustice , and not giue sentence in causes capitall without assistance : declaring further , that if any of them should exercise cruell and proude authoritie , 〈◊〉 they were condemned by christ , with the sentence of excommunication , and separated to euerlasting iudgement . but what pang hath possessed your dreaming braines , to tearme this by a marginall note , conditions of raigning in spaine ? being no other then a reuerent and graue admonition of the dutie of a king , with a feareful declaration of the iudgment of god against wicked princes . and that which was afterward decreed in the sixt councell of toledo : that the king should sweare , not to suffer any man to breake the catholike faith , because it is a principall point of his dutie , his estate was not thereby made conditionall . the rest of this passage you fill vppe with froath of the antiquated lawe of don pelayo , prescribing a forme of inaugurating the kinges of spaine ; whereof there is not one point , either now in vse , or pertaining to the purpose . so miserable is your case , that you can write nothing therein , but that which is either impertinent or vntrue . for fraunce , your first example is taken from the coronation of philip the first : wherein you note , that king henrie his father requested the people to sweare obedience to his sonne ; inferring thereby , that a coronation requireth a new consent , which includeth a certaine election of the subiects . but this is so light , that the least breath is sufficient to disperse it . philip was crowned king during the life of his father : which action , as it was not ordinarie , so was it of such both difficultie and weight , that it could not be effected without assemblie and consent of the states . the oath which he made , is in this forme extant in the librarie of rheimes : i do promise before god and his saints , that i will conserue to euery one committed vnto me canonicall priuiledge , & due law & iustice , and wil defend thē , by the helpe of god , so much as shall lye in my power , as a king by right ought to do within his realme , to euery bishop , and to the church cōmitted to him : and further , to the people cōmitted to my charge , i wil grant by my authority the dispensatiō of laws according to right . ad to this a more anciēt form of the oth of those kings , which it seemeth you haue not seene : i sweare in the name of god almighty , & promise , to gouerne well & duly the subiects cōmitted to my charge , & to do with all my power , iudgement , iustice and mercy . ad also the oath which you alleage of philip the . surnamed augustus : to maintaine all canonicall priuileges , law & iustice due to euery mā , to the vttermost of his power ; to defēd his subiects as a good king is bound to do ; to procure that they be kept in the vniō of the church ; to defend thē frō al excesse , rapine , extortion & iniquity ; to take order that iustice be kept with equity & mercy ; & to endeuor to expell heretiks . what doth all this rise vnto , but a princely promise to discharge honorably and truly those points of duty , which the laws of god did lay vpō thē ? what other cōditions or restraints are imposed ? what other cōtract is hereby made ? where are the protestations which in the end of the last chap. you promised to shew , that if the prince do faile in his promise , the subiects are free frō their allegeāce ? what clause do you find sounding to that sense ? but you litle regard any thing that you say ; you easily remēber to forget your word . wel thē , we must put these your vaine speeches into the reckning of mony accōpted , but not receiued : and seeing you cannot shew vs , that the kings of france and of spaine are tied to any condition , whereto the law of god doth not bind thē , i will not vary frō the iudgemēt of ordradus f in affirming thē to be absolute kings . i haue pressed this point the rather in this place , because you write , that most neighbour nations haue takē the forme of annointing & crowning their kings , from the anciēt custome of france ; although the substāce be deduced from the first kings of the hebrews , as appeareth by the annointing of king saule : whereof dauid ( you say ) made great accompt , notwithstanding that saule had bene reiected by god , and that himselfe had lawfully borne armes against him . out atheist ; you would be dawbed with dung , & haue the most vile filth of your stewes cast in your face . did dauid beare armes against his annointed king ? did he euer lift vp his eye-lids against him ? did he euer so much as defend himselfe otherwise then by flight ? it is certaine that shemei did not halfe so cruelly either curse or reuile this holy man , who did so much both by speech and action detest this fact , that he would rather haue endured ten thousand deaths , then to haue defiled his soule with so damnable a thought . what then shall we say vnto you , who to set vp sedition and tumult , abuse all diuine & humane wrightings , in whatsoeuer you beleeue will aduance your purpose ? who spend some speech of respect vnto kings for allurement onely , to draw vs more deepe into your deceit ? shall we giue any further eare to your doctrine , both blasphemous and bloudy ? we will heare you to the end ; and i deceiue my selfe , but your owne tale shall , in any moderate iudgement , condemne the authoritie of your opinions for euer . let vs come then to your last example ( which is neither the last nor the least whereat you leuell . ) and that is of england , which of all other kingdomes ( you say ) hath most particularly taken this ceremony of sacring and annointing from france . well , let the ceremonie be taken from whence you please : if the oath be no other then you do specifie , to obserue peace , honour and reuerence , vnto almighty god , to his church and to the ministers of the same , to administer law and iustice equally to all ; to abrogate euill lawes and customes , and maintaine good ( which was the oath of king richard the first ; the like whereto was that of king iohn , altered only in the first branch : to loue and defend the catholicke church : ) if the oath be no other i say , i do not see what other answer you need to expect , but that it is onely a free royall promise , to discharge that duty which god doth impose . and this is plainely declared by the speech which you alleage , of thomas arundell archbishop of canterbury , to king henry the fourth ; remember ( saith he ) the oath which voluntarily you made : voluntarily he sayd , and not necessarily : it was voluntary in oath , but necessary in duty . that which you report also that thomas becket did write vnto king henry the second , importeth nothing else but an acknowledgement of duty : remember ( said he ) the confession which you made . i cannot omit your description of the manner of the coronation in england . first ( you say ) the king i● sworne ; then the archbishop declareth to the people what he hath sworne , and demaundeth if they be content to submit themselues vnto him vnder those conditions : whereunto they consenting , he putteth on the royall ornaments ; and then addeth the words of commission : stand and hold thy place , and keepe thy oath . and thus you haue hammered out a formall election , supposing that you draw together the peeces of falshood so close , that no man can perceiue the seame . the truth is , that king henry the fourth being not the nearest in bloud to the inheritance of the crowne , did countenance his violence with the election of the people ; not at his coronation , but in a parliament that was holden before . and therefore you do impudently abuse vs ; first , in ioyning them together as one act ; secondly , by falsifying diuerse points in both ; lastly , by insinuating that the same order was obserued by other kings . the points which you falsifie are these : the interrogation of the archbishop to the people : the absurd straining of these words , stand , hold thy place , to be a commission : the alleaging also out of stow , . that the archbishop did reade vnto the people , what the king was bound vnto by oath ; . that the earle of northumberland did shew a ring vnto the people , that they might thereby see the band whereby the king was bound vnto them ; . that the king did pray , that he might obserue his promise . in which composition of conceits , you shew how actiue you are in counterfaiting any thing , that may make to your purpose ; perswading your selfe , that it is no fraud vnto god , to deceiue the world in a lye for aduantage . king edward the fourth also ( because his right was litigious , & another was in possession of the crowne ) strengthened , or rather countenanced his title with the approbation of the people . but where you write , that at the coronation of king edward the sixth , queene mary , and queene elizabeth , the consent and acceptation of the people was demanded : first , we haue no cause to credite any thing that you say ; then , although it be true , yet not being done in parliament , it addeth no right vnto the prince ; but is only a formality , a circumstance only of ceremony and order . hereupon you conclude , that a king hath his authority , by agreement and contract betweene him & the people : insinuating thereby that he looseth the same , if he either violate or neglect his word . the contrary opinion , that only succession of bloud maketh a king , & that the cōsent of the people is nothing necessary , you affirme to be absurd , base and impious , an vnlearned , fond and wicked assertion ; in flattery of princes , to the manifest ruine of common-wealths , and peruerting of all law , order and reason . i did alwayes foresee that your impostumed stomacke would belch forth some loathsome matter . but whosoeuer shall compare this confident conclusion with the proofes that you haue made , he will rather iudge you mad then vnwise . this bold blast , vpon grounds that are both foolish and false , bewrayeth rather want then weaknesse of wits . i am ashamed i should offer any further speech in so euident a truth : but since i haue vndertaken to combate an herisie , since the matter is of so great consequence & import , i purpose once againe to giue you a gorge . learne then , heauy-headed cloisterer , vnable to mannage these mysteries of state : learne of me , i say ; for i owe this duty to all christians : the prophets , the apostles , christ himselfe hath taught vs , to be obedient to princes , though both tyrants and infidels . this ought to stand with vs for a thousand reasons to submit our selues to such kings , as it pleaseth god to send vnto vs ; without either iudging or examining their qualities . their hearts are in gods hand ; they do his seruice , sometimes in preseruing , sometimes in punishing vs : they execute his iudgement both wayes , in the same measure which he doth prescribe . if they abuse any part of their power , we do not excuse , we do not extenuate it ; we do not exempt them from their punishment : let them looke vnto it , let them assuredly expect , that god will dart his vengeance against thē with a most stiffe and dreadfull arme . in the meane season , we must not oppose our selues , otherwise then by humble sutes and prayers : acknowledging , that those euils are alwayes iust for vs to suffer , which are many times vniust for them to do . if we do otherwise ; if we breake into tumult and disorder , we resemble those giants of whom the poets write ; who making offer to scale the skies , and to pul iupiter out of his throne , were ouerwhelmed in a moment with the mountaines which they had heaped together . beleeue it , cloisterer ; or aske any man who is both honest and wise , and he will tell you : it is a rule in reason , a triall in experience , an authority confirmed by the best , that rebellion produceth more horrible effects , then either the tyranny or insufficiency of any prince . to the sixth chapter , whereof the title is : what is due to onely succession by birth ; and what interest or right an heire apparant hath to the crowne , before he is crowned or admitted by the commonwealth ; and how iustly he may be put backe , if he hath not the partes requisite . yov begin ( after your manner ) with a carreir against billay ; but because both i haue not seene what he hath written , and dare not credite what you report , i will not set in foote betweene you . in breaking from this , you preferre succession of princes before free election , as well for other respects , as for the preeminence of auncetrie in birth , which is so much priuiledged in the scripture : and yet not made so inuiolable ( you say ) but vpon iust causes it might be inuerted ; as it appeareth by the examples of iacob , iuda and salomon . and this libertie you hold to be the principall remedie for such inconueniences as do ensue of the course of succession ; as if the next in birth be vnable or pernicious to gouerne : in which cases , if he be not capable of directions and counsels , you affirme that the remedie is to remoue him . and so you make succession and election , the one to be a preseruatiue to the other ; supposing , that the difficulculties of both are taken away : first , if ordinarily succession taketh place ; then , if vpon occasion we giue allowance to election . for the prerogatiue of birth , as also for the speciall choice which god hath often made of the yongest , i will remit my selfe to that which i haue written before g . at once : in those particular actions which god hath either done , or by expresse oracle commaunded , contrarie to the generall lawes which he hath giuen vs ; as in the robberie of the aegyptians , the extirpation of the amalekites , the insurrection of iehu , and such like ; we are bound to the law , and not to the example . god hath giuen vs a naturall law , to preferre the first borne ; he hath often made choice of the yongest , because he commonly worketh greatest effects , by meanes not onely weake , but extraordinary ; as it appeareth by the birth of isaak . but that these speciall elections of god are not proposed for imitation to vs , hereby it is euident ; because they haue bene for the most part , without defect in the one , or demerite in the other . and especially in this example of iacob and esau ; saint paule sayth h that it was not grounded vpon their workes , but vppon the will and pleasure of god ; for before they had done good or euill , before they were borne , god sayd : i the eldest shall serue the youngest . which if we might imitate , the priuiledge of birth were giuen in vaine . for your deuice in ioyning election to succession , whereby one of them should remedie the difficulties of the other , it is a meere vtopicall conceipt : what else shall i tearme it ? an imposture of state , a dreame , an illusion , fit only to surprise the iudgement of the weake and ignorant multitude . these toyes are alwaies hatched by the discoursiue sort of men , rather then the actiue ; being matters more in imagination then in vse : and herein two respects do principally oppose against you . the first is , for that in most nations of the world , the people haue lost all power of election ; and succession is firmely setled in one discent , as before i haue declared k the second is , for that more fierie factions are hereby kindled , then where succession or election are meere without mixture . for where one claimeth the crowne by succession , and another possesseth it by title of election ; there , not a disunion onely of the people , not a diuision in armes , but a cruel throat-cutting , a most immortall and mercilesse butcherie doth vsually ensue . it is somwhat inconuenient ( i grant ) to be gouerned by a prince either impotent or euill ; but it is a greater inconuenience , by making a breach into this high point of state , to open a way to all manner of ambitions , periuries , cruelties and spoile : whereto the nature of the common-people would giue a great furtherance , who being weake in wisedome , violent in will ; soone wearie of quiet , alwaies desirous of chaunge , and most especially in matters of state , are easily made seruiceable to any mans aspiring desires . this i haue manifested before l , by the examples of king edward and king richard , both surnamed the second : who were not insupportable either in nature or in rule ; & yet the people more vpon wantonnes then for any want , did take an vnbridled course against them . and thus is your high pollicie nothing else but a deepe deceipt ; thus whilest you striue with the wings of your wit to mount aboue the cloudes of other mens conceipt , you sinke into a sea of absurdities and errors . after this , you determine two questions ; the first is , what respect is to be attributed to propinquitie of bloud onely . whereto you answer , that it is the principall circumstance which leadeth vs to the next succession of the crowne , if other circumstances and conditions doe concurre , which were appointed at the same time , when the lawe of succession was established . assuredly you can neuer shewe either when , or by whome , this lawe of succession was first instituted , except perhappes by some nimrod , when hee had brought the necke of a people vnder his sword : at which time , what conditions hee would set downe to bee required from his successour , any ordinarie iudgement may coniecture at ease . well , since you set vs to seeke for proofe of this , to that which you haue written before , i will also send you backe to the same place m for your answer . the second question is , what interest a prince hath to his kingdome , before he be crowned . this you resolue by certaine comparisons ; and first you write , that it is the same which the germaine emperour hath before his coronation . but that is so large , that some emperours haue neuer bene crowned ; others haue deferred it for many yeares ; among which n crantzius writeth , that otho the first receiued the crowne of the empire , in the eight and twentieth yeare of his raigne . and yet is not this comparison full to the question propounded ; because in electiue states there is not held one perpetuall continuance of royaltie , as is in those that are successiue . and o panormitane saith , that an argument a similibus is not good , if any difference can bee assigned . much more vnfitly doe you affirme , that it is no greater then a maior of london hath in his office , before hee hath taken his oath : for it is odiously absurd , to compare the authoritie of an absolute prince by succession , to the authoritie of an officer , both electiue and also subiect . but it is the example of mariage ( you say ) whereby this matter is made more plaine : for as in this contract there is an espousall , by promise of a future act , and a perfect mariage by yeelding present consent ; the first is , when both parties doe mutually promise that they will ; the second , that they do take one the other for husband and wife : so an heire apparant , by propinquitie of bloud is espoused onely to the commonwealth , and maried afterward at his coronation , by oathes of either partie , and by putting on the ring , and other wedding garments . but how were kings maried in former ages ? how are they now maried in those countries , where they haue neither ring , nor wedding garment , nor also any oath ? what ? is euery office and degree which is taken with ceremonie , to be esteemed likewise a mariage ? or if you will haue coronation onely to bee a mariage , what else can it resemble , but the publike celebration of matrimonie betweene man and woman ? which addeth nothing to the substance of contract , but onely manifesteth it to the world . these pitifull proofes , naked of authoritie , emptie of sence , deserue rather to be excused then answered : i will helpe therefore in some sort to excuse them . they are the best that your starued both cause and conceipt can possibly affoord : and you haue also some fellowes in your folly . heliogabalus did solemnely ioyne the statues of the sunne and of the moone in mariage together . nero was maried to a man , and tooke also a man to his wife . the venetians doe yearely vpon ascention day , by a ring and other ceremonies , contract mariage with the sea . but now in earnest ; men do dye whensoeuer it pleaseth god to call them : but it is a maxime in the common law of england : rex nunquam moritur ; the king is alwaies actually in life . in fraunce also the same custome hath bene obserued ; and for more assurance it was expresly enacted vnder p charles the fifth : that after the death of any king , his eldest sonne should incontinently succeede . for which cause the parliamēt court of paris doth accompanie the funeral obsequies of those that haue bene their kings , not in mourning attire , but in scarlet ; the true ensigne of the neuer-dying maiestie of the crowne . in regard of this certaine and incontinent succession , the q glossographer vpon the decrees noteth : that the sonne of a king , may be called king during the life of his father , as wanting nothing but administration : wherein he is followed with great applause by r baldus , s panormitane , t iason , u carol. ruinus , w andreas iserna , martinus , card. alexander , x albericus , y fed. barbatius , z philip decius , & ant. corsetta , a fra. luca , b matthe , afflict . and the same also doth sernius note out of c virgil , where he saith of ascanius : regemque requirunt , his father aeneas being yet aliue . but so soone as the king departeth out of life , the royaltie is presently transferred to the next successor , according to the lawes and customes of our realme . all writs go foorth in his name ; all course of iustice is exercised , all offices are held by his authoritie ; all states , all persons , are bound to beare to him alleageance : not vnder supposall of approbation when hee shall be crowned , according to your dull and drowsie coniecture , but as being the true soueraigne king of the realme . he that knoweth not this , may ( in regard of the affaires of our state ) ioyne himself to s. anthony , in glorying in his ignorance , & professing that he knoweth nothing . queene mary raigned three mon●ths before she was crowned , in which space the duke of northumberland and others were condemned and executed for treason : for treason i say , which they had committed , before she was proclaimed queene . king edward the first was in palestina , when his father dyed ; in which his absence , the nobilitie and prelates of the realme assembled at london , and did acknowledge him for their king . in his returne homeward , he did homage to the french king , for the lands which he held of him in france . he also repressed certaine rebels of gascoine ; amongst whom , gasco of bierne , appealed to the court of the king of fraunce : where king edward had iudgement , that gasco had committed treason d ; and therupon he was deliuered to the pleasure of king edward . and this hapned before his coronation , which was a yeare and nine mon●ths after he began to raigne . king henry the sixth was crowned in the eighth yeare of his raigne ; and in the meane space , not onely his subiectes did both professe and beare alleageance , but the king of scottes also did sweare homage vnto him . what neede i giue any more either instance or argument , in that which is the cleare lawe , the vncontroulled custome of the realme ? against which notwithstanding your weather-beatē forehead doth not blush to oppose a blind opinion , that heires apparant are not true kings , although their titles be iust , and their predecessors dead . this you labour to prooue by a few drye coniectures , but especially and aboue all others ( you say ) because the realme is asked three times at euery coronation , whether they will haue such a man to be their king or no. first , wee haue good reason to require better proofe of this question then your bare word : secondly , although we admit it to be true , yet seeing the aunswer is not made by the estates of the realme assembled in parliament , but by a confused concurse ( necessarie officers excepted ) of all sorts both of age and sexe , it is for ceremonie only , & not of force , either to giue or to increase any right . another of your arguments is , for that the prince doth first sweare to gouerne well and iustly , before the subiects take their oath of alleageance ; which argueth , that before they were not bound . and further you affirme , that it happened onely to king henry the fifth , among his predecessors , to haue fealtie done vnto him , before hee was crowned , and had taken his oath . i confesse indeed , that polydore and st●w haue written so ; but you might easily haue found that they write not true ; the one of them being a meere straunger in our state ; the other a man more to be commended for indeuour then for art . king iohn being in normandie when his brother dyed , sent into england hubert archbishop of canterburie , vvilliam marshall earle of strigvile , and geoffrie fitzpeter lord chiefe ●ustice , who assembled the states of the realme at northhampton , and tooke of them an oath of obedience to the new king . also king c henry the third caused the citizens of london , the guardians of the cinque-ports , and diuers others , to sweare fealtie to prince edward his sonne ; who being in palestina when his father died , the nobilitie and prelates of the realme assembled in the new temple at london , and did acknowledge him for their king . and in like manner , king edward the third tooke an oath of all the nobilitie of the realme , of faith after his death to richard prince of wales : and so did king henry the first , for his daughter mawde , and her yong sonne henry . after the death of king henry the fifth , that subiects did often sweare alleageance , before the coronation and oath of the king , you had neither countenance nor conscience to deny : but it was neither of these two which did restraine you ; it proceeded onely from the force of truth , which will manifest it selfe whatsoeuer art we vse to disguise it . for otherwise , what countenance , what conscience had you to affirme , that it is expresly noted by our english historiographers : that no alleageance is due vnto kings , before they bee crowned ? who are these historiographers ? where doe they so write ? you that search euery dustie corner of your braines , for a fewe ragged reasons to vphold your heresie , should not either haue mentioned , or omitted such pregnant proofes : for in that you affirme , and do not expresse them , you condemne your selfe by your owne silence . if you meane that which you alleadge out of polydore and stowe : that an oath of fealtie was neuer made before coronation , vntill the time of king henry the fifth ; it is neither true , nor to any such sence . if you meane that of polydore in tearming henry the fift , prince and not king , before he was crowned ; in writing also , that the states did consult in parliament , f of creating a new king after the custome of their auncestors : it is a sleepie ieast , to straine euery word in such an author to proprietie of speech . you might better haue cited , what certaine cities in fraunce not long since alledged for themselues : that because they had not reputed henry the fourth for their king , because they had not professed alleageance vnto him , they were not to be adiudged rebels : whereupon notwithstanding the chiefest lawyers of our age did resolue , that forasmuch as they were originall subiects , euen subiects by birth ; they were rebels in bearing armes against their king , although they had neuer professed alleageance . and this is so euidently the lawe of the realme , that it is presumption in vs both ; in you , to assay by your shallow sophistrie to obscure or impugne ; in me , to indeuour by authorities and arguments to manifest or defend the same . but the admission of the people ( you say ) hath often preuailed against right of succession . so haue pyrates against merchants ; so haue murtherers and theeues against true meaning trauellers . and this disloyalty of the people hath moued diuerse kings to cause their sonnes to be crowned during their owne liues ; because the vnsetled state of succeeding kings doth giue oportunitie to bouldest attempts ; and not as you dreame , because admission is of more importance then succession . i will examine your examples in the chapters following . in the meane time where you write , that king henry and king edward , both called the fourth , had no better way to appease their minds at the time of their death , but by founding their title vpon consent of the people ; the authors g which you cite do plainely charge you with vnexcuseable vntruth . king edward neuer made question of his right : king henry did , as some other authors report h ; but applied no such deceiptfull comfort : this false skinne would not then serue to couer his wound . to the seuenth chapter , which beareth title : how the next in succession by propinquity of bloud , haue oftentimes bin put backe by the commonwealth , & others further off admitted in their places , euen in those kingdoms where succession preuaileth ; with many examples of the kingdome of israel and spaine . here you present your selfe very pensiue to your audience , as though you had so ouer-strained your wits with store of examples of the next in succession not admitted to the state , that you had cracked the creadite of them for euer . but you are worthy of blame , either for endangering or troubling your selfe in matters of so small aduantage . i haue shewed before , that exāples suffice not to make any proofe ; and yet herein doth consist the greatest shew of your strength . it is dangerous for men to be gouerned by examples though good , except they can assure themselues of the same concurrence of reasons , not onely in generall , but in particularities ; of the same direction also and cariage in counsell ; and lastly , of the same fauourable fortune : but in actions which are euill , the imitation is commonly worse then the example . your puffie discourse then is a heape of words without any waight ; you make mountaines , not of mole-hils , but of moates ; long haruest for a small deale , not of corne , but of cockle ; and ( as one sayd at the shearing of hogges ) great crie for a little , and that not very fine wooll . yea , but of necessitie something you must say : yea , but this something is no more then nothing . you suppose , that either your opinion will be accepted , more for authority of your person , then waight of your proofes ; or else that any words will slide easily into the minds of those , who are lulled in the humour of the same inclination ; because partialitie will not suffer men to discerne truth , being easily beguiled in things they desire . besides , whatsoeuer countenance you cary , that all your examples are free from exception , yet if you had cast out those which are impertinent , or vniust , or else vntrue , you could not haue beene ouer-charged with the rest . your first example , that none of the children of saule did succeede him in the crowne , is altogether impertinent : because by particular and expresse appointment of god i , the kingdome was broken from his posteritie . we acknowledge that god is the onely superiour iudge of supreme kings , hauing absolute both right and power , to dispose and transpose their estates as he please . neither must we examine his actions by any course of law , because his will is aboue all law . he hath enioyned the people to be obedient to their kings ; he hath not made them equall in authoritie to himselfe . and whereas out of this example you deduce , that the fault of the father may preiudicate the sonnes right , although he had no part in the fault ; to speake moderately of you , your iudgement is either deceitfull or weake . god in his high iustice , doth punish indeed the sinnes of parents vpon their posterity k : but for the ordinary course of humane iustice , he hath giuen a law , that the sonne shall not beare the iniquity of the father l : the equity wherof is regularly followed , both by the ciuill m and canon n law ; and by the interpretors of them both o your second example is of king salomon , who succeeded in the state of dauid his father , notwithstanding he was his yongest sonne . but this example in many respects falleth not within the compasse of your case . first , because he was not appointed successor by the people : we speake not what the king and the people may do to direct succession , but what the people may do alone . secondly , for that the kingdome was not then stablished in succession . lastly , for that the action was led by two prophets , dauid and nathan , according to the expresse choise and direction of god p : whereby it is no rule for ordinary right . here many points do challenge you of indiscretion at the least . you write that dauid made a promise to bathsheba in his youth , that salomon should succeed in his estate : but if you had considered at what yeares salomon began to raigne , you should haue found , that dauid could not make any such promise , but he must be a youth about threescore yeares of age . you write also , that dauid adored his sonne salomon from his bed : but the words wherewith dauid worshipped were these q : blessed be the lord god of israel , who hath made one to sit on my throne this day , euen in my sight : whereby it is euident , that dauid adored god and not his son . this i note rather for obseruation of the loosenesse of your iudgement , then for any thing it maketh to the purpose . you are so accustomed to vntruths , that you fall into them , without either aduantage or end . the like answer may be giuen to your example of rehoboam ; because god declared his sentence therein by two prophets , ahijah r and shemaiah s . but for that the ten tribes reuolted from rehoboam , vpō discontentment at his rough answer , and with dispite against dauid and his house , and not in obedience to gods decree , we cannot excuse them from offence , for which it turned to their destructiō . for hereupon , first they were separated both from the place & maner of the true worship of god ; thē , there arose vnappeasable war , betweene them & the tribe of iudah ; then , insolencies following disorders , they were neuer long time free from conspiracies , diuisions and tumults : by which meanes being drained both of wealth and inhabitants , and reduced to a naked weaknesse , they were lastly caried captiue into diuerse farre countries , and strangers were sent to inhabite their cities . i must here also obserue a few of your interpretations , wherein your boldnesse is not limited with any bounds . it is to be noted ( you say ) that before rehoboam went to shechem to be admitted by the people , he was not accompted true king. i desire therefore that you would satisfie vs in these places following . before rehoboam went to shechem , the scripture saith , that salomon died , and was buried , and rehoboam his sonne raigned in his stead t . againe , after the defection of the ten tribes it is sayd , that in the cities of iudah rehoboam did raigne still , u implying thereby , that in the other cities he raigned before . againe , they are sayd to haue rebelled against the house of dauid w . and lastly , rehoboam raised all the strength of iudah and beniamin , to bring the kingdome againe vnto him x . further you write , that ten tribes refused to admit rehoboam ; but the scripture saith that they rebelled y . what ? did god only allow hereof after it was done ? did he only permit the people to do it ? the scripture testifieth that it was his decree , that it was his deed , and that he declared his will by ahijah the prophet z , during the life of salomon , and for his sins . but these speciall warrants do not constitute a law ; they serue onely to make good the particular actions for which they are directed , and not to iustifie another the like . lastly , s. paule saith , that all things happened to the iewes in figure ; vpon which place diuerse expositors haue noted , that the state of the iewes was a figure of the church of christ : but that it was an example and patterne of all other states that should ensue , it shall be ranged among your cast conceipts . i refer me now to the iudgement of any man , who taketh not pleasure to beguile himselfe , whether you do not by art & trumpery manifestly abuse vs ; partly by incapacitie , & partly by deceipt , either corrupting or confounding whatsoeuer you take in hand . your humor both discontented and vnquiet , hath armed your mind with bloudy desires , which haue edged you on to put fewell to those slames , which you shold endeuour to quench , though it were with your bloud . i will not stand vpon the particular examples of spaine , as well for that the matter is both tedious and to litle purpose ; as also for that we haue small conformitie with the customes of that nation . onely thus much in generall : we acknowledge that in auncient times the kingdome of spaine was electiue , and therfore your examples drawne from thence are nothing pertinent . the examples of later times , are both few and vniust , caried onely by faction and by force ; as garabay & testifieth of your example of aurelio , and as by the example of d. sancho el brauo i haue declared before a . but you accompt faction to be the common-wealth , and violence iustice , when it may make to the furtherance of your affaires . the historie of d. berenguela i will briefly report , rather for the respect which guided the castilians , then that i allow it for right which they did . henry had two sisters , donna blanch the eldest , maried to lewes the eight king of fraunce ; and berenguela the yongest , maried to alphonso king of leon. henry dying without issue , the castilians feared , if they should submit themselues vnto blanch , that their state , being lesse then the state of fraunce , would be made a member thereof , and gouerned as a prouince , and not as a kingdome . and therefore they did rather chuse to professe allegeāce to the lady berenguela ; by which meanes , the kingdome of leon was afterwards annexed vnto castile , to the great encrease , both of dignitie and assurance to them both . i haue followed herein your owne authors , not being ignorant that others of better name do write , that berenguela was the eldest sister , as i shall haue occasiō hereafter to declare : but for the present let it be as you please ; and let vs weigh our owne wisdomes , not only in straining , but in forging titles , to incurre those mischiefes , which the castilians reiected , a lawfull title to auoid . and this was also one of the motiues of the reuolt of portugale , which is your last example ; although it had also ( as garabay b writeth ) a concurrence of right . for ferdinand king of portugale , by his procurators , the bishop of ebora and others , did both contract and solemnize espousals with elianor , daughter of peter king of aragon . but being entred into war with henry king of castile , & finding himself at some disaduātage , he forsooke the king of arragōs daughter , & cōtracted himself to elianor , daughter to the king of castile , vpō very beneficiall conditions for his state . afterward , falling into fancy with one of his subiects , named elianor telles de meneses , wife to a noble man called lorenzo vasques de acun̄a , he tooke her as his wife , and enforced her husband to auoid the realme ; & had by her one only daughter , named beatrix , who was ioyned in mariage to iohn king of castile . after the death of the king of portugale her father , the king of castile in the right of his wife , laid claime to that realme , & was accordingly acknowledged by the chiefe of the nobility and prelats ; and in particular , by d. iohn maister of auis , her fathers base brother , who was then the most forward man in her fauour . but afterwards falling into quarrell , and hauing slaine the count de oren , he stirred the people against the queene , & cōpelled her to quit the city . and after diuerse outrages and murthers , committed vpon the bishop of lisbone , an abbesse , and many others , hee was first made gouernour of portugall ; and then proceeding further , in an assembly of his partie gathered at coimbra , he was made king. garrabay writeth , c that the chiefest obiection against beatrix was , because her mother was not king ferdinands lawfull wife . and i beleeue you also , that they had a reflexe , not to loose the dignitie of their kingdome ( as now they haue done ) and be made subiect to the cruell both auarice and ambition of a more potent state . to the eighth chapter , which is entituled , of diuers other examples out of the states of france and england , for proofe , that the next in bloud are sometimes put backe from succession , and how god hath approued the same with good successe . your examples of france ( to which nation wee are more neare both in scituation and lawes ) i will runne ouer with a swift course . of the chaunge which twice hath happened in the whole race of the kings of france , i haue spoken before : d you seeme also either to threaten or presage the third chaunge , from the king who now raigneth , and other princes of the house of burbon . it was your desire , you applyed your endeuour , with all the power and perswasions you could make . you knit diuers of the nobilitie in a trecherous league against him ; you incensed the people ; you drew in forren forces to theyr assistance : by which meanes , the realme fell daily into chaunge of distresse , the men of armes making all things lawfull to their lust . the good did feare , the euill expect ; no place was free , eyther from the rage or suspition of tumult ; fewe to bee trusted , none assured , all things in commixtion ; the wisest too weake , the strongest too simple , to auoyde the storme which brake vpon them : the people ioyning to their miserable condition many complaints , that they had bene abused by you , in whose directions they founde nothing but obstinacie and rashnesse , two daungerous humours to leade a great enterprise . at the last , when lamentable experience had made that knowne vnto them , which they had no capacitie by reason to foresee , they expelled as well your company as counsell out of the realme ; and so the firebrands which you had kindled , were broken vpon your owne heads ; hauing opportunitie by your iust banishment to enter into conscience , both of the weakenesse and wrong of your aduice . the partition of the realme of france between charles the great , and carlomon his younger brother , and also the vniting thereof againe in charles , after the death of carloman , depended vpon the disposition of pepin their father , and not vpon the election of the people . girard saith , that e pepin hauing disposed all things in his new realme which hee thought necessarie for the suretie thereof , hee disposed his estate ; leauing the realme of noion to his sonne charles ; and to carloman his other sonne , that of soissons , & that by the death of carloman , both his place and his power did accrue vnto charles . in this manner , the first of a family , who hath attained a kingdome , hath ordinarilye directed the succession thereof . the contention betweene lewis le debonaire and his sonnes , according to your owne author girard , f proceeded and succeeded after this manner . certaine lords of france taking discontentment at the immoderate fauours , which the king shewed toward berard his great chamberlaine , conspired against him ; and for their greater both countenance and strength , drew his owne sonnes to bee of their faction . but lewis brake this broile , more by foresight then by force ; and doing execution vpon the principall offenders , pardoned his sonnes . yet they , interpreting this lenitie to slacknes of courage , rebelled againe , gathered a greater strength , & drew pope gregorie the fourth to bee a complice of their vnnaturall impietie : whereby it appeareth ( saith girard ) that they are either foolish or mischieuous , who wil affirm , that euery thing is good which the popes haue done . afterward they tooke their father , vnder colour of good faith , and sent him prisoner to tortone , & then at compeigne assembled a parliament , composed of their owne confederates , wherin they made him a monke , & brought his estate into diuision & share . it is easie to coniecture ( saith the same girard ) what miserable conditions the realme then endured ; all lawes were subuerted , all things exposed to the rage of the sworde , the whole realme in combustion , and the people extreamely discontented at this barbarous impietie . in the ende lewes , by the aide of his faithfull seruants was taken out of prison , and restored to his kingdome ; and his sonnes acknowledging their faulte , were receiued by him both to pardon and fauour . his sonne pepin being dead , he diuided his realme among his other three sonnes , charles , lewes , and lothaire ; but lewes rebelled againe , and was again receiued to mercie : lastly , hee stirred a great part of germanie to reuolt , with griefe whereof the good olde man his father died . after his death , lewes and lothaire , vpon disdaine at the great portion which their father had assigned to their brother charles , raised warre against him . the battaile was giuen , wherein charles remained victorious , reducing them both vnder such conditions , as hee thought conuenient to impose . loe heere one of your plaine and euident examples , which is so free from all exception . but mindes corruptly inclined , holde nothing vnlawfull , nothing vnreasonable , which agreeth with their passion . loys le begue , succeded after charles , not as you affirme , by authoritie of the states , but ( as in france at that time it was not vnusuall ) by appointment of his father . and wheras you write , that loys at his first entrance had like to haue bin depriued by the states , but that calling a parlament , he made thē many faire promises to haue their good will ; it is a very idle vntruth , as appeareth by the author whō you auouch . at his death , he left his wife great with childe , who afterward was called charles the simple . but before he had accomplished the age of . yeares , there stept vp in his place , first loys and carloman his bastard brothers ; then charles surnamed le gros ; and after him odo earle of paris . then charles the right heire attained the crowne ; and then againe were raised against him , first robert , earle of angiers ; and afterward ralph king of burgūdie . but where you attribute these mutations to the authoritie of the states , girard saith , that they were by faction & vsurpation of such , who frō the weaknes of their prince , did make aduantage to their owne ambition ; affirming plainly , that betweene the death of loys le begue , & charles the simple , not one of them who held the crowne of the realme was lawfull king g , noting further , that the first two races of kings , were full of cruel parricides & murthers ; & that in those times the realme was oftē trauelled with tempests of seditiō . of the vsurpation of hugh capet i haue spoken before : girard writeth , h that althogh he sought many shadowes of right , yet his best title was by force , which is the cōmō right of first vsurpers . and wheras you write , that henry the first was preferred to the crowne of france before robert his elder brother : first , it was not by appointment of the states , but of their father ; secondly , girard maketh the matter doubtfull , affirming , that some said he was the younger brother ; lastly , it set vp a dangerous and doubtfull warre betweene them . further , where you write , that william being a bastarde , succeeded robert his father in the duchie of normandie , notwithstanding the saide robert left two brothers in life , it was at that time a custome in france , that bastards did succeed , euen as lawfull children . thierry bastard of clouis , had for his partage the kingdome of austrasie , now called lorraine . sigisbert bastard of king dagobert the first , parted with clouis the twelfth , his lawfull brother . loys and carloman bastards of king loys le begue , raigned after their father . but in the third race of the kings of france , a law was made , that bastards should not succeed in the crowne ; and yet other bastards of great houses were stil aduowed , the french being then of the same opinion with peleus in euripides . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . oftentimes many bastardes excell those that are lawfully borne : which is verified by hercules , alexander the great , romulus , timotheus , themistocles , homer , demosthenes , brutus , bion , bartolus , gratian , peter lombard , peter comesior , io. andreas , and diuers other of most flourishing name . your examples of lewes the . and lewes the . are not worth a word in answere . in the beginning of their raigne , you affirme that they had like to haue beene disinherited by the state , for the offences of their father . you beare a minde charged with thoughtes vaine , busie and bolde , without any restreint either of honestie or of discretion . for how else could you here also affirme , that king henry the third of england , was condemned by his barons to be disinherited , for the fault of his father ? it is vsuall with you in all your reports , either plainely to breake beyond the boundes of all truth , or grossely , ( for i cannot now say artificially ) to disguise it , with many false and deceiueable termes . but to conclude for the state of france , which is also to exclude whatsoeuer you haue said ; vnder the raigne of charles the fift , l for the better establishment of this right , and for cutting of those calamities which accompanie vsurpatiō , there was a lawe made , that after the death of any king , the eldest sonne should incontinently succeede . we are now come to our english examples , of which you might haue omitted those of the saxon kings ; as well for that there could be no setled forme of gouernment in those tumultuous times , as also for that our histories of that age are very imperfect , not leading vs in the circumstances , either of the maner or occasion of particular actions : they declare in grosse what things were done , without further opening , either how or wherefore . but both these doe make for your aduantage : for who seeth not , that your exāples are chiefly bred in tempestuous times ; and the obscuritie of histories will serue for a shadowe to darken your deceit . well , let vs take both the times and histories as they are . how will you maintaine that egbert was not next successour to briticus by propinquitie of blood ? briticus left no children , and egbert was descended of the blood royall , as polydore affirmeth , m william malmesbury n saith , that he was the only man aliue of the royall blood , being descended of inegild , the brother of king ina. how then is it true which you say , that britricus was the last of the roial descēt ? and if it had beene so indeede , the right of election should then haue bene in the state . and thus you stumble at euery step , you entangle your selfe without truth or ende . you snatch at the words of polydore , where he saith ; he is created king by consent of all : which doe imply no other sense , but that which a little after he saith ; that he was saluted king by all . so we finde also , that the like improper speech was vsed at the coronatiō of philip the second , king of france , whereby the archbishop of reimes did challenge power in the right of his sea , to make election of the king . that adelstane was illegitimate , you follow polydore , a man of no great either industrie or iudgement . william malmesbury o accounted egwina the mother of adelstane , to be the first wife of king edward his father : he termeth her also a noble woman , contrary to that which polydore fableth . henry huntington , roger houeden and others , write no otherwise of him , but as of one that was lawfully borne . and in that you english these words of polydore , rex dicitur ; rex a populo salutatur ; hee was made king by the people : in that you affirme also , that for the opinion of his valure hee was preferred before his brethren which were lawfully borne , whome you acknowledge to be men of most excellent both expectation and proofe ; you doe plainly shewe , that vse hath made you too open in straining of truth . eldred did first take vpon him but as protector , because of the minoritie of the sonnes of edmund his elder brother ; and afterward entred into ful possession of the crowne . but that his nephewes were put backe by the realme , it is your owne idle inuention ; it was no more the act of the realme , then was the vsurpation of king richard the third . that edwin was deposed from his estate , it is inexcusably vntrue . polydore p writeth , that the northumbrians and mercians not fully setled in subiection , made a reuolt . malmesburie q saith , that hee was maimed of a great part of his kingdome , by the stroke of which iniurie he ended his life . and whereas you write in commendation of king edgar his next successor , that he kept a nauie of . shippes for defence of the realme , you discouer your defectiue iudgement in embracing such reports for true . in that you say , that many good men of the realme were of opinion , not to admit the succession of etheldred after the death of his brother , i dare confidently affirme , that you doe not only tel , but make an vntruth ; hauing no author either to excuse or countenance the same . in that you write also , that betweene the death of edmund ironside , and the raigne of william conquerour , it did plainly appeare what interest the common-wealth hath to alter titles of succession ; it doth plainly appeare , that both your reason and your conscience is become slauish to your violent desire . for what either libertie or power had the common-wealth vnder the barbarous rage and oppression of the danes ? when canutus had spread the winges of his fortune ouer the whole realme , none hauing either heart or power to oppose against him , what choise was then left vnto the people ? what roome for right ? what man not banished from sobrietie of sence woulde euer haue saide , that hee was admitted king by the whole parliament and consent of the realme ? it is true , that after he had both violently and vniustly obtained full possession of the realme , slaine the brother of edmund ironside , and conueied his children into sueden , he assembled the nobilitie , and caused himselfe to be crowned king : but neither the forme nor name of a parliament was then knowne in englande ; and if coronation were sufficient to make a title , no king should be accounted to vsurpe . of harold the first , the naturall sonne of canutus , our histories doe verie differently report . saxo grammaticus writeth , that he was neuer king , but that he died before his father . henry of huntington reporteth , that he was appointed but as regent for his brother hardicanutus . others write , that apprehending the opportunitie of his brothers absence , he inuaded northumberland and mercia , by force of the danes who were in englande , wherevpon the realme was diuided , one part holding for harolde , and another for hardicanutus , who was in denmarke . but because hee delayed to come into england , they all fell , rather not to denie then to acknowledge harold for their king . take now which of these reports you please , for all do serue to your purpose alike . hardicanutus after the death of harold , came out of denmarke into englande : and the people hauing their courages broken with bondage , were easie to entertaine the strongest pretender . but after his death , diuers of the nobilitie , especially godwine earle of kent , rising into hope to shake off theyr shoulders the importable yoake of the danes , aduaunced edwarde the sonne of etheldred to the crowne , as being the next of the race of the saxon kings , though not in blood , yet at hand ; for edward the outlawe his elder brother , was then in hungarie : and feare being the only knot that had fastened the people to the danish kings , that once vntied , they all scattered from them , like so many birdes whose cage had bene broken . edward being dead , harold the sonne of godwine vsurped the kingdome : for as malmesburie saith ; r by extorted faith frō the nobilitie he fastned vpon the crowne a forceable gripe : henry huntington also , and out of him polydore doe write , that vpon confidence of his power he inuaded the crowne s : which vsurpation gaue both encouragement and successe to the enterprise of the normanes . this short passage of historie you doe defile with so many vntruthes , that it seemeth you haue as naturall a gift to falsifie , as to eate , drinke , or sleepe . but where you write that william the conqueror formed any title by cōsent of the realme , you grow into the degree of ridiculous . we finde that he pretended the institution of king edward , which had neither probabilitie norforce ; and that he was nearer to him in blood , then harold the vsurper : but that hee euer pretended the election of the people , it is your own clowted cōceit . for whē he had rowted the english armie in the field , when hee had sacked their townes , harried their villages , slain much people , and bent his sworde against the brests of the rest , what free election could they then make ? your selfe acknowlede also in another place , t that hee came to the crowne by dinte of sworde ; and at his death his owne conscience constrained him to confesse , that hee tooke it without right u . and in that the pope and the french king fauoured his enterprise , it is not materiall , this was not the first iniustice which they haue assisted . neither was it the popes hallowed banner ( as you affirme ) but the bowe and the arrowe , the only weapon of aduantage long time after to this nation , whereby hee did obtaine the victorie . one helpe hee had also within the realme , for that king edward had aduanced diuers normans , to high place both of dignitie and charge ; who gaue vnto him muche secret both incouragement and assistance in his attempt . and thus in all these turbulent times , you are so farre from finding fiue or sixe , that you are short of any one , who was made king by free authoritie of the people . king william rufus made no other title to the crowne , but the testament of his father : for often vse hath confirmed it for lawe , that a victor may freely dispose of the succession of that state , which hee hath obtained by the purchase of his sword . * the conquerer disinherited his eldest son robert , for that , knitting with philip king of france , he inuaded , wasted and spoiled normandie , and ioyned in open battell against his father , wherein the father was vnhorsed and wounded , and brought to a desperate distresse of his life . herevpon he cast forth a cruel curse against his sonne , which he could neuer be entreated to reuoke : in so much as vpō his death-bed he said of him w , that it was a miserable countrey which should bee subiect to his dominion , for that he was a proud and foolish knaue , & to be long scourged with cruell fortune . and wheras you write that at the time of his fathers death he was absent in the warre of hierusalem , it is a very negligent vntruth . but it is an idle vntruth that you write , that henry the first had no other title to the crowne , but the election of the people . he neuer was elected by the people ; he neuer pretended any such title . nubrigensis x & after him polydore y do report , that he laid his title , because he was borne after his father was king . malmesburie z saith ; henry , the youngest sonne of william the great , being an infant , according to the desires and wishes of all men was excellently brought vp , & because he alone of all the sonnes of william , was princely borne , and the kingdome seemed to appertaine vnto him . he was borne in england in the third yeare after his father entred into it . and this was the like controuersie to that which herodotus a reporteth , to haue happened betweene the sonnes of darius , the sonne of hystaspis , king of persia , when hee prepared an expedition against the grecians and aegyptians : because by the lawes of persia , the king might not enter into enterprise of armes , before he had declared his successor . darius had three children before he was king , by his first wife , the daughter of gobris : and after he attained the kingdome he had other foure , by atossa , the daughter of cyrus . artabazanes was eldest of the first sort ; xerxes of the second . artabazanes alledged , that he was eldest of all the kings children ; and that it was the custome amongst all men , that the eldest should enioy the principalitie . xerxes alledged , that he was begotten of atossa , the daughter of that king , by whose puissance the persians had gained , not onely libertie , but also power . before darius had giuen sentence , demaratus the sonne of aristo , cast out of his kingdome of sparta , came vnto xerxes , and aduised him to alledge further , that he was the eldest sonne of darius after he was king : and that it was the custome of sparta , that if any man had children in priuate estate , and afterward an other sonne when he was king , this last sonne should be his successor : vpon which ground darius pronounced in the behalfe of xerxes . the same historie is reported by iustine b , and touched also by plutarch c , although they differ , both from herodotus , and one frō the other in some points of circumstance . hereto also agreeth that which iosephus writeth d , in reprehending king herod , for excluding alexander and aristobulus his sonnes , and appointing antipater , borne to him in priuate estate , to succeed in his kingdome . many great lawiers haue subscribed their opinions to this kinde of title ; and namely pet. cynus , baldus , albericus , raph. fulgosius e , rebuffus f ; and anto. corsetta g deliuereth it for a common opinion . but with this exception , if the kingdome be acquired by any other title then by succession , according to proximitie in bloud : for in this case , because the dignitie is inherent in the stocke , the eldest sonne shall succeede , although he were borne before his father was king h . and therefore plutarch writeth i that after the kingdome of persia was setled in succession , when darius the king had foure sonnes , artaxerxes the eldest , cyrus the next , and two other ; parysatis his wife hauing a desire that cyrus should succeede in the kingdome , pressed in his behalfe the same reason wherewith xerxes had preuailed before : affirming , that shee had brought forth artaxerxes to darius , when hee was a priuate man ; but cyrus , when he was a king . yet plutarch writeth , that the reason which shee vsed was nothing probable ; and that the eldest was designed to be king. howsoeuer the right stoode betweene robert duke of normandie , and his younger brothers , the facte did not stande eyther with the quiet or safetie of the realme . for , during the raigne of vvilliam rufus , it was often infested vpon this quarell , both with forren armes and ciuill seditions ; which possessed all places with disorder , and many also with fire , rapine and bloud , the principall effects of a li●entious warre . these mischiefes not onely continued but encreased in the raigne of king henry , vntill robert the eldest brother was taken prisoner in the fielde , which put a period to all his attempts . so dangerous it is vpon any pretence to put bye the next in succession to the crowne . this henry the first left but one daughter , and by her a young sonne named henry , to whom hee appoynted the succession of the realme : and tooke an oath of all the bishops , and likewise of the nobilitie , to remaine faithfull vnto them after his decease . yet you write , that because stephen , sonne of adela , sister to king henry , was thought by the states more fit to gouerne , he was by them admitted to the crowne . in which assertion , you cannot be deceiued , you do not erre ; but your passion doth pull you from your owne knowledge and iudgement . polydore writeth , k that hee possessed the kingdome contrary to his oath , for which cause the mindes of all men were exceedingly mooued : some did abhorre and detest the impietie ; others , and those very fewe , vnmindefull of periurie , did more boldely then honestly allowe it , and followed his part . further he saith , l that he was crowned at westminster , in an assembly of those noble men who were his friendes . nubrigensis affirmeth , that m violating his oath hee inuaded the kingdome . william malmesburie , who liued in king stephens time , saith n ; that he was the first of all lay men , next the king of scots , who had made oath to the empresse mawde ; and that he was crowned , o three bishops being present ( of whom one was his brother ) no abbot , and a very fewe of the nobilitie . henry huntington , who liued also in the same time , saith p ; that by force and impudencie tempting god , he inuaded the crowne . afterward he reporteth q , that being desirous to haue his sonne eustace crowned king with him , the bishops withstood it , vpon commaundement from the pope : because hee tooke vpō him the kingdom against his oath r , roger houeden writeth s , that he inuaded the crowne in manner of a tempest . this is the report of those writers who came nearest , both to the time and truth of this action : whom other authors do likewise follow . polydore t , and after him hollingshead do write , that he tooke vpon him the crowne , u partly vpon confidence in the power of theobald his brother , earle of blois ; and partly by the aid of hen. his other brother bishop of winchester . walsinghame addeth w , that hugh bigot , who had bene king henries steward , tooke an oath before the archbishoppe of canterburie , that king henry at his death appointed stephen to be his successour . wherevpon the archbishop and a fewe others were ouer-lightly ledde , like men blinded with securitie , and of little foresight : neuer considering of daungers , vntill the meanes of remedie were past . you write that they thought they might haue d●ne this with a good conscience , for the good of the realme . but what good conscience could they haue in defiling their faith ? such consciences you endeuour to frame in all men , to breake an oathe with as great facilitie , as a squirrell can cracke a nut. what good also did ensue vnto the realme ? the nobilitie were set into factions ; the common people into diuision and disorder : and as in warres where discipline is at large , there insolencies are infinite ; so in this confusion of the state , there was no action which tended not to the ruine thereof ; the liues and goods of men remaining in continuall pillage . polydore saith x : matrons were violated , virgins rauished , churches spoiled , townes and villages rased , much cattle destroied , innumerable men slaine . into this miserable face of extremities the realme did fall ; & into the same againe you striue to reduce it . but you say , that for the ending of these mischiefes , the states in a parliament at wallingford made an agreement , that stephen should be king during his life , and that henry and his offspring should succeede after his death . a man would thinke you had a mint of fables ; there is no historie which you handle , but you defile it with apish vntruthes . all our histories agree , that king stephen , vnable to range things into better forme , did adopt henry to be his successor . the second huntington faith y , that this agreement was mediated , by the archb. of cant. and the bishop of winchester , who repented him of the furtherance he gaue to the aduancement of king stephen , when he sawe what miseries did therevpon ensue . the like doth houeden report z : and holingshead & setteth downe the forme of the charter o● agreement betweene them ; whereby it is euident , that it was a transaction betweene them two , and no compulsorie act or authoritie of the state. i denie not but some authors affirme , that the king assembled the nobilitie , but neyther were they the states of the realme , neither were they assembled to any other ende , but to sweare fealtie vnto henry , sauing the kings honour so long as hee should liue . after the death of king richard the first , you affirme that the succession was againe broken ; for that iohn , brother to king richard , was admitted by the states , and arthur duke of britaine , sonne to geoffrye , elder brother vnto iohn , was against the ordinarie course of succession excluded . well sir , i arrest your worde ; remember this i pray you , for i will put you in minde thereof in an other place . that which here you affirme to be against the ordinarie course of succession , you bring in an other place for proofe , that the vncle hath right before the nephewe . you do wildely wauer in varietie of opinion , speaking flatte contraries , according as the ague of your passion is eyther in fitte or intermission . the historie of king iohn standeth thus . king richard the first dying without issue , left behinde him a brother named iohn , and a nephewe called arthur , sonne of geoffrye , who was elder brother vnto iohn . this arthur was appointed by king richard to succeede in his estate , as polydore writeth a . nubrigensis saith , that he should haue bene established by consent of the nobilitie , if the britaine 's had not bene so foolishly , eyther suspitious or fonde , that when king richard sent for him , they refused to commit him into his vncles hands . but after the death of king richard , his brother iohn seized vpon his treasure in normandie , came ouer into england , and in an assembly onely of the nobilitie , was crowned king . of these , many he wonne with such liberall protestations and promises , as men carelesse of their word are wont to bestowe : others were abused by the perswasions of hubert archbishop of canterburie , and a fewe others ( saith polydore b ) not well aduised . nic. triuet saith c , that iohn pretended for his title , not the election of the people , but propinquitie of bloud d , and the testament of king richard. the same also is affirmed by walsingham e . and this is the question betweene the vncle and the nephewe , of which i shall haue occasion to speake hereafter . but polydore saith f , that diuers noble men did account this to be a fraudulent iniustice , and therevpon did ominate those euils which afterward did ensue . and when the archbishop was charged , that vnder colour of reason , partly subborned , and partly weake , he had bene the occasion of all those mischiefes . polydore g saith , that he was both grieued and ashamed at nothing more ; rog. wenden affirmeth , that he excused himselfe , that he did it vpon oracles , and by the gift of prophesie . king iohn hauing locked himselfe into the saddle of state , made one wrong which he had done , to be the cause of a greater wrong ; by murthering his nephew , arthur , duke of britane , whose inheritāce he did vniustly vsurpe . for this fact the french king depriued him of all the landes which he helde in fee of the crowne of france , & prosecuted the sentence to effect . after this , as men are easily imboldened against an vsurper , when once he declineth eyther in reputation or in state , diuers of the nobilitie , especially they of the north , confederated against him : but being neither able to endure his warre , nor willing to repose trust in his peace , they cōtracted with lewis the french kings sonne , to take vpon him to be their king . and so it often happeneth in ciuill contentions , that they who are weakest , do runne with a naturall rashnesse to call in a third . lewes being arriued vpon the coast of kent , the nobilitie of that faction h , came and sware alleageance vnto him . the londoners also , many vpon an ordinarie desire to haue new kings , others for feare , and ●ome for company , ioyned to the reuolt . hereof a lamentable presence of all miseries did arise , whereby as well the libertie as the dignitie of the realme , were brought to a neare and narrowe iumpe . the poore people , naked both of helpe and hope , stood at the curtesie and pleasure of the men of armes ; the libertie of warre making all things lawfull to the furie of the strongest . the nobilitie , feeling much , and fearing more the insolencie of the french natiō , who ( as vicount melin a noble mā of france confessed at his death ) had sworne the extirpation of all the noble bloud in the realme , began to deuise , how they might returne into the alleageance of king iohn : in so much as a litle before his death , letters were b●ought vnto him from certaine of his barons , to the number of fortie , who desired to be receiued againe into his peace . but after his death , which happily did happen within fiue moneths after the arriuall of the french , both their hatred and their feare being at an ende , they were all as readie to cast out lewes , as they had bene rash to call him in . this history you corrupt with verie many odious vntruthes , which are more harsh to a well tuned eare , then the crashing of teeth , or the grating of copper . as namely in affirming , that arthur was excluded , and iohn crowned king by the states of the realme ; that god did more defend this act of the common-wealth , then the iust title of arthur ; that by the same states , king iohn was reiected , prince hēry his sonne depriued , and lewes of france chosen to be king ; that the same states recalled their sentence against prince henry , disanulling their oathe and alleageance made vnto lewes . a shamelesse tongue , gouerned by a deceitfull minde , can easily call , faction , the common wealth ; rebellion , a iust and iudiciall proceeding ; open an often periurie , an orderly reuoking of a sentence ; gods secret iudgement in permitting iniustice to preuaile , a plain defence and allowance thereof . of the diuision of the houses of lancastar and yorke , it is but little that you write , whereto i haue fully answered before : you do wisely to giue a light touch to this example , it is so hotte that it will scalde your throate . king henry the fourth , more caried by cursed ambition , then either by necessitie or right , laide an vniust gripe vpon the realme , which afterward he did beautifie with the counterfeit titles of conquest and election . so violent are the desires of princes to imbrace streined titles , by whiche they may disturbe the states of other ; not remembring , that right may be troaden downe , but not troaden out ; hauing her secret both meanes to support , and seasons to reuiue her . for although the lawfull successor did warily strike saile to the tempest , because neither the time running , nor the opportunitie present ( which are the guiders of actions ) did consent as then to enter into enterprise . yet so soone as one heare of occasion was offered , his progenie did set vp a most doubtfull warre , wherein thirteene battailes were executed by english-men only , and aboue fourescore princes of the royall blood slaine . loe now the smiling successe of these vsurpations ; loe what a deare purchase of repentance they did cause ! were it not that passion doth blind men , not only in desire but in hope , they might suffice to make vs aduised , to keepe rather the knowne & beaten way with safetie , then vpon euery giddie and brainlesse warrant to engulphe our selues in those passages , wherein so many haue perished before vs. it belongeth to wise men to auoide mischies ; and it is the reward of fooles to lament them . goe too then , conclude if you please that the people are not bound to admit him to the crowne , who is the next successor by propinquitie of blood ; but rather to weigh , whether it is like that hee will performe his charge , or no. conclude this ( i say ) to be your opinion ; and that it seemeth to you to be conforme to all reason , lawe , religion , pietie , wisedome and policie , and to the custome of all common wealthes in the world : and i wil assuredly conclude against you , that you prate without either warrant or weight . to the ninth chapter , which beareth title , vvhat are the principall points which a common-wealth ought to respect in admitting or excluding any prince , wherein is handled largely also , of the diuersitie of religions , and other such causes . in this passage you handle what cause is sufficient , either to keepe in , or to cast the next in blood out of state . in which question you determine , that god doth allowe for a iust and sufficient cause , the will & iudgement of the people . your reason is , for that they are the iudge of the thing it selfe , and therefore they are the iudge also of the cause . your antecedent you proue ; first , for that it is in their owne affaire ; secondly , for that it is in a matter that hath his whole beginning , continuance and substance from them alone . your cōsequence you proue by a whole lump of lawe , in alleaging the entire bodie of the ciuil and canon lawe , assisted also with great reason . diogenes said of a certain tumbler , that he neuer sawe man take more paines to breake his necke . in like sort we may say of you ; it is hard to finde a man that hath more busied his wittes , to ouerthrow the opiniō of his wisedome . for the first proofe of your antecedēt , is not only of no force for you , but strong against you ; because no man is a competent iudge in his owne cause ; no man can bee both partie and iudge : whereto i wil adde , that no inferiour hath iurisdiction ouer the superiour , much lesse the subiect against the soueraigne . your second proofe , that all the power of a king hath dependency vpon the people , i haue sufficiently encountred before h . and if your consequence were true , that whosoeuer is iudge of a thing , is iudg also without controwlment of the cause ; if this were as agreeable to all lawes as you make countenance , then were all iudgements arbitrarie ; then could no appeale be enterposed , for giuing sentence without iust cause ; then were it false which panormitane writeth l , that a false cause expressed in a sentence maketh it voide . what shall i say ? what doe you thinke ? doe you think that these fat drops of a greasie brain , can bring the tenure of a crown to the wil of the people ? what are you who endeuour thus boldly to abuse both our iudgement & conscience ? are you religious ? are you of ciuil either nature or education , who vnder the name of ciuilian do open the way to all maner of deceits , periuries , tumults & treasons ? what are you ? for you shewe your selfe more prophane then infidels ; more barbarous then caniballs , tartarians , moores & mammelucks ; who though they beare themselues in nothing more then hatred and cōtempt , yet do they both loue & honor their kings . i see what you are , the very true follower of the anabaptists in garmanie , who openly professed , that they must ruinate the state of kings . and who can assure vs ( for your corrupt dealing make all suspitions credible ) that you doe not also follow them both in desire and hope , to imbrace the monarchy of the whole world . the difference betweene you is this : they pretended reuelation for their warrant : you worke by deceitfull shewe of reason , by falsly either alleaging , or wresting , or corrupting both humane and diuine authoritie . in what miserable condition should princes liue , if their slate depended vpon the pleasure of the people , in whom company taketh away shame , and euery man may laie the fault on his fellow ? how could they commaund ? who would obey ? what could they safely either doe or omit ? who knowes a people , that knoweth not , that suddain opinion maketh them hope , which if it be not presently answered , they fall into hate ? choosing and refusing , erecting and ouerthrowing , as euery winde of passion doth puffe . what staiednesse in their will or desire ? which hauing so many circles of imagination , can neuer be enclosed in one point . and whereas you write , that god alwaies approueth the will and iudgement of the people , as being properly the iudge of the whole businesse ; and that euery particular man must simply submit himselfe therevnto , without further inquisition , although at diuers times they determine contraries , ( as they did betweene the houses of lancaster and yorke ) because we must presume that they were ledde by different respects . you seeme not obscurely to erect thereby another priuiledged power vppon earth ; which cannot erre , which doth not deceiue . but it may be some honest minded man will say , that howsoeuer you write , your meaning was otherwise ; you write also afterward , that in two cases euery priuate man is bounde to resist the iudgement of the whole people , to the vttermost extent of his abilitie . well then , let vs take you for a man , whose sayings disagree , both from your meaning , and betweene themselues : let vs consider what are your two exceptions . the first is when the matter is carried , not by way of orderly iudgement , but by particular faction of priuate men , who will make offer to determine the cause , without authoritie of the realme committed vnto them . but this exception is so large , that it deuoureth the whole rule : for in actions of this qualitie , the originall is alwaies by faction ▪ the accomplishment by force , or at least by feare , howsoeuer they are sometimes countenanced with authoritie of the state . so sylla , hauing brought his legions within the walles of rome , obteined the lawe valeria to be published , whereby he was created dictator for . yeares : by meanes of which force , cicero affirmeth m that it was no lawe . likewise lawrence medices , hauing an armie within florence , caused , or rather constrained the citizens to elect him duke . when henry the fourth was chosen king , ho held fortie thousand men in armes . and this is most euident by your owne example , of foure contrary actes of parliament which at diuers times were made , during the contention betweene the families of lancastar and yorke , not vpon different reasons , as with little reason you affirme , but vpon different successe of either side . in matters of this moment , the orderly course of proceeding is onely by parliament . the parliament must bee summoned by the kings vvrit , and no act thereof hath life , but by expresse consent of the king. if this forme had alvvayes beene obserued , neyther our kinges should haue beene deposed , nor the next successours excluded , nor the title of the crowne entangled , to the inestimable both weakning & waste of all the realme . your second exceptiō is , when such a man is preferred to the crowne , by whō god is manifestly offended , & the realme preiudiced or endangered : in which case ( you say ) euery man , with a free and vntrowled conscience , may resist what he can . it was euen here i looked for you . your broyling spirits do nothing else but fling firebrands , & heape on wood , to set kingdomes in combustiō . what rebellion , what reuolt hath euer bin made , but vnder some of these pretenses ? what princes actions , either by malicious or ignorant interpretation , may not easily be drawen to one of these heades ? you are a nursery of war in the common-wealth : a seminary of schisme & diuisiō in the church : in sum , all your actions , all your thoughts are barbarous & bloody . you write much of right & iustice , but you measure the right & iustice of a cause , by the aduantage of your owne affaires . you speak as hauing a tender touch of the glorie of god ; but you stretch out your throate with high wordes of contradiction against him . you make shew of care to pre●erue the state , but you are like the iuy , which ●eemeth outwardly both to imbrace and adorne the wall , whereinto inwardly it doth both eate & vndermine . for what meanes either more readie or forceable to ouerthrow a state , then faction and intestine quarels ? and what other milke doe you yeelde ? what are your opinions ? what your exhortations ? but either to set , or to holde vp sedition and bloodshead ? saint paule teacheth vs not to resist higher powers n , although both cruel and prophane ; you teach vs to resist them what we can : the apostle is followed of al the auntient fathers of the church ; you are followed of those only who follow the anabaptists . for my part , i had rather erre with the apostle in this opposition , then holde truth with you . but i will speake more moderately in a subiect of such nature ; i wil not say thē that i had rather erre , but that i shall lesse feare to erre in not resisting with the apostle , thē in resisting with you . new councels are alwaies more plausible then safe . after you haue plaide the suffenus with your selfe , in setting the garland vpon your owne head , and making your imaginarie audience to applaude your opinion , as worshipfully wise , you proceede to declare what ought chiefly ●o be regarded , in furthering or hindering any prince towards the crowne . three points ( you say ) are to bee required in euerie prince , religion , chiualrie and iustice ; and putting aside the two last , as both handled by others , and of least importance , you assume onely to treate of religion ; wherein , eyther errour or want doth bring inestimable damage to any state . you drawe along discourse , that the highest end of euery common-wealth , is the seruice & worship of god ; and consequently , that the care of religion is the principall charge which pertaineth to a king. and therfore you conclude , that whatsoeuer prince doth not assist his subiects to attaine this ende , omitteth the chief part of his charge , & committeth high treason against his lord , and is not fit to holde that dignitie , though he performe the other two partes neuer so well . and that no cause can to iustly cleare the conscience , whether of the people , or of particular men , in resisting the entrance of any prince , as if they iudge him faultie in religion . this is neither nothing , nor all which you say . in electiue states , the people ought not to admit any man for king , who is eyther colde or corrupt in religion ; but if they haue admitted such a one with soueraigne authoritie , they haue no power at pleasure to remoue him . in successiue kingdomes wherein the people haue no right of election , it is not lawfull for priuate men vpon this cause to offer to impeach , either the entrāce or cōtinuance of that king , which the lawes of the state do present vnto them : not only because it is forbidden of god ( for that is the least part of your regard ) but because disorderly disturbance of a setled forme in gouernment , traineth after it more both impieties and dangers , then hath euer ensued the imperfections of a king . i will come more close to the point in controuersie , and dispell these foggie reasons which stand betweene your eye and the truth . there are two principall parts of the lawe of god ; the one morall or natural , which containeth three points ; sobrietie in our selues , iustice towards others , and generally also reuerence and pietie towards god : the other is supernaturall ; which containeth the true faith of the mysteries of our saluation , and the speciall kind of worship that god doth require . the first , god hath deliuered by the ministrie of nature to all men ; the second he doth partly reueale , & partly enspire to whō he please : and therefore although most nations haue in some sort obserued the one , yet haue they not only erred , but failed in the other . during the time of the lawe , this peculiar worship of god was appropriate only to the people of israel , in a corner kingdome of the world : the flourishing empires of the assirians , medes , persians , aegyptiās , graecians , syrians and romans , eyther knew it not , or held it in contempt . the israelites were almost alwaies in subiection vnder these both heathen & tyrannicall gouernments ; & yet god by his prophets enioyned them obedience ; affirming , that the hearts of kings were in his hands ; & that they were , the officers of his iustice , the executioners of his decrees . in the time of grace , the true mysteries both of worship and beliefe , were imparted also to other nations ; but the ordinarie meanes to propagate the same , was neither by policie , nor by power . when s. peter offered prouident counsell ( as hee thought ) vnto christ , aduising him to haue care of himselfe , and not to go to hierusalem , where the iewes sought to put him to death , christ did sharply reproue him for it o : when he did drawe his sword , and therwith also drew bloud in defence of christ , hee heard this sentence ; p they that take the sworde shall perish with the sworde . christ armed his apostles onely with firie tongues q ; by force whereof they maintained the fielde , against all the stratagems and strength in the world . and when princes did , not onely reiect but persecute their doctrine ; they taught their subiects obedience vnto them r , they did both encounter and ouercome them , not by resisting , but by persisting and enduring . this course seemeth straunge to the discourse of of reason , to plant religion vnder the obedience of kings , not only carelesse therof , but cruell against it : but when we consider that the iewes did commonly forsake god in prosperitie , and seeke him in distresse ; that the church of christ was more pure , more zealous , more entire , i might also say more populous , when shee trauelled with the storme in her face , then when the winde was eyther prosperous or calme ; that as s. augustine saith , want or weakenesse of faith is vsually chastised with the scourges of tribulatiōs ; we may learne thereby no further to examine , but to admire and embrace the vnsearchable wisedome and will of god. seeing therefore that this is appointed the ordinarie meanes , both to establish and encrease religiō , may we aduenture to exchange it with humane deuices ? is it the seruants dutie eyther to contradict or dispute the maisters commaundement ? is there any more readie way to proue an heretike , then in being a curious questionist with god ? is hee bounde to yeelde to any man a reason of his will ? it is more then presumption , it is plaine rebelliō to oppose our reason against his order , against his decree . it standeth also vpon common rules : that which is contrary to the nature of a thing doth not helpe to strengthen , but to destroy it : it is foolish to adde externall stay , to that which is sufficient to support it selfe : it is sencelesse to attempt that by force , which no force is able to effect : that which hath a proper rule , must not be directed by any other . and this was both the profession and practise of the auntient fathers of the church , as i haue declared before t ; wherto i wil here adde that which s. ambrose saith u : let euery man beare it patiently , if it be not extorted frō the emperor , which he would be loath the emperor should extort frō him . and least they might be interpreted not to mean obedience , as wel to succession as to present power , they alledge that which the captiue iewes of babilon did wright , to the tributarie iewes which were at ierusalem w ; to pray for the life not onely of nabuchodonosor , the king of babilon , but also of baltasar his sonne , the next successor to his estate . but in latter times , innocentius hath taught , and is also seconded by castrensis x , that loue is a iust cause to moue armes for matters of religion ; vnder which pretence , diuers men haue pursued their owne priuate purposes & end●s . guicciardine wrighteth y , that firdinand who was called the catholicke , did couer al his couetous and ambitious desires , with the honest and holy veile of religion : the like dooth iouius reporte z of charles the fifth emperour . paulus aemilius & wrighteth thus of all : euery man professeth his war to be holy ; euery man termeth his enemies impious , sanctity & piety is in euery mans mouth , but in aduise and in action nothing lesse . the cōtention is for worldly right , take away that , and you shall finde no cause of war. now they pretend piety to euery mischiefe : the name of holy warrefare , ( most miserable ) is applied vnto armes . hereupon such cru●ll calamities haue ensued in most partes of europe , & ●specially in germanie and france , with so little furtherance to that cause , for whose supportance force was offred , that all the chiefe wrighters of our age are now reduced to the former opinion ; affirming with arnobius a that religion is of power sufficient for it selfe : with tertulian also b hactantius c , cassiodorus d iosephus e , s. barnard f , and others , that it must be perswaded and not enforced . they of your society , as they tooke their originall from a souldier , so they are the onely atheologians whose heades entertaine no other obiect but the tumult of realmes ; whose doctrine is nothing but confusion and bloodshed ; whose perswasions were neuer followed , but they haue made way for all miseries and mischiefes to range in , to come forward , to thriue , to preuaile . you haue alwayes bin like a winter sunne , strong enough to raise vapours , but vnable to dispell them . for most cowardly companions may set vp striefe ; but it is maintained with the hazard , and ended with the ruine , alwayes of the worthiest , and sometimes of all . the summe is this . so long as we expresse pure pietie , both in our doctrine and in our doings ; all will goe well ; but when we make a mixture of deuine and humane both wisedome and power ; when we preach policie : when we make a common trade of treason ; when we put no difference betweene conscience and conceite ; we must needes ouerthrow , either religion or our selues . now i will answere the reasons of your assertion . first you say , that if princes doe not assist their subiects in the honour and seruice of god in this life , god should drawe no other fruite or commodity from humane societies , then of an assembly of brutish creatures . but this reason is not onely weake , as it may appeare by that which hath beene saide , but also brutish , and ( which is worse ) prophane . for what fruite , what commoditie doeth god drawe from societies of men ? is not his glory perfect in it selfe ? can we adde any thing to the excellencie thereof ? hath he any neede of our broken worship ? god is an absolute beeing , both comprehending , and exceeding all perfections : an infinite being , and therefore his sufficiencies neither can be encreased , neither doe depend vpon any , but onely of himselfe . he was from eternity without any world , ●nd a thousand worldes more cannot any deale encrease his felicity and glory : he did create the world , not to perticipate any thing thereof , but to communicate from himselfe vnto it . heereupon iob saith g . what profit is it to god if thou be iust ? what aduantage is it to him if thy wayes bee cleane ? surelie we must be better enformed of the soundnesse of your iudgement , before we dare depend vppon the authority of your worde . you put vs in minde that you compared an heire apparant to a spouse , betroathed onely and not maried to the common wealth . i remember it well ; but i did not take you for such a widower of wit , that you could thinke it worthy to be repeated . and yet that which herevpon you deduce out of s. paul maketh altogether against you . s. paul saith h , that if a brother hath an infidell to wife , if the consent to abide with him , he may not put her away : and likewise if a woman hath an infidell husband : but if the infidell doeth depart , then the christian is free . now if you will needes make a marriage betweene a king and his subiects , you might heereupon conclude , that if an infidell king will houlde his state , the people may not dispossesse him . and whereas you affirme , that all they who differ in any point of religion , and stand wilfully in the same , are infidelles the one to the other , you shew both a violence and weakenesse of minde . for obstinate error in certaine articles of ●aith , and not in the whole state and substance thereof , doth make an hereticke , but not an infidell . and although the canon lawe dooth in some case dissolue mariage betweene a christian and an infidell i ; yet doth it not permit the like betweene a true christian and an heretick k . and panormitane l in his doubting manner denyeth , that the church hath power to authorize diuorce in case of heresie . so that allowing your compa●ison for good , yet in case of infidelitie , s. paule ; in case of heresie , the cannon lawe is altogether against you . you adde , that albeit the religion which a man professeth be neuer so true , yet whosoeuer hath a contrary perswasion thereof , he shall sinne damnably in the sight of god , to preferre that man to a charge , wherein he may drawe others to his opinion . but i will omit this streine , and yet rather as impertinent then true . for there are few nations in the world , wherein the people haue right to prefer any man to be king : & that which you alleage out of s. paule m for your proofe , is very different from the case which you do forme . the apostle speaketh when an action is of it selfe indifferent , but a weake conscience iudgeth it euill ; being also euill by circumstance , in offending others : you speake where an action is good in it selfe , but an erronious conscience iudgeth it euill . i allowe , that a good action contrarie to conscience is vnprofitable ; but that it is alwayes a damnable sinne i dare not affirme . i dare not affirme that the romane armie did damnably sinne , in defering the empire to iouinian ; who excusing himselfe , ( as zona●as wrighteth ) because being a christian he could not command a pagane armie , they did notwithstanding confirme him emperour , by which means they did afterward embrace the christian faith . the like doth orosius report , that valentinian , being discharged by iulian from being tribune , because he was a christian , by consent of the souldiers was created augustus . i rather take it to be a damnable sinne , which zonaras o wrighteth of the bulgarians , in taking armes against their king , because he was conuerted to christian religion ; albeit they did according to their conscience . it were a deflowring of time to diue into the depth of this question ; because it appe●teineth to electiue states , and not vnto vs. but where you wright , without eyther authoritie or proofe , that to assist , or not to resist the aduancement or gouernment of any king , whom we iudge faultie in religion , is a most damnable sinne , of what side soeuer the truth be ; you breath out most filthy and vnsauorie smoake ; you lift vp your voice into high blasts of blasphemie , against the most high . god hath taught by the apostle s. paule p , that whosoeuer resist the higher powers ( which at that time were infidels ) receiue vnto themselues damnation ; you teach , that whosoeuer doth not in the like case resist , doth damnably offend . were not the spirit of diuision , otherwise called the deuill seated in your soule , you would not thus openly oppose the setlings of your rotten braine , against the expresse and direct sentence of god. what ? is it a damnable sinne to doe euery man right ? is it damnable to giue caesar that which is his due q ? to giue tribute , honor , feare , to whom they appertaine r ? the apostle saith , that christians by resisting the power of infidell rulers , do acquire vnto themselues damnation s : and shall wee yeelde credit vnto you , that turkes , moores , infidels , should damnablye sinne , eyther in admitting or enduring the authoritie of a christian prince ? how vilie doe you value the iudgements of men ? at how lowe rate doe you prize both your conscience and credit ? i could rise into riot of wordes vpon you , were it not that i respect what is seemlye , rather for mee to speake then for you to heare . certainely , if we had receiued no such commaundement from god , the regarde of the quiet of humane societies is sufficient to ouer-whelme your hereticall assertion : for seeing there are many different professions of religion , not onely in the world , but almost in euery nation of the world : seeing also ( as philo saith t ) euery man , eyther by vse or instruction iudgeth his owne religion best : what suretie could any prince , what safetie could any people enioy , if your firie opinion should take place ? what assurance can there be of life or of state , where the sworde beareth swaye vpon such occasions , & that guided by hands both tumultuous and fierce . and seeing among many religions there can be but one truth , if all men should be obstinatelie bent against the gouernment of any , who in their iudgement is faultie in religion ; what likelyhood can we eyther conceiue or coniecture , but that many errours would soone preuaile against the onely trueth . and therefore it is farre more moderate and safe , to vse the ordinarie meanes both of maintaining and propagating the trueth , and to commit the successe thereof vnto god ; and ( as iosephus aduiseth ) not to offer eyther contumelie or violence against any religion , least we prouoake thereby the professors thereof to doe the like against our . your last reason is drawne from policie and consideration of state ; because a king will neyther trust nor fauour , much lesse aduance him , that is not of the same religion with himselfe : but to the contrarie , hee shall bee subiect to all molestations , iniuries and other auersions , which are incident to those who are not currant with the present course of affaires . oh sirre ; this is the helene for which you contend ; you concurre in opinion with those athenians of whome alexander demanded deuine honours ; not so obstinately to defend heauen , as to loose the benefit of the earth . this is the marke whereat you aime , this is the compasse whereby you sayle ; as diuers flowers doe open and cloase , according to the motion of the same ; so according to the variation hereof , you extend or restraine your plyant conscience as you please . but the apostle teacheth vs to be obedient to higher powers , for conscience sake u , and not for anye priuate respect . besides , all princes are not of that disposition whereof you speake . suida wrighteth of one , who changing religion to please his king , was therefore adiudged to loose his head ; one being appointed to crye at the time of his execution ; hee that keepeth not faith with god , what sound conscience can hee beare towards men ? the protestants in france are not altogether cast eyther out of fauoure or out of charge : and manie romane catholickes in england , doe enioye their full part , of all the plentie and pleasures that the realme can affoord . lastly , what haue you to doe with reasons of state ? this is the eagles feather which consumeth your deuotiō . your office is to meditate , to pray , to instruct mē in pure deuotion , to settle their soules in piety & in peace . but do you containe yourselues within these limmits ? nothing lesse . you take vpon you the pollicie of state ; yoù ●end & deface the reputation of kings ; you make your selues both iudges & moderators of all their actions , allowing them to flie no further then you giue them wings . you dispose not onely their affaires , but their crownes at your pleasure ; you hunt them , not to couert , but to death . you contriue wa●s to compasse your designes ; you traine vp your followers in the high mistery of treason ; you cast into euery realme the apple of striefe : your doctrine is to no other vse but as drummes , fifes , and trumpets to incense fury . to these endes , you wrest scriptures , you corrupt histories , you counterfeit reasōs , you corrupt all truth ( pardon my plainenes i pray you , i haue not atteined to your dexterity in disguising matters with smooth termes ) you are obstinate to hazard rather all dangers , then to be cut of from one point of your purpose . you acknowledge no religion but your will , no law but your power : all lies , treacheries and fraudes do change their nature , and become both lawfull and laudable actions when they beare for the aduantage of your affaires . but this is directed to deuotion , ( you will say ) and as you terme it , ordine ad deum , for a holy and religious end . away then with your deuotion , and so we shall be rid of your dangerous deceit . away i say with your deuotion ; or else we will conclude of you as liuie did of anniball : nihil veri , nihil sancti , nullus deûm metus nullum iusiuradum , nulla religio . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e a in c. . tit . de success . feud . b in quaest●an rex franc ae r●c●gn s●at ●uperiorem . c in ●●emo . d. d● l●g . d in ●●ū praetor . § non autem . d. de iudi. e a pud aristor . thetor . . ca. . f lib. . g in cerpsychore h in eius vita . i lib. . ca. . k vbi . . l antiqu. . ca. m lib. . . belli iu●●ci . allobroges . n in lisan●i . mich●el riccius . lib. . de l c. st●●e de france . q cons. . lib. . r cons ● . lib. . in. c. . tit . an mu●us vel imperfectus . t in c. vlt. tit . ● pif . vel ab . u l. . d●le interdic . & rel . l. . c●de libert . & co● . lib ●diui fratres . d. de iur . patr l quaeritur d. de bo lib. panor . cons. . lib. . io. annd. in c. significasti de so . comp . x in l. vii . in fi . de senat . x c●ius naturale . dist . y . . q. . d. . z rom . cap. . & . ' quod naturali● ratio inter omnes homine● constituit , id apud omnes peraeque custoditur vocaturque ius gentium . l. ix . d. de iust . & iur . a iust . de ter . deni . §. singulorum . b in re consensio omn. ū gentium , lex naturae putanda est . i. tuscal . c in l . c. de testam . d . socrat. e in com . in . . f ad ephes . . g tit. h c. ● . de decret . ab ord . fac . l. . de legi . i ad q. fratrem . prouocandū ad sensus . k interiori nescio qua conscientia i●aec sentimus . de vtti . cred . l omn● malum aut timore aut pudor natura perfu●it . in apol . lice possin : negare , non possunt tamen non crubesc . c. . de offic . n l. . si auro . d. de vsur . l. . d. quib . mo . pi . sold. . de cond . l. . d. de nup. o . var. . ;? topic . prin . p . consil . . q ipsius vocem naturae de natur . deot . r . prob . . s . de legib . t . consil . . u . polit . x sine imperio n●c d●mus vlla , nec ciuita● , nec gen , neel ominem vniu●t sum genus state , n●c re●um natura om●● nec ipse den . que m●●dus potest . ● . de legib . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . polit . ca. . z ca. . ver . . & ca. vlt in si . z l. si quis post . humos . d. de lib. et posth . ', arduvm semper codem loci potcutiam & cōcordiam esse . iiiii . annal . a in pr●ncipt● lib. d● v●tis ●ententi●que philosophorum . b lib. de dogmatis philosophorū . c in successionibus philosophorum . d lib. . de vi●is & sententiis philosophorum . e lib. . contra iouinian . f c. nuptiae . . di . . g lib. . de sanit . tuend . h in timaeo . i in philebo . k in epinomide . l anno. . m vnum imperii corpus vnius animo regendum videtur . . annal . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in enagora . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . r in cap. . s certū est omnos antiqua● gentes regibus paruisse . . de legib . t in caulin . u principio tersū , gentium nationumque imperium p●nes r●ges crat . lib. . x . reg . . . x in ca. . y vtpote cum lege re●●a quae denu●crio cius lara est , populus e● & in eum omne sur●m im : cusuin & pot . statem consera l . d. de c●●st pr●ne . z sub vmbra cius vrbem terratum d●minam latere , ●●us nutus ●ro decretis patrum , pro iustis populi ●sse . lib ● . ,' nemo erat quo magis innixa res romana , qu m●in papirio cutsore c●tatet . lib. ● . a in●pelopid . b in pericle , c trepidi patres ad summum au●ilium decurrunt dictatorem dici placuit . lib . d dictatoris edictum pro numine semper obseruatum . lib. . e tantus erat dictatoris terror apud hostes , vt co creato statim a manibus discesserint . lib. co . f ve recte prudentes quidam de vita augusti post mortem eius inter se conferentes , dix●runt , non aliud discordantis patriae remedium suisse , quam si ab vno regeretur . ann . . g in epist. . ad q. fratreu● . in apolog . i lib. . k lib. . l lib. . m lib. . n lib. . o belli macedonici . lib. . p lib. . q lib. . in euterpe . aeneid . . t lib ad oc●au . august . u in cytopaed . x in artaxerxe . y in polyhimnia . z lib. . a lib. . ca. . lib. . b lib. . ca. . c de praeparar . euang . lib. . d lib. . lib. . e iustin. lib. . & . f de morib . ger. g . chron. ca. . h in polyhimnia . i in epist ad onagrium , & in gen . . k cons. . vol. . l l. ex hoc iure d. de iust & iuro . semper fuit , & semper erit . &c. m in c. licet . de voto . n cons. . & . o in prooem . d. §. discipuli . p cons. . q in c. prudentiā de offic . de leg . r in l maximum . c. de lib. praeter . & cons. li. . s cons. . lib. . t cons. . u con. . x deci. . & con . . y in c. . tit de his qui feud . da. poss . & in c. qualite● . tit . si de feu . su cont . inter do . z in ●ub de test . lib. ● . & inc . grandi . de sup . ●cque prael . a in l. . d. de const . prin . & in l. n●mo . de leg . . cons. . ●● . c cons. . lib. d tract . de pu● . & excel . regia q. . e in ● quart . ad l. falcid . f cons. . tit de feud g in l. obuenire . d. de verb. fig. h cius natural . dist . . i z●ch . . . . reg. . . l in exod. cap. in term . de septem plagis n in gen. hom . o vbi ● . p de h●sto . anim●● . lib . cap. ● . q lib. . cap s histor. chilia . . cap . r de it otu animal lib. . & lib. . cap. . t in arato . u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in dia logo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . y lib. de cain & abel . cap. . z exod. . homil aduersus iudaeos . b gen . c gen. . . d deut. . . exod. . . & . . & . leuit. . . num . & . & . . n●hem . . . ●zech . . . : luk . . f matth. . . & . . marc. . . luc. . . g . cor. . circa si . h lib. . i in preoem d. § discipuli et in l. donationes . c. de d●n . inter vir . & ●x . k in l . c. de iur . emphyt . l per l. ex facto . ● pen. d. ad treb. m cons. . lib. . in l. proximus . d. de ●e●b . sig . o l. ●x d●obus . d. de vu●g . & pu● . p in l. si quis priorit §. talem . d. de secund . p ibid. q in addit . bar. l. . c. qui habebat d. de bo . poss . ● nt . tab & in disp●t . in cip . sigism ●nd . r cons. . s in t. act de pot . & excell . reg . q. . & q. . t in c. quaeritur . §. item opponitur . q. . u vnigeni●us . y c nam & ego . dever . fig. y lex regia . z l. . de const . princ . a de rep . lib. . b l. si st●its & ib. bar. & bald d. de dam. infect . c l. si q●●s iusiarandum . c. de reb . cr●d . d inst. de iur . person . e l. . de vsucap . f l. vlt. c. de praesc . long . temp . i. sicut c. de praesc . . ann . g l. si de interpretatione . d. de ll. h l. omnes populi . de iust . & sur . l. sed & ca. d. de legib . i e. . de feud . k c. . de ali . feud . l l. testaments omnia . c. de test . k c ridiculum di . l in c quanto de transl . , ral . m in c domino . . di . n in l. ●ive●o d. de sol . mat. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . o in tract . de imper q de ciuit . d● . lib. . cap. . r lib. . de repub . s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . t viue moribus praelentibus , loquere verbis praesentibus . lib. de clar . thetor . x lib. . c. . & lib. . cap. . y quae praeter consuetudinem & morem maiorum fiu●t , neque placen● , neque iecta videntur . z . de ciuit . a . cons. . b grandia latrocinia . lib. . d . de benesie . e orbis terratū praedo . f l. postliminium d. de captiu . g arma tenenti omnia dat qui iusta negar . h reg. peccatum p. ● . §. . i in rub . c. de la. ii . vt qui vicissent , iis quos vicissent , quemadmodu● velint imperarent . ●irom . . archid. iudic. . . & . deut. . gen , . q . ciu. r . de form . s v. de ciuit . inst. de pob . iud . s herod . lib. . t ture principem ●olite , non datū , sed ●atum . lib. del ●e●ate de france . notes for div a -e a sam. . b fol. . c pag. . . pet. . plutarch . in probl . rom. . d marc. . col. . . ad auxentib . g gen. . h hom. in gen. i gen. . . k in cratylo . l ●oct . attic. . cap. . m gen. . n ninus primus dicrut bello parta retinuisse , cum priores contenti victoria ▪ imperio abstinuissent . iust. . * l. . de orig . iur . * contra appianum . q lib. . de regno . r aeneid , ● . s aeneid . . t aeneid . . u aeneid . . * lib. ● . x in apopht , y at cum ius aequabile ab ●no viro homines non consequerentur , inuentae sunt leges . offic. . a ann. . * l. . c. de sen. & interloc . om . iud . . cons. . & . . . . reg. . & d gell. lib. . ca. . e iura dedit . f tanto consensu quanto haud qui●quam alius ante rex est declaratus . g i●● . . d. de orig●●r . h i●s ci●●le ●apirianum . i nullum esse discordantis patrie remedium , quam vt ab vno rege●etur . annal● k in act. cap. . l lib. . cap. i. m lib. . cap. . & . n gen. . o protestatio aetui contraria non releuat . p in dionys. q . ca. . . r ver . . s rom. ● . t . ca. ver . u tit. . . * . tim. . . x . pet. . . y in tract . de . exemp . clericorum . z ver . . * galat. . . a ca. . . b ca. . . c ca. . d deut. . . e exod. . . act. . . f eccles. . . g rom. . h ierem. . . i ezech. . . k cap. . l prou. . . m . chron. . . n . chron. . . o psal. . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in polit . q sap. . r extrauag . vnā sanctam . de maio , & obed , s in declam . cic. offic . lib. u pater patriae . * in l. senium . c. qui test . fa. poss . x . chron. . y prou . . . chron. . . z apolog. . * de sacr . ec . tert. a ad demet. b ●actum societatis humanae generale regibus obedire . confes. lib. . c dist. . c. qu● contra . d tyrannos aggred untur , lolium ab agro dominico ●u●llunt . matt. . f . reg. . g exod. . h math. . . notes for div a -e a psal. . b ca. . c in alexand. d apoc. . . psa . . . reg . f reg . . g in augusto , genu nixus dictaturam deprecatus est , h in august . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . k in proam . l lex regia . m lib. . n lib. . de l'sta●e de france . o ibidem . girard . fo . q fo● . de l'state . r cap. pa. ● in richard , . t in ● barbarius . d. de offic . praesid . u in ● . cu●a pastoralis de ●u●epation . notes for div a -e a de benefic . lib. . c ● . . c cap. . d c. dudum . de praeb . lib . e l. iudicium soluitur . d. de iudic . f l. solet . de iurisd . g in l. vlt. de iurisd . h in c. pastoral●s de off . ord . i in c. cum ecclesiarum . co . k in d. l. iudicium . l cap ● . m . el. . n l. j. d. ad . l. iul. maiest . o frustra sidem sibi quis postulat seruari ab eo , cui sidē a se praestitam seruare recusat . p non obstringitur quis ad implendum quod iurauit si ab alia parte non inpletur , cuius respectu praebuit iuramentum . q in l. cum proponas . c. de pact . r in c. peruenit de iureiur . s in tract fallen reg . t l. ille a quo & ● . seq . ad treb. u in apopht . x lib. . y lib. . ca. . a lib. ca. . z l. postliminium . filius d. da capit , et postlim . a c. in mali● . d● reg . iur . in . b . q. . . c. c in domit . d rom. . e . tim. . . ierem. . g generale quippe pactum est humanae succietatis , regibus obedi●e . confess . lib. . h magnum est et speciale documentū &c. ad auxentium i ad auxentiū k apol. l act. . m in psalm . . sam. s. q c. coniurationū xj q j. notes for div a -e r in l. . d. de seruit . & aqua s cons. . t de legib . u in l. vlt. c. si contra in s . w c. sunt quidam . . q. . * nunc . x plutarch . in problem . graec. y l. iij. d. de leg . j. dec. in reg . . n. . z in l. iurisgentium . * quinimo . * in l. claris l. de fideis . a in c. pro●llor●i de praebend . b cons. . lib. . & cons. . & . lib. . c in cap. . d in spec . tit . . * veniamus n. . c an. . cap. . f cons. . notes for div a -e g cap. . h rom. . . i gen . . k cap. j. l cap. . m cap j. n metrop . l. . cap. . o in prooem . decret . p about the yeare , ● . q in c. v●t . q. . r in l quesitā . d. de leg . j. s in c● tanta qui fil suat legit . t con● . ● . l. u cons ● . li. w in c. tit . quis dicat . dux . x ind. pa●●● . c. de re●●cad . y in rep ●ab . de ca. po & prop. z cons. . & in tra●t de po . & excel . reg . ● a in tra●t de privil 〈◊〉 . par . . ca. . b in tract . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c amend . . d walsingh . in e. . c anno reg . . f de nouo rege creando more maiorum . g sir tho. moore , and stow. h holingshead . notes for div a -e i . reg . & . reg. . & . k exod. . . l ezech. . . ierem. . . deut. . . . chron. . . m l. siquis sno . § legi● c●de in o●f . test● generali . d●●e rit . nup. l. siliā . d. de senator . l. adoptiuum . d. de in ius voc . n dist. . per tot . o gl . et dd●b . et in c. vel non est de temp . ord . p chron. . . . q . reg. . . r . reg. . . s . reg. . . t . reg. . . u . reg. . . w . reg. . . x . reg. . . y . reg. . . z . reg. . . & pa. . a cap. . b lib. . pa . c pa. . notes for div a -e d cap. ● . e lib. . de l'estate . fol . f de l'estate . g di l'estate . lib. . pa. ● . h li. ● . fol. . b. fol. . a k in andromache . l . m lib . circa sin . n de gest . ang. lib. . ca. . o lib. . ca. . p lib. . q lib. ca. . r extoria a principibus fide arripuit diadema . s viribus & genere fretus regni diadema inuasit . t in part . . ca. . pa . u lib. vit will. conq . * cin. & bartol . in l. imperialis . c. de nupt . w lib. vitj . will. conq . x lib. . cap . y in henr. . sol . . z in henr. . lib. . & quod solus omnium filiorum willielminatus est regie , & ei regnum videretur competere . a in polyhim●n b lib. . c lib. de fraacrna beneuolentia . d antiq. lib. cap . e in l. imperialis . § illud . c de nupt . f in l. si lenatus c. de dignit . lib. . g in tract . de pot . & excell . reg §. . h pet. iac. in arb . success . reg franc. . rai . in cap. praeterea . tit . de prohis seud . ali & in tract . nobil quest . . iac. a s. georg. in tract . seud . d. benedic . in rep . c. rainuitius . n. . de testam . i in arraxerxe . k lib. . in prin . l ibidem . m sacramenti praeuaricator regnum in vasit . n in hist. ●●uel lib. . sol . . a. o tribus episcopis praesentibus , nullis abbatibus , paucissimis optimatibus . p lib. pa . vigore & impudentia ●retus . q pa. . r quia regnum contra iusiu . randum p●aeripuisse videbatur . s pa. . quasi tempestas inuasit . t in prine li. u in steph. w hypodig . pa. , . x lib. . pa. . y pa . z fol. . . & pa. . a lib. . in prin . b lib. pa. . c in prologo . d iure propinquitatis . e hypodig . po . . f lib. . pa. . g pa , . h walsing . hypodigm● . pa. . notes for div a -e h ca. . l in e per tuas . qui fil . sunt legit . m lib. de legibus . n rom. . o math. . . p math. . . q act. . . r rom. . . pet. . contra petihanum . t ca. ● . u epist. . w hierem. . baruch . x in rep . l. de iust . y lib. . z lib. . & paul. aem. . . a adu . ge . . . b apolo . c inst. . . d . var. . et . lib. epi. . e de vi. su . f cant . ser. g . . h . cor. . i c. iudaei . . q. . c. quanto . de diuor . k d. c. quāto c. gaudemus de diuort . l inc. ex parte . . de conuer . coniug . m rom. . . cor. . o to . . p rom. . q math. . mar. . . luc. . . r rom. s rom. . t de legat . u rom. . de jure regni apud scotos, or, a dialogue, concerning the due priviledge of government in the kingdom of scotland, betwixt george buchanan and thomas maitland by the said george buchanan ; and translated out of the original latine into english by philalethes. de jure regni apud scotos. english buchanan, george, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) de jure regni apud scotos, or, a dialogue, concerning the due priviledge of government in the kingdom of scotland, betwixt george buchanan and thomas maitland by the said george buchanan ; and translated out of the original latine into english by philalethes. de jure regni apud scotos. english buchanan, george, - . maitland, thomas. philalethes. 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english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng kings and rulers -- duties -- early works to . monarchy -- early works to . scotland -- constitutional law. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - melanie sanders sampled and proofread - melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion de jure regni apud scotos . or a dialogue , concerning the due priviledge of government in the kingdom of scotland , betwixt george buchanan and thomas maitland , by the said george buchanan . and translated out of the original latine into english. by philalethes . printed in the year . the translator to the reader . candide reader , i have presumed to trouble your attention with the ceremony of a preface , the end and designe of which is not to usher in my translation to the world with curious embellishments of oratory ( that serving only to gratify , or enchaunt a luxuriant fancy ) but allennatly to apologize for it , in case a zoilus , or a momus , shall happen to peruse the same . briefly , then i reduce all that either of these will ( as i humbly perceive ) object against this my work ▪ to these two generals , prevarication and ignorance . first , they will call me a prevaricator or prevaricating interpreter , and that upon two accounts . . because i have ( say they ) sophisticated the genuine sense and meaning of the learned author , by interpreting and foisting in spurious words of mine own . secondly , that i have quite alienated the literal sense in other places by a too paraphrastical exposition . to the first i answer , that none are ignorant , that the original of this piece is a lofty laconick stile of latine : now i once having undertaken provinciam interpretis , behoved to render my interpretation somewhat plain , and obvious , which i could never do in some places , without adding some words ( claritatis gratiâ ) but alwayes i sought out the scope ( as far as my shallow capacity could reach ) and suited them thereunto . wherein i am hopfull , that no ingenuous impartial reader not prepossessed wiih prejudice against the matter contained in the original , and consequently against the translation thereof , will find much matter of quarrell upon that account , if he will but take an overly view of the original , and so compare the translation therewith . for i have been very sparing in adding ought of my own . to the second branch of the first challenge i answer briefly ; there are none who have the least smattering of common sense , but know wel enough , that it is morally impossible for an interpreter to make good language of any latine piece , if he shall alwayes verbum verbo redere ; i mean , if he adhere so close to the very rigour of the original , as to think it illicite to use any paraphrase , although the succinctness and summary comprehensiveness of the original stile even cry aloud for it , as it were ; but to silence in a word these critical snarlers , where ever i have used any paraphrase , i likewise have set down the exposition ad verbum ( to the best of my knowledge ) as near as i could . the second challenge is of ignorance , & that because i have passed by some latine verses of seneca , which are at the end of this dialogue , containing the stoicks description of a king , without translating them into english. now , true it is i have done so , not because i knew not how to interpret them ( for i hope , candide readers at least will not so judge of me ) but because i thought it not requisite to meddle with them , unless i could have put as specious a lustre upon them , as my pen would have pulled off them ( for otherwise i would have greatly injured them ) which could never be done without a sublime veine of poesy , wherein i ingenuously profess ignorance : so that if the last challenge be thus understood , transeat , because nec fonte labra prolui cabalino , nec in bicipiti somniasse parnasso , memini ut repente sic poeta prodirem . and hence it is , that all the latine verses , which occurre in this dialogue , are by me translated into prose , as the rest : but i fear i have wearied your patience too long already , and therefore i will go no further , i wish you satisfaction in the book , and so vive & vale. a dialogue treating of the jus , or right , which the kings of scotland have for exercising their royal power . george buchanan , author . george buchanan to king james , the sixth of that name king of scots , wisheth all health and happiness . i wrote several years ago , when amongst us affaires were very turbulent , a dialogue of the right of the scots kings , wherein i endeavoured to explain from the very beginning ( if i may so say ) what right , or what authority both kings and people have one with another . which book , when for that time it seemed somewhat profitable , as shutting the mouths of some , who more by importunat clamours at that time , than what was right , inveighed against the course of affaires , requiring they might be levelled according to the rule of right reason ; but matters being somewhat more peaceable , i also having laid down my armes , very willingly devoted my self to publick concord . now having lately fallen upon that disputation , which i found amongst my papers , and perceiving therein many things which might be necessary for your age ( especially you being placed in that part of humane affaires ) i though good to publish it , that it might be a standing witness of mine affection towards you , and admonish you of your duty towards your subjects . now many things perswaded me that this my endeavour should not be in vain : especially your age not yet corrupted by prave opinions , and inclination far above your years for undertaking all heroicall and noble attempts , spontaneously making haste thereunto , and not only your promptitude in obeying your instructors and governours , but all such as give you sound admonition , and your judgment and diligence in examining affaires , so that no mans authority can have much weight with you , unless it be confirmed by probable reason . i do perceive also , that you by a certain natural instinct do so much abhorre flattery , which is the nurse of tyranny , and a most grievous plague of a kingdome , so as you do hate the court solaecismes & barbarismes no less , than those that seeme to censure all elegancy , do love and affect such things , & every where in discouse spread abroad , as the sawce thereof , these titles of majesty , highness , and many other unsavoury compellations . now albeit your good natural disposition , & sound instructions , wherein you have been principled , may at present draw you away from falling into this errour , yet i am forced to be some what jealous of you , lest bad company , the fawning foster-mother of all vices , draw aside your soft and tender mind into the worst part ; especially seeing i am not ignorant , how easily our other senses yeeld to seduction . this book therefore i have sent unto you to be not only your monitor , but also an importunat and bold exactor , which in this your tender and flexible years may conduct you in safety from the rocks of flattery , and not only may admonish you , but also keep you in the way you are once entred into : and if at any time you deviat , it may reprehend and draw you back , the which if you obey , you shall for your self and for all your subjects acquire tranquillity and peace in this life , and eternal glory in the life to come . farewell , from stirveling , the tenth day of january in the year of mans salvation one thousand five hundred seventy nine . a dialogue concerning that jus , or right of government amongst the scots . persons , george bvchanan , and thomas maitland . thomas maitland beeing of late returned home from france , and i seriously enquiring of him the state of affaires there , began ( for the love i bear to him ) to exhort him to continue in that course he had taken to honour , and to entertain that excellent hope in the progress of his studies . for if i , being but of an ordinary spirit , and almost of no fortune , in an illiterat age , have so wrestled with the iniquity of the times , as that i seeme to have done somewhat : then certainly they who are born in a more happy age , & who have maturity of years , wealth and pregnancy of spirit , ought not to be deterred by paines from noble designes , nor can such despair beeing assisted by so many helps . they should therefore go on with vigour to illustrat learning , and to commend themselves and those of their nation to the memory of after ages , & posterity , yea if they would but bestirre themselves herein somewhat actively , it might come to pass , that they would eradicat out of mens minds that opinion , that men in the cold regions of the world , are at as great distance from learning , humanity , & all endowments of the mind , as they are distant from the sun. for as nature hath granted to the affricans , egyptians , and many other nations more subtile motions of the mind , and a greater sharpness of wit , yet she hath not altogether so far cast off any nation , as to shut up from it an entry to vertue and honour . hereupon , whilst he did speak meanly of himself ( which is his modesty ) but of me more affectionatly than truely : at last the tract of discourse drew us on so far , that when he had asked me concerning the troubled state of our countrey , and i had answered him as far as i judged convenient for that time ; i began by course to ask him , what was the opinion of the frenches or other nations with whom he had conversed in france , concerning our affaires ? for i did not question , but that the novelty of affaires ( as is usual ) would give occasion and matter of discourse thereof to all ▪ why ( saith he ) do you desire that of me ? for seeing you are wel acquaint with the course of affaires , and is not ignorant what the most part of men do speak , and what they think , you may easily guess in your own conscience , what is , or at least should be the opinion of all . b : but , the further that forrain nations are at a distance , they have the less causes of wrath , hatred , love and other perturbations , which may divert the mind from truth , and for the most part they so much the more judge of things sincerely , and freely speak out what they think : that very freedome of speaking and conferring the thoughts of the heart doth draw forth many obscure things , discovers intricacies , confirme doubts and may stop the mouth of wicked men , and teach such as are weak . m : shall i be ingenuous with you ? b : why not ? m : although i had a great desire after so long a time , to visite my native country , parents , relations , and friends , yet nothing did so much inflame my desire , as the clamour of a rude multitude : for albeit i thought my selfe well enough fortified either by my own constant practice , or the morall precepts of the most learned , yet when i came to fall upon the present case , i know not how i could conceale my pusillanimity . for when that horrid villany not long since here perpetrat , all with one voice did abominat it , the author hereof not being known ; the multitude , which is more acted by precipitancy , than ruled by deliberation , did charge the fault of some few upon all ; and the common hatred of a particular crime did redound to the whole nation , so that even such as were most remote from any suspicion were inflamed with the infamy of other mens crime . when therefore this storme of calumny was calmed , i betook my self very willingly into this port , wherein notwithstanding i am afraid , i may dash upon a rock . b. why , i pray you ? m. because the atrociousness of that late crime doth seeme so much to inflame the minds of all already exasperat , that now no place of apology is left . for , how shall i be able to sustain the impetuous assaults , not only of the weaker sort , but also of those who seeme to be more sagacious , who will exclaime against us , that we were content with the slaughter of an harmeless youth , an unheard of cruelty , unless we should shew another new example of atrocious cruelty against women , which sexe very enemies do spare when cities are taken in by force . now from what villany will any dignity or majesty deterre those , who thus rage against kings ? or what place for mercy will they leave , whom neither the weakness of sexe , nor innocency of age will restrain ? equity , custome , lawes , the respect to soveraignty , reverence of lawful magistracy , which hence forth they will either retain for shame , or coërce for fear , when the power of supreame authority is exposed to the ludibry of the basest of the people , the difference of equity and iniquity , of honesty and dishonesty being once taken away , almost by a publick consent , there is a degeneracy into cruel barbarity . i know i shall hear these , and more atrocious than these spoken how soon i shall returne into france again ; all mens ears in the mean time being shut from admitting any apology or satisfaction . b. but i shall easily liberat you of this fear , and our nation from that false crime . for , if they do so much detest the atrociousness of the first crime , how can they rationally reprehend severity in revenging it ? or if they take it ill , that the queen is taken order with , they must needs approve the first deed ; choose you then , which of the two would you have to seeme cruel . for neither they nor you can praise or reproach both , provided you understand your selves . m. i do indeed abhorre and detest the kings murther , and am glad that the nation is free of that guilt , and that it is charged upon the wickedness of some few . but this last fact i can neither allow nor disallow , for it seemes to me a famous and memorable deed , that by counsel and diligence they have searched out that villany , which since the memory of man is the most hainous , and do pursue the perpetrators in a hostile manner . but in that they have taken order with the chief magistrat , and put contempt upon soveraignty , which amongst all nations hath been alwayes accounted great and sacred . i know not how all the nations of europe will relish it , especially such as live under kingly government ; surely the greatness and novelty of the fact doth put me to a demurre , albeit i am not ignorant what may be pretended on the contrary , and so much the rather , because some of the actors are of my intimate acquaintance . b. now i almost perceive , that it doth perhaps not trouble you so much , as those of forrain nations , who would be judges of the vertues of others to whom you think satisfaction must be given . of these i shall set down three sorts especially , who will vehemently enveigh against that deed . the first kind is most pernicious , wherein those are , who have mancipated themselves to the lusts of tyrants , and think every thing just and lawfull for them to do , wherein they may gratify kings , and measure every thing not as it is in it self , but by the lust of their masters . such have so devoted themselves to the lusts of others , that they have left to themselves no liberty either to speak o● do . out of this crew have proceeded those , who have most cruelly murthered that innocent youth , without any cause of enmity , but through hope of gain , honour , and power at court to satisfy the lust of others . now whilst such feign to be sorry for the queens case , they are not grieved for her misfortunes , but look for their own security , and take very ill to have the reward of their most hainous crime , ( which by hope they swallowed down ) to be pulled out of their throat . i judge therefore that this kind of men should not be satisfied so much by reasoning , as chastised by the severity of lawes , and force of armes . others again are all for themselves ; these men , though otherwise not malicious , are not grieved for the publick calamity ( as they would seeme to be ) but for their own domestick damages , and therefore they seeme to stand in need rather of some comfort , than of the remedies of perswasive reasoning and lawes . the rest is the rude multitude , which doth admire at all novelties , reprehend many things , and think nothing is right , but what they themselvs do or see done : for how much any thing done doth decline from an ancient custome , so farr they think it is fallen from justice and equity . and because these be not led by malice and envy , nor yet by self-interest , the most part will admitt information , and to be weaned from their errour , so that being convinced by the strength of reason , they yeeld : which in the matter of religion , we find by experience very often in these dayes , and have also found it in preceeding ages . there is almost no man so wilde , that can not be tamed , if he will but patiently hearken to instruction . m. surely we have found oftentimes that very true . b. when you therefore deale with this kind of people so clamorous and very importunat , ask some of them , what they think concerning the punishment of caligula , nero or domitian , i think there will be none of them so addicted to the name king , that will not confess , they were justly punished . m. perhaps you say right , but these very same men will forthwith cry-out , that they complain not of the punishment of tyrants , but are grieved at the sad calamities of lawfull kings . b. do you not then perceive how easily the people may be pacified ? m. not indeed , unless you say some other thing . b. but i shall cause you understand it in few words , the people ( you say ) approve the murther of tyrants , but compassionat the misfortune of kings , would they not then change their opinion , if they clearly understood what the difference is betwixt a tyrant and a king ? do you not think that this might come to pass , as in many other cases ? m. if all would confess that tyrants are justly killed , we might have a large entry made open to us for the rest , but i find some men , and these not of small authority , who while they make kings liable to the penalties of the lawes , yet they will maintain tyrants to be sacred persons ; but certainly by a preposterous judgment , if i be not mistaken , yet they are ready to maintain their government , albeit immoderat and intolerable , as if they were to fight for things both sacred & civil . b. i have also met with several persons oftentimes , who maintain the same very pertinaciously ; but whether that opinion be right or not , we shall further discuss it hereafter at better conveniency . in the mean time , if you please , let us conclude upon this , upon condition , that unless hereafter it be not sufficiently confirmed unto you , you may have liberty to retract the same . m. on these termes indeed i will not refuse it . b. let us then conclude these two to be contraries a king and a tyrant . m. be it so . b. he therefore that shall explain the original and cause of creating kings , and what the duties of kings are towards their people , and of people towards their kings , will he not seeme to have almost explained on the other hand , what doth pertain to the nature of a tyrant . m. i think so . b. the representation then of both being laid out , do you not think that the people will understand also , what their duty is towards both ? m. it is very like they will. b. now contrary wise , in things that are very unlike to one another , which yet are contained under the same genus , there may be some similitudes , which may easily induce imprudent persons into an errour . m. doubtless , there may be such , and especially in the same kind , where that which is the worst of the two doth easily personat the best of both , and studies nothing more , than to impose the same upon such as are ignorant . buc. have you not some representation of a king and of a tyrant impressed in your mind ? for if you have it , you will save me much pains . m. indeed i could easily express what idea i have of both in my mind , but i fear , it may be rude and without forme , therefore , i rather desire to hear what your opinion is , lest whilst you are a refuting me , our discourse become more prolixe , you being both in age and experience above me ; and are well acquaint not only with the opinions of others , but also have seen the customes of many , and their cities . b. i shall then do it , and that very willingly , yet will i not unfold my own opinion so much , as that of the ancients , that thereby a greater authority may be given to my discourse , as not being such as is made up with respect to this time , but taken out of the opinions of those , who not being concerned in the present controversy , have no less eloquently than briefly given their judgment , without hatred , favour , or envy , whose case was far from these things ; and their opinions i shall especially make use of , who have not frivolously trifled away their time , but by vertue and counsel have flourished both at home and abroad in well governed common wealths . but before i produce these witnesses , i would ask you some few things , that seeing we are at accord in some things of no smal importance , there may be no necessity to digress from the purpose in hand , nor to stay in explaining or confirming things that are perspicuous and well known . m. i think we should do so , & if you please , ask me . b. do you not think that the time hath been , when men did dwell in cottages , yea and in caves , and as strangers did wander to and fro without lawes , or certain dwelling places , and did assemble together as their fond humours did lead them , or as some comodity , and comon utility did allure them ? m. for sooth i beleeve that : seeing it is consonant to the course and order of nature , and is testified by all the histories of all nations almost , for homer doth describe the representation of such a wilde and barbarous kind of life in sicily , even in the time of the trojans . their courts ( saith he ) do neither abound with counciles nor judges , they dwell only in darksome caves , and every one of them in high mountains ruleth his own house , wife and children , nor is any of them at leisure to communicat his domestick affaires to any other . about the same time also italy is said to be no better civilized , as we may easily conjecture from the most fertile regions almost of the whole world , how great the solitude and wastness there was in places on this side of italy . b. but whether do you think the vagrant and solitary life , or the associations of men civilly incorporat , most agreable to nature ? m. the last without all peradventure , which utility the mother almost of justice and equity did first convocat , and commanded to give signes or warnings by sound of trumpet and to defend themselves within walls , and to shut the gates with one key . b. but , do you think that utility was the first and main cause of the association of men ? m. why not , seeing i have heard from the learned , that men are born for men . b. uitility indeed to some seems to be very efficacious , both in begetting and conserving the publick society of mankind ; but if i mistake not , there is a far more venerable , or ancient cause of mens associating , and a more antecedaneous & sacred bond of their civil community , otherwise , if every one would have a regard to this own private advantage , then surely that very utility would rather dissolve than unite humane society together . m. perhaps that may be true , therefore i desire to know what other cause you will assigne . b. a certain instinct of nature , not only in man , but also in the more tamed sort of beasts , that although these allurements of utility be not in them , yet do they of their own accord flock together with other beasts of their own kind , but of these others we have no ground of debate : surely we see this instinct by nature so deeply rooted in man , that if any one had the affluence of all things , which contribute either for maintaining health , or pleasure and delight of the mind , yet he will think his life unpleasant without humane converse . yea , they who out of a desire of knowledge , and an endeavour of investigating the truth , have with drawn themselves from the multitude , and retired to secret corners , could not long endure a perpetual vexation of mind , nor , if at any time they should remit the same , could they live in solitude , but very willingly did bring forth to light their very secret studies , and as they had laboured for the publick good , they did communicat to all the fruit of their ●abour . but if there be any man who doth wholly take delight in solitude , and flee from converse with men , and shun it . i judge it doth rather proceed from a distemper of the mind , than from any instinct of nature , such as we have heard of tim●n the athenian , and bellerophon the corinthian , who ( as the poet saith ) was a wandering wretch on the elean coast , eating his own heart , and fleeing the very footsteps of men . m. i do not in this much dissent from you , but there is one word nature here set down by you , which i do often use rather out of custom , than that i understand it , and is by others so variously taken , and accommodat to so many things , that for the most part i am at a stand to what i may mainly apply it . b. forsooth at present i would have no other thing to be understood thereby , than that light infused by god into our minds , for when god formed that creature more sacred , and capable of a celestial mind , and which might have dominion over the other creatures , he gave not only eyes to his body , whereby he might evite things contrary to his condition , and follow after such as might be usefull , but also he produced in his mind a certain light , whereby he might discerne things filthy from honest ; this light some call nature , others the law of nature , for my own part , truly i think it is of a heavenly stamp , and i am fully perswaded ▪ that nature doth never say one thing , and wisdom another . moreover , god h●th given us a● abridgment of that law , which might contain the whole in few words , viz. that we should love him with all our soul , and our neighbours as our selves , all the books of holy scriptur which treat of ordering our conversation , do contain nothing else but an explication of this law. m. you think then that no orator or lawyer , who might congregat dispersed men ▪ hath been the author of humane society , but god only ? b. it is so indeed , and with cicero , i think there is nothing done on earth more acceptable to the great god , who rules the world , than the associations of men legally united , which are called civil incorporations , whose several parts must be as compactly joyned together , as the several members of our body , & every one must have their proper function , to the end there may be a mutual cooperating for the good of the whole , & a mutual propelling of injuries , and a foreseeing of advantages , and these to be communicat for engaging the benevolence of all amongst themselves ▪ m. you do not then make utility , but that divine law rooted in us from the beginning , to be the cause ( indeed the far more worthy and divine of the two ) of mens incorporating in political societies . b. i mean not indeed that to be the mother of equity and justice , as some would have it , but rather the handmaid , and to be one of the guards in cities wel constitute . m. herein i also agree with you . b. now as in our bodies consisting of contrary elements , there are diseases , that is , perturbations , and some intestine tumults , even so there must be of necessity in these greater bodies , that is in cities , which also consist of various , ( yea and for the most part ) contrary humours , or sorts of men , and these of different ranks , conditions and natures , and which is more , of such as can not remain one hour together approving the same things : and surely such must needs soon dissolve and come to nought ; if one be not adhibited , who as a physician may quiet such disturbances , and by a moderat and wholesome temperament confirme the infirme parts and compesce redundant humours , and so take care of all the members , that the weaker may not languish for want of nutrition , nor the stronger become luxuriant too much . m. truely , it must needs be so . b. how then shall we call him who performeth these things in a civil body ? m. i am not very anxious about his name , for by what name soever he be called , i think he must be a very excellent and divine person , wherein the wisdom of our ancestors seemeth to have much foreseen , who have adorned the thing in it self most illustrious with an illustrious name . i suppose you mean king , of which word there is such an emphasis , that it holds forth before us clearly a function in it self very great and excellent . b. you are very right , for we designe god by that name . for we have no other more glorious name , whereby we may declare the excellency of his glorious nature , nor more suteable , whereby to signify his paternal care and providence towards us . what other names shall i collect , which we translate to denote the function of a king ? such as father aeneas , agamemnon , pastor of the people , also a leader , prince , governour . by all which names such a signification is implyed , as may shew that kings are not ordained for themselves , but for the people . now as for the name we agree wel enough : if you please , let us conferre concerning the function , insisting in the same footsteps we began upon . m. which , i pray ? b. do you remember what hath been lately spoken , that an incorporation seemeth to be very like our body , civil commotions like to diseases , and a king to a physician ? if therefore we shall understand what the duty of a physician is , i am of the opinion , we shall not much mistake the duty of a king. m. it may be so , for the rest you have reckoned are very like , and seem to me very near in kin . b. do not expect that i will here describe every petty thing , for the time will not permit it , neither doth the matter in hand call for it : but if briefly these agree together , you shall easily comprehend the rest . m. go on then , as you are doing . b. the scope seemeth to be the same to us both . m. which ? b. the health of the body , for curing of which they are adhibited . m. i understand you , for the one ought to keep safe the humane body in its state , and the other the civil body in its state , as far as the nature of each can bear , and to reduce into perfect health the body diseased . b. you understand very wel , for there is a twofold duty incumbent to both , the one is to preserve health , the other is to restore it , if it become weak by sickness . m. i assent to you . b. for the diseases of both are alike . m. it seemeth so . b. for the redundance of things hurtfull , and want or scarcity of things necessary are alike noxious to both , and both the one and other body is cured almost in the same manner , namely either by nourishing that which is extenuat and tenderly cherishing it , or by asswaging that which is full and redundant by casting out superfluities , and exercising the body with moderat labours . m. it is so , but here seems to be the difference , that the humours in the one , and manners in the other are to be reduced into a right temperament . b. you understand it wel , for the body politik as wel as the natural hath its own proper temperament , which i think very rightly we may call justice . for it is that which doth regard every member , and cureth it so as to be kept in its function . this sometimes is done by letting of blood , sometimes by the expelling of hurtfull things , as by egestion ; and sometimes exciting cast-down and timorous minds , and comforting the weak , and so reduceth the whole body into that temperament i spoke of : and being reduced , exerciseth it with convenient exercises , and by a certain prescribed temperature of labour and rest , doth preserve the restored health as much as can be . m. all the rest i easily assent to , except that you place the temperament of the body politik in justice : seing temperance even by its very name and profession doth justly seem to claime these parts . b. i think it is no great matter on which of them you conferre this honour . for seing all vertues , whereof the strength is best perceived in action , are placed in a certain mediocrity and equability , so are they in some measure connected amongst themselves , and cohere , so as it seems to be but one office in all , that is , the moderation of lusts . now in whatsoever kind this moderation is , it is no great matter how it be denominat : albeit that moderation , which is placed in publick matters , and mens mutual commerces , doth seem most fitly to be understood by the name of justice . m. herein i very willingly assent to you . b. in the creation of a king , i think the ancients have followed this way , that if any among the citizens were of any singular excellency , and seemed to exceed all others in equity and prudence , as is reported to be done in bee-hives , they willingly conferred the government or kingdom on him . m. it is credible to have been so . b. but what if none such as we have spoken of , should be found in the city ? m. by that law of nature , whereof we formerly made mention , equals neither can ; nor ought to usurpe dominion : for by nature i think it just , that amongst these that are equal in all other things , their course of ruling and obeying should be alike . b. what if a people , wearied with yearly ambition be willing to elect some certain person not altogether endowed with all royal vertues , but either famous by his noble descent , or warlike valour ? will you not think that he is a lawfull king ? m. most lawfull , for the people have power to conferre the government on whom they please . b. what if we shall admitt some acute man , yet not endowed with notable skill , for curing diseases ? shall we presently account him a physician , as soon as he is chosen by all ? m. not at all ▪ for by learning and the experience of many arts , and not by suffrages is a man made a physician . b. what maketh artists in other arts ? m. i think there is one reason of all . b. do you think there is any art of reigning or not ? m. why not . b. can you give me a reason why you think so ? m. i think i can , namely that same which is usually given in other arts. b. what is that ? m. because the beginnings of all arts proceed from experience . for whilst many did rashly and without any reason undertake to treat of many things , and others again through exercitation and consuetude did the same more sagaciously , noticing the events on both hands , and perpending the causes thereof , some acute men have digested a certain order of precepts , and called that description an art. b. then by the like animadversion may not some art of reigning be described , as wel as the art of physick ? m. i think there may . b. of what precepts shall it consist ? m. i do not know at present . b. what if we shall find it out by comparing it with other arts ? m. what way ? b. this way : there be some precepts of grammar , of physick , and husbandry . m. i understand . b. shall we not call these precepts of grammarians and physicians arts and lawes also , and so of others ? m. it seems indeed so . b. do not the civil lawes seem to be certain precepts of royal art ? m. they seem so . b. he must therefore be acquaint therewith , who would be accounted a king. m. it seemes so . b. what if he have no skill therein ? albeit the people shall command him to reigne , think you that he should be called a king ? m. you cause me here hesitate : for if i would consent with the former discourse , the suffrages of the people can no more make him a king , than any other artist . b. what think you shall then be done ? for unless we have a king chosen by suffrages , i am afraid we shall have no lawfull king at all . m. and i fear also the same . b. will you then be content that we more accuratly examine what we have last set down in comparing arts one with another ? m. be it so , if it so please you . b. have we not called the precepts of artists in their several arts , lawes ? m. we have done so . b. but i fear we have not done it circumspectly enough . m. why ? b. because he would seem absurd who had skill in any art , and yet not to be an artist . m. it were so : b. but he that doth performe what belongs to an art , we will account him an artist , whether he do it naturally , or by some perpetual and constant tenour and faculty . m. i think so . b. we shall then call him an artist , who knowes wel this rational and prudent way of doing any thing wel , providing he hath acquired that faculty by constant practice . m. much better than him who hath the bare precepts without use and exercitation . b. shall we not then account these precepts to be art ? m. not at all , but a certain similitude thereof , or rather a shaddow of art. b. what is then that governing faculty of cities , which we shall call civil art or science ? m. it seemes you would call it prudence : out of which , as from a fountain or spring , all lawes , provided they be usefull for the preservation of humane society , must proceed and be derived . b. you have hit the nail on the head , if this then were compleat and perfect in any person , we might say he were a king by nature , and not by suffrages , and might resigne over to him a free power over all things : but if we find not such a man , we shall also call him a king , who doth come nearest to that eminent excellency of nature , embracing in him a certain similitude of a true king. m. let us call him so , if you please . b. and because we fear he be not firme enough against inordinat affections , which may , and for the most part use to decline men from truth , we shall adjoyn to him the law , as it were a colleague , or rather a bridler of his lusts . m. you do not then think that a king should have an arbitrary power over all things . b. not at all : for i remember , that he is not only a king , but also a man , erring in many things by ignorance , often failing willingly , doing many things by constraint : yea a creature easily changeable at the blast of every favour or frown , which natural vice a magistrat useth also to increase : so that here i chiefly find that of the comedy made true , all by licence become worse . wherefore the most prudent have thought it expedient to adjoyne to him a law , which may either shew him the way , if he be ignorant , or bring him back again into the way , if he wander out of it : by these , i suppose , you understand , as in a representation , what i judge to be the duty of a true king. m. of the cause of creating kings , of their name and duty you have fully satisfied me . yet i shall not repine , if you please to add ought thereto : albeit my mind doth hasten to hear what yet seemes to remain , yet there is one thing which in all your discourse did not a little offend me , which i think should not be past over in silence , viz. that you seem somewhat injurious to kings , and this very thing i did suspect in you frequently before , whilst i often heard you so profusely commend the ancient common-wealths , and the city of venice . b. you did not rightly herein judge of me . for i do not so much look to the different forme of civil government ( such as was amongst the romans , massilians , venetians and others , amongst whom the authority of lawes were more powerfull , than that of men ) as to the equity of the forme of government ; nor do i think it matters much , whether king , duke , emperour , or consul be the name of him who is the chiefest in authority , provided this be granted , that he is placed in the magistracy for the maintenance of equity , for if the government be lawfull , we must not contend for the name thereof . for he whom we call the duke of venice is nothing else but a lawfull king : and the first consuls did not only retain the honours of kings , but also their empire and authority , this only was the difference , that not one , but two of them did reigne ( which also you know was usual in all the lacedemonian kings , ) who were created or chosen not constantly to continue in the government , but for one year . we must therefore alwayes stand to what we spoke at first , that kings at first were institute for maintaining equity . if they could have holden that soveraignty in the case they had received it , they might have holden and kept it perpetually ; but this is free and loosed by lawes . but ( as it is with humane things ) the state of affaires tending to worse , the soveraigne authority which was ordained for publick utility degenerated into a proud domination . for when the lust of kings stood in stead of lawes , and men being vested with an infinite and immoderate power , did not contain themselves within bounds , but connived at many things out of favour , hatred , or self-interest , the insolency of kings made lawes to be desired . for this cause therefore lawes were made by the people , and kings constrained to make use not of their own licentious wills in judgment , but of that right or priviledge which the people had conferred upon them . for they were taught by many experiences , that it was better , that their liberty should be concredited to lawes than to kings , whereas the one might decline many wayes from the truth , but the other being deafe both to intreaties and threats might still keep one and the same tenor . this one way of government is to kings prescribed , otherwise free , that they should conforme their actions and speech to the prescripts of lawes , and by the sanctions thereof divide rewards and punishments , the greatest bonds of holding fast together humane society . and lastly , even as saith that famous legislator , a king should be a speaking law , and the law a dumb king. m. at first you so highly praised kings , that you made their majesty almost glorious and sacred , but now , as if you had repented in so doing , i do not know within what strait bonds you shut them up , and being thrust into the prison ( i may say ) of lawes , you do scarce give them leave to speak . and as for my part , you have disappoynted me of my exspectation very farre . for i exspected , that ( according to the most famous historians ) you should have restored the thing which is the most glorious both with god and man , into its own splendor , either of your own accord , or at my desire , in the series of your discourse , which being spoiled of all ornaments , you have brought it into subjection , and that authority , which through all the world is the chiefest , you having hedged-in round about and made it almost so contemptible , as not to be desired by any man in his right witts . for what man in his right witts would not rather live as a private man with a mean fortune , than being still in action about other mens affaires , to be in perpetual trouble , and neglecting his own affaires , to order the whole course of his life according to other mens rules ? but if that be the tearmes of government every where proposed , i fear there will be a greater scarcity of kings found than was of bishops in the first infancy of our religion . nor do i much wonder , if kings be regarded according to this plate-forme , being but men taken from feeding cattel , and from the plough , who took upon them that glorious dignity . b. consider i pray you , in how great an errour you are , who does think that kings were created by people and nations not for justice , but for pleasure , and does think there can be no honour , where wealth and pleasures abound not ; wherein consider how much you diminish their grandour . now that you may the more easily understand it ; compare any one king of those you have seen apparelled like a childs puppet brought forth with a great deale of pride and a great many attendants , meerly for vain ostentation , the representation whereof you miss in that king whom we describe . compare , i say , some one of those , who were famous of old , whose memory doth even yet live , flourisheth & is renowned to all posterity . indeed they were such as i have now been describing . have you never heard what an old woman , petitioning philip king of macedon to hear her cause , answered him , he having said to her , he had no leisure , to which she replyed , then cease ( said she ) to be king ? have you never heard , ( i say ) that a king victorious in so many batells , and conqueror of so many nations , admonished to do his duty by a poor old wife , obeyed , & acknowledged that it was the duty of kings so to do ? compare then this philip not only with the greatest kings that are now in europe , but also with all that can be remembred of old , you shall surely find none of them comparable to those either for prudence , fortitude , or activity : few equal to them for largeness of dominions . if i should enumerat agesilaus , leonidas and the rest of the lacedemonian kings ( o how great men were they ) i shal seem to utter but obsolete examples . yet one saying of a lacedemonian maid i cannot pass over with silence , her name was gorgo the daughter of cleomedes , she seeing a servant pulling off the stockings of an asian ghuest , and running to her father cryed out , father , the ghuest hath no hands ; from which speech of that maid you may easily judge of the lacedemonian discipline , and domestick custome of their kings . now those who proceded out of this rustick , but couragous way of life , did very great things : but those who were bred in the asiatick way , lost by their luxury and sloth the great dominions given them by their ancestors . and , that i may lay aside the ancients , such a one was pelagius not long ago among the people of galicia , who was the first that weakned the saracen forces in spain , yet him and all his the grave did inclose , yet of him the spanish kings are not ashamed , accounting it their greatest glory to be descended of him . but seeing this place doth call for a more large discourse , let us returne from whence we have digressed . for i desire to shew you with the first what i promised , namely that this forme of government hath not been contrived by me , but seemes to have been the same to the most famous men in all ages , and i shall briefly shew you the spring from whence i have drawn these things . the books of m : tullius cicero which are intituled of offices , are by common consent of all accounted most praise worthy , in the second book thereof these words are set down verbatim . it seemes as horodotus saith that of old well bred kings were created , not amongst the medes only , but also amongst our ancestors for executing of justice , for whilst at first the people were oppressed by those that had greatest wealth , they betook themselves to some one who was eminent for vertue ▪ who whilst he kept off the weakest from injuries , establishing equity , he hemmed in the highest with the lowest by equall lawes to both . and the reason of making lawes was the same as of the creation of kings , for it is requisite that justice be alwayes equall , for otherwise it were not justice . if this they did obtain from one good and just man , they were therewith well pleased : when that did not occurre , lawes were made , which by one and the same voice might speak to all alike . this then indeed is evident , that those were usually chosen to governe , of whose justice the people had a great opinion . now this was added , that these rulers or kings might be accounted prudent , there was nothing that men thought they could not obtain from such rulers . i think , you see from these words , what cicero judgeth to be the reason of requiring both kings and lawes , i might here commend zenophon a witness requiring the same , no less famous in war-like affairs , than in the study of philosophy , but that i know you are so well acquaint with his writings , as that you have all his sentences marked . i pass at present plato and aristotle , albeit i am not ignorant how much you have them in estimation . for i had rather adduce for confirmation men famous in a midle degree of affaires , than out of schools . far less do i think fit to produce a stoick king , such as by seneca in thyestes is described : not so much because that idea of a king is not perfect , as because that examples of a good prince may be rather impressed in the mind , than at any time hoped for . but lest in those i have produced there might be any ground of calumny , i have not set before you kings out of the schythian solitude , who did either ungird their own horses , or did other servile work , which might be very far from our manner of living ; but even out of greece , and such , who in these very times , wherein the grecians did most flourish in all liberall sciences , did rule the greatest nations , or wel governed cities : and did so rule , that whilst they were alive were in very great esteeme amongst their people , and being dead left to posterity a famous memory of them selves . m. if now you ask me what my judgment is , i scarce dare confess to you either mine inconstancy or timidity , or by what other name it shall please you to call that vice . for as often as i read these things you have now recited in the most famous historians , or hear the same commended by very wise men , whose authority i dare not decline : and that they are approved by all good and honest men to be not only true , equitable & sincere , but also seeme strong and splendid again as oft as i cast mine eyes on the neatness and elegancy of our times , that antiquity seemeth to have been venerable and sober , but yet rude , and not sufficiently polished , but of these things we may perhaps speak of hereafter at more leisure . now if it please you , go on to prosecute what you have begun . b. may it please you then that we recollect briefly what hath been said ? so shall we understand best what is past , and if ought be rashly granted , we shall very soon retract it . m. yes indeed b : first of all then we agree , that men by nature are made to live in society together , and for a communion of life . m. that is agreed upon . b : that a king also chosen to maintain that society is a man eminent in vertue : m : it is so . b : and as the discords of men amongst themselves brought in the necessity of creating a king , so the injuries of kings done against their subjects were the cause of desiring lawes . m : i acknowledge that . b : we held lawes to be a proofe of the art of government , even as the preceps of physick are of the medicinal art. m : it is so , b. but it seems to be more safe ( because in neither of the two have we set down any singular and exact skill of their severall arts ) that both do , as speedily as may be , heal by these prescripts of art. m : it is indeed safest . b : now the precepts of the medicinal art are not of one kind . m : how ? b : for some of them are for preservation of health , others for restauration thereof . m. very right . b. what say you of the governing art ? m : i think , there be as many kinds . b : next then it seems , that we consider it . do yo think , that physicians can so exactly have skill of all diseases , and of their remedies , as nothing more can be required for their cure ? m : not at all , for many new kinds of diseases arise almost in every age , and new remedies for each of them , almost every yeer are by mens industry found out , or brought from far countries . b : what think you of the lawes of commonwealths m : surely their case seemes to be the same . b : therefore neither physicians , nor kings can evite or cure all diseases of commonwealths , by the precepts of their arts , which are delivered to them in writ . m : i think indeed they cannot . b : what if we shall further try of what things lawes may be established in commonwealths , and what cannot be comprehended within lawes . m : that will be worth our pains . b : there seems to be very many and weighty things , which cannot be contained within lawes . first , all such things as fall into the deliberation of the time to come . m : all indeed . b : next , many things already past , such are these wherein truth is sought by conjecturs , confirmed by witnesses , or extorted by torments . m : yes indeed . b : in unfolding then these questions what shal the king do ? m : i see here there is no need of a long discourse , seeing kings do not so arrogat the supream power in those things which are institute with respect to the time to come , that of their own accord they call to councill some of the most prudent . b : what say you of those things which by conjectures are found out , and made out by witnesses , such as are the crimes of murther , adultery and witchcraft ; m : these are examined by the skill of lawyers , discovered by diligence , and these i find to be for the most part left to the judgment of judges . b : and perhaps very right ; for if a king would needs be at the private causes of each subject , when shal he have time to think upon peace & war , and those affaires which maintain and preserve the safety of the commonwealth ? and lastly when shall he get leave to rest ? m : neither would i have the cognition of every thing to be brought unto a king , neither can one man be sufficient for all the causes of all men , if they be brought unto him : that counsel no less wise than necessary doth please me exceeding well , which the father in law of moses gave him in dividing amongst many the burden of hearing causes , whereof i shall not speak much , seeing the history is known to all . b : but i think , these judges must judge according to law . m : they must indeed do so . but as i conceive , there be but few things , which by lawes may be provided against , in respect of those which cannot be provided against . b : there is another thing of no less difficulty , because all these things which call for lawes , cannot be comprehended by certain prescriptions . m : how so ? b : lawyers , who attribute very much to their own art , and who would be accounted the priests of justice , do confess that there is so great a multitude of affaires , that it may seeme almost infinit , and say that daily arise new crimes in cities , as it were severall kinds of ulcers , what shall a lawgiver do herein , who doth accommodat lawes both to things present and preterit ? m : not much , unless he be some divine-like person . b : an other difficulty doth also occurre , and that not a small one , that in so great an inconstancy of humane frailty , no art can alnost prescribe any things altogether stable and firme . m : there is nothing more true than that . b : it seemeth then most safe to trust a skilfull physician in the health of the patient , and also the kings in the state of the common wealth . for a physician without the rule of art will often times cure a weak patient either consenting thereto , or against his will : and a king doth either perswade a new law yet usefull to his subjects , or else may impose it against their will. m : i do not see what may hinder him therein . b : now seeing both the one and the other do these things , do you think that besides the law , either of them makes his own law ? m : it seemes that both doth it by art. for we have before concluded not that to be art which consists of preceps , but vertue contained in the mind , which the artist usually makes use of in handling the matter which is subject to arts. now i am glad ( seeing you speak ingenuously ) that you being constrained , as it were , by an interdiction of the very truth , do so far restore the king from whence he was by force dejected . b : stay , you have not yet heard all . there is an other inconvenient in the authority of lawes . for the law being as it were a pertinacious , and a certain rude exactor of duty , ●hinks nothing right , but what it self doth ●ommand . but with a king , there is an ●xcuse of infirmity and temerity , and place ●f pardon left for one found in an errour . the law is deaf , cruel and inexorable . ● young man pleads the frailty of his years , ● woman the infirmity of her sexe , another ●is poverty , drunkenness , affection . what ●aith the law to these excuses ? go officer or ●erjeant , conveene a band of men , hoodwink him , scourge him , hang him on a tree . now you know how dangerous a think it is , 〈◊〉 so great a humane frailty , to have the hope ●f safety placed in innocency alone . m : in ●ery truth you tell me a thing full of hazard . ●● surely as oft as these things come into ●ind , i perceive some not a little troubled . m : you speak true . b : when therefore i ●onder with my self what is before past as ●anted , i am afraid lest the comparison of ● physician and of a king in this case seeme ●ot pertinently enough introduced . m : in what case ? b : when we have liberat both ●f the servitude of preceps , and given them ● most a free liberty of curing . m : what ●oth herein especially offend you ? b : when ●ou hear it , you will then judge , two ●uses are by us set down , why it is not expe●ient for a people that kings be loosed from 〈◊〉 bonds of lawes , namely love and hatred , ●hich drive the minds of men to and fro in judging . but in a physician it is not to be feared , lest he faile through love , seeing he expecteth a reward from his patient being restored to health . but if a patient understand that his physician is solicited by intreaties , promises and money against his life , he may call another physician , or if he can find none other , i think it is more safe to seek some remedy from books how deaf soever , than from a corrupt physician . now because we have complained of the cruelty of lawes , look if we understand one another sufficiently . m : how so ? b : we judged an excellent king , such as we may more see in mind than with bodily eyes , not to be bound by any lawes . m : by none . b : wherefore ? m : i think , because , according to paul , he should be a law to himself and to others , that he may express in life what is by law enjoyned . b : you judge rightly ; and that you may perhapst the more admire , severall ages before paul , aristotle did see the same , following nature as a leader , which therefore i say , that you may see the more clearly what hath been proved before , to wit , that the voice of god and nature is the same . but that we may prosecute our purpose . what shall we say they had a respect unto , who first made lawes ? m : equity i think , as hath been said before . b. i do not now demand that , what end they had before them , but rather what patterne they proposed to temselves ▪ m : albeit perhaps i understand that , yet i would have you to explain it , that you may ●onfirme my judgment , if i rightly take it 〈◊〉 , if not , you may amend my error . b : you know , i think , what the dominion is ●f the mind over the body . m : i seem to ●now it . b : you know this also , what ●ver we do not rashly , that there is a certain ●dea thereof first in our minds , and that it is ● great deale more perfect than the works to ●e done , which according to that patterne the ●hiefest artists do frame and as it were ●xpress . m : that indeed i find by experi●nce both in speaking and writing , and per●eive no less words in my mind , than my ●inds in things wanting . for neither can ●ur mind shut up in this dark and troubled ●rison of the body perceive the subtilty of all ●hings ▪ nor can we so endure in our mind the ●epresentations of things , however foreseen in ●iscourse with others , so as they are not ●uch inferiour to these which our intellect ●ath formed to it self . b : what shall we say ●hen which they set before them , who made ●●wes ? m : i seem almost to understand what you would be at . namly , that they in ●ouncill had an idea of that perfect king , and ●hat they did express a certain image , not of ●he body but of the mind , according to that ●●resaid idea as near as they could . and would have that to be in stead of lawes which 〈◊〉 is to think might be good and equitable m : you rightly understand it , for that is the very thing i would say . but now i would have you to consider what manner of king that is which we have constitute at first , was he not one firme and stedfast against hatred , love , wrath , envy , and other perturbations of the mind ? m : we did indeed imagine him to be such a one : or beleeved him to have been such to those ancients . b : but do lawes seeme to have been made according to the idea of him ? m : nothing more likely . b : a good king then is no less severe and inexorable , than a good law . m : he is even as severe : but since i can change neither , or ought to desire it , yet i would slaken both somewhat , if i can . b : but god desires not that mercy be shewed even to the poor in judgment , but commandeth us to respect that one thing which is just and equal , and to pronounce sentence accordingly . m : i do acknowledge that , and by truth am overcome . seing therefore it is not lawfull to loose kings from the bonds of lawes , who shal then be the lawgiver ? whom shall we give him as a pedagogue ? b : whom do you think fittest to performe this duty ? m : if you ask at me , i think the king himself . for in all other arts almost we see their precepts are given by the artists ; whereof they make use , as it were of comments , for confirming their memory , and putting others in mind of their duty . b : on the contrary i see no difference : let us grant that a king is at liberty and solved from the lawes , shall wee grant him the power to comand lawes ? for no man will willingly lay bonds and fetters upon himself . and i know not whether it be better to leave a man without bonds , or to fetter him with slight bonds , because he may rid himself thereof when he pleases . m : but when you concredit the helme of government rather to lawes than to kings , beware i pray you , lest you make him a tyrant , whom by name you make a king , who with authority doth oppress and with fetters and imprisonment doth bind , and so let him be sent back to the plough again , or to his former condition yet free of fetters . b : brave words : i impose no lord over him , but i would have it in the peoples power , who gave him the authority over themselves , to prescribe to him a modell of his government , and that the king may make use of that justice , which the people gave him over themselves . this i crave . i would not have these lawes to be by force imposed , as you interpret it , but i think that by a common council with the king , that should be generally established , which may generally tend to the good of all . m : you will then grant this liberty to the people ? b : even to the people indeed , unless perhaps you be of another mind . m : nothing seemes less equitable . b : why so ; m : you know that saying , a beast with many heads . you know , i suppose , how great the temerity and inconstancy of a people is . b : i did never imagine that that matter ought to be granted to the judgment of the whole people in general , but that near to our custome a select number out of all estates may conveen with the king in council . and then how soon an overturne by them is made , that it be deferred to the peoples judgment . m : i understand well enough your advice . but by this so carefull a caution you seem to help your self nothing . you will not have a king loosed from lawes , why ? because , i think , within man two most cruell monsters lust and wrath are in a continuall conflict with reason . lawes have been greatly desired , which might repress their boldness , and reduce them too much insulting , to regard a just government . what will these counsellours given by the people do ? are they not troubled by that same intestine conflict ? do they not conflict with the same evils as well as the king ? the more then you adjoyn to the king as assessors there will be the greater number of fools , from which you see what is to be expected . b : but i expect a far other thing than you suppose . now i shall tell you why i do expect it . first , it is not altogether true what you suppose , viz. that the assembling together of a multitude is to no purpose , of which number there will perhaps be none of a profound wit : for not only do many see more and understand more than one of them apart , but also more than one , albeit he exceed their wit and prudence . for a multitude for the most part doth better judge of all things , than single persons apart . for every one apart have some particular vertues , which being united together make up one excellent vertue , which may be evidently seen in physicians pharmacies , and especially in that antidot , which they call mithredat . for therein are many things of themselves hurtfull apart , which being compounded and mingled together make a wholesome remedy against poyson . in like manner in some men slowness and lingering doth hurt , in others a precipitant temerity , both which being mingled together in a multitude make a certain temperament and mediocrity , which we require to be in every kind of vertue . m : be it so , seeing you will have it so , let the people make lawes and execute them ; and let kings be as it were keepers of registers . but when lawes seeme to clash , or are not exact and perspicuous enough in sanctions , will you allow the king no interest ormedling here , especially since you will have him to judge all things by written lawes , there must needs ensue many absurdities . and , that i may make use of a very common example of that law commended in the schooles , if a stranger scale a wall , let him die , what can be more absurd than this , that the author of a publick safety ( who have thrust down the enemies pressing hard to be up ) should be drawn to punishment , as if he had in hostility attempted to scall the walls . b : that is nothing . m : you approve then that old saying , the highest justice is the highest injury . b. i do indeed . if any thing of this kind come into debate , there is need of a meek interpreter , who may not suffer the lawes which are made for the good of all to be calamitous to good men , and deprehended in no crime . b. you are very right , neither is there any thing else by me fought in all this dispute , ( if you have sufficiently noticed it ) than that ciceronian law might be venerable and inviolable salus populi suprema lex esto . if then any such thing shall come into debate , so that it be clear what is good & just , the kings duty will be to advert that the law may reach that rule i spoke of , but you in behalf of kings seems to require more , than the most imperious of them assume . for you know that this kind of questions is usually deferred to judges , when law seemeth to require one thing , and the lawgiver another : even as these lawes which arise from an ambiguous right or from the discord of lawes amongst themselves . therefore in such cases most grievous contentions of advocats arise in judicatories , and orators preceps are diligently produced . m. i know that to be done which you say . but in this case no less wrong seemes to be done to lawes than to kings . for i think it better to end that debate presently from the saying of one good man , than to grant the power of darkning rather than interpreting lawes to subtile men , and sometimes to crafty knaves ; for whilst not only contention ariseth betwixt advocat for the causes of parties contending , but also for glory , contests are nourished in the mean time , right or wrong , equity or iniquity is called in question : & what we deny to a king , we grant to men of inferiour rank , who study more to debate than to find out the truth . b. you seeme to me forgetfull of what we lately agreed upon . m. what is that ? b. that all things are to be so freely granted to an excellent king , as we have described him , that there might be no need of any lawes . but whilst this honour is conferred to one of the people , who is not much more excellent than others , or even inferiour to some , that free and loose licence from lawes is dangerous . m. but what ill doth that to the interpretation of law . b. very much . perhaps you do not consider , that in other words we restore to him that infinit and immoderat power , which formerly we denyed to a king , namely that according to his own hearts lust he may turn all things upside down . m. if i do that , then certainly i do it imprudently . b. i shall tell you more plainly , that you may understand it· when you grant the interpretation of lawes to a king , you grant him such a licence , as the law doth not tell what the lawgiver meaneth , or what is good and equall for all in generall , but what may make for the interpreters benefit , so that he may bend it to all actions for his own benefit or advantage , as the lesbian rule . ap. claudius in his decemviratus , made a very just law , that in a liberall cause or plea , sureties should be granted for liberty . what more clearly could have been spoken . but by interpreting the same author made his own law useless . you see ; i suppose how much liberty you give a prince by one cast , namely that what he pleaseth the law doth say , what pleaseth him not , it doth not say . if we shall once admit this , it will be to no purpose to make good lawes for teaching a good prince his duty ; and hemme in an ill king. yea , let me tell you more plainly , it would be better to have no lawes at all , than that freedom to steal should be tolerat , and also honoured under pretext of law. m. do you think that any king will be so impudent , that he will not at all have any regard of the fame and opinion that all men have of him ? or that he will be so forgetfull of his subjects , that he will degenerat into their pravity , whom he hath restrained by ignominy , imprisonment , confiscation of goods , & in a word with very grievous punishments ? b. let us not believe that these things will be , if they had not been done not long ago & that to the exceeding great hurt of the whole world . m. where do you tell these things were done ? b ▪ do you ask , where ? as if all the nations in europe did not only see , but feele also how much mischief hath the immoderat power , and unbridled tyranny of the pope of rome brought upon humane affaires . even that power which from small beginning & seemingly honest he had got , every man doth know that no less can be feared by unwary persons . at first , lawes were proposed to us , not only drawn out of the innermost secrets of nature , but given by god himself , explaind by the prophets from the holy spirit , at last by the son of god , & by the same god confirmed , committed to the writings of those praise worthy men , expressed in their life , & sealed with their blood . neither is there in the whole law any other place more carefully , commendably , or more clearly delivered , than that of the office of bishops . now seeing it is lawfull to no man to add any thing to these lawes , to abrogat or derogat ought therefrom , or to change any thing therein , there did remain but one interpretation , & whilst the pope did arrogat it , he not only did oppress the rest of the churches , but claimed a tyrranny the most cruell of all that ever were , daring to command not only men but angels also , plainly reducing christ into order , if this be not to reduce him into order , that what thou wilt have done in heaven , in earth & amongst the damned in hell , be ratified : what christ hath commanded , let it be ratified , if thou wilt ; for if the law seeme to make but little for your behoofe , interpreting it thus you may back-bend it , so that not only by your mouth , but also according to the judgment of your mind christ is constrained to speak . christ therefore speaking by the mouth of the pope , pipin is set in childericks place of government , ferdinandus of arragon substitute to john king of navarre : the son arose in armes against his father , and subjects against their king. christ is full of poison , then he is forced by witches , so that he killeth henry of luxemburg by poison . m. i have heard these things often before , but i desire to hear more plainly somewhat of that interpretation of lawes , b. i shall offer you one example , from which you may easily understand , how much this whole kind is able to do . the law is , a bishop must be the husband of one wife , than which law what is more clear , & what may be said more plain ? one wife , ( saith the law ) one church , ( saith the pope ) such is his interpretation . as if that law were made not to repress the lust of bishops but their avarice . now this explanation , albeit it saith nothing to the purpose , yet doth contain a judgment honest and pious , if he had not vitiated that law again by another interpretation . what doth therefore the pope devise for excuse ? it varieth ( saith he ) in regard of persons , cases , places & times . some are of that eminent disposition , that no number of churches can satisfy their pride . some churches again are so poor , that they cannot maintain him who was lately a begging monk , if he now have a mitre , if he would maintain the name of a bishop . there is a reason invented from that crafty interpretation of the law , that they may be called bishops of one church , or other churches given them in commendam , and all may be robbed . time would faile me , if i should reckon up the cheats , which are daily excogitat against one law. but albeit these things be most unbeseeming as well the name of a pope , as of a christian , yet their tyranny rests not here . for such is the nature of all things , that when they once begin to fall they never stay untill they fall headlongs into destruction . will you have me to shew you this by a famous example ? do you not remember upon any of the roman emperours blood who was more cruell and wicked than c. caligula ? m. there was none that i know of . b. now what was his most nefarious villany think you ? i do not speak of those deeds which popes do reckon up in some reserved cases , but in the rest of his life . m. i do not at present remember . b. what do you think of that , that having called upon his horse , he invited him to sup with him ? set a golden grain of barley before him , and made him consul ? m. indeed it was most impiously done b. what think you of that , how he made the same horse his colleague in the priesthood ? m. do you tell me that in good earnest ? b. indeed in good earnest , nor do i admire that these things seeme to you feigned . but that roman jupiter of ours hath done such things , that those things done by caligula may seem true to posterity . i say pope julius the third , who seemes contended with c. caligula a most wicked wretch for preheminence of impiety . m. what did he of that kind ? b. he made his ape-keeper , a man almost more vile than the vilest beast , his colleague in the papary . m. perhaps there was another cause of choosing him . b. some are reported indeed , but i have picked out the most honest . seeing then so great a contempt not only of the priesthood , but also a forgetfulness of humanity arise from this freedome of interpreting lawes , beware you think that to be a small power . m. but the ancients seeme not to have thought it so great a business of interpreting , as you would have it seeme to be . which by this one argument may be understood , because the roman emperours granted it to lawyers : which one reason doth overturne your whole tedious dispute , nor doth it only refute what you spoke of the greatness of that power , but that also which you most shun , it perspicuously declareth what power they granted to others of answering rightly , was not denyed to themselves , if they had been pleased to exerce that office , or could have done it by reason of greater affaires . b : as for those roman emperours , whom the souldiers did choose indeliberatly , & without any regard to the common good of all , these fall not under this notion of kings which we have described so that by those that were most wicked were they chosen who for the most part were most wicked , or else laid hold upon the government by violence . now i do not reprehend them for granting power to lawyers to interpret the law. and albeit that power be very great , as i have said before , it is notwithstanding more safely concredited to them to whom it cannot be an instrument of tyranny . moreover it was concredited to many whom mutuall reverence did hold within the bounds of duty , that if one decline from equity , he might be refuted by another . and if they should have all agreed together into fraud ; the help of the judge was above them , who was not obliged to hold for law what ever was given by lawyers for an answer . and over all was the emperour , who might punish the breach of lawes . they beeing astricted by so many bonds were hemmed in , and did fear a more grievous punishment , than any reward of fraud they could expect : you see , i suppose then that the danger to be feared from such kind of men was not so great . m. have you no more to say of a king ? b. first , if you please , let us collect together , what is already spoken , so that the more easily we may understand , if any thing be omitted . m. i think we should do so . b. we seemed to be at accord sufficiently concerning the origine & cause of creating kings , & making lawes , but of the lawgiver not so : but at last , though somewhat unwillingly i seeme to have consented , being enforced by the strength of truth . m. certainly you have not only taken from a king the power of commanding lawes , but also of interpreting them , even whilst i as an advocat strongly protested against it . wherein i am afraid , if the matter come to publick hearing , lest i be accused of prevarication , for having so easily suffered a good cause , as it seemed at first , to be wrung out of my hands . b. be of good courage : for if any accuse you of prevarication in this case , i promise to be your defence . m. perhaps we will find that shortly . b. there seems to be many kinds of affaires which can be comprehended within no lawes , whereof we laid over a part on ordinary judges , & a part on the kings councill by the kings consent . m. i do remember we did so indeed . and when you was doing that , wot you what came into my mind ? b. how can i , unless you tell me ? m. me thought you made kings in a manner like stone seals , which for the most part so seeme to lean on the tops of pillars as if they did sustain the whole fabrick : whereas in effect they bear no more burden , than any other stone . b. what ? good advocat of kings , do you complain that i lay on them a little burden , seeing both day and night they do nothing else , than seek out others to bear burden with them , or upon whom they may altogether lay the burden , & so disburden themselves . and in the mean time you seeme to take it in ill part that i afford them help labouring under their burden . m. i also very willingly admit these auxiliaries , but such would i have as may serve , but not command , such as may shew the way , but not lead in the way , or more truly draw , or rush them forward as some warlike engine , and leave a king no other power but to assent to them . therefore i presently expect that having ended our discourse concerning a king , you would step aside to speak of tyrants , or some where else . for you have inclosed a king within so narrow bounds , that i am afraid , lest , if we tarry longer therein , you drive him out of his greatest wealth , & highest dignity , & banish him as it were into some desert island , where , being spoiled of all his honour he wax old in poverty & misery . b. you feared , as you pretend , the crime of prevarication ; but i am afraid , lest in calumniating you wrong the king , whom you endeavour to defend . first , i would not have him to be idle , unless you would appoint idle master builders , secondly , you deprive him of good ministers & friends , whom i have adjoyned unto him not as keepers , but would have them called by him to bear a part of his labour , & these being driven away you surround him with a band of knaves , who make him to be feared by his subjects , neither do you think he will be formidable , unless we allow him a great power of doing wrong . i would have him to be by his subjects beloved , not to be guarded by the terrour , but goodwill of his subjects , which armes alone do make kings invincible , unless you gainsay this , i trust i shall shortly prove it . for i shall lead him out of these you call straits into light : & by one law shall give him so much authority and enlargment , that if he desire more , he may seeme impudent . m. indeed i long to heare that . b. i shall then fall upon that matter , that i may satisfy your desire as soon as i can . a little before we have confessed , that no law can be so accurately cautioned concerning any affair , but that malicious subtilty may invent some fraud . this perhaps will be the better understood by the example already proposed . by the law it is ordained , that no parents transmit their benefices to their bastards . here in effect the law seemes clear , yet a cheat is found out : that the father substitute some other man , & that he may deliver that same benefice to the bastard of the former possessor . thereafter , when as it was carefully ordained by law , that the son should by no means enjoy that benefice which his father had possessed before : yet by this caution it was never a white the better . for against that law a paction was found out amongst priests , that each of them should substitute the son of the other in his office . and when that was also forbidden , the law was also eluded by another kind of cheat : a pretender was set up against the father , who might pretend he had a right to that benefice . whilst the father seemingly is a contending with this supposed sycophant , the son doth petition the pope for the benefice , if so be that the right unto that benefice belong not to either of the parties contending for it , and so the son by his fathers prevarication doth enjoy his fathers benefice , and over cometh both the parties , who willingly & freely yeeld up their plea. thus you soe how many kinds of cheats are invented against one law. m. i see it . b. do not lawgivers seeme to do altogether the same herein which physicians do , who whilst they endeavour by applying a plaister to compesce the eruptions of flegme , or of some other hurtfull humour , the humour restrained in one place seeks issue in many places at once : & as a certain hydra having one head cut off , many heads start up in place of one . m. nothing more like . b. what was incumbent for a physician to do at first for freeing the whole body at once of peccant humours . ought not the politik physician to do the same in this case , for freeing the whole common wealth of evill manners ? m : i think that to be the right way of cure , albeit it be difficult . b· and if this can be obtained , i think there would be need of few lawes . m. it is indeed so . b. doth not he alone seeme to conferre more for the publick good who can apply this remedy , than all the conventions of all estates met for making of lawes ? m. doubtless far more . but that i may make use of the comick poets words , who is able to undertake so weighty a charge . b. what if we shall lay it over on the king ? m. merrily spoken indeed . what was soon done and easy you have committed to the whole people : but if any thing be difficult and intricat , you will lay it over upon the king alone , as if you thought him not sufficiently bound tying him round about with so many fetters , unless you lay upon him a most grievous burden under which he may also succumbe . b. it is not so , but we contend for a business easy for him to be done , we beseech , he would suffer himself to be exorable . m. what is that , i pray ? b. that as fathers ought to carry towards their children , so in all his life he would behave himself towards his subjects whom he ought to account as children . m. what is that to the purpose in hand ? b. surely this one is certainly the chiefest remedy against corrupt manners , and lest you suppose that it is an invention of mine , hear what claudianus saith . thou king must as a father rule thy subjects , and no less have a care of all than of they self ; let not thy own desire only move thee , but also the publick desires of thy people . if thou commandest ought to be done by all , and to be obeyed , obey the same first thy self . then will the people become the more observant of equity , nor will refuse to bear any burden , when they see their king himself obedient to what he commands . the whole world doth act conforme to the example of a king. the lawes of kings prevaile not so much to incline mens minds unto obedience , as the conversation of the rulers . for the fluctuating multitude doth alwayes change as their prince doth . do not imagine that the poet pregnant for understanding & learning did in vain believe so great force to be herein , for people are so addicted to the imitation of kings , in whom any image of honesty doth shine or appeare , and so endeavour to express their manners , that whose vertue they admire , they endeavour also to imitat some of their vices in speech , apparell in deport . but in conforming themselves to the king in gesture , manners of speech they not only desire to imitat him , but also by flattery they insinuat themselves into the minds of great ones , & by these arts they hunt after riches , honour , and preferment , because they know we have it by nature , that we love not only our selves , and our own concernes , but embrace our own likeness though vicious in others . now that which we demand not wickedly and arrogantly , but by intreaty endeavour to obtain , hath a far greater force , than the threatnings of lawes , the ostentation of punishments , or armies of souldiers . this reduceth a people without force into modesty , conciliateth to a king his subjects good-liking , increaseth and maintaineth the publick tranquillity , and the wealth of every one severally . let therefore a king carefully consider , that he is set on the theatre of the world , and for a spectacle proposed to all , so as no word or deed of his can be concealed , the vices of kings can never be kept secret . for the supream light of fate suffers nothing to ly hid in obscurity , and fame enters into all secret places , and finds out obscure corners . o how much doth it concerne kings to be circumspect on all hands ; seeing neither their vices nor their vertues can be concealed , nor yet without a great universall change of affaires . but if any do yet doubt , what great importance there is in the conversation of a prince , for the emendation of the publick discipline , let him take but a view of the small beginning of the state of rome . that rude people consisting of shepherds and countrey in habitants , i shall not say worse , naturally fierce , having got a very cour●gious king , and having pitched once their tents , for soliciting the peace of the neighbouring nations , and provoking them to fight , how much do you think of hatred and fear was bred in their neighbours ? when again that very same people had set over them a pious and just king , they were so suddenly changed , that being wholly devoted to the worship of their gods and to acts of justice , that to wrong them their neighbours judged it a crime , even those very neighbours , i say , whose lands before they had laid waste , whose cities they had burnt , and their children and kinsmen they had carried away into bondage . now if in that barbarity of manners , & rudeness of times numa pompilius , ( who a little before was brought out of another nation at enmity with them , and made king ) could do so much : what shall wee xpect , or rather , what shall we not expect of those princes , who being supported by affinity , vassalls , and much wealth left them by their ancestors , obtain the government ? and are born and brought up in expectation thereof . now how much should it stirre up their minds unto vertue , that they hope to have the praise not of one day , as stage-players do , the scene being once past , but the goodwill , admiration , and perpetuall remembrance of their life to all posterity , and know that honours in heaven are prepared for them ? i wish i could express in words the representation of that honour which in mind i have conceived . now that i may somewhat propose unto your view the same by some of the first draughts and lineaments thereof , consider with your self , how the brasen serpent erected by moses in the desert of arabia , did heal the wounds made by other serpents by a very look of the people thereon . imagine that out of the whole people there were some stung by serpents , and running together for present cure , others astonished at the newness of the miracle , and all celebrating with all kind of praise the immense and incredible goodness of god : when they perceive that the pain of that deadly wound was not taken away , either by medicaments , with the torment of the patient , by the physicians labour and assiduous carefulness of friends , nor by any long space of time , but reduced unto health in a moment . compare now a king with that serpent , and so compare him , that you may reckon a good king amongst the greatest benefits of god who alone without any expence of thine , and without thy paines and labour , doth relieve a kingdome of all its troubles , setleth perturbations , and in a short space bringeth the inveterat ulcers of minds unto a cicatrice or scar : neither is he only a procurer of health to those who behold him near at hand , but also to such as are a far off , and have no hope to see him , in whose image so great a force is presented to the minds of his subjects , that it doth easily performe what the prudence of lawyers , the science of philosophers , and the experience of so many ages in collecting their severall arts could never performe . now what greater honour , dignity , eminency or majesty can be told or excogitat to be in any man , that by speech , converse , sight , fame , and a tacite species presented to the mind , he may reduce the most luxurious to modesty , the violent to equity , and those that are furious unto a right mind . can you ask of god a greater benefit than this so much for the good of mans concernes ? if i mistake not , this is the true representation of a king , not that of a king guarded with weapons of war , ever fearing others , or making others afraid , by his hatred towards his people measuring his peoples hatred against him . this representation which we have given , seneca in his thyestes hath expressed in very pleasant colours , which verse i doubt not but you know , seeing it is most elegant . do i now seeme to speak basely and contemptuously of a king ? and bind him fast loaded with the fetters of lawes within a goale , as you did lately say ? and not rather do bring him forth into light , and assemblies of men , and set him upon the publick theatre of mankind , accompanied not with the arrogant company of archers and armed men , and rogues cloathed in silk , but guarded in safety by his own innocency , not with the terrour of armes , but by the love of his people : and not only at freedome and set aloft , but honoured , venerable , sacred , and eminent , and coming forth with the good wishes and fortunat acclamations of the people , and whithersoever he goeth , turning the faces , eyes and hearts of all towards him . what acclamation , or what triumph can be compared with this daily pomp ? or if god in humane likeness should come down into earth , what greater honour could be given him by men , than that which would be given to a true king , that is to the lively image of god ? for neither can love bestow , nor flattery invent a greater honour than this . what do you think of this representation of a king ? m. so splendide & magnificent indeed it is , that it seemes nothing can be said or imagined more magnificent . but in these corrupt times of ours , it is hard to find this magnanimity , unless carefull education make an honest and good nature and disposition . for the mind being principled with good instructions and acts from infancy , and by age and daily practice confirmed , endeavours by vertue to attain to true glory ; in vain it is tempted by the allurements of lusts , or weakned by the impressions of adversity . for thus learning doth perfect naturall parts , and good breeding doth strengthen the mind : so that it findeth occasion of exercising vertue amongst the very recreations of pleasures , and these things which usually terrify weak ones , by reason of difficulty , vertue doth account them as a matter of praise . seeing then there is so great importance in learning for all conditions of life , with what great care and solicitude should men foresee , that the tender minds of kings be righly principled , even from their very infancy . for seeing many are the benefits of good kings towards their subjects , and contrary wise , many calamities proceed from wicked princes , than nothing doth seeme to have a greater influence upon every rank of men , than the cariage and conversation of kings and others , who joyntly rule publick affaires . for what is done well or ill by private persons , is for the most part hid from the multitude : or by reason of such mens obscure condition their example belongeth to few . but all the words and deeds of those , wh● hold the helme of publick affaires ; canno● be concealed , beeing written as it were 〈◊〉 a publick monument , as horace saith , but ar● set before all men for imitation . for the● do not turne mens affections to themselves 〈◊〉 studying to please them , but by very kindl● allurements of utility . and whither soeve● the inclinations of kings do drive , they mak● the publick discipline wheele about wit● them . but i am afraid , that our kings wi●● not be intreated to performe what you hav● now mentioned . for they are so marred by th● allurements of pleasures , & deceived with th● false shew of honour , that i think they 〈◊〉 almost that which some poets report to hav● befallen the trojans who were in compan● at sea with paris . for the true helena bein● left in egypt with protheus a holy and truel● religious man , they did contend so pertina●ciously the space of ten years for her likeness that it was the end of a most pernicious war and of the most flourishing kingdome in thos● times . for impotent tyrants embracin● that false representation of a kingdome when they have once obtained it by right 〈◊〉 wrong , cannot lose it without destruction now if any do admonish them , that the tru● helena for whom they imagine to fight , is els● where concealed , they would call him ma● ▪ b. i am indeed glad that you somewhat unde●●stand the beauty of that true daughter 〈◊〉 jupiter from this her likeness , such as it is , albeit you do not see her self . but if these lovers of that helena , to their great dammage , did see the perfect image of the true helena , pourtrayed with her lively colours by some protegenes or appelles , i do not question but they would admire her and fall in love with her . and if they did not command their affections to enjoy that other , they might fall into those grievous punishments , which perseus in his satyres doth imprecat on tyrants . o supream father of the gods , be pleased thus to punish cruell tyrants , when any execrable lust dipt in raging poyson doth stirre up their spirits , let them see what vertue is , and let them pine away for sorrow , because they despised her . and therefore seeing we are fallen in to make mention of tyrrants , may it please you , that straight way we proceed to speak of them ? m. yea , unless you think some other thing should be first spoken . b. i suppose we shall not deviat , if we proceed in the same footsteps for finding out a tyrant , wherein we did insist in seeking out a king. m. i think so . for by that means we shall very easily understand what difference there is betwixt them , if set one against another they be duely considered . b. and first of all that we may begin at a tyrants name , of what language , it is uncertain . i therefore think it now necessary for us to seek therein the greek , or latine etymology . now what the ancients did call tyranny , i think is not unknown to any who are well versed in humane literature . for tyrants were called both by the greeks and latines , who had the full power of all things in their hands , which power was not astricted by any bonds of lawes , nor obnoxious to the cognition of judges . therefore in both languages , as you know , not only the noble heroes , and most famous men , but the chiefest of the gods , and so jupiter also is called tyrannus : and that even by those who both think and speak honourably of the gods. m. i know indeed that well enough : and the rather i much admire , whence it is come to pass , that that name now for so many ages is accounted odious , and also amongst the most grievous reproaches . b. it seemes certainly to have fallen out in this word , which happeneth to be in many others : for if you consider the nature of words , it hath no evill i● it . and albeit some words have a more pleasant sound in the ears of hearers , and others a more unpleasant , yet of themselves they have no such thing , so as to stirre up the mind to wrath , hatred , or hilarity , or otherwise to creat pleasure or pain and trouble if any such thing befall us , that happens to fall out usually , not from the word , but from the consuetude of men , and image thereof conceived by the hearers . therefore a word which amongst some men 〈◊〉 honest , amongst others cannot be heard ●ith some preface of , with reverence . m : ● remember that the like is befallen the ●ames of nero and judas , whereof the one ●mongst the romans , and the other amongst ●he jewes was accounted by great men very ●amous and honourable . but thereafter by ●o fault of these names , but of these two ●en , it hath come to pass , that even the ●ost flagitious men will not have these names ●o be given their children : they being buried ●nder such infamy . b : the same also is ●erspicuous to have befallen the word tyrant , ●or it is credible , that the first magistrats , ●ho were thus called , were good men ; or ●rom hence , that this name was sometime so ●onourable , that it was attribut to the gods. ●ut those that came afterward made it so famous by their wicked deeds , that all ●en abhorred it as contagious and pestilen●ous , and thought it a more light reproach 〈◊〉 be called an hang-man than a tyrant . m : ●erhaps it was the same as befell the kings 〈◊〉 rome after the tarquinii were deposed in ●●e name dictator after m. antonius and 〈◊〉 : dolabella were consuls . b : just so . and ●● the contrary , base and vulgar names have ●een made famous by the vertue of men ●●lled thereby . as amongst the romans , ●●millus , metellus , scropha : and amongst ●●e germans , henry , genserick , charles . ●his you shall the better understand , if taking away the name of tyrant , you consider the thing , notwitstanding that this kind of government hath continued in its former honour and respect amongst many famous nations , as the aesymnetae amongst the greecians , and the dictators amongst the romans : for both were lawfull tyrants . now tyrants they were , being more powerfull than the lawes but lawfull they were , as being chosen by consent of the people . m : what am i hearing ? tyrants and yet lawfull ? indeed i did expect a far other thing from you : bu● now you seeme to confound the difference of all kings and tyrants . b : indeed bo●● kings and tyrants amongst the ancien● seeme to have been altogether one and th● same ; but i suppose in diverse ages : for 〈◊〉 think the name of tyrants was more ancient thereafter when they became weary of t●● name , in their place succeeded kings 〈◊〉 more plausible name , and more gentle g●●vernment , and when they also began to degenerat , the moderation of lawes 〈◊〉 adhibited , which might set limites to th● boundless lusts of their government . 〈◊〉 men according to the exigence of times , 〈◊〉 their usuall way , seeking out new remedi● became weary of the old way of government and sought out new wayes . now our prese●● purpose is to handle both kinds of govern●ment , namely that wherein as well the ●●●vernment of kings as of lawes is the 〈◊〉 ●owerfull : and the worst kind of tyranny , ●herein all things are contrary to a king●ome , and have undertaken to compare ●hem one with another . m : it is so . and earnestly expect you would fall upon that . b : at first then we had agreed , that a king was created for maintaining humane society , ●nd we determined his office and duty , that by the prescript of lawes he should allow every man his own . m : i do remember ●hat . b : first then , he that doth not receive ● government by the will of the people , but ●y force invadeth it , or intercepteth it by fraude , how shall we call him ? m : i suppose , a tyrant . b. there be also many other differences , which i shall briefly run through , because any man may easily collect them from aristotle : for the government of kings is according to nature , but that of tyrants is not . a king doth rule his subjects , and reigne over them by their own consent . tyrants reigne over them nill they , will they . a kingdome is a principality of a free man among free men : tyranny is a principality of a master over his slaves . for defence of a kings safety the subjects watch and ward , for a tyrant forrainers do watch to oppress the subjects . the one beareth rule for the subjects welfare , the other for himself . m. what do you say of those who have gotten into their hand the supreame authority by force and without the peoples consent , and yet for many years did so rule that the people were not weary of their government ? for what could be wanting in hiero the syracusan king , or in cosmo 〈◊〉 mediees the florentine duke to make them just kings , except the peoples suffrages ? b. indeed we cannot exeeme them out of the number of tyrants . for it was nobly spoken by a notable historian , albeit you may indeed rule your countrey and friends by violence and force , and correct their faults , yet it is unseasonable . then again , such do seeme to do just like robbers , who cunningly dividing their ill gotten goods , do seek the praise o● justice by injury , and of liberality by robbery ▪ yet do not obtain what they hunt for ; by the odiousness of one ill deed they lose all the thanks of their ostentative bounty , and so much the less assurance of their civill disposition do they give their subjects , and that because they do not that for their subjects good , but for their own government , namely , that they the more securely may enjoy their own lusts and pleasures , and establish a soveraignty over the posterity to come , having somewhat mitigated the peoples hatred . which when they have once done , they turne back again to their old manners . for the fruit which is to follow may easily be known by the sower thereof . for he hath the same strength and power to revoke all things at his pleasure , and to transferre unto himself the strength of all lawes , even as if he would abrogat all lawes . but this kind of tyrants had been perhaps tolerable , if without the common destruction of all it could have been taken away , even as we do endure some bodily diseases rather than throw our life into the hazard of a doubtsome cure . but they who bear rule , not for their countrey 's good , but for their own self interests , have no regard to the publick utility , but to their own pleasure and lust , they place the stability of their authority in the peoples weakness , and think that a kingdom is not a procuration concredited to them by god , but rather a prey put into their hands . such are not joyned to us by any civil bond , or bond of humanity , but should be accounted the greatest enemies of god and of all men . for all the actions of kings should aime at the publick safety of their subjects , and not at their own wealth . by how much kings are raised above other men , so much should they imitat the celestiall bodies , which having no good offices of ours given to them , yet do infuse on humane affaires a vital and bountifull vertue of heat and light . yea the very titles wherewith we have honoured kings ( if you remember ) might put them in mind of their munificence . m : me thinks i remember , namely , that they should use a paternal indulgence towards their subjects committed to them as towards children ; the care of a shepherd in procuring their profit : as generals in maintaining their safety , as governours in excellency of vertues , and as emperours commanding those things which might be usefull . b. can he then be called a father , who accounts his subjects slaves ? or a shepherd , who doth not feed his flock , but devoureth them ? or a pilot , who doth alwayes study to make shipwrack of the goods in his ship , and who ( as they say ) makes a leck in the very ship wherein he sailes ? m. by no means . b. what is he then , who doth not rule for the peoples good , but still doth all for himself , who doth not strive with good men in vertue , but contendeth to exceed the most flagitious wretch in vices ? who leadeth his subjects into manifest snares ? m. indeed such shall not be by me accounted either a generall , or emperour , or governour . b. if you then shal see any usurping the name of a king , and in no kind of vertue excelling any of the people , but inferiour to many therein , not fatherly affectionat towards his subjects , but rather oppressing them by arrogant domineering , and that thinketh the people is concredited to him for his own gain and not for their safeguard ; will you imagine that such a man is truely a king , albeit he goes vapouring with a great many in guard about him , and openly be seen with gorgeous aparrell , and make a shew of punishments ; can he conciliat the people , and catch their applause by rewards , games , pompous shewes , and even mad underminings , and what ever is thought to be magnificent ; will you , i say , account such a man a king ? m. not indeed , if i would understand my self aright , but void of all humane society . b. within what limites do you circumscribe humane society ; m. within the very same limites wherein by your preceeding discourse you seemed to include it , namely within the hedge of lawes . which whosoever transgress , be they robbers , thieves , or adulteres , i see them publickly punished , and that to be accounted a just cause of their punishment , because they transgressed the limites of humane society . b. what say you of those , who would never once enter within these hedges ? m. i think they should be accounted enemies to god and men , and reckoned amongst wolves , or some other kind of noisome beasts , rather than amongst men : which whosoever doth nourish , he nourisheth them for his own destruction and others : & whosoever killeth them , doth not only good to himself , but to all others . but if i had power to make a law , i would command ( which the romans were wont to do with monsters ) such kind of men to be carried away into solitary places , or to be drowned in the depths of the sea afar from the sight of any land , lest by the contagion of their carcases they might infect other men . and rewards to the killers of them to be discerned not only by the whole people , but by every particula● person : as useth to be done to those who have killed wolves or namely that these spirits beares , or apprehended their whelpes . for if such a monster should be borne , & speak with a mans voice , & have the face of a man , & likeness of other parts , i would have no fellowship with him ; or if any man divested of humanity should degenerat into such cruelty , as he would not meet with other men but for their destruction , i think he should be called a man no more than satyres , apes , or bears , albeit they should resemble man in countenance , gesture and speech . b. now , if i mistake not , you understand what a king , and what a tyrant the wisest ancients meant in their writings . will it please you then that we propose some idea of a tyrant also , such as we gave in speaking of a king ? m. yes , that i do earnestly desire , if it be not a trouble to you . b. you have not forgot , i suppose , what by the poets is spoken of the furies , and by our divines of the nature of evill spirits , are enemies of mankind , who whilst they are in perpetuall torments , yet do rejoice in the torments of men . this is indeed the true idea of tyranny . but because this idea can only be discerned in the imagination , but not by any of the senses , i shall set before you another idea , which not only the mind may discerne , but the senses also perceive , and as it were represented to the very eye . imagine you see a ship tossed by waves in the sea , and all the shoares round about not only without haven or harbour but also full of most cruell enemies , and the master of the ship in contest with the company , and yet to have no other hope of safety than in their fidelity , and the same not certain , as knowing well that he puts his life into the hands of a most barbarous kind of men , and void of all humanity , whom by money he may hold trusty , and who for greater gain may be conduced to fight against him . such indeed is that life which tyrants embrace as happy . they are afraid of enemies abroad , and of their subjects at home , and not only of their subjects , but of their domesticks , kinsfolk , brethren , wives , children , and near relations . and therefore they have alwayes war , either a forrain war with their neighbours , civil war with their subjects , or a domestick war within doores , or else they are still in fear thereof . neither do they expect aid any where but by a mercenary way , they dare not hire good men , nor can they trust bad men ; what then in all their life can be to them pleasant ? dionysius would not let his daughters once become women to trim him , fearing to let the razor come to his throat . temoleon was killed by his own brother , alexander pheraeus by his own wife , and sp : cassias by his own father . he that still hath such examples set before his eyes , what a torture do you imagine he carryeth about in his breast ? seeing he thinks that he is the mark set for all mankind to shoot at . neither is he only while awake tormented with these tortures of conscience , but also is awakned out of his sleep by terrifying sights both of the living and dead , and agitat by the fire brands of hellish furies . for the season which nature doth grant for rest to all creatures , and also to men for relaxation of their cares , to him is turned into horrours and punishment . m. forsooth you have handled these things very acutely , but i know not if truely also , but yet , if i mistake not , they make not so much for our purpose . for they who have the power to choose what kings they please , in them is the power to bind by lawes such as they have chosen . but you know that our kings are not chosen , but born kings . to whom i have alwayes thought it to be no less hereditary , that their will and pleasure should stand for law , than the kingdome it self . nor am i rashly induced to be of this opinion , but convinced by severall great authors , with whom i am not ashamed to be mistaken , ( if at all i be in any mistake or errour . ) for not to make mention of others , lawyers do affirme , that by the royall law which is made for the government of kings , all the peoples power is so transmitted into them , that their will and pleasure should be accounted for lawes . and indeed from this law did those threatnings of a certain emperour arise , that he would quite take away from lawyers all their science , wherein they so much boast , by one edict . b. you do very well , that whilst you cite a most wicked author of one of the greatest deeds , thought good to suppress his name . for that was c , caligula , who wished but one neck for all the people of rome . now in that emperour there was nothing of a man , far less of a king , beside his shape , you are not then ignorant how much authority may be due to him . but as for the royal law ▪ what it is , when , by whom , and in what words it was made the very lawyers make no mention . for that power was never in any of the roman emperours , seeing from them appeals were made to the people . but that ordinance , whereby l : flaccus having oppressed the liberty of the people of rome , established by the silence of other lawes ; the tyranny of l : sylla , no man did ever hold for a law . for of that ordinance such was the strength , that whatever l : sylla had done , should be ratified , which law never any free people was so infatuat , as willingly to permit to be imposed on them . or if any such were , he were indeed worthy to serve perpetually tyrants , and be punished for his folly . but if any such law have been , let us think it was an example proposed to us for caution , but not for imitation . m. indeed you admonish well . but that admonition belongeth to them in whose power it is to creat such kings as most please them , but to us it doth not at all belong , who do not by suffrages elect the best kings , but accept of those that by chance are given us . that also of a certain lawyer seemes properly to quadrat with us , who have given to our kings ancestors that right and authority over us and our posterity , that they and their posterity should perpetually hold their empire and authority over us . i wish then you had admonished them ( i mean our ancestors ) who once had it in their own power entirely to admit such kings as they pleased . but now that counsell of yours too late serves only for this , not to amend the faults that are not in our power , but deplore our ancestors folly , and acknowledge the misery of our condition . for what can be left to those that are made slaves , but to be punished for other mens folly ? and that our punishment may be made more light , let us asswage them by patience : let us not provoke their wrath , by tumultuating importunely , whose dominion over us we cannot cast off , nor diminish their power , nor flee from their force or weakness . now that royal law , to which you are so much an adversary , was not made in favours of tyrants , as you would have it seeme to be , because it was approved by justinian a very just prince . with whom so plain flattery would not have had place . for with a foolish prince that of the poet would prevaile whom doth false honour help , or lying infamy terrify , but a lewd man and a lyar ? b. indeed justinian , as history reports , was a great mighty man albeit some do report him to have been cruelly ingrate to bellisarius . but let him be such as you judge he was , yet you may remember , that it is recorded by some almost of that same age with him , that tribonius , a chief man amongst the compilers of these lawes , was a very wicked man , and so might easily be induced to gratify also a very bad prince . but even good princes do not hate this kind of flattery . for even those who will not kill any man , do yet desire to have it in their power , and there is nothing which he dare not believe of himself , seeing his power equall to that of the gods is commended . but let us returne to our own princes : to whom you say the kingdome doth come by inheritance and not by suffrages . now of our own only i speak , for if i shall digress to speak of forrain princes , i fear lest our discourse become more prolixe than we intended . m. i think you should do so . for forrain affaires do not much belong to our dispute in hand . b. that i may therefore begin at the first principles . this is sufficiently agreed upon , that our princes were chosen for their vertue , who should governe others . m. so do the writers of our affaires record . b. nor is this less known , that many who have reigned cruelly and wickedly have been called to account by their subjects : some adjudged to perpetuall imprisonment , others punished partly by exile , and partly by death , against whose killers no inquisition was ever made , even when their sons or kinsmen were assumed into their stead . but who ever had killed good kings , were most severely punished , so as no where else was murther more severely revenged . and because it would be tedious to rehearse every one , i shall produce some few of these last kings , whose memory is most recent . the nobility did so grievously punish the murther of james the first , ( having left as heir his son● of six years of age ) that by a new and exquisit kind of punishment they put to death severall persons of very eminent families , and peers of the land , both for wealth and vassalage eminent : on the contrary , who did condole the death of james the third , a man flagitious and cruell ? far less revenge it ? but in the death of james the fourth his son , the suspition of the crime was punished with death , neither were our ancestors piously inclined towards good kings , but also gentle & mercifull towards wicked kings . for when one of king culen's enemies had killed him in his journey , whilst he is coming to give an ●ccount of his administration , he was severe●y punished by a sentence of the estates of ●arliament . and likewise was punished as 〈◊〉 enemy he who had killed evenus in prison , who had been adjudged to perpetuall bonds . and the violent death or parricide of him ●hey punished , whose wicked and vicious ●ife oll men had hated , m. i do not so much ●nquire at present what some time hath been done , as by what right kings reigne amongst us . b. that we may therefore returne there●nto , as in our first kings until kenneth the ●hird , who first setled the kingdome in his own family , it is very clear what was the peoples power in creating their kings , and ●aking order with them , even so it is necessary we know , that he either did that against the peoples will , or by perswasion obtained it m. that cannot be denied . b. moreover , if by force he compelled the people to obey him , then how soone the people began to have confidence in their own strength , they might have cast off that violent yoke of government imposed upon them : seeing all lawes received by kings and people do pronounce , and nature it self doth call for it , that whatever is done by force and violence , may be undone by the like violence . m. what if the people being by fraud eircumvented , or by fear forced did surrender themselves into that slavery : what for excuse can be pretended , but that they perpetually continue in that case , into which it was once agreed they were to be in ? b. i● you debate with me from that agreement what excuse there is for undoing the same i shall on the other hand lay down some reasons why pactions and agreements may be dissolved . and first of all , such as are made through force or fear , in all common-wealths concerning these there is a sure law , draw● from natures spring . lawes allow restitution to be fully made to such as are by frau● circumvented , and think that it should be kept for pupills , and such other persons ▪ who by just law they would have to be defended . what assembly therefore of me● can require more justly to have restitution than a whole people , to whom the wrong is done , which indeed is not done against one part of the commonwealth , but floweth fa● abroad into all the members of that politick body ? m. i know this law to be made use of in the cases of private persons , nor is it unjust . but there is no necessity we should debate herein , seeing it is far more credible ( which is recorded by historians ) that tha● right was by the peoples will granted to kings . b. it is also credible that so great a matter was not obtained without some great cause . m. i do easily assent thereto . b. what do you think was the chief cause thereof ? m. what other , except that which is recorded ? wearisomness of ambition , tumults , murthers , intestine wars , often with with the utter destruction of the one party , and alwayes with very great dammage of ●oth . for such as did obtain the government , endeavoured to cut-off their brethren , and almost all their near kinsmen , that they might leave the government the more peace●ble to their children , even as we hear is done amongst the turks , and as we see amongst the chief of clanns in our islands , and in ireland . b. to which of the two do ●ou think was that contention most pernici●●s , to the people or to the princes ? m. certainly to the kings , seeing the greatest 〈◊〉 of the people securing themselves doth usually stand spectators of princes contests , and yeeld alwayes as a prey to the victors . ● . it seemes then that princes rather for themselves , than for the good of the people desired to establish the kingdom in their own family . m. that is very probable . b. now that ●hey might obtain that which did so much concerne the perpetual dignity , wealth and safety of their family , it is probable , that they did dispense or remit to one another somewhat of their right : and that they might the more easily obtain the peoples goodwill , ●iking and consent , they on their part gave ●hem some ease . m. i believe that . b. you will certainly confess it incredible , that ●or so great a benefit bestowed on their kings , ●hey should endure to be in a worse case than formerly they were in . m. it is altogether incredible . b. neither would kings have desired it with so great ambition , if they had known it would prove hurtfull to their children , and unprofitable to the people . m. not at all . b. imagine then that some one in parliament of the free people did freely ask the king , what if to any king should succeed a son that is a fool , or mad ? will you set such over us to rule us , who cannot rule or governe themselves ? m. i think there was no need to make use of that exception , seeing by the lawes it is provided against such a case . b. well said indeed . let us then see , if kings had obtained from the people a free power over the lawes , whether that had been unprofitable , especially to those who desired to foresee the good of their own family in time coming . m. why shall we think that that power would be unprofitable ? b. because nothing doth so much contribute for the continuance of a government , as that temperament of government , seeing it is both honourable for kings , and moderat , and safe for the people . the mind of man hath somewhat sublime and generous imbred therein by nature , that it will obey none , unless he governe profitably : nor is there any thing more prevalent for maintaining humane society , than the mutuall exchange of benefits , and therefore theopompus seemes to have wisely answered his wife ●pbraiding him that by adding the epbory he ●ad diminished the power of his authority , ●nd had left the kingdome to his sons less ●han he had gotten it . it is , saith he , so much the more firme and sure . m. what you relate of continuance , i perceive is most true . for i think the kingdomes of the scots and danes are the most ancient of all that are in europe , nor do they seeme by any other means to have attained that antiquity , than by the moderation of the supreame authority , whilst in the mean time the kingdomes of the frenches , englishes and spaniards have past so often out of one family into another . but i do not know if our kings have been so wise as theopompus . b. as they have not been so prudent , do you imagine that the people were so foolish , as to neglect an occasion so opportune put into their hand ? or that they were so struck with fear , or seduced by flatteries , as to give themselves over into slavery willingly ? m. perhaps it was not . but if the people ( which indeed might be ) were so blind , that they did not see what might concerne their own good , or being careless would not see what might be for their benefit , so as to contemne it , should they not then be justly punished for their folly ? b. it is not probable , that any such thing was done , seeing we may see the contrary to be observed even to our dayes . for besides that wicked kings , as often as they intended tyranny over their subjects were alwayes restrained , some vestiges 〈◊〉 the ancient customes do yet continue in som● ancient familes . for the old scots even 〈◊〉 our very dayes do choose their heads of clans and having chosen them , do give them council of elders , to which councill who soever gives not obedience , is deprived 〈◊〉 all honour , and dignity . what therefore 〈◊〉 with very great care observed in the parts would they be negligent of for the security and safety of all ? and would they willingl● redact themselves into bondage to him , wh●● was to possess a lawfull kingdome in stea● of some benefit ? and would they freely giv● over their liberty acquired by vertue , defend●ed by armes , not interrupted for so many ages , to one not expecting it , without force● without war ? for the calamity of john bal●o● doth shew that that power was never granted to our kings , besides the punishments so often taken for their maladministration . who about two hundred and sixty years ago was by the nobility rejected , because he had subjected himself and his kingdome to the authority of edward king of england , and robert the first was substitute in his stead . the same doth also shew that perpetual custome continued from the beginning of our government . m. what custome do you speak of ? b. when our kings are publickly inaugurat , they solemnely promise to all the people , that they will observe the lawes , rites and old statutes of their predecessors , & use the ●ame power which they have received from them , that whole order of ceremonies doth shew , & the first entry of our kings into every city , from all which it may be easily understood , what kind of power they did receive from our predecessors , to wit , none other than that they swear to maintain the lawes being chosen by suffrages . this condition of reigning did god propose to david , and his posterity , and promiseth they should reigne so long , as they should obey the lawes he had given them , those things indeed they do , as is probable that our kings received from our ancestors a power not immense , but within certain limites bounded and limited . and further there was the confirmation of a long time , and the usurpation of a perpetual right by the people , never reprehended by a publick decree . m. but i fear it cannot be easily obtained of kings as being perswaded by that probability to condescend to these lawes however sworn unto , or usurped by the people : b. i also believe , it is no less hard to perswade the people to pass from the right received from their ancestors , approved by the use of so many ages , and practised by one continuall tenour . i do not think it needfull to proceed by conjectures what the people is to do , since i see what they have done already . but if by the obstinat pertinacy of both the business come to armes , he that prevaileth will give what law and right he pleaseth to the vanquished : but this will not longer continue than he who is vanquished , having again gathered together his forces , shall take up armes again . in all which contentions men usually still fight with very great damage of the people , but with the utter overthrow of kings . for from this spring do flow all the destructions of all kingdoms . m. it must needs be so . b. i have perhaps gone back further than was needfull ; to the end you might clearly understand what kind of government there was amongst us of old . for if i had reasoned with you according to the rigour of the law , i might have gained my poynt in a far more compendious way . m. albeit you have almost satisfied me already , yet i shall willingly hear what that is . b. i would then have you first of all to answer me this question . do you not approve the definition of law set down by lawyers , who say that law is , that which the people knew when demanded by him to whom the prerogative of demanding belongeth . m. indeed i do approve it . b. we have agreed , that the faults of lawes being found out , they may be amended or abrogat by the law givers . m. we did so . b. i suppose you perceive now , that such as are borne kings are by the lawes and suffrages of the people created , no less than those whom we said were elected ●n the beginning . and that in receiving of lawes there will not be remedies wanting in ●he people , who are the lawgivers , not on●y against force and fraud , but also against ne●ligence . m. i perceive that clearly . ● . only here is the difference , that the law ●oncerning our kings was made severall ages ●efore , and when any doth enter into the ●ingdome , there useth to be no new law ●ade , but the old law is approven , and ●●tified . but amongst those who have their ●eeting of estates at the election of every ●ing , the law useth to be made , the king ●reated and approved , and so to enter into ●s government . m. it is so . b. now if ●ou please , let us briefly recapitulat what we ●re at accord in from the very beginning . ●o that if ought be rashly approven , it may ●e retracted . m. i am content . b. first ●f all then , it seemes that a king is created 〈◊〉 the peoples sake , and that nothing more ●xcellent is given us of god than a good king , ●nd more pestilentious than a wicked king. ● : very right . b : we have also said that wicked king is called a tyrant . m· we ●●ve said so . b. and because there is not ●●ch plenty of good men , so as to choose those ●ho may prove good kings , nor so great a ●●ppiness of birth , as that good luck may ●●fer us those that are good : if we have not ●●ch as we would wish , yet we have such as ●ther consent hath approved , or chance hath ●●fered . now the hazard that occureth either in choosing new kings , or in appro●ving such as are given us by birth , was th● cause that we desired lawes , which migh● modify the government of kings . no● these lawes should be nothing else but th● express image ( as far as may be ) of a goo● prince . m. we are at accord in that als● b : it now remaineth , as i suppose , for 〈◊〉 to speak of the punishment of tyrants . m ▪ that only seemes to remain unspoken of . ● if then a king break all the bonds of lawes and plainly behave himself as a public enemy , what think you should be done this case ? m : indeed i am at a stand her for albeit the reasons you have given see● to convince me , that we ought to have 〈◊〉 society with that king , yet so great is t●● strength of a constant custome that in my opin●●on it hath the strength of a law : whi●● custome doth so closely cleave to men in the minds , that if at any time it hath brought an errour , better it is to tolerat it , than 〈◊〉 marre the constitution of the whole body whilst we endeavour to cure a disease that but small by custome . for such is the natur● of some diseases , that better it is to endu●● the pain they bring , than to call for doub● some remedies , in the applying whereo● albeit the cure may be wrought , yet th● bring such sharp paines in their cure , as th●● the cure of the disease is more pernicious th●● the disease it self . next , that whi●● troubles me more is , i see that governme●● which you call tyranny confirmed by the word of god , and what you abhorre as the ●●tter overthrow of lawes , god doth call ●he law of the kingdome ; the authority of ●hat passage of scripture doth move me more ●han all the arguments of philosophers . if you do not explain this to me , the comments of men will not be of so great account with ●e , but that i may instantly fall away to the adversaries side . b : you are , as i perceive , ●n the common errour , and that very grie●ous , who do endeavour to confirme tyranny by tyranny . for how great the tyranny of custome is in the minds of men , wherein ●t hath taken deepest root , and too often we have found it in this our age , herodotus an an●ient writer doth give us warning by an old example , but i need not old examples . be well advised . consider with your self how many things there be of great moment , wherein you following the dictates of reason have fallen from a custome inveterat so many ages past , so that now you might have learned by domestick experiments , that there is no custome more full of dangers than that which in a publick way they command us to follow . i bid you look well to it round about , how many ruines , and how great slaughters will you see therein ? but if it be more clear ( as we say ) than the very light , i need not tarry longer in proving or illustrating a thing so perspicuous . now as for that passage of scripture , which from the history of the kings you rather signify than explain , beware , i pray you , you think that the things which god doth abhorre in the life of tyrants , are by him allowed to kings . now lest this be , i bid you first consider what that people sought of the lord : then what causes of a new petition they had . lastly , what the lord did answer them . first , they ask a king , but what a king ? a lawfull king ? such a one they had . for samuel was given them by the lord , whose prerogative it was to set a king over them . he had for many years judged them lawfully according to prescript of gods law : but whilst in his old age his sons did judge , they did many things wickedly , and judged contrary to the lawes . i see no reason why they should ask the change , or rather amendement of the government , or expect the same from the lord , who not long before had quite rooted out the whole family of heli● almost for the like cause . what do they then ask ? a king , such as their neighbouring nations had , who at home might be a judge to them , and abroad a leader of their armies . now in effect such were tyrants . for as the people of asia are of a more servile disposition than those of europe , so did they the more easily obey the commands of tyrants . there is no mention made for ought i know , by any historian of any lawfull king in asia . moreover , it doth easily appear that a tyrant , and not a king is there described , in regard the lord in deuteronomy had prescribed to them a forme not only different from this in that place cited by you , but also plainly contrary thereto , according to which forme samuel and the other judges had judged so many years , which whilst they did reject , the lord complaines , that he was by them rejected . m : but the lord doth not call him tyrant , but ever king. b : he calles him indeed king : for it is peculiar to the lord , to use the common speech of the people , as often as he speaketh to a people . and therefore he maketh use of that word with the vulgar people : but lest an ambiguous use thereof might deceive , he doth eloquently expound what the use of that word was amongst neighbouring nations . m : as that may be true , yet that of the apostle paul doth urge us more narrowly , who commandeth us to pray for the safety of princes : he is so far from permitting us to revile government , much less to dethrone such as are invested therewith , or to kill them being thrown down . but what princes doth he recommend to our prayers ? the most cruell that ever were , tiberius , caligula , claudius , nero. for pauls epistles were almost contemporary with them . b. that you make so much account of the authority in paul , so as one sentence of his hath more weight with you than the writings of all philosophers and lawyers , i think you do well : but see that you consider well his judgment , or meaning : for you must not examine the words only , but in what time , to whom , and why he wrote . first then let us see what paul did write . for he writeth to titus chap. . put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers , and to be ready to every good work . i suppose , you see , what end of obedience and subjection he appoints . he likewise to timothy chap. . doth write , that we should pray for all men , even for kings , and other magistrats , that , saith he , we may live a peaceable life in all godliness and honesty . and here you see what end of praying he appoints : namely not for the kings safety , but the churches tranquillity , from which it will be no difficult thing to conceive also the forme of prayer . now in his epistle to the romans , he doth define a king near to a logick subtilty , for saith he , he is a minister to whom the sword is given by god , for punishing the wicked , and for cherishing and relieving the good . for saith chrisostome , these things are not by paul written of a tyrant , but of a true and lawfull magistrat , who is the vice-gerent of the true god on earth , whom whosoever resisteth , doth certainly resist the ordinance of god. now albeit we ought to pray for wicked princes , we should not thence conclude , that their vices should not be punished : nor will it more follow that we should not punish the rapines of robbers , for whom we are also commanded to pray . and if we should obey a good prince , it will not therefore follow that we should not resist a wicked prince . but if you consider the reason which did move paul to write these things look that the place or argument make not much against you . for he wrote this to chastise the rashness of some , who did deny the authority of magistrats to be necessary for christians· for since the power of magistrats is ordained against wicked men , that we may all live righteously , and an example of divine justice might remain amongst men , they affirmed that there was no use thereof amongst men , who abhorre so much the contagion of vices , as that they are a law to themselves . paul doth not therefore speak of those who bear rule as magistrats , but of magistracy it self , that is , of the function and office of those who rule : nor yet of one or other kind of magistracy , but of every forme of a lawfull magistracy . nor doth he debate with those who think that wicked magistrats should be restrained , but with those men who deny all authority of magistrats , who absurdly interpreting christian liberty , did affirme it to be an indignity for those that were made free by the son of god , and ruled by the spirit of god , to be under the power of any man. that paul might refute their errour , he sheweth , that magistracy is a thing not only good , but also sacred , namely an ordinance of god , and for that end institute , that the assemblies and incorporations of men might be so continued , that they might acknowledge gods benefites towards them , and might forbear to wrong one another . god commanded them to be keepers of his lawes who were constitute in dignity . now if we confess lawes to be good ( as indeed they are ) and the keepers thereof worthy of honour , we will be forced to confess that the office of the keepers is a good and profitable thing . but magistracy is terrible , but to whom ? to the good , or bad ? to the good it is not a terrour : it being to them a defence from injury : but to wicked men it is a terrour : it is not so to you , who are ruled by the spirit of god. but you will say to me , what need have i then to be subject to magistracy , if i be the lords freeman ? yea , that you may approve your self to be the lords freeman , obey his lawes : for the spirit of the lord , by whom you boast to be led and governed , is both the law-giver , and approver of magistrats , and also the author of obedience to magistrats . we therefore in this will easily agree together , that there is need of magistracy even in the best common-wealths , and that we should every way honour the same . but if any man think otherwise , we account him mad , infamous and worthy of all punishment . for he doth plainly contraveen the will of god revealed to us in the scriptures . but as for caligula , nero , domitian , and such like tyrants , why they should not be punished as breakers of divine and humane law , you have nothing here from paul , who treats of the power of magistrats , but not of the wicked ministers of that power , nor will they be at all magistrats , if you examine that kind of tyrants according to pauls rule . but if any will debate that wicked princes are also ordained by god , look that this his discourse be not captious . for ( as they say in proverb ) god may put a hard wedge to cleave a hard knot , so doth he set up a wicked man for punishing of wicked men : but no man in his right wits dare affirme , that god is therefore the author of evill , or wickedness , even as no man is ignorant that he is the author of punishing wicked men . a good magistrat also for the most part chooseth a wicked man to be an hangman for punishing guilty persons . and albeit indeed that a magistrat doth assume such an hangman for that office , yet no impunity is granted him or all his misdeeds . nor will the magistrat have him to be so above the lawes , as that he cannot be questioned thereby . i will not stay longer upon this similitude , lest court flatterers cry out that i speak basely of the supreame magistrat . but however they exclaime , certainly this they cannot deny , that the hangmans function is a part of the publick office , and perhaps of the royall office , or at least by the testimony of very kings : who complain that their majesty and person is wronged , as oft as any of their publick ministers is wronged , or violence done to them . now the punishment of wicked malefactors , and what ever else of that kind , doth belong to the kings office . what say you of majors or provosts in towns ? what of generals of armies ? what of baillies . what of sherifs ? doth not paul command us to be subject to them ? doth he hold them for private persons ? now an account useth to be taken for mal-administration of all , not only of inferiour magistrats ; but also of such as are equal to kings . i would therefore have them , who from pauls words do dreame that so great a power is given to kings , to shew me from him , that kings only are here to be understood by the name of power , and therefore they only are to be exeemed from the punishment of lawes : or if , when we say powers , other magistrats be also understood by the same author , who are ordained by god for the same use : i would have them also to shew me where all magistrats are loosed from the lawes , and pronounced free from the fear of punishment : or if this immunity be granted to kings only , but denyed to others who are set in authority . m. but paul will have all to be subject to the higher powers . b : he commandeth so indeed , but by this name of power he must needs comprehend other magistrats , unless perhaps we imagine that paul doth think no power at all to be in those commonwealths , which have not kingly government , but plainly an anarchy therein . m : i do not believe that , nor is it probable : and the rather i am of this opinion , because the current of all the most learned interpreters on the place make for you : who think that pauls dispute there was against those that affirmed that no lawes and magistrats did at all belong to them . b : what say you to that which i lately spoke . do you think , that those tyrants before mentioned of all men the most cruell , are meant by the apostle ? m : yes , but what produce you against me to hinder me from the belief thereof ? especially seeing jeremy doth earnestly advise the jewes , and that by command of god , to obey the king of assyria , and by no means to reject his authority , and thence they inferre by the like reason , that obedience should be given to other tyrants also how cruell soever . b : that i may answer first to what you last spoke , you must take notice , that the prophet doth not command the jewes to obey all tyrants , but the king of assyria alone : now if you would conclude the forme of a law from that which is commanded to be done to one single person , first you are not ignorant ( for logick hath taught you that ) what a great absurdity you will make , next you will be in danger to be assaulted by the opposers of tyranny with the like weapons : for you must either shew what singular thing there is in that matter , or propose it to be imitat by all every where , or if you cannot do this , you must acknowledge , that whatever is enjoyned concerning any one person by any speciall command of god , it doth alike belong to all . if you shall once admit this ( which you must needs do ) it will be instantly objected , that ahab was killed by gods command , and a reward was also promised and performed to him that should kill him . when ever therefore you betake your self to that refuge , you must obey all tyrants : because god by his prophet did command his people to obey one tyrant . it will be instantly replyed , that all tyrants ought also to be killed , because ahab at the command of god was killed by the captain of his host . therefore i advise you to provide a more firme defence from scripture for tyrants , or then laying the same aside at present you may have your recourse to the philosophers schoole . m : i shall indeed think upon it . but in the mean time let us returne from whence we have disgressed . what do you bring from scripture , why tyrants may be lawfully killed . b : first of all i profer this , that seeing it is expresly commanded to cut off wickedness and wicked men , without any exception of rank or degree , and yet in no place of sacred scripture are tyrants more spared than private persons . next , that the definition of powers delivered by paul doth not wholly belong to tyrants , because they accommodat not the strength of their authority for the benefit of the people , but for fulfilling their own lusts . further we should diligently consider how much power paul doth grant to bishops , whose function he doth highly and truely praise , as being some way like unto kings , as far as the nature of both their functions can admit . for bishops are physicians of internall diseases , as kings are physicians of externall distempers , and yet he would neither of them to be free from , or not liable to the jurisdiction of the other . and even as bishops are subject to kings in the exercise of their civil government , so ought kings tobey the spirituall admonitions of bishops . now albeit the amplitude and dignity of bishops be so great , yet no law divine or humane doth exeeme them from the punishment of crimes . and to pass by others . the very pope , who is accounted the bishop of bishops , who so exalts himself above all kings , that he would be accounted a certain god amongst men , yet is he not exempted from the punishment of lawes , no not by his own canonists , a kind of men very devoted to him . for seeing they would think it absurd that god ( for they do not hesitat to call him thus ) should be obnoxious to mens censure , and think it unjust that the greatest crimes and most filthy abominations should pass unpunished in any , and yet they have found out a way whereby crimes may be punished , and the pope accounted sacred & inviolable . for the priviledge of the pope is one thing , and of that man who is pope is another , say they , and whilst they exeeme the pope ( whom they deny can erre ) from the cognition of the lawes , yet do they confess him to be a man obnoxious to vices and punishment of vices : nor have they more subtilly than severely declared their judgment herein . it would be tedious to rehearse , what popes ( to speak after their usuall way ) what men personating popes , who not only alive were forced to renounce their popedome , but being dead were pulled out of their graves , and thrown into tiber. but to omit old histories . the recent memory of pope paul the fourth is fresh in our mind , for his own rome did witness a publick hatred against him by a new kind of decree . for they vented their fury ( he being by death taken away ) against his nearest kinsfolk , his statues and painted images or pictures . nor should this interpretation seeme more subtil , whereby we separat the power from the person in power , than philosophy doth acknowledge , and the ancient interpreters do opprove , nor is the rude multitude and strangers to subtile disputing ignorant thereof ; for the meanest tradsmen take it for no blot upon their trade , if a smith or baker be hanged for robbery , but are rather glad that their society is purged of such villains . but if there be any of another mind , i think it is to be feared , that he seemes to be rather grived at those mens punishment with whom he is associat in their villany ▪ than for the infamy of their society . i am of the opinion , if kings would abandon the counsells of wicked men and flatterers and measure their own greatness rather by duties of vertue , than by the impunity of evill deeds , they would not be grieved for the punishment of tyrants , nor think that royall majesty is lessened by whatsomever destruction of tyrants , but rather be glad that it is purged from a most filthy blot of wickedness : especially seeing they use to be highly offended with robbers , and that very justly , if any of them in their malefices pretend the kings name . m : forsooth , they have just cause , but laying these things aside a i would have you go on to the other head you proposed . b : what heads do you mean ? m : namely in what time , and to whom paul wrote those things , for i desire to know what the knowledge thereof doth make for the argument in hand . b : i shall herein obey you also . and first i shall speak of the time , paul wrote these things in the very infancy of the church , in which time it was not only necessary to be blameless , but none was to give occasion to such as sought occasion of reproaching , and unjust causes of staining the professors of christianity : next he wrote to men of severall nations , and so gathered together into one society out of the whole body of the roman empire , amongst whom there were but few very rich , yea almost none , who either had ruled , or could rule , or were in any great account amongst their fellow citizens , they were not so many in number , and these almost but strangers , and for the most part but lately freed of bondage , and others but tradsmen and servants . amongst them there were many who did further pretend christian liberty , than the simplicity of the gospell could suffer . now this company of people out of the promiscuous multitude , which did won their living , though meanly , by hard labour , was not to be so carefull of the state of the common wealth , of the majesty of the empire , and of the conversation and duty of kings , as of the publick tranquility , and their domestick affairs , nor could they justly claime any more , than to ly lurking under the shadow of what ever government they were under . if that people had attempted to lay hold upon any part of government they should have been accounted not only foolish , but , mad . nor should they come out of their lurking holes to breed trouble to those that did hold the helme of publick affaires in hand . immature licentiousnes was also to be repressed , an unfit interpreter of christian liberty . what then doth paul write ? doubtless , new precept no but only these usuall precepts , namely , that subjects should obey their rulers , servants their masters , and wives their hus bands , nor should we think the lords yoke , how light soever doth liberat us of the bonds of our duty , but vvith a more attentive mind than before to be bound thereunto , so that we should omit nothing through all the degrees of duties in our relations , that might any wayes make for acquiring the favour and goodwill of men . and so it should come to pass , that the name of god should be well spoken of amongst the gentiles because of us , and the glory of the gospell more largely propagate . for performing of these things , there was need of publick peace , the keepers whereof were princes and magistrats , albeit wicked . may it please you , that i set before you a manifest representation hereof ? imagigine that one of our doctors doth write to the christians , that live under the turks , to men , i say , of mean fortune , fore dejected in mind , weak and few in number , and exposed to the injuries of all and every one . what else , i ask you , would he advise them , than what paul did advise the church that then was at rome , or what jeremy advised the exiles in assyria ? now this is a most sure argument that paul had a regard to those mens condition to whom he did write , and not to all others , because he diligently sets home the mutuall duties of husbands towards thier wives , of wives towards thier hus bands , of parents towards thier children , and of children towards their parents , of servants towards thier masters , and of masters towards thier servants . and albeit he writes what the duty of a magistrat is , yet he doth not give them any particular compellation , ( as he had done in the preceeding relations . ) for which cause we shall judge that he gave no other precepts for kings and others in authority : especially seeing thier lust was to be much more restrained , that of private persons ? what other cause may we imagine , than that at that time there were no kings or magistrats in the church to whom he might write ? imagine that paul doth now live in our dayes , wherein not only the people , but princes also profess christianity . at the same time , let there be some prince , who doth conceive that not only should humane lawes , but also divine lawes be subject to his lust and pleasure , and who will have not only his decrees , but also his very nods to be accounted for lawes , like that man in the gospel , who neither did feare god , nor reverence man , who distributes the church revenues amongst villains and rascals , if i may so say ; and doth mock the sincere worshipers of god , and accounts them but fools and mad men , or fanaticks : what would paul write of such to the church ? if he were like himself , he would certainly deny that he should be accounted a magistrat . he would interdict all christians to have any communion with him , either in dyet , speech , or converse , and leave him to the people to be punished by the lawes , and would think they did nothing but their duty , if they should account him not to be their king , with whom they were to have no fellowship by the law of god. but there will not be wanting some court slaves , or sycophants , who finding no honest refuge , become so impudent , as to say , that god being angry against a people doth set tyrants over them : whom as hangmen he appoints for punishing them . which to be true i do confess ; yet it is true , that god many times doth stirre up from amongst the lowest of the people some very mean , and obscure men to revenge tyrannicall pride and weakness : for god , ( as before is said ) doth command wicked men to be cut-off : and doth except neither degree , sexe , or condition , nor yet any man. for kings are not more acceptable to him than beggars . therefore , we may truely averre , that god being alike the ●●her of all , to whose providence nothing lyes 〈◊〉 , and whose power nothing can resist , will 〈◊〉 leave any wickedness unpunished . more●●er , another will stand up and ask some ●●ample out of scripture of a king punished 〈◊〉 his subjects : which albeit i could not pro●●ce , yet it will not presently follow , that ●ecause we do not read such a thing therein to ●●ve been done , that it should be accounted 〈◊〉 an high crime and malefice . i may rehearse ●mongst many nations very many and sound ●awes , whereof in holy write there is no ●xample . for as the consent of all nations ●oth approve , that what the law doth com●and , is accounted just , and what it forbid●eth , is unjust , so since the memory of man 〈◊〉 was never forbidden , that what should not ●e contained in lawes , should not at all be ●one . for that servitude was never received , ●or will the nature of things so fruitfull of new examples suffer the same to be received , that whatever is not by some law commanded , or recorded by some famous example , should be accounted for a great crime and malefice . if therefore any man shall ask of me an example out of the sacred scriptures , wherein the punishment of wicked kings is approven , i shall again ask him , where is the same reprehended ? but if nothing done without some example doth please : how many civil statutes shall we have continued with us ? how many lawes ? for the greatest part thereof is not taken out of any old example , but established against new deceits and that witho●● example . but we have already answered th●●se that require examples more than was nee●●full : now if the jewish kings were not p●●nished by their subjects , they make not muc● for our purpose in hand . for they were not first created by the people , but were by go● given them . and therefore very justly , 〈◊〉 who was the author of that honour , was 〈◊〉 punish their misdeeds . but we debate , th●● the people , from whom our kings enjoy wh●●●ever priviledge they claime , is more pow●●●full than their kings : and that the who●● people have that same priviledge over them which they have over every one in particula● of the whole people . all the rights and priv●●ledges of forrain nations , who live unde● lawfull kings do make for us : all the nation● which are subject to kings chosen by themselves , do commonly agree herein , that whatever priviledge the people hath given to any the same they may require again very justly ▪ all commonwealths have still retained th●● priviledge . therefore lentulus , having con●spired with catiline for overturning the commonwealth of rome , was compelled to renounce his praetorship , and the decemviri , the makers of the roman lawes , were taken order with , even whilst they enjoyed th● supream authority : some dukes of venice , and chilpericus king of france , laying aside their royall honours , as private men spen● their dayes in monasteries . and not long ago ▪ christiernus king of the danes , twenty years almost after he was deprived of his kingdome did end his life in prison . now the dictatorship ( which was a kind of tyranny ) was in the peoples power . and this priviledge hath been constantly observed , that publick benefices granted amiss , and the liberty granted to ingrate persons set at liberty ( whom lawes do very much favour ) might be taken back again . these things we have spoken of forrain nations , lest we alone seeme to have usurped any new priviledge against our kings . but as to what doth properly belong to us , the matter might have been handled in few words . m : what way ? for this i am very desirous to heare . b : i might enumerat twelve or more kings , who for great crimes and flagitious deeds have been either adjudged to perpetuall imprisonment , or escaped the just punishment of their wickedness either by exile or voluntary death . but lest any blame me for relating old and obsolete stories , if i should make mention of culen , even , and ferchard , i shall produce some few within the memory of our forefathers . all the estates in a publick convention judged james the third to have been justly killed , for his great cruelty and flagitious wickedness towards his subjects , and did caution that none of them who had aided , consented , or contributed money , or had been active therein to be called thereafter into question therefore . that they therefore did judge the deed to be duely and orderly done , it being once down , doubtless they desired it might be set down for an example in tim● coming , surely no less , than l : quintiu● sitting in judgment did commend serviliu● ahalus for having killed before the bench sp● mellus turning his back and refusing to com●pear into judgment , and that he was not guilty of blood shed , but thought him to be nobi●litat by the slaughter of a tyrant , and al● posterity did affirme the same . what subjec● hath ever approved the slaughter of one affec●ting tyranny ? what do you suppose would he have done with a tyrant robbing the good of his subjects and shedding their blood what hath our men done ? do not they seem● to have made a law , who by a publick decre● without any punishment have past by a flagiti●ous crime committed , if such like shall happe● in time coming ? for at most there is no diffe●rence whether you judge concerning tha● which is done , or make a law concerning what is to be done . for both wayes a judg●ment is past concerning the kind of the crime and concerning the punishment or reward o● the actor . m. these things will perhaps hav● some weight amongst us . but i know not how other nations abroad will take them . you se● i must satisfy them . not as in a judiciall way i were to be called in question for the crime ▪ but openly amongst all concerning the fame not mine ( for i am far from any suspition thereof ) but of my countrey men . for i am afraid , lest forrain nations will rather blam● the decrees , wherewith you suppose you are sufficiently protected , than the crime it self full of cruelty and hatred , but you know , if i mistake not , what is usually spoken according to the disposition and opinion of every one on both hands , concerning the examples you have proposed . i would therefore ( because you seeme to have expeded what is past , not so much from the decrees of men , as from the springs of nature ) you would briefly expound if you have ought to ●ay for the equity of that law. b. albeit that may seeme unjust to stand at the bar to plead amongst forrainers for a law approved from the very first times of our scots government by kings , by the constant practice of so many ages ago , necessary for the people , not unjust for kings , but lawfull , but now at last accused of illegality ; yet for your sake i shall try it . and as if i were debating with those very men who would trouble you , i first ask this . what do you think here worthy of reprehension ? is it the cause ? why is it sought for ? or is it the law it self which you reprehended ? for the law was sought for repressing the unjust lusts of kings . whoever doth condemne this , must likewise condemne all the lawes of all nations , for all lawes were desired for the very same cause . do you reprehend the law it self ? do you think it lawfull that kings be exempted of , or not lyable to the lawes ? let us then see if that be also expedient . and for proving that it is not expedient for the people , there needs not many words . for it in the former discourse we have rightly compared a king to a physician , as it is not expedient for people that impunity be permitted to a physician for killing whom he pleaseth , so it is not for the good of all , that a promiscuous licence be granted to kings for making havock of all . we have no cause then to be offended with a people , whose chief power it is in making lawes , if as they desire a good king to be set over them , even so a law to be set over a king none of the best . but if this law be not for the kings use , or profit , let us see if the people should be dealt with to remit somewhat of their priviledge , and of abrogating it not for the space of three dayes , but according to our usuall way we indict a parliament to meet within fourty dayes . in the mean time , that we may reason together concerning the law , tell me , doth he seeme to respect the good of a mad man , who looseth his bonds ? m. not at all . b. what do you think of him who giveth to a man sick of a feaver , so as he is not far from madness , a drink of cold water though earnestly craving it , do you think he deserveth well of that sick man ? m. but i speak of kings of a sound mind . i deny that there is any need of medicine for such as are in health , nor of lawes for kings of a sound mind . but you would have all kings to seeme wicked , for you impose lawes upon all . b. i do not think that all kings are wicked . nor do i think all the people to be wicked , and yet the law in one voice doth speak to the whole people . now wicked men are afraid at that voice , good people do not think it belongs to them . thus good kings have no cause to be offended at this law , and wicked kings , if they were wise , would render thanks to the law giver , who hath ordained what he understood would not be pro●●table for them , nor to be lawfull for them to do . which indeed they will not do , if so be they shall once returne again to their right mind . even as they who are restored to health do render thanks to their physician , whom before they had hated , because he would not grant their desires whilst they were sick . but if kings continue in their madness , who ever doth most obey them , is to be judged their greatest enemy . of this sort are flatterers , who by flattering their vices do cherish and increase their disease , and at last together almost with kings are utterly ruined . m. i cannot indeed deny , but that such princes have been & may be restrained by law-bonds . for there is no monster more violent and more pestiferous than man , when ( as it is in the poets fables ) he is once degenerat into a beast . b. you would much more say so , if you consider how many wayes a man becomes a beast , and of how many severall monsters he is made . which thing the old poets did acuely observe and notably express , when they say that prometheus in the framing of man did give him some particle out of every living creature . it would be an infinite work for me to relate the natures of all one by one . but certainly two most vile monsters do evidently appear in man , wrath and lust . but what else do lawes act or desire , but that these monsters be obedient to right reason ? and whilst they do not obey reason , may not lawes by the bonds of their sanctions restrain them ? who ever the● doth loose a king or any other from these bonds doth not loose one man , but throwes in against reason two monsters exceeding cruell and armeth them for breaking asunder the barrs of lawes : so that aristotle seemeth to have rightly and truely said , that he who obeyeth the law , doth obey both god and the law : but he that obeyeth the king , doth obey both a man and a beast . m. albeit the●se things seeme to be said appositely enough yet i think we are in a mistake two wayes ▪ first , because the last things we have spoken seem not to agree well enough with the first ▪ next , because , as we may well know w● seem not to have yet come to the main poin● of our debate . for a litle before we were a● agreement that the voice of the king and law ought to be the same , here again we make him subject to the lawes . now though we grant this to be very true , what have we gaine● by this conclusion ? for who shall call to a● account a king become a tyrant ? for i fear priviledge without strength will not be po●werfull enough to restrain a king forgetfu●● of his duty , and unwilling to be drawn unt● judgment , to answer for maladministration . b. i fear ye have not well pondered what we have before debated concerning the royall power . for if ye had well considered it , you had easily understood what you now have said , that betwixt them there is no contradiction . but that you may the more easily take it up , first answer we , when a magistrat or clerk doth utter the words of a proclamation before an herauld . is not the voice of both one and the same ? i say of an herauld and of a clerk ? m. it is the same indeed . b. which of the two seeme greatest ? m. he who first doth utter the words . b. what is the king who is the author of the edict . m. greater than both . b. then according to this similitude let us set down the king , the law , and the people . the voice is the same both of king and law. which of the two hath the authority from the other ? the king from the law , or the law from the king ? m. the king from the law. b. from whence collect you that ? m. because the king was not sought for to restrain the law , but the law to restrain the king. and from the law he hath that , whereby he is a king , for without the law he would be a tyrant . b. the law then is more powerfull than the king : and is as a governess , and moderatrix both of his lust and actions . m. that is already granted . b. what ? is not the voice of the people and the law the same ? m. the very same . b. which of the two is most powerfull , the people or the law ? m. i think , the whole people . b. why do you think so ? m. because the people is as it were the parent of the law , certainly the author thereof , they being able to make or abrogat it , as they please . b. seeing then the law is more powerfull than the king , and the people more powerfull than the law , we must see before which we may call the king to answer in judgment . let us also discuss this . are not the things which for some others sake are institute , of less account than those for whose sake they are required or sought ? m. i would have that more clearly explained . b. follow me thus ; is not a bridle made for the horse sake ? m. it is so . b. are not sadless , girdings and spurrs made for horses ? m. they are . b. now if there were no horse , there should be no use of such things . m. none at all . b. a horse is then better than all these . m. why not ? b. why ? a horse , for what use is he desired ? m. for very many uses , and first of all for obtaining victory in war. b. we therefore do esteeme the victory to be of more worth than horses , armes and other things , which are prepared for the use of war. m. of more worth indeed it is . b. what did men especially regard in creating a king ? m. the peoples good , as i suppose . b. but would there be no need of kings , if there were no socities of men ? m. none at all . b. the people then is better than the king. m. it must needs be so . b. if the people to better , they are also greater . when a king then is called to judgment before a people , the lesser is called in to judgment before the greater . m. but when shall we hope for that happiness , that the whole people agree unto that which is right . b. that indeed is scarce to be hoped for . and to expect it , is certainly needless : otherwise a law could neither be made , nor a magistrat created . for neither is almost any law alike to all , nor is there almost any man in that popular favour , so as to have no man either an enemy to him , or envious or slanderer of him ; this now is desired , that the law be usefull for the greatest part , and that the greatest part have a good opinion of him that is to be chosen . what if the greatest part of the people may enjoyne a law to be made , and creat a magistrat , what doth hinder , but that they also may judge him , and appoint judges over him ? or if the tribunes of the people of rome , and the lacedemonian ephori were sought to modify the power of magistracy , should it seeme unjust to any man , if a free people , either upon the like or different account , did foresee their own good in suppressing the bitterness of tyranny ? m. now i seeme almost to preceive what a people can do : but it is a matter of difficulty to judge what they will do , or appoint to be done . for the greatest part almost doth require old and usuall customes , and hateth novelty , which the rather is to be admired , seeing there is so great an inconstancy in meat , apparell , buildings , and in all houshold furniture . b. do not think that these things are spoken by me , that i would have any new thing in this kind to be done , but that i might shew you it hath been of old , that a king should answer in judgment before judges , which you did believe to be almost incredible , or at least a novelty . for to pass over , how often it hath been done by our ancestors , as partly before we have said , and you may also easily collect from history ; did you never hear of those who contended for the kingdome to have appealed to arbiters ? m. i have indeed heard it to have been sometimes done amongst the persians . b. and our writers affirme that the same was done by grimas and milcolumbus . but lest you alleadge that that kind of arbiters were wount to be assumed by the contenders own consent , let us come to the ordinary judges . m. here i am afraid you may as far prevail , as if a man should spread nets in the sea to catch whales . b. why so , i pray you ? m. because all apprehending , restraint , and punishment is carryed on by the more powerfull against the weaker . but before what judges will you command a king to compear ? before them over whom he hath the supream power to judge ? whom he can compesce by this one word , i forbid ; b. what if some greater power be found which hath that right priviledge or jurisdiction over kings , which kings have over others ? m. i desire to hear that . b. we told you , if you remember , that this power is in the people . m. in the whole people indeed , or in the greatest part thereof . i also yeeld thus further , that it is in those to whom the people , or the greatest part of them shall transmit that power . b. you do well , in holding in my pains . m. but you know that the greatest part of the people is corrupted either through fear , or reward , or through some hope of a bribe and impunity , so as they preferre their own benefit and pleasures or lusts to the publick utility , and also safety . now there are very few who are not hereby moved : according to that of the poet. good people are indeed rare , scarce so many in number , as there be gates in thebes , or issues of the river nilus . now all the rest being a naughty rable fatned with blood and rapine enjoy their venal liberty , and envy the liberty of others . now that i may pass from those with whom the name of wicked kings also is sacred . i also omit those , who , albeit they are not ignorant what is lawfull and just or right , yet preferre a quiet slougfulness to honest hazards , and hesitating in their minds do frame their consultations on the expectation of the event : or follow the good fortune of either party ▪ but not the cause . how great this multitude will be , you see . b. great indeed : but yet not very great . for the wrong of tyrants may reach many , but their good deeds very few . for the advarice of the vulgar is insatiable , as a fire is the more vehemently kindled by adding few all thereto ! but what is by force taken away from many , doth rather increase the hunger of some few , than satiat their lust . and further the fidelity of such men for the most part is unstable . as saith the poet. fidelity doth stand and fall with fortune . but if they would also continue firme in their judgment , they should not be accounted in the number of good subjects , for they are the violators , or rather betrayers of humane society : which vice if not sufferable in a king , is far less tolerable in a private person . who then are to be accounted the right subjects ? they who give obedience to the lawes , maintain and defend humane society , who rather undergo all paines and labours , and all hazards for common safety , than spend their time sluggishly in idleness void of all honesty ? who set before their eyes not their present enjoyments , but the remembrance of eternity . but if there be any whom fear and self interest recall from hazards , yet the splendor of some notable atchievment , and the beauty of vertue will raise up dejected minds : and those who dare not be authors or leaders , will not decline to become associats . if therefore subjects be reckoned , not by number , but by dignity and worth , not only the better part , but also the greater part will stand for their liberty , honesty and safety . but if the whole common people dissent , this sayes nothing to our present debate : for we demand not what is to be done , but what may lawfully be done . but now let us come to the ordinary judiciall sentences : m : that i just now look for . b : if any private man contend that his inheritance , or some part of his land is unjustly detained by the king , what do you think should this privat man do ? shall he pass from his land , because he cannot set a judge over the king ? m : not at all , but he may command not the king , but his proxy to compear in judgment . b : now see what strength that refuge hath whereof you make use . for it is all one to me , whether the king compear , or his proxy , or advocat , for both wayes , the litis-contestation will redound to the kings loss : the dammage or gain will redound to him not to his advocat by the event of the sentence . in end he is found guilty , that is , he whose cause is agitat . now i would have you consider not only how absurd it is , but also unjust to pass sentence against a king for a perty inheritance for lights in a house , or for ease droppings thereof , and no sentence to be past for parricide , witchcraft , or treason . to make use of the severity of the law in lesser matters , and the greatest licence and impunity to be permitted in the greatest crimes . so that that old proverb seemes plainly true , lawes are very like spiders webs , which hold flies fast , but let bigger beasts pass through , nor is that complaint and indignation of some just , who say that it is neither honest nor equitable , that judgment should pass against a king by a man of an inferrour rank , seeing they see it received and admitted in debate about money or land ; and the greatest peers next to the king for the most part compear before the judges , who are inferiour to them in riches , nobility , and valour . and not much above the vulgar rank : and far more below the guilty , than the greatest peers are below kings . nor yet for all this do these noble men , or peers think it any derogation to their dignity . now if we shall once admit this , that no man can be sisted before a judge , unless the judge be every way superior to the person arraigned , the inferiour rank must attend and wait on untill the king either please , or be at leisure , to cognosce concerning the guilty noble man , but what if their complaint be not only unjust , but also false ? for no man coming before a judge doth come before an inferiour person , especially seeing so great an honour is by god himself conferred upon the order of judges , that he calleth them not only kings but also gods , and as much as can be , doth communicat to them his own dignity . therefore those roman popes , who did graciously indulge kings to kiss their feet , who did send for honours sake to such as came to meet them , their mules , who did tread upon the neeks of emperours , being called to answer in judgment , did obey , and being compelled by judges renounced their popedome . john the twenty second being from flight brought back , was thrust into prison , and scarce at last relieved by money , and submitted to him that was put into his place , and therefore he did approve the sentence of the judges . what did the synode of basile ▪ did it not appoint and ordain by the common consent of all the members thereof , that the pope is subject to the councill of priests . now these fathers were perswaded upon what account they did so , which you may find out of the acts of these councills . kings then who confess the majesty of popes to be so far above them , as that it doth overshadow them all with the top of its celsitude , i know not how they think therein their dignity to be diminished , wherein the pope did not think he was disparaged to descend from so high athrone , namely to stand to the judgment and sentence of the cardinals : hereby you may see how falce their complaint is , who disdain to be arraigned at the bar of an inferiour judge , for it is not titius , sempronius , or stichus that doth in a judiciary way condemne and assoile , but the law , to which kings should yeeld obedience . the most famous emperours theodosius and valentinianus accounted honourable . i shall here set down their own words , because they deserve the memory of all ages . it is ( say they ) a word well beseeming the majesty of a king to confess he is a prince tyed to the lawes . and we declare that it is more to submit a principality to the lawes than to enjoy an empire . and what we now declare by this our edict , we will not suffer to be infringed . these things the very best princes judged right and by law established , and some of the worst see the same . for nero being apparelled in the dress of harpers , is said to have not only observed their carriage and motions , but also when it came to be judged who had done best , that he stood solicitous betwixt hope and fear for the victory . for albeit he knew he would be declared victor , yet he thought the victory would be the more honest , if he should obtain it , not by the flattery of the judges , but by due debate : and he thought the observation of the law did contribute not for the diminution of his authority , but for the splendor of the victory . m : your discourse , i perceive , is not so insolent , as at first i took it , when you said , you would have kings obedient to the lawes : for it is not so much founded upon the authority of philosophers , as of kings , emperours and councils of the church . m : but i do not well understand that you say , it is not man but the law that judgeth . b : call to mind what was said a little before : did we not say , that the voice of the king and of the law is the same ? m : we did so . b : what the voice of the clerk , and herauld is , when the law is published ? m : the very same . b : but which of the two hath the authority from the other , whether the judge from the law , or the law from the judge ? m : the judge from the law. b : the strength of the sentence is then from the law , and the pronunciation of the words of the law is alone the judges . m : it seemes so . b : yea , there is nothing more certain , for the the sentences of judges pronounced according to the law are ratified , else they are reseinded . m : there is nothing more true than that . b : you see then that the judges authority is from the law , and not the lawes authority from the judge . m : i see it is so . b : the low and mean condition of him that proclaimeth the law doth not diminish the dignity thereof , but the dignity of the lawes is still the same , whether the king , a judge , or an herauld proclame it . m : it is so indeed . b. the law then being once established , is first the voice of the king and then of others . m : it is so . b : whilst then the king is condemned by a judge , he seemes to be condemned by the law. m : that is very clear . b : if by the law , then he is condemned by his own voice , as seemes , no less than if it were written with his own hand . b : why then do we so much weary our selves concerning a judge , seeing we have the kings own confession , that is to say , the law ? let us also consider this , which is but presently come into my minde . when a king in what cause soever doth sit in judgment as a judge , should he not lay aside the person of all others , and to have no respect to brother , kinsman , friend or foe , but retain only the person of a judge ? m : he ought so to do . b : ought he not to remember that person only , whose proper act it is he is about . m : i would have you tell me that more clearly . b : take heed then : when any man doth secretly take away another mans goods , what do we say he hath done ? m : i think , he hath stollen them . b : how do you call him for this deed ? m : a thief . b : how do you say he hath done , who makes use of his neighbours wise , as him own ? m : we say he hath committed adultery . b : how shall we call him ? m : an adulterer . b. how do we call him that judgeth ? m : a judge . b. to others also after this manner from the actions they are about , names may berightly give . m. they may . b : when a king then is to pass a sentence , he is to lay aside all other persons . m : indeed he should , especially those that may prejudge either of the parties in judging . b : how do you call him against whom the sentence is past , from that act of judgment ? m : we may call him , guilty . b : and is it not equitable that a judge lay aside such persons as may prejudge the sentence ? m : certainly he should , if so be , such persons be more regarded than the cause : yet such persons pertain not to a judge . seeing god will have no respect to be had to the poor in judgment . b : if then any man , who is a painter or a grammarian debate before a judge concerning the art of painting against a painter , he is not a grammarian , for the science of grammer should not herein availe him . m : nothing at all . b : nor the art of painting availe the other , if the debate be concerning grammer . m : not a white more . b : a judge then in judgment must acknowledge but one name , to wit , of the crime , or guilt , whereof the adversary or plaintife doth accuse his party or defendant to be guilty . m : no more . b : what if a king be guilty of parricide , hath he the name of a king , and what ever doth belong to a judge ? m : nothing at all , but only of a parricide , for he commeth not into controversy concerning his kingdome , but concerning his parricide . b : what if two parricides be called to answer in judgment , the one a king , and the other a poor fellow , shall not there be a like way of procedure by the judge of both ? m : the very same with both , so that i think that of lucan is no less true than elegantly spoken . viz cesar was both my leader and fellow in passing over the rhine . whom a malefice doth make guilty , it maketh alike . b : true indeed . the process then is not here carried on against a king and a poor man , but against their parricides : for then the process should be led on concerning the king , if it should be asked which of the two ought to be king : or if it come into question , whether hiero be king or a tyrant , or if any other thing come into question which doth properly belong to the kings function . even as if the sentence be concerning a painter , when it is demanded , hath he skill in the art of painting . m : what if a king will not willingly compear , nor by force can be compelled to compear . b : then the case is common with him as with all other flagitious persons . for no thief or warlock will willingly compear before a judge to be judged . but i suppose , you know , what the law doth permit , namely to kill any way a thief stealing by neight , and also to kill him if he defend himself when stealing by day . but if he cannot be drawn to compear to answer but by force , you remember what is usually done for we pursue by force and armes such robbers as are more powerfull than that by law they can be reached . nor is there almost any other cause of all the warres betwixt nations people and kings than those injuries which , whilst they cannot be determined by justice , are by armes decided . m : against enemes indeed for these causes warres use to be carried on , but the case is far otherwise with kings , to whom by a most sacred oath interposed we are bound to give obedience . b : we are indeed bound : but they do first promise that they shall rule in equity and justice . m : it is so . b : there is then a mutuall paction betwixt the king and his subjects . m : it seemes so . b : doth not he who first recedes from what is covenanted , and doth contrary to what he hath covenanted to do , break the contract and covenant ? m : he doth . b : the bond then being loosed , which did hold fast the king with the people , what ever priviledge or right did belong to him , by that agreement and covenant who looseth the same , i suppose is lost . m : it is lost . b : he then with whom the covenant was made becometh as free as ever he was before the stipulation . m : he doth clearly enjoy the same priviledge , & the same liberty . b : now if a king do those things which are directly for the dissolution of society , for the continuance where of he was created , how do we call him ? m : a tyrant , i suppose . b : now a tyrant hath not only no just authority over a people , but is also thier enemy . m : he is indeed an enemy . b : is there not a just and lawfull war wich an enemy for grievous and intolerable injuries ? m : it is for sooth a just war. b : what war is that which is carried on with him who is the enemy of all mankind , that is , a tyrant ? m : a most just war. b : now a lawfull war being once undertaken wich an enemy , and for a just cause , it is lawfull not only for the whole people to kill that enemy , but for every one of them . m : i confess that . b : may not every one out of the whole maltitude of mankind assault with all the calamities of war , a tyrant who is a publick enemy , with whom all good men have a perpetuall warfare . m : i perceive all nations almost to have been of that opinion for thebe is usually commended for killing her husband , timoleon for killing his brother , and cassius for killing his son : and ful vius for killing his own son going to catiline , and brutus for killing his own sons and kinsmen , having understood they had conspired to introduce tyranny again : and publick rewards were appointed to be given , and honours appointed by severall cities of greece to those that should kill tyrants . so that ( as is before said ) they thought there was no bond of humanity to be kept with tyrants . but why do i collect the assent of some single persons , since i can produce the testimony almost of the whole world ? for who ▪ doth not sharply rebuke domitius corbulo , for neglecting the safety of mankind , who did not thrust nero out of his empire , when he might very easily have done it ? and not only was he by the romans reprehended , but by tyridates the persian king , being not at all afraid , lest it should afterward befall an example unto himself . but the minds of most wicked men enraged wich cruelty are not so void of this publick hatred against tyrants , but that sometimes it breaketh out in them against their will , and forceth them to stand amazed with terrour at the sight of such a just and lawfull deed . when the ministers of casus caligula a most cruel tyrant were with the like cruelty tumultuating , for the slaughter of thier lord and master , and required those that had killed him to be punished , now and then crying aloud , who had killed the emper , our : valerius asiaticus one of the senators standing in an eminent high place from whence he might be heard , cryed out aloud : i wish i had killed him . at which word these tumultuary persons void of all humanity stood as it were astonished , and so fore bore any more to cry out tumultuously . for there is so great force in an honest deed , that the very lightest shew there of , being presented to the minds of men , the most violent assaults are allayed , and fierce fury doth languish , and madness nill it will it doth acknowledge the soveraignty of reason . neither are they of another judgment , who with their loud cryes mixe heaven and earth together . now this we do easily understand either from hence , that they do reprehend what now is done , but do commend and approve the same seemingly more atrocious , when they are recorded in an old history : and thereby do evidently demonstrat ( that they are more obsequious to their own particular affections , than moved by any publick dammage . but why do we seek a more certain witness what tyrants do deserve , than their own conscience ? thence is that perpetuall fear from all , and chiefly from good men : and they do constantly see hanging above their own necks the sword which they hold still drawn against others , and by their own hatred against others they measure other mens minds against them . but contrariwise good men , by fearing no man do often procure their own hazard , whilst they weigh the good will of others towards them , not from the vicious nature of men , but from their own desert towards others . b : you do then judge that to be true , that tyrants are to be reckoned in the number of the most cruell brute beasts ; and that tyrannicall violence is more unnatuall than poverty , sickness , death , and other miseries which may befall men naturally . m : indeed when i do ponder the weight of your reasons , i cannot deny , but these things are true . but whilst hazards and in conveniences do occurre , which follow on the back of this opinion , my mind as it were tyed up with a bridle , doth instantly i know not how , faile me , and bendeth from that too stoicall and severe right way towards utility , & almost falleth away . for if it shall be lawfull for any man to kill a tyrant , see how great a gape you do open for wicked men to commit any mischief , and how great hazard you creat to good men : to wicked men you permit licentiousness , and le ts out upon all the perturbation of all things . for he that shall kill a good king , or at least none of the worst , may he not pretend by his wicked deed some shew of honest and lawfull duty ? or if any good subject shall in vain attempt to kill a prince worthy of all punishment , or accomplish what he intended to do , how great a confusion of all things do you suppose most needs follow there upon ? whilst the wicked do tumultuat , raging that their head and leader is taken away from them , neither will all good men approve the deed , nor will all those who do approve , the deed , defend the doer and author of their liberty against a wicked crew . and many under an honest pretext of peace will vaile their own laziness , or rather calumniat the vertue of others , than confess their own slothfulness . surely this remembrance of self interest , and excuse of leaving the publick cause , and the fear of dangers , if it doth not break the courage , yet it weakneth the same , and compelleth it to preferre tranquillity , albeit not very sure , to an uncertain expectation of liberty . b : if you well remember what is before spoken , this your fear will be easily discussed . for we told you that there be some tyrannies allowed by the free suffrages of a people , which we do honour with royall titles , because of the moderat administration . no man , with my will , shall put violent hand on any such , nor yet on any of those , who even by force or fraud have acquired soveraignty , providing they use a moderat way in their government . such amongst the romans were vespasianus , titus , pertinax ; alexander amongst the grecians , and hiero in syracusa . who albeit they obtained the government by force and armes , yet by their justice and equity deserved to be reckoned amongst just kings , besides , i do only shew what may be lawfully done , or ought to be done in this case , but do not exhort to attempt any such thing . for in the first a due consideration of the case , and a clear explanation thereof is sufficient : but in the last there is need of good counsell in undertaking , of prudence in assaulting , and courage in acting . now seeing these things are either promoved or overturned by the circumstances of time , person , place , and other instruments in carrying on the business : if any shall rashly attempt this , the blame of his fault can be no more imputed to me , than his fault to a physician , who hath duely described the remedies of diseases , but were given by another to the patient unseasonably . m : one thing seemes yet to be wanting to put an end to this dispute which if you shall add , i shall think i have received a very singular kindness of you : the matter is this , let me understand , if there be any church censures against tyrants ? b : you may take it when you please out of the first epistle of paul to the corinthians , where the apostle doth forbid to have any fellowship either at meat or discourse with openly lewd and flagitious men . if this were observed amongst christians , such lewd men , unless they did repent , might perish by hunger , cold , and nakedness . m : a grievous sentence indeed that is . but i do not know if a people , that allow so much liberty every way to their rulers , will believe that kings should be punished after this manner . b : surely the ancient ecclesiastick writers without exception did thus understand that sentence of paul. for ambrose did hold out of the assembly of the christians theodosius the emperour , and theodosius obeyed the said bishop : and for what i know , antiquity doth more highly extoll the deed of no other so much , nor is the modesty of any other emperour more commended . but to our purpose , what difference is there betwixt the exclusion out of christian fellowship , and the interdiction from fire and water ? this last is a most grievous sentence imposed by rulers against such as refuse to obey their commands : and the former is a sentence of church men . now the punishment of the contempt of both authorities is death : but the secular judge denounceth the death of the body , the ecclesiastick judge denounceth the destruction of the whole man. therefore the church will not account him worthy of death , whom it doth expell out of the fellowship of christians , while he is alive , and banisheth him into the fellowship of divils , when dead . thus according to the equity of the cause i think i have spoken abundantly , if therewith any forrainers be displeased , i desire they would consider how unjustly they deal with us . for whilst there be many nations both great and wealthy in europe , having all their own peculiar lawes , they deale arrogantly who would prescribe to all that modell and forme of government which they them selve● enjoy . the helvetians government is a common wealth , germany useth the name or title of empire , as a lawfull government . some cities in germany , ( as i am informed ) are under the rule of princes . the venetians have a seignory tempered of these . muscovia hath a very tyranny in stead of government . we have indeed but a little kingdome , but we enjoy it these two thousand years free of the empire of forrain nations . we did creat at first lawfull kings , we did impose upon our selves and them equall and just lawes , the long continuance of time doth shew they were usefull . for more by the observation thereof than by force of armes hath this kingdom stood intire hitherto : now what iniquity is this , that we should desire either to abrogat , or neglect the lawes , the good whereof we have found by experience for so many ages ? or what impudence is that in others , that where as they cannot scarce defend their own government , endeavour to weaken the state and good order of another kingdome ? what ? are not our lawes and statutes usefull not only to our selves , but also to our neighbours ? for what can be more usefull for keeping peace with our nearest neighbours , than the moderation of kings ? for from immoderat lust unjust wars are for the most part rashly undertaken , wickedly prosecuted and carried on , and shamfully with much disgrace left off . and further , what more hurtfull can there be to any common wealth , than bad lawes amongst their nearest neighbours , whereof the contagion doth usually spread far and wide ? and why do they thus trouble us only , seeing so many nations round about have their severall lawes and statutes of their own , and no nation hath altogether the same lawes and statutes as others about them have ? and why are they now offended at us , seeing we make no new law , but continue to observe what we had by an ancient priviledge ? and seeing we are not the only persons , nor the first persons , nor yet is it at this time that we make use of our lawes . but our lawes are displeasing to some . perhaps their own lawes displease them also . we do not curiously enquire what the lawes of other nations are . let them leave us our own well known by the experience of so many years . do we trouble their councills ? or in what business do we molest them ? but you are seditious , say they . i could freely give them an answer : what is that to them ? we are timultuous at our own perrill , and at our own dammage . i might enumerat a great many seditions that are not hurtfull either to common wealths or kingdoms . but i shall not make use of that defence . i deny any nation to be less seditious than we . i deny that any nation hath ever been more moderat in seditions than we . many contentions have fallen out for lawes , and right of government , and administration of the kingdome , yet the main business hath been still kept safe . our contentions never were , as amongst many others , with the destruction of the people , nor with the hatred of our princes , but only out of love to our own countrey , and desire to maintain our lawes . hovv often in our time have great armies stood in opposition to one another ? hovv oft have they retired and vvithdravvn from one another , not only vvithout vvound , but vvithout any harme , yea vvithout so much as a reproach ? hovv often hath the publick utility setled the private grudges ? hovv often hath the rumor of the enemies approach extinguished our intestine hatred and animosity ? in all our seditions vve have not been more modest than fortunat ; seeing for the most part the party most just hath been alvvayes most fortunat : and even as vve have moderatly vented our hatred , so have vve to our prof●t and advantage condescended to an agreement . these things at present do occurre , vvhich might seeme to compesce the speeches of malevolents , refute such as are more pertinacious , and may satisfy such as are of a more temperat disposition . but by vvhat right other nations are governed , i thought it not much to our purpose . i have briefly rehearsed our ovvn vvay and custome , but yet more amply than i intended , or than the matter did require : because i undertook this pains or you only . and if it be approved by you , i have enough . m : as for me , you have abundantly satisfied me : but if i can satisfy others also , i shall think i have received much good by your discourse , and my self eased of very much trouble . finis . the three royall cedars or great brittains glorious diamonds, being a royal court narrative of the proceedings ... of ... charles by the grace of god, king of great brittain, france and ireland, his highness prince james duke of york, and the most illustrious prince. henry duke of glocester. with a brief history of their memorable transactions ... since their too-much-lamented fxile [sic] in flanders, and the lord chancellour hide, the marquess of ormond, the earl of norwich, the lord wentworth, the lord digby, and many other nobles and gentlemen, created lords of his majesties privie-council. also, the resplendent vertues appearing in these princely pearles, to the great joy of all loyal subjects ... by e. sanders esq; a lover of his countries liberty, and a loyal subject and servant to his sacred majesty. sanders, edward, th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing s ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing s estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) the three royall cedars or great brittains glorious diamonds, being a royal court narrative of the proceedings ... of ... charles by the grace of god, king of great brittain, france and ireland, his highness prince james duke of york, and the most illustrious prince. henry duke of glocester. with a brief history of their memorable transactions ... since their too-much-lamented fxile [sic] in flanders, and the lord chancellour hide, the marquess of ormond, the earl of norwich, the lord wentworth, the lord digby, and many other nobles and gentlemen, created lords of his majesties privie-council. also, the resplendent vertues appearing in these princely pearles, to the great joy of all loyal subjects ... by e. sanders esq; a lover of his countries liberty, and a loyal subject and servant to his sacred majesty. sanders, edward, th cent. [i.e. ] p. printed for g. horton, living near the three crowns in barbican, london : . pages and both misnumbered . annotation on thomason copy: "may ". reproductions of the originals in the british library. eng charles -- ii, -- king of england, - -- early works to . james -- ii, -- king of england, - -- early works to . henry, -- duke of gloucester, - -- early works to . ormonde, james butler, -- duke of, - -- early works to . norwich, george goring, -- earl of, ?- -- early works to . kings and rulers -- early works to . great britain -- history -- commonwealth and protectorate, - -- early works to . a r (wing s ). civilwar no the three royall cedars or great brittains glorious diamonds, being a royal court narrative of the proceedings, travels, letters, conference sanders, edward d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread - tcp staff (oxford) text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the three royall cedars or great brittains glorious diamonds , being a royal court narrative of the proceedings , travels , letters , conferences , speeches , and conspicuous resolutions of the most high and renowned king , charles by the grace of god , king of great brittain , france and ireland , his highness prince james duke of york , and the most illustrious prince . henry duke of glocester . with a brief history of their memorable transactions , results , and judicious councels , since their too-much-lamented exile in flanders , and the lord chancellour hide , the marquess of ormond , the earl of norwich , the lord wentworth , the lord digby , and many other nobles and gentlemen , created lords of his majesties privie-council . also , the resplendent vertues appearing in these princely pearles , to the great joy of all loyal subjects , who have for their sovereign a just king to govern , a valiant duke to defend , and a wise counsellor to advise . by e. sanders esq a lover of his countries liberty , and a loyal subject and servant to his sacred majesty . london , printed for g. horton , living near the three crowns in barbican , . the three royal cedars . divine providence having been pleased to return the subject to his due allegiance , and to give encouragement to those who have constantly continued loyal , that they may at length once more enjoy happiness , and every man sit under his own vine , and under his own figtree , which the god of heaven be praised , we have now greater hopes of then ever ; moderation and impartiality are the chiefest virtues of a loyal pen ; 't is such a task i chiefly aim at , no less then the difficult travells of our most high and renowned king , with his exiled nobles , charles the second , heir a parent to the crown of great brittain , and ireland , and crowned king of scots , touching whom i intend to treat . he was born on the of may , . to the great joy of the king , queen , and indeed the whole kingdom ; for never yet had england a prince born of so noble an extract , and grand alliance , his father by lineal right and descent , king of great brittain and ireland , his mother daughter to that thrice illustrious prince henry the th king of france , and worthily sirnamed the great , and isabella infanta of spain . by his grand mothers side was he near allyed to the kings of denmark , by the marriage of his ant , the noble princess elizabeth , to the elector palatine of rhine , and king of bohemia , and afterwards , by the marriage of his royal sister the princess mary , to the prince of orange . thus was he allied to most of the most potent princes in christendom . and happy might this nation have been under his government , if we may believe the vogue of that wisest of men solomon , who pronounces that kingdom blessed whose prince is the son of nobles . but to return to his majesty in flanders ; of whose itenary life we have already given you a particular account ; it will not be impertinent to say somewhat of his sedentary and reti●ed living , that by his oeconomy we may judge of his monarchy , and of the government of those few subjects in his family , of that of his three kingdoms . his majesty hath spent most of his time , wherein he hath been out of his dominions , in flanders under the protection of the catholique king of spaine● nor had he ever anywhere else so setled a court and habitation as here , where his chief attendants are the lord chancellor hide , the marquis of ormond , the earl of norwich , the lord wentworth , the lord digby , and many others , nobles and gentlemen , whose loyalty to his sacred majesty and his royal father hath made exiles to their country ; a particular number of which he makes use of for his councell , doing nothing without serious and mature advice ; and yet being of so sagacious a judgement that whatever he sayes is seldome contradicted by the most ju●icious of his councellors , not out of fear or flattery , but out of a real assent to , and concurrence with his judgement . and indeed those great opportunities which he hath had , by his so long being abroad , of diving into the great councels of forr●in princes and states , must necessarily make him a person of a very perspicuous understanding , endow him with all those qualities which may deservedly attain the name of great , and render him as well an able statist , as a king ; he having during his expulsion travelled through , and lived in the countries of three the most potent princes in christendom , viz. the emperour 's of germany , and the kings of spaine and france ; and so to the germain resolution added the spaniards prudence , and the frenchmans expedition . to these extraordinary helps which never prince in christendom can boast of , we may yet adde , those more then ordinary gifts wherewith nature hath been pleased to endow him , which being so extreamly improved , we can hardly now discern ; but that it may be known what they were , take the character of an honourable lord upon his death bed , who speaking of him when about fifteen or sixteen yeers of age , hath these words : truly i never saw greater hopes of vertue in any young person then in him : great judgement , great understanding , strong apprehension , much of honour in his inclinations . so that both nature and industry have seemed to use their utmost endeavours to make him a perfect prince , his very affliction turning in this benefit , and making him in knowledge and sufferings ( the refiner of knowledge ) unparralel'd . some forreign princes as well envying , as pittying his expulsion . this perfect knowledge of his he hath indeed had but small occasion to practice , except a little in scotland : where , i think , he demonstrated himself a person so prudent and careful in his affairs , that it is beyond my pens expression . his subjects good was his onely care : nor did he ever act any thing but what might tend more to theirs then his own interest ; still consulting whether it might benefit them , not himself . his letter to col. mackworth governour of shrewsbury sufficiently demonstrates his affection to his very enemies ; he would win , not conquer the hearts of those who though they have broke their allegiance to him , yet he would esteem still his subjects . he would not conquer with blood , lest he should be thought a tyrant . he endeavoues by fair means to attain the love of his subjects , that what ever his very enemies think of him ) he may approve himself to be a just prince . and did fortune give him power , yet would he rather attempt blandishents then force . he knows that whilst he kills a subject he weakens his kingdom . rebels themselves may be found usefull , and though justice cannot , yet his majesties clemency will admit their pardon ; but if they resist to the utmost , their blood is on their own heads . what man is not willing to destroy him who he knows would his murderer . thus is his justice and his clemency mixt together ; he would not kill , where he might with safety save . not does his unspott●d innocency raise fancies or fears in him . as he is guilty of nothing , so ther 's nothing he fears . whilst he endeavours to be true to his subjects , those endeavours force a belief in him that his subjects will be true to him . his very nature enclines him to a compassion . he pities those that will not pitty themselves ; and whilst they are conspiring his destruction , his prayers procure their safety . nor can the utmost of their injuries provoke him to a retalliation . he hath learned not onely of god , but of the king his father , to forgive his enemies . nor is it his desire to obtain his kingdoms that makes him willing to forgive his enemies , but his desire to forgive his enemies that makes him willing to obtain his kingdoms : he counts the possession of his royalties but as a transitory dignity , the pardon of his enemies a divine and lasting one . neither is his pitty less then his justice , they are both in the superlative degree , he hates wickedness , not because the wo●ld should see him glory ( that would make him an hypocrite ) but because god abhors it ; 't is love not fear makes him religious , he fears god onely because he loves him . he hates not the vicious , hut abhominates their vices , his hatred extends not to persons , but to things ; he dislikes not the swearer , 't is his oaths he abhors he hates not the drunkard but his drunkennesse . yet does his mercy extend beyond their sins , as he is a king so he is a god , he is gracious to pardon , as well as just to punish ; nor can a submission or reformation but overtake his remission . his constant service of god excites others to live by his example , he sleeps not without invoking the blessing of the almighty , nor do his eyes open without a returned thanks , he knows 't is god alone which can restore and protect him ; nor can the wickedness of man prevail against him . nor does his publick devotion shew him less zealous then his private , the one demonstrates him full of zeal , the other void of hpocrisie ; he would have others holy as well as himself ; he knows that saying concerns him , being a king , above all private men , non nobis solis nati sumus . private persons are not alone born for themselves , muchless kings , the publique concern is their duty : 't is not enough for the master of the house that he be godly , whilst his family is wicked . there must be precept as well as example : and if need be , correction as well as instruction . this makes his majestie deservedly famous ; he counts it as great a fault to suffer a sin in another whilst he hath power to correct it as to commit it himself . he knows that what crimes soever a magistrate suffers willingly to be committed , he brings upon his own head . he is therefore above all things careful not to farther vice , lest he should be accounted vicious : he detests that in another which did he commit , he knows he might justly detest himself for : and endeavours by example to reform that in others which he knows were it in him would seem odious . he abhors vice , as well because it is so , as because god abhors it . his nature inclines him to vertue , and as he cannot admit it contrary in himself , so he cannot endure it in another . his constancy in religion is no less conspicuous then his piety . his discerning judgement knows what is truth , and that truth is followed by his setled will ; yet he hates not the popish religion , but their idolatry : he abhors not them , but their false worship . he loves all that know christ at all , but wishes that they might know him more . his stedfastness in religion proceeds not from self interest ; he sticks not so much to the true protestants , because he knows the english to be addicted to that religion ; because he thinks it for his benefit ; because he imagines that it would prove very difficill to obtain his crown and leave it . bvt , because he knows it to be true . he knows the prince is born for the people , as well as the people for the prince . he knows their interests to be interwoven . he knows that without them he cannot stand ; yet will he sooner loose them relinquish ve●i●y . he is the perfect pattern of piety but more of patience , his afflictions have not made him repine , he knowes god to be just : he believes that as god restored job twofold , so will he likewise restore unto him his kingdoms . yet he thinks it just in god to suffer them to be detained from him . he laments more his subjects slavery then his own exile , he grieves that they have been so long blind , yet rejoyces for their sakes that they have now a glimmering ; he constantly prays for the restoring of their sight , not so much because they should restore his , as their own rights and priviledges . he is inwardly troubled and perplexed at the many schisms , sects , and heresies that are raysed in the church of england , he is sorry that their rise is from some mens envy towards him ; he pitties , and his pitty produces his prayers for them . he is willing that though they will not obey him , yet that they may serve god . he was never heard to curse his enemies , many times to pray for them , and desi●e god to forgive even his fathers murtherers ; his good will surpasses their cruelty : and whilst they are conspiring his destruction , he is p●aying for their salvation . he is a perfect enemy to all debauchedness , he is sorry those who pretend themselves his friends in england are so great a scandal to him : he wishes that they would so carry themselves , that he might adventure to own them as his friends ; for he understands not the good will of those who drink his health for the liquors sake , nor wishes for their help , who over their sack only swear they will fight for him . he is no greater a hater of vice then a cherisher of vertuous actions , he loves them in his very enemies and oft he grives when he finds occasion to think that many of them will rise up in judgment against his most pretended friends . he is most exactly just in all his commands , and faithful in performance of all his promises . take the character given him by the dying marquess of montrose . for his ma●esty now living ( saith he ) never people i believe may be more happy in a king , his commands to me were most just , in nothing that he promiseth will he fail : he deals justly with all men , &c. so punctual is he , that when a word is once gone out of his mouth , he will rather suffer by it then break it . to conclude , he is the pattern of patience and piety , the most righteous and justest of kings . the most knowing and experienced of princes . the holiest and the best of men , the severest punisher of vice . the strictest rewarder of virtue . the constantest perseverer in religion . and the truest lover of his subjects . this a short character of his illustrious majesty , which i fear those that know him will rather think to come short of then reach his due praise , so sweetly vertuous is he in all his carriages , so affable in his discourse , so void of passion and anger , that he was never yet heard or seen in chollor , the utmost extent of any passion that ever was discerned in him , being towards one of his menial servants , who justifying himself in what he had done amiss , his majesty with some motion told him , that he was an insolent fellow . yet this is that prince whose vertues we have given leave to forraign nations to admire , whilst we our selves have ●ested as well ignorant of his deserts , as destitute of our own liberty , whilst either infatuated or blinded by those who have tyrannically usurped governments over us , we have been contented to sit still and see him expul●ed and exiled from his due rights and royalties , and our selves from our freedom and priviledges . nor hath god alone been mercifull to us in endowing his sacred majesty with such heroick virtues , but he hath given us a stock of noble princes , who seem to emulate virtue in one another , and grow up like royall oaks , to maintain the honour and glory of this nation , but are yet and have a long time been the disgrace of it , all the nations in europe laughing at the english folly , who slight that happiness which they might enjoy . as for the illustrious duke of york his fame is spread so far over the world , that my self have heard the very turks commend and applaude his vallour which was so esteemed of among the french , that before he arrived at twenty one years of age he was by that king thought worthy the command of liev. general of his army's , which he managed with such care and prudence that seldom any affair he took in hand , produced not its desired success ; and since , his being in requital of his services , complemented out of that kingdom of france , though he hath not had such eminent commands conferr'd on him by the spaniard , yet have they alwayes thought him worth the highest imployment and respect . as for the duke of glocester , he is esteemed by most to be fitter for a counsellour then a souldier . his carriage is grave and somewhat severe ; of a sagace genious and understanding , and very much prying into state affairs , which have made most judge him fitter for a council board . these three princes , are like three diamonds or pearls , which we have ignorantly cast away , and not come to know the worth of them till we come to want them , their vertues having made them resplendent throughout all the world , and rendred them , if we justly consider it , the only means whereby we can attain to happiness ; for what nation can be more blessed then that which hath for her prince a just king to govern , a valiant duke to defend , and a wise counsellour to advise . finis . the scotch souldiers speech concerning the kings coronation-oath. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing s thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) the scotch souldiers speech concerning the kings coronation-oath. montrose, james graham, marquis of, - , attributed name. , [ ] p. s.n.], [london : printed in the yeare, . later editions are attributed, probably erroneously, to james graham, marquis of montrose. place of publication from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "may. . london". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -- i, -- king of england, - -- coronation -- early works to . kings and rulers -- duties -- early works to . great britain -- history -- civil war, - -- early works to . great britain -- politics and government -- - -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no the scotch souldiers speech concerning the kings coronation-oath.: [montrose, james graham, marquis of] b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - elspeth healey sampled and proofread - elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the scotch souldiers speech concerning the kings coronation-oath . printed in the yeare , . the scotch souldiers speech , concerning the kings coronation oath . gentlemen , & fellow souldiers , though as a scotchman i may be plaine , and a souldier blunt , yet ( i hope ) as a christian i shall be honest , and as a subject loyall in the expression of that duty , which by the laws of god , of nature , of the kingdome , of gratitude , and of humanity is due to one , who is by soveraigne majesty our king , by birth our countryman , by education a protestant , by profession , and actions a most pious prince , and by his gratious compliance with us confident in our loyalty ; the confluence of which obligements hath made all the powers of heaven , and earth to stand as it were in amaze , being big with expectations to see how well or ill we deport our selves in this businesse of such high concernment . who knowes but that the divine providence hath sent his majesty to us , that we might be made the happy instruments of a well grounded peace , and of restoring religion to its purity , the church to its rights , the king to his prerogative , and lawes to their chanell , the nobility , and gentry to their honours and estates , and the people to their liberties : if we resolve upon these things , we may crown our nation with honour , but if unworthy thoughts possesse our soules , we may justly feare , that ( although salvation may come some other way , ) yet we , and our party shall perish . it is true that we have an hard game to play , but having the chiefe triumph trump in our owne hands , besides so many honours , we shall prove but ill gamesters , if we be not gainers by the deale , and give religion and justice their due , besides the saving of our owne stakes : but for the effecting hereof it behooveth us to looke with our owne eyes , and not through those spectacles , or prospectives through which others present matters unto us : we have hitherto been made beleeve , that the end , and design of all this war was to fetch the king from his evill councellour to his parliament of england ; his majesty very often , ( yea even beneath the dignity of so great a prince ) desired to comply with them , but they instead of accepting his majesty , voted him a prisoner ; his majesty having honoured us with his royall presence , there are now no evill councellours about his , there are no armies to animate his non-compliance : what is now the rock of offence ▪ beleeve it ( all the circumstances of this war considered ) we may justly feare that we have been made but a stale to the designes of those seditious schismaticks , who are now the obstacles of the kingdomes peace , and that they ( like the ape ) made use of the cats foot to plucke those chesnuts out of the fire , which themselves had designed for their owne palat ; it behooves us now duly to examine the businesse , and we are bound ( according to the trust reposed in us by his majesty ) to vindicate his majesties rights , and to see her restored to all his legall prerogatives : but shall i tell you the true causes of this present difference , and that which we may upon good grounds suspect to be the true occasion of this most horrid , and unnaturall war ? his majesty at his coronation in england tooke an oath in these words : i will maintaine , and preserve to you ( the bishops ) and to the churches committed to your charges , all canonicall privileges , and i will be your protector , and defender to my power , by the assistance of god , as every good king in his kingdome in right ought to defend the bishops , and churches under their government : then ( laying his hand on the booke on the communion table ) he saith , these things i have before promised i shall performe and keep , so helpe me god , and the contents of this booke . here is an oath able to strike terrour and amazement into the hearts of all , ( the due circumstances there of being considered ) as well as feare and reverence in his majesty about the performance of the same : it is taken by gods anoynted , in gods house , at gods table , upon gods booke , tendred by gods ministers , to defend gods rights , in the presence of gods people , and that with the imprecation of gods curses , and forfeiture of gods blessings ; so that if ever any oath could properly , by way of eminency , be called the oath of god , this is it : his majesty therefore out of his princely piety ( conceiving himselfe bound in duty to god , in honour to the church , in justice to his subjects , and in obedience to christian principles to maintaine his oath , ) refuseth to consent to the root and branch bills against the episcopacy : but some ( whom i will not name ) forgetfull of his majesties honour , and conscience , and resolving to execute their owne designes in altring the government of the church , have raised a militia , and called us into their ayd , thereby to force a compliance from his majesty , and the royall party , with them . and now what soule is not astonished ? what heart doth not bleed ? whose eares do not tingle ? to heare that we ( unhappy we ) should , under the pretence of holy covenants , be made the instruments of such horrid impieties ? what could the devill , and all the fiends of hell have thought on more impious then perjury ? what more obnoxious to the church of god then sacrilege ? what more rebellious then by force of armes to compell the king to both ? what more blasphemous to god , and scandalous to christianity , then to do all these things under the name & pretence of religion ? what , was god the god of truth when he gave us the precept of performing all our vows , and is he now become the god of perjurie ? did god detest the withholding of tythes , and offerings as robbery done to himselfe , and is he now become a patron of sacrilege ? did he enjoyn subjection to superiours as to his owne ordinances , and that upon paine of damnation , and is he now become a generall to rebels , whereby to force the king against his oath , and conscience ? heare ô heavens , and hearken ô earth , if ever any such thing were committed , that a great councell of a kingdome , of christians , of protestants , of subjects , of those that were sworn to defend the kings rights , should countenance tumults , connive at assaults upon his majesty , examine the circumstances of his birth to prove bastardy in him , that thereby they might remove him , and his royall posterity , from the crown , raise a militia against him , vote him that he was seduced by evill counsell , that he sought the destruction of the parliament , to bring in popery , and to rule by an arbitrary way , vote his royall consort to be guilty of high treason for her loyalty , murder his nobility , destroy his gentry , oppresse his subjects , wincke at the blasphemous hew-and-cries of britannicus , and vote his majesty to prison , because out of a pious , and princely resolution , he is fully bent to maintaine his oath , rather to part from his life , and crowne , then from that religion , and government , both in church ●nd state , which he is sworne , and hath so often deeply protested , and declared to maintaine . good god! what shall we say to this ? whether shall we cause our shame to slye ? to whom shall we appeale for excuses ? shall we ascend up into heaven for them ? loe there we shall find all the saints , and angels of god , who continually behold the face of their heavenly father , detesting those new doctrines of forcing the kings conscience contrary to his oath ; as such whereof all the patriarches , and prophets , and martyrs of god were formerly ignorant . shall we appeale unto men ? behold ireland conquered , our owne country up in armes , the greatest part of the nobility , and gentry , and all the heads of the universities , together with the learned part of the clergie of england , detesting our actions with as much abomination , as ever the egyptians hated the profession of shepherds : and if we had put the case at the election of the parliament members , if the king will not , contrary to his oath taken at his coronation , consent to the pulling down of episcopacy , and alteration of the church government , whether or no it be the subjects minds by force of armes to compell him thereunto , contrary to his oath and conscience , all people would have been ready to stone us , as not thinking it possible that such horrid impieties should enter into the hearts , or thoughts of the great councell of the kingdome ; and certainly if we had ingenuously confessed the truth at first , without the cloake of a thorough reformation , or of fetching evill councellers from the king , we should never have raised so great a power : and if we look beyond the seas , we are accounted the shame of christians , and the scorn of christianity , yea even all protestant churches ( when they are really informed , against what principles we have proceeded ) will hate , and detest our actions : shall we ransacke the sacred scriptures ? i have shewed you before against what divine precepts we have proceeded , but behold there indeed the pure fountaines of living water blundred , and abused for the justification of our cause ; when one shall tell us , that we may fight against our king , because it is written , thou shalt binde their kings in chaines , and their nobles with linckes of iron : another ( blaspheming the king with horrid slanders ) shall conclude that tophet was prepared of old , yea for the king it was prepared : and a third ( as though he would fore-prophecye of the kings destruction ) saith , though jeconiah were the signet upon my right hand , yet will i plucke him from thence : are not these horrid things , such as would make a dumbe man speake , and a wise man dumbe with horrour and amazement ? if ( fellow souldiers ) you intend to be ruled by the scripture , let me put you a scripture-case ; in sauls seeking to make havocke of the gibeonites , contrary to the oath given them , you may observe , how this oath was obtained by fraud , and a lye ; that it was expresly against the covenant of promise given to abraham , isaac , and jacob , and afterwards to moses , aaron , and the people ; that it was given rashly without asking counsell of god , and to a people by nation heathens , by religion idolaters , and by condition vassals , to be drawers of water and hewers of wood ; that what saul did was at the least yeares after the oath given , in which time that oath may seeme to some to be antiquated ; and that he did it in zeale to the people of israel ; but what the successe ? the bloud of the men shed by reason of this perjury cryed aloud to heaven for vengeance ; gods eares were opened to their cries , he punisheth the whole land with famine , and would not be paci●ied but with the hanging up of almost all sauls posterity : are not these things written for our instruction ? and what judgements ( thinke we ) shall attend us if we force the king to violate that oath , which his majestie tooke by the lawes of the kingdome , for the preservation of gods , and the churches rights , shall we then looke within us , and there make boasts of the spirit ? but if gods word be the tryall of the spirit , that spirit which is repugnant to the word of god cannot be the spirit of god ; gods spirit comes to us in truth not in perjury , in meeknesse , in the forme of a dove , not of an eagle , or with vultures tallons to steale flesh from the altar ; and we know this to be the difference between the spirit of truth , and the spirit of errour , that truth desireth nothing but the armes of righteousnesse , the armes of prayer , and teares , and the sword of the spirit , which is the word of god : to fight for the profession : hereof against their lawfull kings , the doctrines of setting kingdome against kingdome , and nation against nation , by forreigne wars , and of setting the father against the son , and the son against the father by civill dissentions , are the doctrines of those false christs , who shall deceive many , and are reserved for the worst of times , to be maintained by the worst of men , who by their boasting of the spirit , fill the church with heresies , and schismes , the kingdome with rebellion , and the world with confusion : shall we plead the votes , and orders of the parliament of england , or the nationall covenant ? what were this , but under pretence of pulling downe popery to set up idolatry , and to lay aside all the lawes of god for the covenant , and for the votes and orders of the houses ? but if the covenant be to maintaine religion , and the kings honour , we shall then truly performe the covenant in both , when we detest those doctrines , and actions , that dishonour god , and the king , by accursed perjury ; and that were a covenant with hell that should covenant to force the king to forsweare himselfe . but tell me , ( i pray you ) is it the votes , and orders of the houses , and the covenant , or the commandements of god that shall justifie or condemne us the last day ? shall we plead the lawes of england ? but ( i pray you ) what lawes can be of force to mate themselves against the lawes of god ? and what lawes of the kingdome were ever produced to justifie the raising of a militia , and the calling in of forraine ayde , and joyning in covenants , thereby to force the kings violation of his coronation oath ? againe ( if we beleeve them that are professed in those lawes ) they lay this as a maxime , that no law , statute , or custome , which is either against the law of god , or principles of nature , can be of any validity , or force , but are voyd , and null in law ; they say further , that therefore this oath was by the fundamentall lawes and constitutions of the kingdome presented to his majesty of purpose to bind his conscience to preserve the ecclesiasticall rights , for the comfort , and encouragement of true piety , and learning : that as the lawes , and statutes of articuli cleri , and other recordes should bind the hands of the subjects , so this oath should binde the conscience of the king from violating the churches rights : and therefore it is expressed as a severall article in the coronation-oath , that the king should never assent to any act , that should trench upon their rights , and that howsoever the kings conscience was at liberty to consent to the alteration of any other of the municipall lawes , yet it should be bound as to this by the especiall and direct words of the oath ; as likewise his majesty is bound by the words of that oath , to doe justice to all : and therefore by vertue of this oath , as well as of honour and justice , if the houses tender any bills which his majesty conceives to be against common right , or justice , his majesty is bound not to give his majesties royall assent thereunto , which cannot but strike amazement in all knowing men , that any should be so impudently wicked , as against all the lights of god , of nature , and the kingdome to trie the king with perjury , because he will not consent to the root and branch bils against episcopacy ; and the royall party desires no other happinesse then to be admitted to a full and free disputation upon that point ; and that their reasons might be published in all churches , and declared to all the world , for the justification of his majesties and their innocencies in this cause . against this shall we plead the pride and arrogancie of the bishops and clergy ? but i feare this will be with greater pride ; suppose some bishops and clergy exalt themselves against some of gods people , must we therefore exalt our selves against god , and gods anointed ? because some bishops are proud , must ye subjects therefore take up armes to force the king to perjury , and sacrilege ? let their insolencies be punished , but let gods and the churches rights remaine . it is granted that some of the clergy by the irregularitie of their actions , and laying clogges upon mens consciences , gave a great scandall to the church , but these might be legally proceeded against ; and what innovations they had brought in contrary to law might have been reformed ; but must therefore the function , contrary to all the principles of religion , law , and reason , be rooted out ? because there was a judas amongst the apostles , did christ take away the apostleship ? because many angels did rebell against god , did god destroy the whole hierarchy ? suppose some bishops sought to set themselves the one at the right hand of the king , the other at his left , as james and john did at christs ; must their ambition cause all to be despised ? if god should root out all mankinde , because some are most refractory wicked persons , what would become of us ? the doctrines of rooting out all for the abuses of some , are agreeable neither to the precept , nor patterne of him , who will have the wheat and ta●es grow together till the harvest : and it hath formerly been accounted the wisedome of parliaments to reforme abuses by regulating , not by extirparton . but yet what hath the righteous done ? whose eyes are so swelled with pride , or blinded with malice , that doe not see how many saints of god there were both of the bishops , doctors , and other clergy , who willingly laid downe their lives for that cause , and religion , which his majesty doth now maintaine ▪ and for us to say , that if they had lived in these dayes , they would have ended with us , is a speech as full of arrogancie , as ignorance , and expresly against all their actions ; and how many are there of their successors , who , before this unhappy difference , were men famous in their generations , and have now none other fault but their constancy to their religion , and their loyalty to their king ? shall we then justice our cause , for that god hath gone along with our armies ? ô poore miserable creatures if we have no better then such fig-leaves to cover our nakednesse ! because god doth often blesse the adulterous seed , is he therefore either the cause , or lover of adultery ? if we have nothing but the power of the sword for the justification of our cause , by this title , the blasphemies of mahomet in the alcoran , and the dotages of the popish superstitions in the legend may lay claime to heaven as well as we : but what if god out of the heat of his wrathfull indignation towards us , have ( as he useth to doe to those whom he gives over to a reprobate sence ) given us the victory , thereby to obdurate us in our rebellion , that through pride of heart , and vaine conceit of a just cause , we might be made more uncapable of repentance , and pardon ? it is true , that god hath had a controversie with the english , and we for their sinnes may be made the rod of gods anger in punishing the king , and all his royall party ; but we know not how soone for our owne sinnes god may throw this rod into the fire . perchance you will say , that the king in taking away the churches rights should doe no more , then what he himselfe in part , and his royall predecessors have formerly consented unto : but who knowes not , that his majesty never willingly agreed to the abrogation of any of the churches dues ; and if his pious heart smite him for cutting off the lap of their skirts , must he be forced to strip them as naked as the yong man that left his linnen garment behind him ? and who knows not that all those kings , who have been regardlesse of their oathes in taking away the churches rights , have been pursued by the hand of justice , so that there is not so much as the name , or posterity of any of them remaining ? and who knowes but that those acts of impietie might be amongst those crowdes of sinnes , which have cryed so lowd for judgement against these kingdomes ? but shall we say that this oath is an evill oath , and so evill in the taking , and worse in the keeping ? this were to cast dirt upon the face of the whole constitution of that church , & state of that kingdom which appointed the tenure of this oath to his majesty . but wherin ( i pray you ) doth the malignity of this oath consist ? suppose that there were now a parliament of papists , who would take up arms under pretence of a thorow reformation , and of voting all protestants that should side with the king , as evill counsellers , and of fetching the king from them to his great councell , should not we that are protestants stand up in his majesties justification ? should not we abominate the violating of these lawes of god , of nature , and of the kingdome , under the pretence of the power of the great councell , as jesuiticall impostures ? is it unlawfull for the king to breake his oath for any votes , orders , or ordinances of popish parliaments and shall protestants now doe that which they so much detest in papists ? but if there be any that will plead for baal let them stand up , and produce their strong reasons , let the case be truly stated to the assembly of divines , and if they have any new directories for the regulating of the kings conscience against his oath , as well as for thrusting the apostles creed out of the church , let them be published to the world , that all christians may judge how orthodoxe they are . first let them resolve whether or no the king ( not withstanding the taking of this oath ) be bound to take away the churches rights ? and whether or no ( like so many popes ) they or the houses have power to dispense with oaths , and to nullifie them at their pleasure . secondly , if the king will not bend his conscience to be warped into perjury , by the scorching heat of their zeale , whether or no it be lawfull for the subjects to raise a militia , and to call us in to their aide to force the king thereunto , and whether or no it be rebellion so to do ? thirdly , where the king is pursued because he will not commit perjury , whether or no the subjects by that accompt which they are to give to god , by the duty which they owe to the king , and by the oaths of allegeance which they have taken , be not bound to stand up in his majesties aide , for the vindication of his majesties honour , and conscience ? fourthly , where the subjects do upon these grounds engage themselves in his majesties service , whether or no it be according to the rules of religion , or justice , to vote , or publish them to be enemies to god , and all godlinesse , papists , popishly affected , traitors to the king , enemies to their country , disturbers of the peace , and such like ? fifthly , whether or no all those clergy-men that have taken the oathes of canonicall obedience , and to maintaine the discipline , and government of the church ; all those of the laity that have taken the oathes of offices , of trusts and of allegeance , can justifie the violation of those oathes , to comply with the two houses , in forcing his majesty to violate this ? sixthly , whether or no all the laws of god , and man , which justifie , and vindicate the kings rights , and conscience , are to be esteemed as void and null in law ; and whether or no all the bloud shed in this most horrid and unnaturall war shall be imputed to them , who seeke to vindicate his majesties honour , and conscience , or to those , who ( under pretence of a thorow reformation , and of fighting against evill counsellors ) give the king so many battells , and turne these kingdomes into so many acheldama's , filling them not only ( as manasses did jerusalem ) with bloud from one end to the other , but also with so many perjuries , sacriledges , and horrid blasphemies ? if the assembly of divines be ashamed to own these accursed impieties , why should not we be ashamed to defend those things by our swords , which they are ashamed to justifie with their pens ? i thinke impiety is not yet grown to that height of impudency , that any man dare dispute these questions , in the discussing whereof it will appear , that , if all the precepts of divinity were taken out of the word of god , all the dictates of reason blotted out of the book of nature , and all the maximes spunged out of the lawes and statutes of this kingdome , which have been violated in the justification of this war against the king , there would be neither scripture , reason , nor law left us how to walk as christians , men , or subjects : but if there be any whose desperate condition hath sold him ( like ahab ) to work wickednesse before the lord , and to plead for the violation of the kings oath , that were not only to sharpen the tongues and pens of men , but even the arrowes of gods judgements against us , and our cause , and to make the enemies of god to blaspheme religion , yea to expose our selves , our kingdoms , our religion , and all that we have , to the contempt and scorn of all nations , and religions whatsoever . what kingdom can with safety , enter into a league , or confederacy with our king ; what forreign nation can with security relie upon the honesty of our merchants ; what religion will not feare to hold communion with such a religion , or nation , whose principles , either in religion , or state , maintaine , that the subjects may take up armes to force the king contrary to his oath , yea his coronation-oath ? how often have our pulpits rung , that faith is to be kept with hereticks , and shall now the subjects take up arms to force the king to perjury ? lord , what shall i say ? is the councell of trent now removed into henry the sevenths chappell ? is the popes chaire at rome changed into the speakers chaire at westminster ? must our new reformed religion be founded upon the foure corner stones of blasphemy , perjury , sacrilege , and rebellion ? and shall we temper the morter thereof with the bloud ; and teares of his majesties loyall people , of our fellow subjects , of our brethren , and of those , who live , and dye in the same faith of christ with our selves ? i tremble to thinke what the event of these things may be though we have hitherto escaped the sword , i pray god that a serpent out of the wall doe not bite us : if it were taken so ill that the late lord archbishop of canterbury , and some other counsellors of state should alter the kings oath in some circumstances ( the substance of the oath still remaining ) how ill will it be taken that we should rise in armes to force the kings conscience against this oath ? but admitting it had been but a private oath , nay if a wicked oath , and his majesties conscience had led him to take and defend the same , what doctrine is there in the scripture that inables the subjects to rise in rebellion against him for it ? we may now see the scaene of the churches stage strangely altered ; the church , and true religion formerly suffered persecution by the tyranny of kings ; but now kings ( yea pious kings ) suffer persecution by the tyranny of religion : these these and such like arguments are those rocks upon which the royall party hath built their judgement ; who , although they be overcome by the sword , are not yet vanquished in their cause ; for which they make their appeales to heaven , and call god and man to witnesse their innocency , rejoycing in nothing more , then that there will be a day of judgement , when the righteous , and impartiall judge shall judge both them , and us according to the justice and innocency of the cause : in the meane time , now that god hath done with them , who knowes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he may begin with us , and call us to an accompt ? let us therefore hasten on the peace , thereby to prevent those clouds of bloud , which threaten to dissolve themselves upon us in fire , and haile-stones ; let us lay the foundation thereof in heaven , by rooting out those accursed doctrines of sedition , which have watered our furrowes with so much bloud ; let us by a generall councell chosen out of all the provinces within his majesties dominions , according to the ancient , and known laws of the severall kingdomes , restore religion to its purity of doctrine , & the church to its unity of discipline : but for us to thinke of a reformation by faction and rebellion , and to talke of religion whilst we hold up our swords to force the kings conscience to perjury , is to blaspheme , not to maintaine religion : and yet , as one absurdity opens the doore to a thousand more , and one sinne makes way for another , i have heard some of our leven , ( finding that they have done what they could by the sword , and all to no purpose ) thinke to cover the shame of this tenent with a worse ; and ( as david thought to cover his adultery by murder , ) so these would cover their murder by adulterating the church of god , and would cloake the forcing of the kings conscience by armes , with proceeding against him by ecclesiasticall censure ; but was ever any hereticke so blasphemously impudent , as to talke of a tradatur satanae against their king , because he will not perjure himselfe to commit sacrilege and apostacy : this were to deliver our selves not the king to satan , and to burne our selves in hell for thus blaspheming god , and the king , whilst his majesty signes his halelujahs in heaven ; the curse causelesse shall not come , and the arrowes that we shall shoot against him will fall upon our own heads : this was not it for which his majesty put himselfe upon our loyalty : if the king would have been forced against his conscience , hee needed not to have hazarded either his life , or crowne , or to have committed himselfe to our trust , he could have forsworne himselfe without our counsell , or compulsion ; let us take heed that we make not a prey of that deere , which flyes to us for succour from the hunts-mans hounds . let us poure balm into the wound of the three kingdoms , by vindicating his majesties honour , and conscience , and by restoring the king , his royall consort , the prince , the church , and the other subjects to their lawfull rights ; so shall we by giving unto caesar the things that are caesars , and unto god the things that are gods , truly make a covenant with heaven by our religion , and justice ; and we may make up all the breaches of dissention by an happy union ; god may be pacified towards us ; we may prevent the plots of future designes ; obtaine honour with all christian princes ; and be restored to our owne homes , with the plentifull reward of religion , justice , and loialty . finis coronat opus . that the lawful successor cannot be debarr'd from succeeding to the crown maintain'd against dolman, buchannan, and others / by george mackenzie ... mackenzie, george, sir, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) that the lawful successor cannot be debarr'd from succeeding to the crown maintain'd against dolman, buchannan, and others / by george mackenzie ... mackenzie, george, sir, - . [ ], , p. printed by the heir of andrew anderson ..., edinbvrgh : . errata: prelim. p. [ ]. r. doleman was the pseudonym of robert parsons. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng parsons, robert, - . kings and rulers -- succession. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - rachel losh sampled and proofread - rachel losh text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion that the lawful successor cannot be debarr'd from succeeding to the crown : maintain'd against dolman , buchannan , and others . by sir george mackenzie his majesties advocat . edinbvrgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to his most sacred majesty , anno dom. . king james in his advice to prince henry . page . if god give you not succession , defraud never the nearest by right , whatsoever conceit ye have of the person ; for kingdoms are eve● at gods disposition , and in that case we are but liferenters , it lying no more in the kings , than in the peoples hands to dispossess the righteous heir . page . ibid. for at the very moment of the expyring of the king reigning , the nearest and lawful heir entereth in his place ; and so to refuse him , or intrude another , is not to hold out the successor from coming in , but to expel and put out their righteous king : and i trust at this time whole france acknowledgeth the rebellion of the leaguers , who upon pretence of heresie by force of arms , held so long out , to the great desolation of their whole countrey , their native and righteous king from possessing his own crown and natural kingdom . errata . page . delet at his majority . page . for richard d. read ad . the right of the succession defended . the fourth conclusion to be cleared was , that neither the people , not parliaments of this kingdom , could seclude the lineall successor , or could raise to the throne any other of the same royal line . for clearing whereof , i shall according to my former method , first clear what is our positive law in this case ; secondly i shall shew that this our law is founded upon excellent reason , and lastly , i shall answer the objections . as to the first . it is by the second act of our last parliament acknowledged , that the kings of this realme deriving their royal power from god almighty alone , do lineally succeed therto , according to the known degrees of proximitie in blood , which cannot be interrupted , suspended or diverted by any act or statut whatsoever , and that none can attempt to alter or divert the said succession , without involving the subjects of this kingdom in perjury and rebellion , and without exposing them to all the fatal and dreadful consequences of a civil warr , do therefore from a hearty and sincere sense of their duty recognize , acknowledge and declare that the right to the imperial crown of this realme , is by the inherent right and the nature of monarchy , as well as by the fundamental and unalterable laws of this realme , transmitted and devolved by a lineal succession , according to the proximity of blood . and that upon the death of the king or queen , who actually reignes , the subjects of this kingdom are bound by law , duty and alledgance to obey the nixt immediat and lawful heir either male or female , upon whom the right and administration of the government is immediatly devolved . and that no difference in religion , nor no law nor act of parliament made , or to be made , can alter or divert the right of succession and lineal descent of the crown to the nearest and lawful heirs , according to the degrees foresaids : nor can stop or hinder them in the full , free and actuall administration of the government according to the laws of the kingdom . like as our soveraigne lord , with advice and consent of the saids estates of parliament , do declare it is high treason in any of the subjects of this kingdom , by writing , speaking , or any other manner of way to endeavour the alteration , suspension or diversion of the said right of succession , or the debarring the next lawfull successor from the immediat , actual , full and free administration of the government , conform to the laws of the kingdom . and that all such attempts or designes shall inferre against them the paine of treason . this being not only ane act of parliament , declaring all such as shall endeavour to alter the succession , to be punishable , as traitors ; but containing in it a decision of this point by the parliament , as the supream judges of the nation , and ane acknowledgement by them , as the representatives of the people , and nation . there can be no place for questioning a point , which they have plac'd beyond all contraversie : especially seing it past so unanimously that there was not only no vote given but even no argument propon'd against it . and the only doubt mov'd about it was , whither any act of parliament , or acknowledgement , was necessary , in a point which was in it self so uncontraverted . and which all who were not desperat fanaticks , did conclude to be so in this nation , even after they had hear'd all the arguments that were us'd , and the pamphlets that were written against it , in our neighbour-kingdom . but because so much noise has been made about this question , and that blind bigotry leads some , and humorous faction drawes others out of the common road . i conceive it will be fit to remember my reader of these following reasons , which will i hope clear that as this is our present positive law , so it is established upon the fundamental constitution of our government , upon our old laws , upon the laws of god , of nature , of nations , and particularly of the civil law. as to the fundamental constitution of our government , i did formerly remark , that our historians tell us , that the scots did swear alledgeance to fergus , who was the first of our kings , and to his heirs . and that they should never obey any other , but his royal race . which oath does in law , and reason , bind them to obey the lineal successor , according to the proximity of blood. for ane indefinite obligation to obey the blood royal , must be interpreted according to the proximity in blood , except the swearers had reserv'd to themselves a power to choose any of the royal familie , whom they pleas'd , which is so true , that in law , ane obligation granted to any man , does in the construction of law accresce to his heirs , though they be not exprest . qui sibi providet , & haeredibus providet . and boethius tells us that after king fergus's death , the scots finding their new kingdom infested with warrs , under the powerful influence of picts , romans , and britans , they refus'd notwithstanding to preferre the next of the royal race , who was of perfect age , and a man of great merit , to the son of king fergus , though ane infant ; which certainly in reason they would have done , if they had not been ty'd to the lineal successor . but lest the kingdom should be prejudg'd during the minority , they enacted , that for the future , the next of the blood royal should alwayes in the minority of our kings administrat as kings , till the true heir were of perfect age . but this does not prove , as buchannan pretends , that the people had power to advance to the throne , any of the royal race : whom they judg'd most fit , for common sense may tell us , that was not to choose a king , but a vice-roy , or a regent . for , though to give him the more authority , and so to enable him the more to curb factions , and oppose enimies , he was called king , yet he was but rex fidei commissarius , being oblidg'd to restore it to the true heir at his majority : and so governed only in his vice , and consequently was only his vice-roy . but because the uncles , and next heirs being once admitted to this fidei commissarie tittle , were unwilling to restore the crown to their nephews , and sometimes murder'd them : and oftetimes rais'd factions against them . therefore the people abhorring these impieties , and weary of the distractions , and divisions , which they occasion'd , beg'd from king kenneth the second , that these following laws might be made . . that upon the kings death the next heir of whatsoever age should succeed . . the grand-childe either by son or daughter should be preferr'd . . that till the king arriv'd at years of age , some wise-man should be choos'd to govern , after which , the king should enter to the free administration , and according to this constitution , some fit person has still been choos'd regent in the kings minority , without respect to the proximity of blood , and our kings have been oftentimes crown'd in the cradle . in conformity also to these principles , all the acknowledgements made to our kings , run still in favours of the king , and his heirs . as in the first act parl. . james vi. and the ii , iii , iv. acts parl. . charles ii. and by our oath of alledgeance , we are bound to bear faithful and true alledgeance to his majesty , his heirs and lawful successors ; which word lawful , is insert , to cutt off the pretexts of such as should not succeed by law , and the insolent arbitrarieness of such , as being but subjects themselves , think they may choose their king. viz. act . parl. . james . that this right of succession according to the proximity of blood , is founded on the law of god , is clear by num. chap. . v. . and . if a man hath no son or daughter , his inheritance shall descend upon his brother , ; by num. . where , god himself decides in favours of the daughters of zelophehad , telling us , it was a just thing , they should have the inheritance of their father . and ordaines , that if there were no daughters , the estate should go to the brothers . saint paul likewayes concluds rom. . if sons , then heirs , looking upon that , as a necessary consequence ; which if it do not necessarly hold , or can be any way disappointed , all his divine reasoning in that chapter falls to nothing . and thus ahaziah chron. . v. . was made king ( though the youngest ) in his fathers stead ; because sayes the text , the arabians had slain all the eldest : which clearly shews that by the law of god , he could not have succeeded , if the eldest had been alive . we hear likewayes in scripture , god oft telling , by me kings reigne . and when he gives a kingdom to any as to abraham , david , &c. he gives it to them and their posterity . that this right of succession flowes from the law of nature , is clear ; because , that is accounted to flow from the law of nature , which every man finds grafted in his own heart , and which is obey'd without any other law , and for which men neither seek nor can give another distinct reason ; all which hold in this case : for who doubts when he heares of ane hereditary monarchy , but that , the next in blood must succeed ; and for which we need no positive law , nor does any man enquire for a further reason , being satisfied therein by the principles of his own heart . and from this ground it is , that though a remoter kinsman did possess as heir , he could by no length of time prescribe a valide right ; since no man , as lawyers conclude , can prescribe a right against the law of nature : and that this principle is founded thereupon is confest l : cùm ratio naturalis ff . de bonis damnat : cùm ratio naturalis , quasi lex quaedum tacita , liberis parentum haereditatem adjecerit , veluti ad debitam successionem eos vocando : propter quod suorum haeredum nomen eis indultum est ; adeo ut ne a parentibus quidem , ab eâ successione amoveri possint . et § . emancipati institut : de haered : quae ab intest . praetor naturalem aequitatem sequutus , iis etiám bonorum possessionem contra tabularum leges , & contra jus civile permittit . which text shewes likewayes , that this right of nature was stronger than the laws of the tables , though these were the most ancient and chief statutes of rome . which principle is very clear likewayes from the parable , math. . where the husband-men who can be presum'd to understand nothing but the law of nature , are brought in saying , this is the heir , let us kill him and seaze on his inheritance . nor does this hold only in the succession of children or the direct line , but in the collateral succession of brothers and others l. hac parte ff . unde cognati . hac parte proconsul naturali aequitate motus , omnibus cognatis permittit bonorum possessionem quos sanguinis ratio vocat ad haereditatem . vid. l. . ff . aegrad . & l. . § . hoc autem ff . de bonor . possess . and these who are now brothers to the present king , have been sones to the former : and therefore whatever has been said for sones , is also verified in brothers . as for instance , though his royal highness be only brother to king charles the ii. , yet he is son to king charles i. and therefore , as saint paul sayes , if a son , then ane heir , except he be secluded by the existence and succession of ane elder brother . that this gradual succession is founded on the law of nations , is as clear by the laws of the tables , and the praetorian law of rome . and if we consider the monarchy either old or new , we will find , that wherever the monarchy was not elective , the degrees of succession were there exactly observed . and bodinus de republ. lib. cap. . asserts , that , ordo non tantum naturae & divinae sed etiam omnium ubique gentium hoc postulat . from all which , pope innocent in c. grand . de supplend . neglig . praelati concludes , in regnis haereditariis caveri non potest ne filius aut frater succedat . and since it is expresly determined , that the right of blood can be taken away by no positive law or statute l. jura sanguinis ff . de reg. jur . & l. . ff . de suis legitim . and that the power of making a testament , can be taken away by no law l. ita legatum ff . de conditionibus . i cannot see how the right of succession can be taken away by a statute : for that is the same with the right of blood , and is more strongly founded upon the law of nature , than the power of making testaments . since then this right is founded upon the law of god , of nature and of nations , it does clearly follow , that no parliament can alter the same by their municipal statutes , as our act of parliament has justly observed . for clearing whereof , it is fit to consider , that in all powers and jurisdictions which are subordinat to one another , the inferiour should obey , but not alter the power to which it is subordinat ; and what it does contrary thereto , is null and void . and thus , if the judges of england should publish edicts contrare to acts of parliament , or if a justice of peace should ranverse a decree of the judges of west-minster , these their endeavours would be void and ineffectual . but so it is , that by the same principle , but in ane infinitly more transcendent way , all kings and parliaments are subordinat to the laws of god , the laws of nature , and the laws of nations : and therefore no act of parliament can be binding , to overturn what these have established . this , as to the law of god , is clear , not only from the general dictats of religion , but hen. . cap. . the parliament uses these words , for no man can dispence with gods laws ; which we also affirme and think . and as to the laws of nature , they must be acknowledged to be immutable , from the principles of reason . and the law it self confesses that naturalia quaedam jura quae apud omnes gentes peraequè observantur , divina quadam providentia constituta semper firma , atque immutabilia permanent § . sed naturalia institut . de jur , natural . & § . singulorum de rer . divis : and when the law declares , that a supream prince is free from the obligation of laws , solutus legibus , which is the highest power that a parliament can pretend to , or arrive at ; yet lawyers still acknowledge that this does not exeem these supream powers from being lyable to the laws of god , nature and nations , accurs : in l. princeps ff . de leg. clementina pasturalis de re judicatâ bart. in l. ut vim de justitiâ & jure voet. de statutis sect. . cap. . nor can the law of nations be overturned by private statutes , or any supream power . and thus all statuts to the prejudice of ambassadours , who are secured by the law of nations , are confess'd by all to be null , and the highest power whatsoever cannot take off the necessity of denuncing warr before a warr can be lawful . and lawyers observe verie well , that these who would oppose the common dictats of mankind , should be look't upon as enemies to all mankind . my second argument shall be , that the king & parliament can have no more power in parliament than any absolute monarch has in his own kingdom : for , they are when joyn'd , but in place of the supream power , sitting in judgement ; and therefore they cannot in law do what any other supream and absolute monarch cannot do . for all the power of parliaments consists only in their consent , but we must not think , that our parliaments have ane unlimited power de jure , so , as that they may forfeit or kill without a cause or decerne against the subjects without citing or hearing them ; or , that they can alienat any part of de kingdom ; or subject the wholl kingdom to france or any other forraigne prince : all which deeds would be null in themselves , and would not hinder the partie injur'd from a due redress . for if our parliaments had such power , we would be the greatest slaves , and live under the most arbitrary government imaginable . but so it is , that no monarch whosoever can take from any man what is due to him , by the law of god , nature , and nations . for being himself inferiour to these he cannot overturne their statuts . thus a prince cannot even ex plenitudine potestatis legitimat a bastard in prejudice of former children though they have only but a hope of succession l. . & sequen de natal . restituend . and for the same reason , it is declared in the same law , that he cannot restore a free'd man ( restituere libertum natalibus ) in prejudice of his patron , who was to succeed , though that succession was but by a municipal law. for clearing which question , it is fit to know that the solid lawyers who treat jus publicum , as arnisaeus and others , do distinguish betwixt such kingdoms , as were at first conferr'd by the people , and wherein the kings succeed by contract , and in these , the laws made by king and people can exclude , or bind the successor . and yet even here , they confess , that this proceeds not , because the predecessor can bind the successor , but because the people renew the paction with the succeeding king. but where the successor is to succeed ex jure regni , in hereditary monarchies , there they assert positively that the predecessor cannot prejudge the successors right of succession . which they prove by two arguments . first , that the predecessor has no more power , nor right , than the successor : for the same right , that the present king has to the possession , the next in blood has to the succession . and all our laws run in favours of the king , and his heirs , and no man can tye his equal , or give him the law , par in parem non habet dominium . the second is , that it were unjust and unequitable that the predecessor should robbe his successor nulla ergo ( sayes arnisaeus cap. . num. . ) clausula successori jus auferri potest , modò succedat ille ex jure regni . and hottoman : lib. . de regno galliae asserts , that in france which is a very absolute monarchy , eaquae jure regio primogenito competunt , ne testamento quidem patris adimi possunt . and thus when the king of france design'd to break the salique law of succession , as in the reigne of charles the v. it was found impracticable by the three estates , and when pyrrhus was to preferre his youngest son to the crown , the epirots following the law of nations , and their own , refus'd him , paus. lib. . in the year . also amurat the grand seignior , having left the turkish empire to han the tartarian , passing by his brother ibrahim , the wholl officers ▪ of that state , did unanimously cancel that testament , and restore ibrahim , the true heir tho a silly foole . which shewes the opinion not only of lawyers but of whole nations and parliaments ; tho vander graaff , an hollander confesses , that it is not lawfull to choose any of his sons to succeed him , in which , the general quiet of the kingdom is much concerned . and therefore , tho the next heir were wiser , braver , and more generally beloved ; yet the more immediat must be received , as choos'd by god , whither good or bad , and as honored with his character . and if kings could have inverted their succession , and choos'd their own successor saint lewis had preferr'd his own third son to lewis his eldest , and alfonsus king of leon in spaine , had preferr'd his daughters to ferdinand his eldest son. and edward the vi. of england had preferr'd , and did actually preferre the lady iean gray to his sisters mary , and elizabeth . and if successions especially of such great importance , had not been fixed by immutable laws of god , and nature , the various and unconstant inclinations of the present governours , especially when shaken by the importunity of step-mothers and mothers , or clouded by the jealousie of flatterers , or favourits , had made the nations whom they governed , very unhappy : and therefore , god did very justly , and wisely setle this succession , that both king and people might know , that it is by him that kings reigne , and kingdoms are secur'd in peace against faction . and it were strange , that this should not hold in kings , since even amongst subjects the honour and nobility that is bestow'd upon a man and his heirs , does so necessarly descend upon those heirs , that the father , or predicessor cannot seclude the next successor , or derogat from his right , either by renuncing , resigning , following base or meane trades , or any other : for say those lawyers , since he derives this right from his old progenitors , and owes it not to his father , his fathers deed should not prejudge him therein . fab. cod. . tit. . def. . warnee ; consil. . num. . and as yet the estates of parliament in both nations have no legislative power , otherwayes than by assenting to what the king does ; so that if the king cannot himself make a successor , neither can they by consenting : and all that their consent could imply wold only be that , they and their successors should not oppose his nomination , because of their consent . but that can never amount to a power of transferring the monarchy from one branch to another , which would require , that the transferrers ; or bestowers had the supream power originally in themselves , nemo enim plus juris in alium transferre potest quàm ipse in se habet . and if the states of parliament had this power originally in themselves to bestow , why might they not reserve it to themselves ? and so perpetuate the government in their own hands : and this mov'd judge jenkins in his treatise concerning the liberty and freedom of the subject , pag. . to say , that no king can be named , or in any time made in this kingdom , by the people . a parliament never made a king , for there were kings before there were parliaments , and parliaments are summoned by the kings writtes . fourthly , a king cannot in law alienat his crown , as is undenyable in the opinion of all lawyers , and if he do , that deed is voyd and null , nor could he in law consent to an act of parliament declaring that he should be the last king. and if such consents and acts had been sufficient to bind successors , many silly kings in several parts of europe had long since been prevail'd upon , to alter their monarchy from haereditarie to elective ; or to turn it in a common-wealth ; and therefore by the same reason , they cannot consent to exclude the true successor : for if they may exclude one they may exclude all . . in all societies and governments , but especially where there is any association of powers , as in our parliaments , there are certain fundamentals , which like the noble parts in the body are absolutly necessar for its preservation ; for without these , there would be no ballance , or certainty . and thus with us , if the king and each of the estates of parliament had not distinct and known limits ( sett by the gracious concessions of our monarchs ) each of them would be ready to invade one anothers priviledges . and thus i conceive that if the parliament should consent to alienate the half of the kingdom , or to subject the whole to a stranger , as in king johns case in england , and the baliols in scotland , it has been found by the respective parliaments of both kingdoms , that , that statute would not oblidge the successor . or if the house of commons in england , or the burrowes of scotland should consent to any act excluding their estate and respresentatives from the parliament , doubtlesse that statute excluding them would not prejudge their successors ; because that act was contrare to one of the fundamental laws of the nation . and the late acts of parliaments excluding bishops , were reprobated by the ensuing parliaments , as such ; and therefore by the same rule , any statute made excluding the legal successor , would be null and voyd , as contrare to one of the great fundamental rights of the nation . and what can be call'd more a fundamental right than the succession of our monarchy ? since our monarchy in this isle , has ever been acknowledg'd to be hereditary . and that this acknowledgment is the great basis whereupon most of all the positions of our law run , and are established : such as , that the king never dyes , since the very moment in which the last king dyes , the next successor in blood is legally king , and that without any expresse recognizance from the people , and all that oppose him are rebells , his commissions are valide , he may call parliaments , dispose the lands pertaining to the crown , all men are lyable to do him homage ; and hold their rights of him and his heirs . and generally this principle runs through all the veins of our law. it is that , which gives life and authority to our statutes , but receives none from them ; which are the undenyable marks and characters of a fundamental right in all nations . but that this right of lineal succession is one of the fundamental , and unalterable laws of the kingdom of scotland , is clear , by the commission granted by the parliament for the union in anno . in which these words are , his majesty vouchsafeing , to assure them of his sincere disposition and clear meaning , no way by the foresaid union to prejudge or hurt the fundamental laws , ancient priviledges , offices and liberties of this kingdom ; whereby not only the princely authority of his most royal descent hath been these many ages maintain'd , but also his peoples securities of their lands and livings , rights , liberties , offices and dignities preserv'd : whilks if they should be innovated , such confusion should ensue ; as it could no more be a free monarchy . . there would many great inconveniencies arise , both to king and people , by the parliaments having this power : for weak kings might by their own simplicity , and gentle kings by the rebellion of their subjects be induced to consent to such acts , in which their subjects would be tempted to cheat in the one case , and rebell in the other . many kings likewise might be wrought upon , by the importunity of their wives , or concubins , or by the misrepresentations of favourits , to disinherit the true successor ; and he likewise to prevent this arbitrarienesse , would be oblidg'd to enter in a faction for his own support , from his very infancy . this would likewise animate all of the blood royal , to compete for the throne , and in order thereto , they would be easily induc'd to make factions in the parliament , and to hate one another ; whereas the true successor would be ingadg'd to hate them all , and to endeavour the ruine of such as he thought more popular than himself . nor would the people be in better case , since they behov'd to expect upon all these accompts , constant civil warres and animosities , and by being unsure whom to follow , might be in great hazard by following him who had no right . and their rights bearing to hold of the king and his heirs , it would be dubious to the vassals , who should be their superiour , as well , as who should be their king. it is also in reason to be expected , that scotland will ever owne the legal descent : and thus we should under different kings of the same race , be involv'd in new and constant civil warrs ; france shall have a constant door open'd , by allyances with scotland , to disquiet the peace of the whole isle ; and england shab loose all the endeavours it used to unite this isle within it self . another great absurdity and inconveniency which would follow upon the exclusion of the lineal successor would be , that if he had a son , that son behoov'd certainly to succeed ; and therefore after the next lawful heir were brought from abroad to reigne , he behov'd to return upon the birth of this son ; and if he dyed he would be again call'd home , and would be sent back by the birth of another son : which would occasion such affronts , uncertainties , divisions , factions , temptations , that i am sure , no good nor wise man could admit of such a project . i find also , that as the debarring the righteous heir , is in reason , the fruitful seed of all civil warr and misery , ( for who can imagine that the righteous heir will depart from his right , or that wise men will endanger their lives and fortunes in opposition to it ? ) so experience has demonstrated , how dangerous , and bloody this injustice has prov'd . let us remember amongst many domestick examples , the miseries that ensu'd upon the exclusion of mordredus the son of lothus ; the destruction of the picts for having secluded alpinus the righteous heir ; the warrs during the reigne of william the conquerour ; these betwixt king stevin and henry the ii. betwixt the houses of lancaster and york ; betwixt the bruce and the baliol ; the murther of arthur duke of britanny , true heir of the crown of england , with many other forreigne histories , which tell us of the dreadfull michiefs arising from pelops preferring his youngest son to the kingdom of micene ; from aedipus commanding that polinices his youngest son should reigne alternatly with the eldest ; from parisatis the queen of persia's preferring her youngest son cyrus , to her eldest artaxerxes , from aristodemus admitting his two sons proclus , and euristhenes to an equall share in the lacedemonian throne . the like observations are to be made in the succession of ptolemaeus lagus and ptolemaeus phisco , in the sons of severus , in the succession of sinesandus who kill'd his brother suintilla righteours heir of spaine , and that of francis and fortia duke of millan with thousands of others : in all which , either the usurpers or the kingdom that obey'd them , perish'd utterly . to prevent which differences and mischiefs , the hungarians would not admitte almus the younger brother , in exclusion of the elder colomanus , though a silly deform'd creature , albeit almus was preferr'd by ladislaus ( the kings elder brother ) to both . nor would france acquiesce in st. lewis his preferring charles his son , to lewis the eldest . and the english refus'd to obey lady iean gray , in prejudice of queen marie , though a papist and persecuter . tali & constanti veneratione nos angli legitimos reges prosequimur &c. sayes an english historian . . if parliaments had such powers as this , then our monarchy would not be hereditary , but elective ; the very essence of ane hereditary monarchy consisting in the right of succession , according to the contingency of blood . whereas if the parliament can preferre the next , save one , they may preferre the last of all the line : for the next save one , is no more next than the last is next . and the same reason by which they can choose a successor ( which can only be that they have a power above him ) should likewayes in my opinion justifie their deposing of kings . and since the successor has as good right to succeed , as the present king has to govern ( for that right of blood which makes him first , makes the other next , and all these statuts which acknowledge the present kings prerogatives , acknowlege that they belong to him and his heirs . ) it followes clearly , that if the parliament can preclude the one , they may exclude the other . and we saw even in the last age , that such reasons as are now urged to incapacitat the children of our last monarch , from the hope of succession . viz. popery , and arbitrary government , did embolden men to dethrone , and murder the father himself who was actual king. . that such acts of parliament , altering the succession are ineffectual , and null , is clear from this , that though such an act of parliament were made , it could not debarre the true successor : because by the laws of all nations , and particularly of these kingdoms , the right of succession purges all defects , and removes all impediments , which can prejudge him who is to succeed . and as craig one of our learn'd lawyers has very well express'd it , tanta est regii sanguinis praerogativa , & dignitas , ut vitium non admittat , nec se contaminari patiatur . and thus though he who were to succeed , had committed murther , or were declar'd a traitour formerly to the crown for open rebellion against the king , and kingdom ; yet he needed not be restor'd by act of parliament upon his comming to the crown : but his very right of blood would purge all these imperfections . of which there are two reasons given by lawyers , one is , that no man can be a rebel against himself , nor can the king have a superior . and consequently , there can be none whom he can offend . and it were absurd that he who can restore all other men , should need to be restored himself . the second reason is , because the punishment of crimes , such as confiscations , &c. are to be inflicted by the kings authority , or to fall to the kings thesaury ; and it were most absurd , that a man should exact from himself a punishment . likeas , upon this account it is , that though in the canon law , bastards cannot be promov'd to sacred orders without dispensation , nor can alibi nati , that is to say , people born out of england be admitted to succeed in england , by express act of parliament there ; yet agapaetus , theodorus , gelasius and many others , have been admitted to be popes without any formal dispensation , their election clearing that imperfection . and the statute of alibi nati , has been oft found not to extend to the royal line . that the succession to the crown purges all defects , is clear , by many instances , both at home and abroad . the instances at home are , in england henry the vi. being disabled and attainted of high treason by act of parliament , it was found by the judges , notwithstanding that from the moment he assum'd the crown , he had right to succeed without being restored . and the like was resolved by the judges in the case of henry the vii , as bacon observes in his history of henry the vii . fol. . and in the case of queen elizabeth , who was declar'd bastard by act of parliament , as is clear by cambden anno . elizabeth . and though in scotland there be no express instances of this , because though some rebellious ring-leaders in scotland , have often in a privat capacity been very injurious to their king ; yet their parliaments have been ever very tender of attainting the blood royal , or presumptive heirs . but alexander duke of albanie , and his succession being declared traitours , by his brother king james the iv. his son john was notwithstanding called home from france upon his uncles death , and declar'd tutor and governour , without any remission , or being restor'd : that employment being found to be due to him by the right of blood : therefore he had been much more declared the true successor of the crown if his cousin king iames the v. had died . these being sufficient to establish our design , i shall mention only some forraigne stories . charles the vii . of france who though banish'd by sentence of the parliament of paris ▪ did thereafter succeed to the crown . and though lewis the xii . was forfeited for taking up armes against charles the viii . yet he succeeded to him without restitution . and lewis the ii. his son being declared a rebel , whom his father desiring to disinherit , and to substitut in his place charles duke of normandie , that son had succeeded if he had not been hindered by the nobility , who plainly told him it was impossible to exclude his sone from the succession . my next task shall be to satisfy the arguments brought for mantaining this opinion , whereof the first is . that god himself has authorised the inverting the right of succession , by the examples of esau , salomon , and others . to which i answer , that these instances which are warranted by express commands from god , are no more to be drawn into example , than the robbing of the aegyptians ear-rings . and it 's needing an express command , and the expressing of that command , does evince , that otherwayes iacob , nor salomon could not have succeeded against the priviledge of birth-right and possession . the next objection , is that it is naturally imply'd in all monarchies , that the people shall obey whilst the prince governs justly , as in the paction betwixt david , and the people sam. . which is most suitable to the principles of justice , and government : since relations cannot stand by one side ; so that when the king leaves off to be king , and becomes a tyrant , the people may consult their own security in laying him aside , as tutors may be remov'd when they are suspect . and that this is most just when kings are idolaters since god is rather to be obey'd then men . to all which it is answered , that god who loves order , and knows the extravagant levity , and insolence of men , especially when baited by hope of prey , or promotion , did wisely think fit to ordain under the paine of eternal damnation , that all men should be subject to superiour powers for conscience sake . pet. . . and that whoever resists the power , resists god , rom. . . reserving the punishment of kings to himself , as being only their superiour . and thus david , asa , and others , committed crimes , but were not depos'd , nor debart'd by the people . nor were even the idolatrous kings such as achab , manasse , &c. judged by their subjects , nor did the prophets exhort the people to rise against them , though they were opposing gods express , and immediat will. and overturning the uncontraverted fundamentals of religion . nor did the fathers of the primitive church , excite the christians to oppose the heathen , and idolatrous princes , under which they lived : and paul commands them to pray for these heathen emperours . nor was the emperour basilicus depos'd for abrogating the council of chalcedon , as is pretended by some republicans , but was turn'd out by the just successor zeno , whom he had formerly dethron'd . nor were zeno or anastasius degraded for their errors in religion , or their vices by the ancient christians : but were opprest by private faction . and sure they must think god unable to redress himself , who without warrand , and against his expresse warrand , will usurpe so high a power . and we in this rebellious principle , owne the greatest extravagancy with which we can charge the pope and jesuits , and disowne not only our own confession of faith which article . chap. . acknowledges , that infidelity , or difference in religion doth not make void the magistrats just ; or legal authority , nor free the people from their due obedience to him , but contradict the best protestant divines , as musculus , melancthon and others vid. libell . de vitand , superstit . anno . & consil. biden . dec. . consil. . & decad. . consil. . nor can the subterfuge us'd by buchanan , and others satisfie , whereby they contend that the former texts of scripture prove only that the office , but not the persones of kings are sacred ▪ so that parliaments or people may lay aside the persons , though not the office , seing the sacred text secures oftner the person , than the office as i have formerly more fully prov'de . and if this principle prevail'd as to the differences in the theory of religion , it would in the next step be urg'd as to the practice of religion ; and we would change our kings , because we thought them not pious , as well as protestant . and did not our sectarians refine so far , as to think dominion founded on grace ? and this opinion seems to my self more solide than the other , for certainly an impious protestant , is a worse governour , and less gods vicegerent , and image , than a devout papist . and amongst protestants , every secte will reject a king , because he is not of their opinion . and thus our covenanters , by the act of the west-kirk anno . declar'd , they would disown our present monarch , if he did not own the covenant . and though a king were protestant , yet still this pretext that he design'd to introduce popery , would raise his people against him , if differences in religion could lawfully arme subjects against their king , or did empower them to debar his successor . and when this cheat prevail'd against devout king charles the i , the martyr of that orthodox faith to which he was said to be enemie , what a madness is it to allow this fatall error , which was able to ruine us in the last age , and went so near to destroy us in this ? this is indeed , to allow that arbitrariness against our kings , which we would not allow in them to us . the second objection is , that in england the parliament has frequently devolv'd the crown and government upon such as were not otherwayes to have succeeded , as in the instances of edward the ii. and richard the iii , the first of whom was most unjustly depos'd , for making use of gavestoun , and the spencers ; which shewes how extravagant the people ar in their humours , rather than how just their power is : for besides , that do not read , that these counsellors were unsufferable , there is no good christian that can say , that a king can be depos'd for using ill counsellors . and as to richard the iii. his case is so fully examined , and all the articles brought both against him , and edward the ii. so fully answered by the learn'd arnisaeus a protestant lawyer , ( and who had no other interest in that debate than a love to truth and law ) in that treatise , quod nullâ ex causâ subditis fas sit contra legitimum principem arma sumere , that we protestants should be asham'd to bring again to the field such instances , upon which arnisaeus , in answer to the . article against richard the ii , viz. that he refus'd to allow the lawes made in parliament , does very well remark , that this was in effect to consent to their being king , and to transferre upon them the royal power , and this will be the event of all such undertakings . the instances of henry the iv. and henry the vii . , are of no more weight than the other two , since these were likewayes only kings de facto , till king henry the vii . by his marriage with the lady elizabeth , eldest daughter to king edward the iv. , did by her transmit a just title to his successor : & therefore it was not strange , that either of these should allow the parliament to interpose , when they behov'd to owe to them the possession of the throne . but yet henry the vii . himself ( as the lord bacon relates in his historie ) shunn'd to have the parliament declare his title to be just , being content with these ambiguous words , viz. that the inheritance of the crown should rest , remain and abide in the king , &c. and upon this accompt it was , that the same king caus'd make a law , that such as should serve the king for the time , being in his warrs , could not be attainted or impeach'd in their persons or estates . as to henry the viii . his procuring an act , whereby the parliament declares that in case he had no issue by the lady jean seymour , he might dispose of the crown to whatsoever person he should in his own discretion think fit . it is answered , that by a former statute in the year of his reigne , he by act of parliament setles the crown upon the heirs male of his own body , and for lack of such issue , to lady elizabeth , and for lack of such issue also , to the next heirs of the king , who should for ever succeed according to the right of succession of the crown of england ; which shewes that the succession to the crown of england is establish't by the law of nature , and the fundamental laws of england , upon the heirs of blood , according to the proximity of degrees ; so that though that king did afterwards prevaile with the parliament to declare this elizabeth a bastard , as he did also his daughter mary , by another act , and resolve to setle the crown , upon henry fitz roy , duke of richmond , yet these acts teach us how dangerous it is to leave parliaments to the impression of kings in the case of naming a successor , as it is to expose kings to the arbitrariness of parliaments . but such care had god of his own laws , that mary succeeded notwithstanding she was papist , and elizabeth succeeded her , though she was declar'd bastard ; the rights of blood prevailing over the formalities of divorce , and the dispensations of popes : as the strength of nature does often prevaile over poisons . and god remov'd the duke of richmond by death , to prevent the unjust competition , and so little notice was taken of this ; and the subsequent act anno , that the heirs of blood succeeded without repealing of that act , as ane act in it self invalide from the beginning : for only such acts are past by , without being repeal'd . and blackwood pag. . observes very well , that so conscious were the makers of these acts , of the illegality thereof , and of their being contrarie to the immutable laws of god , nature and nations , that none durst produce that kings testament wherein he did nominat a successor , conform to the power granted by these acts , that how soon they were freed by his death from the violent oppressions that had forced them to alter a successor three several times , and at last to swear implicitly to whomever he should nominat , ( a preparative which this age would not well bear though they cite it ) they proclamed first queen mary their queen though a papist , and thereafter queen elizabeth , whom themselves had formerly declared a bastard . and as in all these acts there is nothing declaring the parliaments to have power to name a successor , but only giving a power to the king , for preventing mischiefs ; that might arise upon the dubiousness of the succession , to nominat a successor ; two of the legal successors having been declar'd bastards upon some niceties , not of nature , but of the popes bulls for divorcing their mothers : so , this instance can only prove , that the king may nominat a successor , and that the parliament may consent , not to quarrell it , ( which is all that they do ) but does not at all prove , that where the right of nature is clear , the parliament may invert the same . and strangers who considered more the dictats of law than of passion , did in that age conclude , that no statute could be valide when made contrare to the fundamental law of the kingdom , arnisaeus cap. . num. . henricus viii . angliae rex eduardum filium primò , deinde mariam , denique elizabetham suos haeredes fecerat , verùm non aliter ea omnia valent quàm sicum jure regni conveniant , vid. curt. tract . feud . par. . num. . there seems greater difficulty to arise from the elizabeth c. . by which it is enacted , that if any persone shall affirme , that the parliament of england has not full power to bind and governe the crown in point of succession and descent , that such a persone , during the queens life , shall be guilty of high treason . but to this act it is answered , that this act does not debarre the next legal and natural successor . and these words , that the parliament has power to bind and govern the succession , must be , as all other general expressions in statutes , interpreted and restricted by other uncontraverted laws ; and so the sense must be , that the parliament are judge where there are differences betwixt competitors in nice and contravertable points which cannot be otherwise decided : and both this and the former acts made in henry the vi. time , are not general laws but temporarie acts and personal priviledges ; and so cannot overturn the known current of law. quod verò contrà rationem juris receptum est , non est producendum ad consequentias . and in all these instances it is remarkable , that the restriction was made upon the desire of the soveraigne , and not of the subject . and if we look upon this act as made to secure against mary queen of scotland , and to let her know , that it was to no purpose for her to designe any thing against the right , or person of queen elizabeth , as being declar'd a bastard , by act of parliament in england ; since her other right as next undoubted heir by blood to the crown , might be altered , or govern'd : we must acknowledge it to be only one of these statutes , which the law sayes , are made ad terrorem & ex terrore only . nor was there ever use made of it by queen elizabeth , nor her parliaments ; so fully were they convinc'd , that this pretended power was so unjust , as that it could not be justified by an act of parliament , being contrair to the laws of god , of nature , of nations , and of the fundamental laws of both kingdoms . but this law being made to exclude queen mary , and the scotish line , as is clear by that clause , wherein it is declared that every person or persones of what degree or nation soever they be , shall during the queens life declare or publish , that they have right to the crown of england during the queens life , shall be disinabled to enjoy the crown in succession , inheritance , or otherwayes , after the queens death ; it therefore followes , that it was never valide : for if it had , king iames might have thereby been excluded by that person who should have succeeded next to the scotish race . for it 's undeniable , that queen marie did , during queen elizabeths life , pretend right to the crown , upon the account that queen elizabeth was declared bastard . and therefore the calling in of king iames after this act , and the acknowledging his title , does clearly evince , that the parliament of england knew , that they had no power to make any such act. the words of which acknowledgement of king james's right , i have thought fit to set down , as it is in the statute it self , . ja. cap. . that the crown of england did descend upon king james by inherent birthright , as being lineally , justly , and lawfully next , and sole heir of the blood royal. and to this recognition they do submit themselves , and posterities for ever , untill the last drop of their blood be spilt . and further doth beseech his majesty to accept of the same recognition , as the first fruits of their loyalty , and faith to his majesty , and to his royal progeny , and posterity for ever . it may be also objected , that by the , act. parl. . ja. . it is provided in scotland , that all kings ▪ and princes that shall happen to reigne and bear rule over that kingdom , shall at the time of their coronation , make their faithfull promise by oath in presence of eternal god , that they shall mantaine the true religion of iesus christ , the preaching of the holy word , and due and right administration of the sacraments now received and preach'd within this kingdom ; from which two conclusions may be inferr'd , . that by that act the successor to the crown may be restricted . . that the successor to the crown must be a protestant , that being the religion which was professed and established the time of this act. to which it is answered , that this act relates only to the crowning of the king , and not to the succession . nor is a coronation absolutly necessar , coronatio enim magis est ad ostentationem , quàm ad necessitatem . nec ideo rex est quia coronatur , sed coronatur quia rex est . oldard : consil . . num . . balbus lib. de coronat . pag . nor do we read that any kings were crown'd in scripture except ioas. and clovis king of france was the first , who was crown'd in europe . nor are any kings of spaine crown'd till this day . neither is ane coronation oath requisit ; sisenandus being the first who in the . tolletan councel gave such an oath amongst the christians , as trajan was the first amongst the heathen emperours . and we having had no coronation oath till the reigne of king gregorie , which was in anno , he having found the kingdom free from all restrictions , could not have limited his successor , or at least could not have debarr'd him by an oath . nullam enim poterat legem dictare posteris , cum par in parem non habeat imperium , as our blackwood observes . pag. . ( . ) there is no clause irritant in this act debarring the successor , or declaring the succession null in case his successor gave not this oath . . the lawfull successor though he were of a different religion from his people ( as god forbid he should be ) may easily swear , that he shall mantaine the laws presently standing . and any parliament may legally secure the successor from overturning their religion or laws , though they cannot debarre him . and though the successor did not swear to mantaine the laws , yet are they in litle danger by his succession ; since all acts of parliament stand in force , till they be repeal'd by subsequent parliaments : and the king cannot repeale an act without the consent of parliament . but to put this beyond all debate , the . act of this current parliament is opponed , whereby it is declared , that the right and administration of the government is immediatly devolv'd upon the nixt lawfull heir after the death of the king or queen , and that no difference in religion , nor no law nor act of parliament can stop or hinder them in the free and actual administration ; which is an abrogation of the foresaid act concerning the coronation as to this point ; for how can the administration be devolv'd immediatly upon the successor , if he cannot administrat till he be crown'd , and have sworn this oath . the next objection is , that since the king and parl. may by act of parl. alter the successions of privat families though transmitted by the right of blood , why may they not alter the succession in the royal family ? to which it is answered , that the reason of the difference lyes in this , that the heirs of the crown owe not their succession to parliaments : for they succeed by the laws of god , nature , and the fundamental laws of the nation ; whereas privat families are subject to parliaments , and inferiour to them , and owe their privat rights to a municipal law , and so may and ought in point of right to be regulated by them . and yet i am very clear , that a parliament cannot arbitrarly debarr the eldest son of a privat family , and devolve the succession upon the younger : and if they did so , their acts would be null . but if this argument were good , we might as well conclude by it , that no persone born out of england , or attainted of treason could succeed to the crown ; because he could not succeed to a privat estate . all which and many moe instances do clearly demonstrat that the successor to the crown cannot be debarr'd , nor the succession to the crown diverted by act of parliament . the last objection is , that robert the iii. king of scotland , was by ane act of parliament preferr'd to david and walter , who ( as he pretends ) were truly the eldest lawful sons of robert the d . because euphan daughter to the earl of ross was first lawful wife to king robert the d , and she bore him david earl of strathern , and walter earl of athol , alexander earl of buchan , and euphan who was married to james earl of dowglass , after whose deceass he married elizabeth muir , daughter to sir adam muir ; not so much ( as buchanan observes ) from any design to marry a second wife , as from the great love he carried to elizabeth muir , whom because of her extraordinary beauty he had lov'd very passionatly in his youth , and before he married the earl of rosses daughter , and from the love which he bore to the sons whom elizabeth had born before that first marriage , who were john earl of carrick ( who thereafter succeeded to the crown by the title of robert the d , ) and robert earl of fife and monteith , he prevail'd with the parliament to prefer john eldest son by elizabeth muir , to the two sons which he had by the earl of rosses daughter , who was ( as they pretend ) his first lawful wife . in which though i might debate many nice points of law relating to this subject , yet i choose only to insist on these few convincing answers . . that in a case of so great moment historians should be little credited , except they could have produc'd very infallible documents ; and as in general one historian may make all who succeed him err , so in this case boetius ( who was the first ) liv'd and wrot years after the marriage of king robert the d , and wrot his history at aberdeen , very remote from the registers and records by which he should have instructed himself ; nor did he know the importance of this point , having touch'd it only transiently , though it has been design'dly press'd by buchanan , to evince that the parliaments of scotland might prefer any of the royal line they pleas'd ; and it is indeed probable that king robert the d . did for some time make no great noise of his first marriage with elizabeth muir , least the meaness of the match should have weaken'd his interest upon his first coming to the crown , he being himself the first of the race of the stewarts , and having so strong competitors as the earl of dowglass , who claim'd right to the crown in the right of the baliol and the cummings , as boetius himself observes . . king robert the d. having succeeded as the eldest lawful son , and having been receiv'd as such by that parliament , and his posterity by all succeeding parliaments , the possession of the king and the acquiescence of the people is the most infallible proof that can be adduc'd for proving that robert was the eldest lawful son , nor have most kings in europe , or the heads of most private families any other proof of their being the eldest and lawful sons , save that they succeeded and were acknowledg'd as such . . to ballance the authority of these historians , i shall produce the testimonie of the learned sir lewis stewart , one of the most famous lawyers we ever had , and who ought much more to be believ'd than buchanan , not only because he was more disinterested , but because he founds upon acts of parliament and old charters which he himself had seen in the registers , in which elizabeth muir is acknowledg'd to have been the first wife . buchananus lib. . in vitam roberti . affirmat euphaniam comitis rossenssis filiam primam regis roberti . uxorem fuisse & eâ mortuâ , regem superinduxisse elizabetham moram ex qua prius liberos ternos mares suscepisset , & ●am ●x●rem duxisse , ejusque liberos regno desti●●sse , ut postea eorum natu maximus suc●●essit quod quam falsum sit , apparet ex archivis in carcere edinburgensi reconditis , ubi exstant separata acta duorum parliamentorum , subscripta manibus ecclesiasticorum praesulum , nobilium , baronum , & aliorum statuum parliamenti , & eorum sigillis roborata , quibus elizabetha mora agnoscitur prima uxor , & euphania rosse secunda , & liberis ex elizabetha mora tanquam justis haeredibus ; regni , successive regnum dcernitur , & post eos liberis euphaniae rosse nec non ibidem cartae extant plurima factae per davidem secundum , eorum patruum magnum ex diversit terris . ioanni filio primogenito , nepotis ejus roberti , dum euphania rosse viverit nec non dar vidi filio natu maximo euphaniae rosse quem solum filium indigitat roberti nepotis , quod non fecisset si elizabetha mora non prius fuisset nupta roberto ejus nepoti , na● primogenitus nunquam attribuitur notho in● ego plures quam vigint● cartas in archivis inveni , ubi etiam eas reliqui , ex quibus sole clarius elucessit , elizabetham moram prima●● f●isse uxorem , & euphaniam rosse secundam , nam extra contraversiam , liberi elizabethae morae etate grandiores era●t liberis euphaniae rosse : which paper i did get from the lord pitmeden , who has himself written some learn'd observations upon this point . . i have my self seen an act of parliament ( found out by the industry of sir george mackenzie of tarbet , now lord register ) having the intire seals of the members of parliament appended thereto , by which the parliament do swear allegiance to robert the d . the first king of the race of the stewarts ; and after him roberto comiti de carrict , filio suo nat● maximo ( his eldest son ) in anno , which was the first year of his reign ; and if the pretended defect be true , it was a very palpable , and a very undenyable one , and could not but have been unanswerably known to the whole nation . and how can we imagine , that the whole parliament would have unanimously drawn upon themselves so dreadful a perjury , by excluding the lawful heir , against their national oath in the reign of k. kenneth the d , whereby they swore to own ▪ always the immediate heir , or that they would have entail'd upon themselves a civil war , by preferring even a questionable heir , after the miseries which they had lately then felt , in the competition betwixt the bruce and the baliol ▪ amongst which seals , the seal of james earl of dowglass is one , and how ridiculous is it to think , that he would sit and declare a bastard preferable to the brother of his own lady , and to his own lady who would have succeeded if her brothers had died without succession : which act of parliament does also clearly prove , that buchanan did not at all understand matters of fact in this part of the history , for he asserts , that after the death of euphan ross , the king married elizabeth muir , and did by act of parliament obtain the crown to be settled upon robert the d , son to the said elizabeth muir , upon whom he also bestow'd the title of carrick ; all which is most false , for this act of parliament is dated in anno , and king robert the d . succeeded to the crown that year , nor did euphan ross die till the d. year after he succeeded to the crown , and so not till the year , and yet in anno this act is past , designing him heir to the crown , and earl of carrick , and consequently he was so design'd before the death of euphan ross. . i have seen a charter granted by king robert the d , when he was only steward of scotland , granted in anno , and so long before he was king. in which charter likewise , john , thereafter king , by the name of robert the d , is a conjunct disponer with him , under the express designation of the eldest son and heir . robertus senescallus scotiae , comes de strathern , & ioannes senescallus primogenitus & haeresipsius dominus baroniae de kyle , &c. which charter confirms to the abbacy of pasley several lands disponed to them , by reginaldus more , father to sir william more of abercorn . and i find that david duke of rothsay , was always in the charters granted by his father king robert the first , called primogenitus , and he was no bastard , nor can this designation be given to a bastard , as is clear by covar●v●as de matrim . part . . cap. . § . . num . but how can it be imagined that the monks of pasley would have taken a right from a person as heir to the crown , who was not : for this would have infer'd treason against them , beside the annulling their right , or who could understand better the lawfulness of a marriage , than a body of church-men , living in the time , and very near to the residence of the married persons , and in whose conventual-church the said king robert and elizabeth muir ly buried together . item , i have seen in the registers another charter granted by king robert the . in the first year of his reign , with the consent of john earl of carrick , primogenitus & haeres , allano de lavidia terrarum de whitslet ; and an other granted by the said king , . june , anno primo regni , confirming to paulo m ctire a charter granted by the earl of ross , father to euphan , wherein the said john primogenitus & hares , is a witness : and to shew that the said euphan ross was then living when he was so design'd heir , there is a charter to her by the king upon the very same day of the lands of lochleaven . as also , there is a charter granted by king robert the d , the first year of his reign , to alexander his son , and another to john kennedy of the barrony of dalrymple , in both which the said john earl of carrick is call'd primogenitus , and is witness with the earl of dowglass ; so that he has been design'd eldest son and heir , openly , uncontravertedly , and in all papers , and with the consent of the second wife and her relations . . in the parliament , the said john earl of carrick is design'd to be lieutenant of the kingdom , and all the estates of parliament swear to own him in his government , and which statute is printed amongst the satutes of king robert the d , father to the said john , and which must be during the marriage with euphan ross , for she liv'd three years after her husband was king , and he succeeded to the crown anno : and this also confutes buchanan , who asserts , that he was created earl of carrick after the death of euphan ross , and it is against all sense and reason to think that he could have been acknowledg'd during her life , if he had not been the true apparent heir of the crown and a lawful son. . walter ( who they pretend should have succeeded to the crown , ) having kill'd his nephew king james the first , son to king robert the d ; he was not only not own'd after the death of the said king james , as certainly he had been if his title had been good , and his right so recent and demonstrable , having so many great and powerful relations , that his father was induc'd upon their account to marry his mother ; but yet the said walter was by all the parliament unanimously condemn'd as a traitor , for having conspir'd the death of his lawful prince . nor does boetius justifie walter 's title in the least , but on the contrary , magnifies the parliament for their just sentence . as did likewise aeneas silvius the popes learned legat , who exhorted the parliament to condemn him . . how is it imaginable , that king robert who had so lately , and after a strong competition come to the crown , would have adventur'd to make his title yet more disputable , by preferring a bastard to the true heir , who had so many friends by his mother , and who being an infant had never disoblig'd him . . if we will consider the opinion of the civilians , whom we and almost all nations follow in the cases of succession , we will find , that the said king robert the d was the eldest and lawful son of king robert the d . filius legitimus , & non legitimatus . for , . they conclude , that a son is prov'd to be a lawful son by the assertion of the father , alciat tract praesumpt . reg. , praesumpt . . num . . and certainly the father is the best judge in such cases ; but so it is we have the father owning the said robert the d. to be his eldest son and heir , both in charters and acts of parliamnets , which are the most solemn of all deeds . . quando pater instituit aliquem tanquam filium s●um , which holds in this case , where the father institutes and leaves him heir , and the parliament swears allegiance to him as the heir , mascard . de prob . vol. . conclus . . and in dubious cases , the father's naming such a man as a son , presumes him to be a lawful son , nominatio parentis inducit filiationem in dubio , l. ex facto § . si quis rogatus ff . ad trebell . . even fame , and the common opinion of the people , do in favours of these that are in possession , and in ancient cases , prove & filiationem , & legitimationem , mascard . conclus . . but much more , where the fame and common opinion is adminiculated by other arguments , fulgos consil . . panorm . in cap. transmiss , qui filii sunt ligittimi . . when writs are produc'd , calling a man a son , the law concludes him to be a lawful son. mascard . vol. . conclus . . num . all which can be easily subsum'd in our case . in which robert the d. is nam'd not only son , but heir , and allegiance sworn to him , even in the lifetime of the second wife and her relations sitting in parliament , and all this acquiesc'd in for many hundreds of years , and the competitors punish'd as traitors by the unanimous consent of all the parliament . i know that buchanan does most bitterly inveigh against those laws made by king kenneth the d , as laws whereby the ancient right of succession was innovated , and whereby the government was settled upon children who were neither able to consult with the people , nor to defend them , and whereby those had the government of the nation conferr'd upon them who were not capable to govern themselves . to which my answer is , that in this buchanan's malice contradicts his history , for his own history tells us , that the scots swore allegiance to fergus and his posterity ; and consequently fergus's son ought by law to have succeeded , and not his brother , for his brother was none of his posterity , and therefore those laws made by k. kenneth did but renew the old law , and the innovation introduc'd in favours of the uncles , was a subversion of the fundamental law to which they had sworn . . that the old law was not abrogated , but was in being by vertue of the first oath , appears very clear by buchanan himself , who confesses , that upon the death of durstus , a wicked prince , it was debated whether his son should not succeed juxta sacramentum fergusio prestitum veteremque esse morem servandum , which acknowledgeth that the succession was even in these days established by law , by oath , and by custom ; and after the death of fergus the d , his son eugenius ( though a minor ) was crown'd , and his uncle graemus allow'd to be his tutor . and buchanan also brings in bishop kennedy , lib. . praising this law as made by kenneth , a most wise and glorious prince , with advice of all his estates of parliament ; and which rather confirms ( as he says ) the old law than introduces a new one , so far did buchanan's rage against queen mary prevail with him , to praise and rail at the same individual law ; and it is observable , that it is very dangerous to recede once from fundamental laws , for buchanan makes not only the succession elective , but he makes no difference betwixt lawful children and bastards , and excludes not only minors during the uncles life , but women for ever . . in all nations where the monarchy is hereditary , minors succeed , and so this innovation of causing the next male succeed for all his life , was contrary to the nature of the monarchy and to the customs of all nations , and god in scripture gives us many instances of it : j●as succeeded when he was seven years of age , josiah when he was eight , manasseh in twelve , and azariah in sixteen ; and yet in those days , god is said to have chosen the king , for it is said in deut. thou shalt set over thee , the king whom i have chosen , and consequently the choice of minors cannot be ill , since god almighty us'd to make such a choice . i know that eccless . . . says , woe unto the land when thy king is a child , but the criticks interpret this of a king that is childish , puen intellectu & moribus , or because factions arise by the opposition to his regents , and this inconveniency did more necessarily attend the allowing a regent king during life , for both the subjects and the true heir rais'd factions in that case , whereas the subjects only are factious in the other , and yet even they are no more factious for that short time , than they are always in common-wealths . . the reason why the minor king was to have one to supply his nonage ceasing with his majority , it was unreasonable that the remedy should have lasted beyond the disease , and the worst effect that could have been occasion'd by the infant king's minority was , that the kingdom should have been during that time govern'd by joynt advice of parliament , councils , and officers of state , which in buchanan's opinion in other places of his history and book de jure regni , is so excellent a model , that he decrys monarchy as much inferior to it . . it was most inconvenient to accustom any private family to live in the quality of a king. . it could not but occasion many murders , and much faction , for the true heir could not live peaceably under this eclipse and exclusion , nor could the uncle live without making a party to secure his pleasant usurpation . . as these divisions and factions were the natural and necessary effects that were to be expected from this irregular succession , so it is very observable , that from king fergus to king kenneth the d , we had . kings , amongst whom , almost the half were the most impious , tyranical , or lazie kings that ever we had , according to buchanan's character of them ; so happy and wise a thing is this ( so much magnified ) election of a successor by the people and their representatives , to supply the defects of the lawful heir , whereas from king kenneth the d , to king charles the d , inclusivè , we have had ● . kings , . of whom have succeeded by a due lineal right , and have prov'd vertuous princes , greater by their merit than their birth , as if god had design'd to let us see , that though most of them succeeded whilst they were very young , yet that he can choose a fitter successor than parliameuts can do ; whereas the other . kings who came to the crown against that law of kenneth the d , viz. constantine the bald , grimus , mackbeath , donal bain , and duncan the d , were all persons who deserved very ill to be preferred to the true heir , and who , as they came to the crown against law , so govern'd without it : and it is very strange , that the fanaticks , who think that every throw of the dice is influenc'd by a special providence , will not allow , that god does by a special providence take care who shall be his representative , who shall be the pastor of his flock , and nursing father of his church ; let us therefore trust his care more than our own , and hope to obtain more from him by christian submission , humility and obedience than we can by caballing , rebelling , and sacrilegious-murdering , or excluding the true successor . finis . what follows is immediatly to be subjony'd to the testimony of calvin , page . i know that to this it may be answered , that the same calvin does qualifie his own words , which i have cited with this following caution , si qui sunt ( saith he ) populares magistratus , ad moderandam regum libidinem constituti ( quales olim erant qui lacedemoniis regibus oppositi erant ephori ; & quâ etiam fortè potestate ( ut nunc res habent ) fuguntur in singulis regnis , tres ordines ; quum primarios conventus perag●nt ) adeo illos ferocienti regum licentiae , pro officio intercedere non veto ; ut si regibus impotenter grassantibus , & humili plebeculae insultantibus conniveant , eorum dissimulationem nefariâ perfidiâ non carere affirmam ; quia populi libertatem , cujus se tutores dei ordinatione positos nôrunt , frandulenter produnt . to which my reply is , that these words must be so constructed , as that they may not be incosistent with his former clear and orthodox doctrine , of not resisting supream powers , the former being his positive doctrine , and this but a supervenient caution , and they do very well consist ▪ for though calvin be very clear , that kings cannot be resisted , yet he thinks that this is only to be mean'd of those kings who have no superiors to check them by law , as the kings of the lacedemonians had , who by the fundamental constitution of their monarchy , might have been call'd to an accompt by the ephori , and so in effect were only titular kings : or of such monarchs as had only a co-ordinate power with the states of their own kingdom ; and even in these cases , he does not positively assert , that these monarchs may be resisted , but does only doubt whether if there be any such superior or co-ordinate magistrate representing the people they may not restrain the rage and licentiousness of their kings : but that caution does not at all concern the jus regni apud scotos , because this cannot be said of the kings of great britain , since the states of parliament are only call'd by the king , and derive their authority from him , and the legislative power is solely in the king , the states of parliament being only consenters , he and not they can only make peace and war , and grant remissions , and against him and not them treason only is committed , and the law books of both nations do affirm , that the king is supream , and consequently even according to calvin's doctrine , neither his people , nor any of their representatives , can justly oppose , and much less punish him . i know that grotius is by the republicans , and the fanaticks , oft-times cited to defend this their doctrine , of opposing princes ; but though his testimony might be justly rejected , as being himself born under a commonwealth , yet he is most impudently cited , for he lib. . cap. . does positively lay down as a general and undoubted rule , that summum imperium tenentibus , resisti non potest , those who have the supream power cannot lawfully be resisted ; whilch rule he founds upon the principles of reason , the authority of scripture , and the practice of the primitive church ; and though he limits the same thereafter by some exceptions , yet it will easily appear , that these exceptions extend not at all to our case . for the first relates only to such kings , as have receiv'd their power with express condition , that they may be try'd by other magistrats . the second to such as have voluntarily resign'd their empire , as charles the th . did ; and so the one may be oppos'd , because they were only titular kings : and the other , because they left off to be kings , and consequently we are concerned in neither of these cases . the third limitation is only in the case where he who was truly a king , has alienated his kingdom to strangers ; in which case , grotius does contend , that subjects may refuse to obey , because he ceaseth to be their king. but as this is not our case , so even in that case grotius is very clear , that if this alienation be made by an hereditary monarch , the alienation is null , as being done in prejudice of the lawful successor , but he does not at all assert that the monarch may be thereupon depos'd by his people . the fourth relates only to such kings , as from a hatred to their countrey , design its destruction and utter ruine ; but as he confesseth himself , id vix accidere potest in rege mentis compote ; and consequently can take only place in a mad man , in which case all laws allow the kingdom to be rul'd by governours , and administrators in the king's name , if the madness be natural , and a total depravation of sense . but if by madness be mean'd a moral madness , and design to ruine the kingdom and the subjects , as was , and is most impiously pretended against king charles the first , and king charles the d , the best and most reasonable of kings ; then opposition in such cases is not at all warranted by grotius , who speaks only of a physical and natural madness ; for else , every thing that displeaseth the people should be call'd madness ; and so the exception should not limit but overturn the general rule , and should arm all subjects to rebel against their princes , and make them the soveraign judges in all cases . which is inconsistent with grotius's own doctrine , and is excellently refuted by his own reasons . the fifth relates only to kings , who by the fundamental laws of the kingdom are ty'd to such and such conditions , so as that if they fail in them , they may be oppos'd . the sixth relates only to kingdoms where the power is equally devided betwixt the king and the senate . the seventh is incase the king was at first invested by the people , with express reservation to them to resist in such and such cases , and so is almost the same with the fifth , and all these three differ little from the first . and with grotius good leave , they err also in this , that they are not properly exceptions from his own rule , for the rule being only , that supream powers cannot be resisted , these powers are not supream , and they needed not be caution'd by an exception , since they did not fall under the rule . but neither of these cases extend to us , since our king is by the acts of parliament fomerly cited , declared to be supream over all persons and in all causes , nor made our predecessors any such express reservations at the first erection of the monarchy , and consequently by grotius own positive doctrine cannot be resisted . and so far is grotius an enemy to such fanatical resistance , upon the pretence of liberty and religion , that num . . he calls the authors of these opinions , time servers only . and gronovius a violent republican and fanatick , taxes him extreamly for it , in his observations upon that fourth chapter , whose arguments adduc'd against grotius i shall answer amongst the other objections . gronovius's first argument why it should be lawful to resist the supream magistrate in defence of religion , is , because if it be not lawful for subjects to arm themselves for religion against their prince , it should not be lawful for their prince by the same rule to defend himself against turks and infidels , who would endeavour to force him to comply with their impieties . but to this it is answered , that resistance to superiors is expressly discharg'd by the laws of god and nature , as said is , but this cannot be extended to cases where there is no subjection nor allegiance ; and it may be as well argu'd , that because one private man may beat another who offers to strike him , that therefore a child may beat his parent , or a servant his master , or that because i may violently resist a private man who offers to take away my goods unjustly , that therefore i may oppose the sentence of the magistrat , because i forsooth do not think the same just . his second shift is , that our saviour commanded only absolute submission without resistance in the infancy of the church when he himself was miraculosly to assist his own servants , but this submission was to end with the miracles , to which it related . as to which , my answer is , . that all the commands in scripture may be so eluded , nor is there any duty more frequently and fully inculcated than this is , and that too in the same chapters amongst other duties , which are to last for ever , such as submission to parents , and masters , and this is founded upon plain reason and conveniency , and not upon miracles . . this was receiv'd and acknowledg'd by the pagans , as has been fully prov'd , though it cannot be pretended that they rely'd upon any such miraculous assistance . . it cannot be deny'd but the fathers of the primitive church did recommend and justifie themselves in their apologies to the heathen emperors for bearing patiently , when they were able not only to have resisted , but to have overthrown their persecuters , as is clear by the citations out of tertullian , cyprian , lactantius , augustine , and others , to be seen in grotius , de jure belli , . lib. . cap. . num . . and it had been great impudence as well as sin in them , to have boasted of a recent matter of fact , which was not true ; nor could there be a greater injury done to the primitive christians , as grotius observes , than to ascribe that to their weakness , which they consider'd as an effect of duty ; and why should the heathen emperors have suffered those to multiply , who obey'd only because disobedience was not safe , for they might have certainly concluded , that by the same principle that they obeyed only because they were weak , they would disobey how soon they were able . . if the first christians in general had obeyed only because they were not able to resist , then any private christian had resisted when he was able , or would have fled or conceal'd himself , whereas it it acknowledg'd in the other answer press'd by gronovius himself , that they sought for martyrdom , and so these two answers are inconsistent ; and the thebean legion , and others , did submit themselves voluntarly to martyrdom with their arms in their hands , and when they were able to have overthrown the emperor . and lastly , if this doctrine were allow'd , no society could subsist , for when dissenters grew strong , the lawful magistrat behov'd to perish ; whereas jesus christ did contrive the christian religion ; so as that all governours should reasonably wish their subjects to be christians ; and so as no christian should attempt to overthrow the order and establishment of civil government , and that they should not be drawn away from the practice of christian devotion by the carnal desires of being great and strong in the world , nor have any hopes in the arm of flesh to the lessening of their immediate dependence upon him . his third shift is , that his doctrine of submission and of dying for the christian religion without making resistance , was only the practice , but not the command of the primitive church , and proceeded from their immoderat affection of the crown of martyrdom , as milntoun also pretends . but since the express command of scripture is founded upon such clear reason , and since ( as grotius well observes ) the practice of the primitive christians , who liv'd so near the age wherein these scriptures were pen'd , is the best interpreter of the scripture , it is horrid impiety to make those blessed martyrs pass for vain hypocrites , and distracted self-murderers ; and it becomes us with holy reverence to imitate those whom the christian church has ever admir'd . the fourth shift is , that the protestant churches have been reform'd by such insurrections as these , contrary to the royal authority . but this is fully answered by the learned henry more in his divine dialogues , and by du moulin in his philanax anglicus ; where likewise are to be found the many testimonies of protestant churches , and protestant divines , condemning positively the taking up of arms against the soveraign power , even for the defence of religion ; and the very presbyterian confession of faith at westminster , is so positive as to this point , that the presbyterians themselves can never answer it . the sum of which answer is , that the king of spain coming by marriage in place of the duke of burgundy , the said king of spain could pretend to no more power than they had , nor could the house of burgundy pretend to any more power by marrying the heirs of the counts of the several provinces , than these counts had over their provinces ; and therefore since none of these were soveraigns over their provinces , the provinces might have resisted the king of spain when he oppress'd them ; and consequently that resistance cannot defend such as resist supream powers upon pretence of religion , grotius de antiq. reipub. ba●av . cap. . the opposition made by the protestants in france , was not occasion'd by religion , but upon a quarrel betwixt the princes of the blood and the house of guise in the minority of francis the d , and is defended most excellently by king james himself , not to have been rebellion , in his defence of the right of kings , pag. . the opposition made by the princes of germany to the emperor , was founded upon the inherent right in the princes , by the golden charter of the empire . and luther himself declar'd , that magistrat●● non erat resistendum , and has written a book to that purpose ; nor would he engage in the confederacy for defensive arms at smalcald , until the lawyers declared that that resistance was lawful by the laws of the empire , vide slydan hist. lib. . anno . the war that arose in switzerland , was not occasion'd by religion ; for the reformation was once establish'd with the con-consent of the magistrat . and the eruption that was made by other cantons upon the reform'd cantons eleven years after that establishment , vide slydan , anno . nor was it calvin who banish'd the prince and bishop of geneva , for he fled eight months before upon the detecting of a conspiracy , by which that bishop was to deliver over the liberties of that city to the duke of savoy , and for which his secretary was hang'd , vide turretin . annal. reformationis , anno . and albeit those who reform'd in scotland , in the reign of queen mary , pretended authority from the king , yet they were certainly rebels , and are condem'd by rivet , a famous protestant divine , who also inveighs bitterly against this principle , castiga not. in epist. ad balsac . cap. . num . . sub finem . from all which , i observe , first , that all the protestant divines by making apollogies for such of their profession as have risen in arms against supream powers , must be thereby concluded to be asham'd of the principle . . immediatly upon the quieting those rebellions , all the protetestant churches have in their confessions of faith , declared their abhorrence of that principle ; which being the product of conviction and experience , joyn'd with duty , must be the most judicious and sincere testimony of all others . . all these rebellions have been occasion'd by a mistake in point of law , and not in point of religion ; for the divines , as i have related , have been abused by the lawyers : and therefore , since in the isle of britain , the laws of both kingdoms have declared the rising in arms against the king , to be treason , albeit for the defence of religion ; it necessarily follows , that this must be unlawful in point of conscience in this kingdom . . though good things may be occasion'd by a rebellion , yet that does not justifie a rebellion ; for though jeroboam was allow'd by god to rise against rehoboam , yet god almighty himself calls his revolt rebellion , kings . . and chron. . . and it is observable , that after this revolt , there was but one good king amongst all the rebellious kings of israel ; whereas amongst the kings of judah , who were lawful kings , there was but one or two who were any ways impious ; so far does god bless a lawful succession . some also use as a shift against this orthodox doctrine , that the reason why the primitive christians did not oppose their emperors in the defence of the christian religion , was , because they had not been secured at that time in the exercise of their religion by the laws of the empire ; and therefore the practice of those christians can be no argument why we may not now rise to defend the orthodox religion , since it is now established by law. but this objection is fully answered by that great great antiquary samuel pelit . diatriba de iur. principum edictis ecclesiae quaesito , where he clearly proves , that they were actually secured by the edicts of the emperors in the days of the emperor tiberius , and downward , and yet they would not rise in arms though they were persecuted under these same emperors , because the word of god and the christian religion did command obedience under persecution , and discharged resistance and taking up of arms. add to page . i have also seen in fordon's history , lib. . pag. . a charter granted by king david to the bishops , with the consent of robert his nephew , and his sons giving power to the bishops to dispone in testament upon their own moveables , which before that time did by a corrupt custom fall to the king , in which charter , the witnesses are , robertus senescallus comes de strathern , nepos noster ioannes senescallus comes de carrict , filius suus primogenitus & haeres , thomas comes de mar , georgius de dunbar , comes de march , & gulielmus comes de dowglass ; so that here is not only the attestation of the father before he was king , naming john earl of carrick , thereafter king robert the d . his eldest son and heir , but the attestation of the grand-uncle king david , who could be no ways byassed in the affair ; and here he is ranked before the three eldest earls in the nation , who were then the three first subjects therein ; and it is against all sense , to think that the whole bishops would have sought the consent of the said john as apparent heir of the crown , if he had not been apparent heir . i find also , that fordon calls him when he is crown'd king , primogenitus roberti secundi ; nor was there the least opposition made to his coronation , nor to the coronation of annabella drummond his queen ( a daughter of the house of stob-hall , now pearth , ) though both the sons of the second marriage were then alive . i sind also , that boetius himself acknowledges , that the earl of marches son george , being pursu'd for having married clandestinly one of the daughters of elizabeth muir , his defence was , that he married her when she was the daughter of a private subject , and before king robert was king , whereas if she had been only a bastard-daughter , it could have been no crime to have married her . an answer to pereat papa, or, a reply by way of letter from a gentlewoman to a person of quality commending to her consideration a paper entituled pereat papa, or, reasons why popery should not inherit the crown. gentlewoman. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an answer to pereat papa, or, a reply by way of letter from a gentlewoman to a person of quality commending to her consideration a paper entituled pereat papa, or, reasons why popery should not inherit the crown. gentlewoman. p. s.n., [london? : ] caption title. at head of page: answer a fool according to his folly. place and date of publication from wing. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng kings and rulers -- succession. religion and politics -- england. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an answer to pereat papa : or , a reply by way of letter from a gentlewoman to a person of quality ; commending to her consideration a paper entituled pereat papa ; or , reasons why popery should not inherit the crown . answer a fool according to his folly. sir , had the paper you sent me , intituled pereat papa , or reasons why popery should not usurp the crown , come accidentally to my hands , and had not been seriously recommended to my observation by you , i should have concluded its author had jocularly intended , or to , use his own phrase , conceived , and that very candidly , such reason● proper to burlesque , a late design for altering the succession , on account of that so often baffled a cause called popery . but instructed by your letter from so wild a reflection , i begin to consider it as the labours of some grand sage — ignoramus of the common-law , which furnishes its students with reasons intelligent to none but themselves ; but reasons , since he is pleased to call them , so let them be ; for should a filly woman venture to question that title , she might perhaps anger some terrible judge that daily deals out death with the like logick . therefore with humble submission to such powerful disputants , who can destroy by president those they cannot confute , i will give you my observations thereupon , and first upon his preamble , in these following words . it is conceiv'd , and that very candidly , without prejudice to others judgments , or troubling our selves with that so often baffled a cause called popery , that a papist ought not to inherit or succeed to the management of the crown . ans . now as to his candid conceiving , without prejudice to his judgment , i humbly conceive , that those quaint words , and all the rest so ill put together , are meer non-sence ; and that without the help of his title it would be hard to find out his meaning to be , that a papist ought not to succeed to the crown : his first pretended reason is , r. . in strictness of law , because one so qualifyed hath wilfully disabled or rendered himself uncapable of that benefit which the common-law ( after the usual course of descent ) doth positively require , for 't is presumable , that he that succeeds in the office of the crown should be legally adopted to execute so great a trust ; and therefore if minus idoneus not sufficiently ballasted with the notions and intrigues of state , others are to govern in aid of him , as in case of ideocy , lunacy , or the like , and the parliament is bound ( as trusted to redress grievances and secure the nation ) to place it where religion and propertie shall be adjudged most safe . ans . here he would be thought a lawyer , a calling i have not profest , because i observe women are rarely made judges ; but yet i am not so ignorant of the common-law , but that i have heard it defin'd to be right reason , guided by ancient usage : therefore if this gentleman had brought but one president where a papist had been put by the crown , meerly for being such , he had saved himself and his readers much trouble in composing and observing so many nothings , as his eight unintelligable reasons amount to : but in the name of wonder , how does a papist prince incapacitate himself for the crown by the common-law , ( after the usual course of descent ) when from the time of the conquerour there has been one and twenty of that religion , and but five of the reformed church , have worn the imperial crown of this realm ; but to speak to the purpose , it is plain that the common-law alters not the succession on account of religion , nor indeed on any account whatsoever , no not if the king be minus idoneus , infant , ideot , or lunatick : for right reason , continual usage , with numberless presidents in this and other her●ditary monarchies , teach us . that such alterations would do more harm to religion and property , than any of those temporary inconveniences , so that the common-law , both by president and right reason , abhors his reason : and what the power or duty of parliaments in this case is , i am sure is a theame too high for him or me to define ; therefore i will pass on to his pretended presidents of that nature , and if any of them proves the least part of his purpose , i will submit my reason to be the slave of incoherency for ever . president the st . edgar ethling , ( as stories agree ) was the undoubted heir , yet vvilliam the norman , commonly called the conquerour , was call'd in to oppose harold , and invested with the crown , and ethling for ever an exile and disinherited . dly . after him succeeded his second son , william rufus , and not robert the eldest . ans . by his leave , stories do not agree , that william was called in , though edgar the right heir 't is true was put by , but 't is as true ( that stories agree ) that liberty and property were thereupon destroyed ; for william divested whom he pleas'd of their lands , to gratifie his fellow conquerours : nor did the second william deal kindlier with any whom he suspected had the least eye to his brother robert's signiority ; nor was the nation freed from this tyranny untill the blood of the right saxon heir edgar was again inocculated into the crown by the wife of henry the first . would any man then in his right wits write such presidents in order to preserve religion and property ? dly . king john not only laid aside arthur plantaginet , his elder brother's son , but likewise put him to death . ans . by this president ignoramus discovers his morals ; for that king john usurp'd against his nephew arthur none denys ; and that thereupon ensued bloody intestine broyls , with the loss of normandy &c. with other national miseries , the constant consequences of such mutations , but that he murther'd his nephew he ever denyed ; though had our lawyer been of his council , he might have boasted it , because 't is two to one , the young prince stood popishly affected . thly . in cicily there was lately a great contest between the two sons of charles the second , martellus and robert , and i find the crown awarded to robert the youngest , as , magnus dignus ad regandum . thly . alexander was demanded to whom he would bequeath his scepter , he said , to the worthiest , and to him whose sword hath the sharpest point ; meaning , to him whose vertues were most luculent , and of the brightest integrity , according to the disposition of jacob , passing by manasses , and conferring the blessing on ephraim the younger , as most deserving and acceptable to god. ans . now would i defie your author , or the most cunning sophister on earth , to make these two presidents , or any part of them , to quadrate in the least with his title to them : there are several presidents of this nature , but he is extream lucky in his choice , both of words and matters which are nothing to the purpose , and above all in the next . thly . the state of france rejected the king of navarr , and appointed henry the fourth to reign over them , because of another religion , in leaving god , and complying with their church , to gain a crown , with what a tragical end did they reward him ? ans . would not this president give me just cause to believe , that the gentleman was burlesqueing his cause ; for who could think a man so ill verst in history , should pretend to quote presidents from it ; they rejected , says he , the king of navarr for henry the fourth ; and why could he not have said , they rejected again henry the fourth for the king of navarr ; and so it had been a noble president to such as did not know that henry the th , and the king of navarr , were one and the same person : but why should i concern my self with so impertinent a paper ; for indeed all his presidents are as much to the purpose , as the reply to ones demand , why the devil was generally painted with horns ? how says the other , did you never read in scripture , that the devil goes about like a roaring lyon , seeking whom he may devour . therefore , not much to combate a nothing . i will only observe the gentleman strangely forgot one president , proper indeed to his principals and morals , that is , the deposal and murther of charles the first , on pretence , amongst other falshoods , that he favoured popery ; this truly , as to his design , is worth a thousand such as he hath quoted . reas . . can it be thought but that he that succeeds in the crown , should not succeed concurrentibus his qui in jure requiserunt , as the civil law expresses it , that in all the concerns thereof , which are the laws , principally those that relate to religion , and not for one man led away with a purblind perverseness , renouncing the religion he knows not why , ( and so wilfully attainting himself ) to inthrall the nation in superstition and tyranny ; for regularly in all parts , where popish lords are in the church , there tyranny of course rages in the state. ans . can this be thought to look to any reasonable man like reason , for , except a scrap of latine , ( whereby the gentleman pretends to the civil law , of which he understands as much as of the common , or history ) there is not one word to the purpose ; for , what can purblind perverseness , or wilfully attainting himself mean more than mallice , as the whole sentence indeed is intended for , concluding with a positive falseness , since it is well known we owe our thanks for magna charta , and other franchises to popish princes . reas . . 't is a maxime amongst lawyers , that , lex facit regem ; and maxims must not be denyed ; if so , then to speak out after the true intendment of the law ; he that comes not to the crown satiatim , as the law notifies , and prescribes , 't is no lawful succession , but down-right usurpation , and without scruple it is in the devoir of every good christian to withstand an usurper , it being undoubtedly more pleasing to god to put one man by who thus wilfully disables himself , and withall most shamefully usurps , than expose millions of souls to damnation , and the streets to flow with blood , by suffering that religion to creep in , whose reformation ( at the milder rate ) will certainly prove fire and faggot . for this very cause mecha was removed from being queen , by her son king asa , for making an idol in a grove , incited thereunto by the prophet azariah . ans . i will believe it is a maxime , and by it is only meant : that by the law , the next of blood , is made king ; for as to his inference , 't is malicious , trayterous , and ridiculous , setting up in every pretended good christian , a power to depose any prince he pleases to call an usurper ; for his fire and faggots they are meerly wildfire in his own brains , as his example of king asa is , who only took from his mother the dignity of a queen : for the regal power was before in himself , and sure he had reason to suppress in his first subject so great an example of idolatry . reas . . the succession of the crown and a common descent much differ , for if an heir that 's a subject prove loose and debauch'd it little damnifies the publick , more deserving persons may haply step into his possession , and be more serviceable to the publick ; the dammage is still but private to his own family . but in case of the crown , there is none so senseless but must needs conceive the dammage most fatal , because universal , the whole nation must inevitably suffer , religion be subverted , and property destroyed , and the whole people in danger of their lives . 't is well known in the private case , the heir is usually thrown off and dis-inherited , if an entail , it may be destroyed , and the law justifies it . the like in the publick of the throne ( the grand inquisitors of state and conservators of the liberties of england ) the parliament may for weighty causes refuse the heir presumptive , and for the safety of the nation , settle it where they in honour and prudence conceive most proper . ans . what shall i say more to all this new-nothing , but that 't is not fit he or i should limit the power of the king in his parliament ; but 't is to be supposed that they will know best how to obey new laws , who are not factious against the old , as your author most impudently appears to be , notwithstanding his golden rule . reas . . we read in scripture , which is the golden rule we must walk by ; that libnah revolted from jehoram because he had forsaken the god of his fathers , and so we had better forsake man and adhere to god in keeping our religion , than trust to man and lose god , to be unavoidably destroyed here , and hereafter irrecoverably damned in serving baal , and parting with the divinity now establisht . ans . this might have past as well for a president , as a reason , but that he infers from it a necessity to revolt from the worship of baall , for the divinity establisht , which priviledge by my consent no body shall deny him , since he has already made a revolt from common-sense and humanity , by so many vain and chymerical suppositions as are put together in this and his next reason . reas . . when rehoboam had prepared a huge army to reduce the israelites , he was forbidden by the prophet , thus saith the lord , ye shall not go up nor fight against your brethren , for this is for me , mark , he calls them brethren not rebels . passive obedience therefore is simple and fit for tame owls that know no better , now god has discover'd the snare and the pit of ruins that the pope and the devil has prepar'd for us , if we do not timely countermine it by cautionary laws to suppress those that dig'd it , we may in a short space be thrown into it head-long and no one pity us . but the right line with some shallow pated talkers , is a noli me tangere , so sacred forsooth , that we must venture body and soul in subjecting our selves to all the curses imaginable that hell it self can inflict on us , rather than in the least alter or controul it , a very frivolous caveat , and not to be heeded , humane examples , as i shewed before , have voted against it , and the scripture warrants it , samuel foretold in the case of saul that he would be rejected for his disobedience , though not his person degraded or deposed , yet that the kingdom should both be remov'd from his line and tribe , which was done accordingly , and transferred on david . this proves very fully that heirs , or next in succession , are not so immoveably placed , but that they may lawfully ( on just cause ) be displaced , if not legally quallified , and others put up for gods glory in their rooms . god raised jehu to purge idolatry against the house of ahab , all the sons of ahab were beheaded , and in a manner his whole line cut off , for his good service he had a promise of a special blessing for his issue to continue the throne to the fourth generation , several other instances i could give , but this may suffice . in brief there is no reformed church , from the first waldenses of lyons and languedock to this very day , but have held it lawful . ans . through all the railing and no reason of this long reason , i will only pick out these observations ; first , that the author is no true son of the church of england , who has always taught her children passive obedience at least , for which they are by our mannerly statists branded with the titles of tame owls and shallow pated talkers . secondly , that he has cast an aspersion on all the reformed churches , from the first waldenses , &c. to this day , for holding his wild principles and bloody examples lawful . thirdly , what greater advantage he could have given the jesuits , falsly charged with such principles , to retort them on the reformers , i cannot tell , but this am sure , if it be true , it is a fair caveat to all princes , not subject to such doctines , to be careful of their spreading in their dominions , for at worst 't is less dangerous to have one mad deposer , called the pope , at a distance , then to have every town in ones dominions crouded with such soveraign judges , whose sentences may be executed according to this divinity by every desperate hand . reas . . 't is conceited by half-witted states-men , that restrictive laws may prevent all mischief , and secure the protestants : a very vain opinion , and most fallacious ; for laws will never bind , but more enrage , shackle him as you will , and load him with ne're so many laws , when king , he and his party will be restless , till they have set themselves at liberty , and to have the protestants under ; when king he is not impeachable , and the posse regni will then be at his disposal . when the wolf is shepherd , the flock is very safe indeed , and like to be well look't to ; after all denounceable at will ; for if his party now commit such outrages , that no age can parallel , what will they do then ? now no man safe in his bed , then none safe at all ; they will adventure to murder people covertly , and in their houses , for they hold it no more sin than to kill a dog. ans . the gent. might have been more mannerly in his character , if it be considered what states-man has lately in council , or rather to the parliament , declared his opinion for the restrictive laws under a right succession ; whose declaration ought to have made that matter , a noli me tangere , at least to any private person : but he that dare speak evil of dignities , and brand superiours with the title of half-witted states-men , would , had he but half the courage that he has malice , commit greater outrages , than fancy can make the others guilty of . reas . . in fine , be sure he and his party ( which will daily encrease , and the protestants decline ) will soon get an opportunity , either by stratagem , or open force , to avoid all laws , though they are ne're so strong and wary , and so impossible to be safe without a protestant successor . ans . this prophetical reason , in fine , is at best but one doctors opinion , and , i doubt me , but a meer mountebank at the pulse of a kingdom : of which i will assure you , sir , i perceive by his paper he knows so little , that a better discourse often comes ex tempore from a good woman at a gossiping upon the same subject . for the whole , 't is an unconnext rapsody of meer words , interlaced with scraps of latine , brought in to as little purpose as his presidents ; so that if he be your acquaintance ( for friend he cannot be to so worthy a person ) perswade him to keep his ignorance out of paper hereafter ; and his impudence , to treat of subjects so much above his comprehension , will pass off well enough in coffee-houses , where to rail sufficiently against popery , is policy to the purpose : to which crouds of unthinking praters , i freely bequeath him , as i do my self , to be for ever , yours . sir , since my answer to yours , in slight observations , on pereat papa , i find the author so fond of his folly , as to put it in print , though with a little alteration , i suppose by direction from the printer , for he has chang'd his first president ; not into better sense , nor a jot more to his purpose , but into something that shews he has been told by some body , that henry the fourth of france , was the rejected king of navar ; but his historian , it seems , could not inform him , that the crown was setled on his head , and that he had a long , glorious , and prosperous reign , till assassinated by a desperate , barbarous , and irreligious villain , upon a private revenge as was ever believed , and has been since confest by ravillacks brother on his death-bed in germany . the printer too had the manners , i suppose , against the authors will , to leave out the witty epithet of tame owls , given to the passive obedience in his sixth reason ; other material change there is none , and you must pardon this , being printed since : 't is pity the world should see the coxcomb uncorrected , and that by the hand of a woman , the provocation whereof , i suppose , made him appeal to the more judicious in print , and has forced me to do the same , with this addition to my first sentence — bray a fool in a mortar , and he will not return from his folly . the signal loyalty and devotion of god's true saints and pious christians, especially in this our island towards their kings: (as also of some idolatrous pagans) both before, and under the law and gospel; expressed by their private and publick prayers, supplications, intercessions, thanksgivings, well-wishes for the health, safety, long life, prosperity, temporal, spiritual, eternal felicity of the kings and emperours under whom they lived, whether pagan or christian, bad or good, heterodox or orthodox, papists or protestants, persecutors or protectors of them: and likewise for their royal issue, posterity realms; and by their dutiful conscientious obedience and subjection to them; with the true reasons thereof from scripture and policy. evidenced by presidents and testimonies in all ages, worthy the knowledg, imitation, and serious consideration of our present degenerated disloyal, antimonarchical generation. in two parts. by william prynne esq; late bencher, and reader of lincolns-in signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians, towards their kings. parts and . prynne, william, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing p a estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the signal loyalty and devotion of god's true saints and pious christians, especially in this our island towards their kings: (as also of some idolatrous pagans) both before, and under the law and gospel; expressed by their private and publick prayers, supplications, intercessions, thanksgivings, well-wishes for the health, safety, long life, prosperity, temporal, spiritual, eternal felicity of the kings and emperours under whom they lived, whether pagan or christian, bad or good, heterodox or orthodox, papists or protestants, persecutors or protectors of them: and likewise for their royal issue, posterity realms; and by their dutiful conscientious obedience and subjection to them; with the true reasons thereof from scripture and policy. evidenced by presidents and testimonies in all ages, worthy the knowledg, imitation, and serious consideration of our present degenerated disloyal, antimonarchical generation. in two parts. by william prynne esq; late bencher, and reader of lincolns-in signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians, towards their kings. parts and . prynne, william, - . [ ], , [ ], , [ ] p. printed for edward thomas, at the adam and eve in little-britain, london : . "the second part of the signal loyalty" has drop-head title with separate pagination and register which begins with signature b. with a final page of errata. reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng kings and rulers -- religious aspects -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the signal loyalty and devotion of god's true saints and pious christians , especially in this our island towards their kings : ( as also of some idolatrous pagans ) both before , and under the law and gospel ; expressed by their private and publick prayers , supplications , intercessions , thanksgivings , well-wishes for the health , safety , long life , prosperity , temporal , spiritual , eternal felicity of the kings and emperours under whom they lived , whether pagan or christian , bad or good , heterodox or orthodox , papists or protestants , persecutors or protectors of them : and likewise for their royal issue , posterity realms ; and by their dutiful conscientious obedience and subjection to them ; with the true reasons thereof from scripture and policy . evidenced by presidents and testimonies in all ages , worthy the knowledg , imitation , and serious consideration of our present degenerated disloyal , antimonarchical generation . in two parts . by william prynne esq late bencher , and reader of lincolns-inne . psal . . , . give the king thy judgments , o lord , and thy righteousness unto the king's son ; then shall he judge thy people with righteousness , and thy poor with judgment . tertulliani apollogia adversus gentes , c. . hoc agite boni praesides , extorquete animam deo supplicantem pro imperatore . hoc erit crimen ubi veritas & dei devotio est . london , printed for edward thomas , at the adam and eve in little-britain . . where you may be furnished with most of this learned authors works , and a printed catalogue . to his most illustrious over-long exterminated , but now happily restored soveraign , charls the second , by the miraculous grace of god , and indubitable hereditary birthright and succession , of england , scotland , france and ireland king , the invincible constant professor and defendor of the truly antient , catholick and apostolick faith in the midst of manifold persecutions , provocations , solicitations , temptations , and fiery tryals ; the magazin of all christian and royal virtues , and miracle of gods preserving and restoring mercies . most gracious soveraign , the a only potentate , and king of kings , who b removeth kings , and setteth up kings , and ruleth in the kingdom of men to give it to whomsoever he pleaseth ; having by his own omnipotent c out-stretched arm , and successive miraculous providences , unexpectedly cut off , cast down , subverted , dissipated , d without hands or bloodshed , the most execrable , persidious , trayterous murderers of your royal father king charls the first , of glorious memory , and unjust disinheriters and proscribers of your sacred majestie out of all your own hereditary kingdoms , and some forein states by violence , war , and inhumane tyranny , ( enforcing your majesty oft to cry out with the exiled kingly prophet ; e wo is me that i am constrained to dwell in mesech , and to have my habitation among the tents of kedar &c. ) who by rigorous edicts debarred your majestie not only of the charitable relief of your own protestant subjects , but likewise of the christian aid , and f evangelical tribute , ( due to all pagan as well as christian kings , by divine and common natural right ) of their daily supplications , prayers , and intercessions to god , for your personal preservation , and restitution , under severest penalties ; imposed many insupportable new yoaks of bondage on all your subjects necks , and worse than aegyptian burdens upon their galled backs , for sundry yeares , almost to their irrecoverable ruine , it pleased this g soveraign king over all the earth , h and god of the spirits of all flesh , by strange miracles of mercy , through the preparatory loyal endeavours of some of your majesties most inconsiderable faithfull subjects , upon the very first reception and reading of your majesties most gracious letters and declarations to the lords , commons , city of london , army , and navy , immediately to bow the hearts and spirits of both your houses of parliament , and all your subjects , ( yea of the very military officers , forces by land and sea , formerly raised & engaged against your majesties cause and kingship , ) as the heart of one man , as he i bowed the hearts of the men of judah after rebellious usurping absoloms death , in the case of exterminated king david ) so that they immediately and unanimously voted your majesties speedy return , dispatched their several letters , votes , messengers , fleet and monies to your majesty , without one dissenting voice ; to hasten your majesties return , and transport you with honour and safety , to enjoy your kingly authority and patrimony , contending with a most cordial aemulation , who should be first and forwardest , to bring back and conduct your majesty ( together with your princely brothers and followers ) from your long most deplorable exile , to your royal city and palace , with all possible demonstrations of their publike joy , and dutifull allegeance to your majesty , and farr greater magnificence , solemnity , triumph , and multitudes of conductors , than any of your most victorious royal progenitors enjoyed when they returned into england from their greatest forein conquests . and that which crowned this miracle of mercies , was its celerity and season , it having both its inception and perfection within the limits of one month , and its completion on your majesties birth-day ( may . ) whereon , as you were first born a prince , you were now re●born a most glorious king , and most magnificently invested in the possession of your royal throne at whitehall , in the presence of all your majesties lords , commons , and thousands of your people there assembled , who with their united shouts , prayers , praises , acclamations , benedictions , and panegyricks congratulated your maties natural and political nativity thereon , both as a man and monarch ; together with the new birth and resurrection of your three united kingdoms and churches of england , scotland and ireland , and their respective dominions , being all raised from their graves of death and misery ( wherein they had for some years space before been interred ) and were new born as kingdoms and churches too on that joyful day ; worthy to be celebrated by them in all succeeding generations ; and to have this divine motto engraven thereon : a the stone which the builders refused is ( this day ) become the head of the corner ; this is the lords doing , and it is marvellous in our eyes , this is the day which the lord hath made , wee will rejoyce and be glad therein . what the elegant prophet b isaiah records of gods miraculous mercies towards his church and people : before she travelled , she brought forth ; before her pain came , she was delivered of a man-child . who hath heard such a thing ? who hath seen such things ? shall the earth be made to bring forth in one day ? or shall a nation be born at once ? for as soon as zion travelled , she brought forth her children ; was now verified both of your majesty , and your three whole kingdoms & churches . all brought forth and born together in this one day . wherefore , rejoyce ye with jerusalem , ( with england ) and be glad with her all ye that love her ; rejoyce for joy with her , all ye that mourned for her . it hath been the antient cavill of our c romish adversaries , against our reformed protestant churches & religion , that they are false and spurious , because they have no miracles wrought in them : and they have daily upbraided your sacred majesty & your followers , yea pierced your souls during your exile among them , with this soul-piercing quaere , * where is now the god of the protestants ? he can neither preserve nor restore you to your crowns and kingdoms ; unless you renounce your protestant god , church , heresie , & embrace our roman catholike god , church , religion , there is no hope nor possibility of your restitution , and that only by the arms of your catholike allyes and subjects . but blessed and for ever magnified be the glorious name of our great god , who hath now vindicated his own glorie and omnipotencie against their reproaches , & wrought so many miracles in your maties restitution , to justifie both the truth of the protestant religion , churches , & your subjects , that all their spurious miracles and impostures wherewith they abuse their over-credulous proselytes , and fraught their legends even to nauseousnesse , are no more to be compared with them , than a glo-worm to the noon-day sun : and their god and * rock , is not as our god and rock , our enemies themselves being ( now ) judges . verily , your majesty with all your protestant subjects , after such a stupendious , glorious deliverance from their late usurping pharaohs , worse than aegyptian tax-masters , burdens and servitude , have just cause to sing aloud to the god of their salvation , this triumphant song of moses , and the children of israel , and king david after them ; a who is like unto thee , o lord , amongst the gods ? who is like unto thee , glorious in holynesse , fearfull in prayses , doing wonders ? thou stretchest out thy right hand , the earth swallowed them ; thou in thy mercy hast led forth thy people , which thou hast redeemed . sing ye unto the lord , for he hath triumphed gloriously . b the king shall joy in thy strength o lord , and in thy salvation how greatly shall he rejoyce ? for thou hast ( now ) given him his hearts desire , thou hast not with-holden the request of his lips : for thou preventest him with the blessings of goodnesse , thou settest a crown of pure gold on his head : his glory is great in thy salvation , honor and majesty hast thou laid upon him . thou hast made him most blessed for ever , thou hast made him exceeding glad with thy countenance , for the king trusteth in the lord , and through the mercy of the most high he shall not miscarry . * blessed be the lord god of england from everlasting to everlasting ( for this unexpressible mercy ) and let all the people say , amen ; praise ye the lord. yea they all now joyntly and severally apply to your majestie , the blessing and words of the queen of sheba to king solomon , after she beheld his transcendent wisdom , virtues , and magnificence : ( which far exceeded the report thereof , as your majesties royal wisdom and graces of all kinds much transcend their fame ) * blessed be the lord thy god , who delighted in thee , to set thee upon his , throne , to be king for the lord thy god. because the lord thy god loved israel ( england , scotland and ireland ) to establish them for ever , therefore made he thee king over them to do justice and judgement , yea , to restore them to their pristine liberty , peace , plenty , traffick , renown , prosperity , and make them the happiest of all subjects in the world . in the contemplation of which inchoated common felicity , i humbly presume to dedicate to your majesty , this now compleated treatise of , the signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians in all ages ( and likewise of pagans ) to their kings , both before and under the law and gospel , more especially within this your first christian realm of britain , ( wherein i have most expatiated ) expressed both by their publike and private prayers , supplications , and intercessions unto god for their long life , health , safety , victory , prosperity , temporal , spiritual and eternal felicity ; and all sorts of blessings both on their royal persons , queens , progenies , families , government , kingdoms , armies , couns●ls ; by their thanksgivings to god for their advancement to their royal thrones , victories , successes , deliverances , piety , justice and gratious reigns over them ; by their loyal acclamations , salutations , addresses , panegyricks , epistles to them , and their dutiful subjection and obedience under them , which i have evidenc'd by presidents and testimonies in all ages , ( never formerly collected into one manual ) to which i have super-added the antient and modern forms of the coronations of christian emperors , kings and queens , ( and of some pagans ) with the ceremonies , solemnities , prayers , collects and benedictions used at them , especially those relating to england and scotland , ( not hitherto published ) as a president in , and prologue to your majesties much desired and expected coronation . the first part of this treatise , i lately printed , for your majesties service , in january last to inthrone you in the hearts , cordial prayers and supplications of all your loyal subjects , and to prepare the way for your majestyes speedy restauration to your hereditary crowns and kingdoms , which ( blessed be god ) you now actually enjoy , to their unspeakable comfort : of the accomplishment whereof without armes or blood , i had such full assurance then and since in my own apprehensions , from the observation of gods admirable providences , of your majesties opposites intollerable extravagances and infatuations , & of late your subjects dutiful inclinations tending thereunto , through the loyal endeavour of some faithfull friends to your majestie and your people , that i committed the second part of this treatise , and all that concerns your coronation to the presse , in the beginning of april last ; before any visible appearances thereof to the eyes or thoughts of others : and i repute it an extraordinary blessing and honour from god and your majesty , that any of my paper arms and publications ( in your majesties and others apprehensions ) have been instrumental to promote this your happy , unbloody , most joyfull restitution to your throne and kingship , maugre all ire ingagements , oaths of abjurations , to debar your majestie and all your royal line for ever from them . i humbly beseech your royal majestie graciously to accept this unpolish'd work ( compiled in the midst of many publike distracting imployments , bring your highnesses peculiar by all rights and circumstances ) as a publick testimony of my loyalty to your majestie , and a lasting monument of my thankfullnesse to almighty god , for hearing my many years constant prayers , and blessing my impotent paper artillery and endeavors for your majesties long-desired , and now happily accomplished investitute , not only in your royal throne , but like a 〈◊〉 in the hearts , consciences , publike , private devotions and supplications of all your people . whom this treatise , seconded with my healths sicknesse , ( dedicated to your royal father many years past ) and your majesties most pious fresh proclamation , will instruct and excite most devoutly to pray for your majesties health and happiness in their churches , chapels , families , closets , rather than heathenishly to prophane , abuse your sacred name , in drinking your majesties health to the hazard of their own and their fools to boot , through drunkennesse and intemperance ) in taverns , alch●●ses , or at their own or others tables , as well to god● dishonor as your majesties . in fine , i shall be a daily orator to the god of your majesties and your kingdoms salvation , that all the temporal , spiritual , and eternal blessings , comprised in the several prayers , collects , benedictions , salutations , acclamations , and passages , collected in this treatise , for any christian emperors , kings , and princes , may concenter in , and be abundantly powred forth on your majesties royal person , family , kingdoms , councils , court , armies , government , people ; that so your majestie may be chronicled to all posterity ( as in truth you really demerit ) for the best , devoutest , holiest , justest , and most gratious of all christian kings that ever reigned , and your formerly disloyal , degenerated subjects , by your most righteous reign , and pious * royal example , henceforth become the most loyal , religious , free , and happiest of all subjects in the universe : which is and shall be the daily prayer of your majesties most humble , yet faithfull and loyal subject william prynne . from my study in lincolns inne june . . to the courteous and ingenuous reader . the original occasion of the collections comprised in this treatise , with the general causes of its present publication , are at large related in the first six pages ; to which i shall accumulate one special motive ( more particularly reflecting on my self ) ●●●●ssitating me thereunto . it hath been my portion ( as well as the a primitive christians before me ) to be frequently accused , and publickly slandered , as a professed enemy to the late kings person , to kingly government , and a justifier , an encourager of regicides , and exciter of subjects , to lay violent hands upon their princes sacred persons in some cases . this calumny was first raised and fixed on me by dr. heylin and bishop laud , and by their procurements , inserted into the information exhibited against me by m. noy ( then kings atturney ) in the starchamber , in june . for my histriomastix ( licensed by dr. buckner houshold chaplain to archbishop abbot ) and indeavoured to be proved by some wrested inferences , and expressions of fathers , approved historians quoted by me in that book , though i had in expresse terms therein condemned these disloyal practises & positions they aspersed me withall , as jesuitical , treasonable and rebellious ; & disclaimed them in my answer thereunto upon oath , as never once entring into my loyal heart , being repugnant to the oaths of supremacy & allegiance i had taken both as a a graduate in the university of oxford , and barrester in the innes of court ; and to the principles of the * protestant religion i professed . after this i was again scandalized and traduced by some of our prelates to the late king himself , in the year . out of meer malice , who would needs strain a passage in my epistle to the high court of parliament prefixed to my antipathy , &c. or , historical collection of the execrable treasons , conspiracies , rebellions , &c. of our english , british , french , scotish and irish lordly prelates , against our kings and kingdomes , then published , against the very letter and meaning of my words , and the scope of my whole book , as the king himself then answered mine accusers upon the reading thereof , rejecting their accusation as a false and groundlesse calumny . upon the publishing of my soveraign power of parliaments and kingdomes , in the year . i was again calumniated in the self same kind , though therein i at large dicovered , censured the treachery and disloyalty of papists to their soveraigns , both in their doctrines , and treasonable practices , which they since would charge me with ; whereupon i fully and particularly vindicated my self from this accusation afresh , in my mr. prynne the member reconciled to prynne the barrester , and other treatises . having sufficiently cleared my innocency against all these reiterated aspersions , coming into the house of commons , in november , . as a member , much against my will , i did then in three several extemporary speeches in the house , upon the armies presenting their treasonable declaration from saint albans november the . demanding the king to be brought to publick justice , and the prince and duke of york to be banished and disinherited , &c. and upon the kings seisure by the army ; and removal from the isle of wight , to bring him to his trial and execution ; declare my judgement at large against these their demands & proceedings , not onely as illegal and seditious , but as treasonable and perfidious in the highest degree . whereupon on the . of december . some implacable enemies to the king , endeavouring his destruction ( highly incensed against me for my zealous loyalty to preserve both his royal person and dignity from their intended violence ) falsely and maliciously published and printed a charge against the king in my name , purposely to defame me , and stop my mouth from speaking my conscience freely in the great debate then on foot , touching the satisfactoriness of the kings answer to the propositions of both houses , upon the conclusion of the personal treaty with him in the isle of wight : which false imposture i meeting with that morning going to the house , did there openly complain against it , as a malicious forgerie , the very stile , frame and expressions in it , evidencing it to be none of mine . after which i particularly disowned it in the * beginning , and refuted the whole scope of it , and the armies declaration to bring the king to justice , &c. in the end of my speech that very day dec. the . . as a meer destructive , jesuitical and popish design , by sundry arguments from scripture , policy and our laws , the manifold declarations , remonstrances of both houses , and the army officers themselves , the oaths of supremacy , allegiance , protestation , vow , solemn league , covenant , and other topicks : which speech i soon after published in print at the earnest request of the members , secured and secluded with me by the army , dec. , and . for their vote touching the kings concessions ; all the grounds and reasons of this vote , and answers to all objections made against it by the dissenters from it , during the whole debate , being comprised in it . hereupon this forged charge was branded by all sorts for a meer spurious brat , fit for nothing but the jakes : yet notwithstanding one william saunderson esquire ( a person i never saw nor injured to my knowledge ) hath inserted this gross imposture at large into his compleat history of the life and reign of king charls , from his cradle to his grave , printed in london , . reviving its memory afresh , and fathering it upon me as my genuine issue , p. , . and that with so much confidence , and reduplicated positive , invective asseverations ( at least ten years after its general disclaimer , as a most false and malicious forgery ) that some of my friends begin to suspect , and others now believe , report it generally to be penned and published byme , which all succeeding ages will undoubtedly credit for truth , if not now afresh disowned by me in print , & retracted by this calumniating historian : who having read my former disclaimer and refutation thereof , the very day of its publication in my printed speech , and finding it by the stile , texture and close , to be collected by some other author , out of my royal popish favourite , and other books , as he pretends therein , purposely to traduce me ; hath discovered his undemerited malice , as well as his injudiciousness & disingenuity , in fathering that bastard upon me in such a confident , scurrilous , invective manner as he hath done : for which i demand publick reparations from him , by a printed retraction and obliteration of it , out of his history , which it doth much disparage , defile and discredit as well as himself , and the late king , whose life and death he hath recorded to posterity . his readers may observe , that a great part of his history is borrowed from mr. clement walker his history of independency ; wherein he finds his & my joint protestation , under both our hands , then published to the world against the kings impeachment and triall ; together with the joint protestation and disswasion of all the secured and secluded members against it , in their vindication , jan. . . to which i was a subscriber : whereby his malice and want of ingenuity herein appear most plainly ; but more particularly by this , that himself immediately after this feigned charge , in the same * page of his history mentions and misrecites my memento , to traduce and abuse me , willingly concealing the title , argument and scope thereof , which would have convicted him both of calumny , and forgery , in fathering this pretended charge against the king , upon me , and making me the prime actor in the kings trial and tragedy , when as the whole house of commons and most then living knew , i was the very first of all others , who spake , writ , and protested publickly against it , as my printed speech and memento , with other publications both before and since abundantly evidence . let the title and argument of my memento alone , and one foreiners testimony of special note concerning it ( to omit others ) display both the malice and falsity of this historians calumny . the title of it is , a brief memento to the present unparliamentary juncto , touching their present intentions and proceedings to depose and execute charles stuart their lawful king. by william prynne esquire , a member of the house of commons , and prisoner under the armies tyranny : jan. . . the subject and scope thereof was this , that ( being debarred by my imprisonment under the army from speaking to those then sitting in the house ) i sent them ten reasons in print , drawn from our laws , the declarations and remonstrances of parliament , the oaths of supremacy , allegiance , protestation , solemn national league and covenant , scriptures , the practice of gods own people of israel , of all protestant realms and subjects ; the relations of the late king to scotland , ireland and forein princes ; the unlawfulnesse , treasonableness , and dangerous consequences of the kings trial and execution , and other topicks , to disswade them from their intended charge and proceedings against him , onely to satisfie the army-officers under whose force they sate : which . reasons , as they were highly approved by most , and never yet answered by any at home ; so they satisfied the protestant ministers , churches and states abroad , being translated into several languages . among others , * samuel bochartus ( one of the eminentest and learnedest protestant divines in france ) in his latin epistle to dr. morley ( one of the kings chaplains ) printed parifi●s . sect . . de jure & potestate regum p. . having proved the unlawfulness of the trial , proceedings , sentence and execution of the king , by scripture , fathers , and other authorities , and manifested the english presbyterian ministers , and members professed opposition against and dislike thereof , subjoins , ex hoc numero prynnius , vir multis nominibus insignis & parliamenti delegatorum unus , è carcere in quo cum pluribus aliis detenebatur , libellum composuit parliamento oblatum , ( to wit my memento ) in quo decem rationibus , eisque validissimis , contendit , eos rem illicitam attentari , ( in impeaching and proceeding capitally against the king ) reciting the heads of my ten reasons ; then concluding , haec ille , & multo plura : scriptor mire nervosus , cujus verba sunt stimuli & clavi in altum defiri : therefore that mr. saunderson should brand me for my memento , imprisonment by the army , and forcible seclusion from the house , and make it a divine judgement inflicted on me for this forged charge against the king ; though this memento was written professedly against the kings charge , trial and execution , as unlawful and unchristian , as bochartus , a foreiner , thus signally attests , must be the extremity of malice , and calumny , subjecting him to his own friends , mr. james howels censure , in his epistle to him prefixed to this history , that a false erroneous chronologer , is one of the worst members that can be in a common-wealth , and indeed of mankind in general ; for he wrongs , the time post , the time present , and the time to come : as he hath done , by fathering this charge upon me , and his misrelation of my censure too , p. , . after it was nulled by both houses of parliaments unanimous vote , as * causelesse and illegal ; all which i pray god to give him grace to repent and retract . having thus vindicated my innocency from his false calumnies , i shall onely recommend the consideration of the duties pressed in this treatise , to the daily practice of every reader , of what party soever , in these divided factious times . art thou a professed enemy to the exiled king and royal family , conceiving them to be enemies or opposites unto thee , thy interest , or party ; or such who probably may prove enemies or persecutors to thee and them , if restored to their rights and powers : then pray for them under this notion , according to christs own precepts and example , mat. . . to . luke . . c. . . acts . . rom. . , . the presidents of the primitive christians here ch . . and in the liturgie of our church , that it would please thee to forgive our enemies , persecutors and slanderers , and to turn their hearts . and the collect on saint stephens day , grant us o lord , to learn to love our enemies , by the example of thy martyr saint stephen , who prayed for his persecutors . dost thou repute them persons of little or no real affection to the protestant religion , and the sincere professors thereof ( as e nedham represents them ; ) or as bad as turks , pagans or infidels , and some ( i hear ) esteem them , because themselves are such , yet since thou art commanded by god to make supplications , prayers , and intercessions for allmen , yea , for the very worst of turks , jews , idolaters , pagans , infidels , as our church doth on good f fryday , that they may be converted , reformed , saved & becom members of , or nursing-fathers to the church ; ( if kings ) let them have as large a share in thy prayers , as any of these have or ought to have by gods command . and if thou esteem them as thy lawful hereditary kings princes , superiors , professing the true reformed religion , and members of the true visible church of christ , let them enjoy thy daily fervent prayers , intercessions , supplications and thanksgivings to god for them , especially when they need them most , during their exiled , afflicted and distressed condition , amidst papists , and seducers : and let me have a share in thy devotions for a blessing on this treatise , and me . william prynne . lincolns inne jan. . . the signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians towards their kings , in all ages , &c. what was once the false malicious calumny , cast by * pagan idolaters upon the primitive professors of christianity , living under persecuting heathen emperors , to exasperate their fury against them , as the worst of traytors , and publike enemies , unworthy to live within their dominions ; that they did neither pray , nor offer sacrifices publikely to the gods for their health and safety , nor celebrate their solemnities with that outward pomp and oftentation as others did ; is of late years become the just accusation , and treasonable impeachment of many degenerate saints , and apostate christians within our realms : who have not only totally discontinued , but finally abandoned , prohibited under pain of high treason , all publike ( if not private ) solemn prayers , supplications , intercessions and thanksgivings , not for persecuting , pagan , or popish emperors , princes , but even for their own undoubted hereditarie protestant kings and their royal posterity , in direct contradiction to gods own evangelical precepts , tim. . , , . rom. . , to . mat. . . mar. . . and not only falsified that excellent large apology which tertullian made for the transcendent loyalty of the christians in his age towards their persecuting pagan emperors , by their publike and private zealous prayers and petitions to god on their behalfs , and freedom from the least conspiracies , rebellions , attempts against their persons , crowns or dignities , of which none but those who were not christians , & gave christians the name of publike enemies were then guilty ; but quite inverted this elegant passage of his , and translated it both from the pagan and antichristian romans , on those who pretend themselves the most transcendent christians . * unde cascii , & nigri & albini ? unde qui inter duos lauros obsident caesarem ? unde qui faucibus ejus exprimendis palestricam exercent ? unde qui armati palatium irrumpunt omnibus stephanis atque partheniis audaciores ? de romanis ni fallor , id est de non christianis . atque adeo omnes illi sub ipsa usque impietatis eruptione et sacra faciebant pro salute imperatoris , et genium ejus dejerabant , alii foris , alii intus . et utique publicorum hostium nomen christianis dabant . sed et qui nunc scelestarum partium socii aut plausores quotidie revelantur , post vindemiam parricidarum racematio superstes , quam recentissimis et ramosissimis laureis postes praestruebant ? quam elatissimis , & clarissimis lucernis vestibula enubilabant ? quam cultissimis et superbissimis thoris forum sibi dividebant , non ut gaudia publica celebrarent , sed ut vota propria fam ediscerent , et in aliena solennitate exemplum atque imaginem spei suae inaugurarent , nomen principis in corde imitantes , &c. and that which is most detestable , the generality both of our people and ministers under our republican tyrants , have not only wholly laid aside all publike and private prayers for their own and other christian protestant kings , against gods positive precepts , and the practice of christians , saints in all former ages , churches ; but some ministers in their very sermons themselves have ( out of base carnal fear of men , and unchristian compliance with our late usurpers ) not dared to read or mention the word king , or kings in the very texts of scripture which they have quoted , but skipped over it as dangerous or superfluous , for fear of incurring the guilt of high treason , or displeasure of some formidable new grandees : whereof i shall relate one memorable instance in perpetuam rei infamiam , the principal occasion of these collections . when i was removed by john bradshaw's and his whitehall associates order from my close imprisonment at taunton to pendennis castle in cornwal , without any cause , examination , hearing , and conducted thitherwards by several troops , on the first lords day in july . resting at lanceston in cornwall , i repaired to the church there ( with . troopers of major blackmores troop who conducted me ) in the morning ; where the minister of the town , * mr. hull , an antient man ( formerly in new england ) preaching upon the pet. . . a stone of stumbling and a rock of offence ; handled the common place of scandals , raising this proposition from the words : that it is the duty of all christians to be very carefull to avoyd scandals . in the prosecution whereof he prescribed certain rules , how christians might avoyd and prevent scandals : the first whereof was , chearfully to submit to all lawful powers and governours under whom they lived : particularly prescribed by the apostle peter in the , , verses , which he read thus . have your conversation honest among the gentiles , that whereas they speak against you as evil doers , they may by your good works which they shall behold , glorifie god in the day of visitation : submit your selves ( therefore ) to every ordinance of man for the lords sake ; unto governours , as unto them that are sent by him for the punishment of evil doers , and for the praise of them that do well ; for so is the will of god ; that with well doing ye may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men , &c. omitting the very first and principal clause in the text , which he durst or would not read : whether it be to the king , as supreme ; and the disjunctive or , ( unto governours : ) which not only mangled , but marred the words and sence of the place . after which he immediately added , that the self-same rule was prescribed by the apostle paul , tim. . , , . which he thus read & maimed as he did the former text . i will therefore that first of all , supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings be made for all men ; skipping over the principal words ( for kings , and ) reading only the next words , all that are in authority , that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty , for that is good and acceptable in the sight of god our saviour . which double omission and preterition of these two chief clauses in both these quotations one after another , in this very doctrine , to avoyd scandals , did so much scandalize me , that i presently said to the soldiers sitting in the same seat with me ; this old temporizing unworthy minister in mangling and perverting both these texts one after another in this strange manner , by omitting and not reading the principal clauses in them , in the very pulpit and presence of god himself , and directions to his auditors , hath given me greater scandal and juster offence , than any minister i ever yet heard preach in all my life , not only by imitating , but exceeding the very devil himself when he tempted our saviour : for he when he tempted christ to cast himself down from the pinacle of the temple : mat. . . cited only one text to induce him to it , omitting the last words thereof . ps . . , . for it is written , he shall give his angels charge over thee ; passing over this material clause , to keep thee in all thy wayes ; and reciting only the subsequent words ; and in their hands they shall bear thee up , lest at any time thou dash thy foot against a stone . wherein the devil acted his own part only both as a tempter , lyer , prevaricator , and that in private . but this old minister ( if he deserve the title ) alleged two several texts one after another publikely to the whole congregation in the very pulpit , as the embassador of christ himself , both which he mangled and prevaricated in the prime clauses which he omitted : wherein he neither acted the part , nor discharged the duty of a faithfull minister , but devil , or diabolical prevaricator ; fearing , pleasing those anti-royallists in present power , and those who could but kill the body , more than god himself , who could cast his soul and body into hell , and had under severest penalties enjoyned all men , but ministers more especially , deut. . . &c. . . not to diminish ought from the word which he hath commanded them : not to turn from it either to the right hand or to the left , josh . . . for , if any man shall take away from the words of this book , god shall take away his part out of the book of life , and out of the holy city , and from the things that are written in this book , rev. . . all which texts this timorous wretched minister regarded not at all , dreading the menaces , commands , power of our republican grandees , more than the threats , precepts , and omnipotency of god himself . whereupon the soldiers confessed to me , that it was very ill done of the minister thus to mangle scripture , and that they were as much offended with him for it as my self . upon further discourse hereof after sermon , i told the troopers , they might now discern the sad effects of abolishing our kings and kingship , and how formidable our new republican grandees who succeeded them , were already become , not only to the common people , but also to ministers of the gospell , that some at such a great distance from them as lanceston , dreaded them more than god himself , and that in the very pulpit and house of god , not daring to read the word king , or kings , in the very texts they quoted , for fear of incurring high treason , against the new more than kingly governors , and legifers at whitehall and westminster ; who to prevent this mischief , might do well , to make an additional knack to those knacks they had formerly published against kings , and kingship , and the ingagement against them , that the words king and kings should be expunged out of these two texts of pet. . , . tim. . . and all other texts of the old and new testament , in all bibles to be henceforth printed or read within their new commonwealth ; and all old bibles prohibited , lest ministers or people should incur the guilt of high treason , by reading , or obeying these scriptures to the prejudice of their republike : and if others were afrayd to move it , i would in my next letters to their president john bradshaw and his associates at whitehall , acquaint them with this passage , and hint thus much to them . which i did accordingly when i came to pendennis castle . upon this and other occasions , i made a collection of such scriptures and antiquities in all ages , both before , and under the law and gospel , as most clearly evidenced both the practice and duty of the saints , churches and people of god ( and of pagans too ) in making publike and private prayers for the lives , healths , prosperity of their kings , emperors , and their royal posterities , whether they were good or bad , christian or pagan , orthodox or heterodox , protectors or persecutors of christianity and the professors of it . which being a subject not particularly treated of at large by any writers i have seen or heard of , very seasonable , usefull to inform the ignorance , and reform the neglect thereof in this apostate age , wherein this christian duty hath been so long neglected , decryed , prohibited in all our three kingdoms ; i thought it not only convenient , but necessary to make them publike ; and communicate them to posterity , for the glory of god , the honor of religion , and the benefit of all christian kings , emperors , princes throughout the world . in the marshalling of these collections , i shall observe a meer chronological method , as most usefull and perspicuous , digesting all presidents and proofs pertinent to this subject into distinct chapters , beginning with those that are most antient . chap. i. the first presidents i meet with of frayers made to god for kings , are such as are recorded in scripture , before the law was given in mount sinai , or any king instituted by god among his own people of israel , of which there are . remarkable instances , seldom taken notice of , which i shall recite , explicate and apply in order as i find them . the . is that of abraham , * the father of all faithfull believers , thus registred to posterity , gen. . abraham and his wife sarah so journing at gerar , abimelech king of gerar sent and took sarah : but god came to him by night in a dream , and said , thou art but a dead man , for the woman thou hast taken , for she is married to an husband : and god said unto him in a dream , v. . now therefore restore the man his wife , for he is a prophet , and he shall pray for thee , and thou shalt live : and if thou restore her not , know thou , that thou shalt surely die , thou and all that are thine . therefore abimelech rose early in the morning , and called abraham , and after some expostulations with him , restored him his wife , and gave him sheep and oxen , men servants and women servants ; profering him to dwell in the land where he pleased . so abraham prayed unto god , and god healed abimelech and his wife , and his maid-servants , and they bare children for the lord had fast closed up all the wombs of the house of ; abimelech , because of sarah abrahams wife●● . , . in which history there are . observable particulars worthy our consideration : . that those who are but meer sojourners under kings in any part of their kingdoms , though not their natural born subjects ( as abraham was here at gerar under k. abimelech ) * owe local allegiance to them , and are bound to pray unto god for their health , life , prosperity , especially upon extraordinary occasions , as abraham did here ; therefore à multo fortiori , their own natural subjects and lieges , are much more obliged thereunto by the bond of duty , loyalty , and laws of god and nature . ly . that abraham , the father of all the faithfull , is the very first president recorded in sacred writ , or other history , who prayed for the person and family of the king under whom he lived and sojourned : that so ‖ his example might be obligatory and presidential to all other faithful people , servants and saints of god in all ages and places , as well gentiles as jewes , who ought to follow his steps herein . ly . that he thus prayed for abimelech and his family , though ( as most conceive ) a heathen idolatrous king , and no worshipper of the true god ; as abrahams words to abimelech v. . ( because i thought , surely the fear of god is not in this place , and they will slay me for my wives sake , and gen. . , . ) import . therefore the saints and people of god , ought to pray to god for their kings and their families , though pagans , infidels , papists , hereticks , much more then when they are worshippers , professors of the true god and religion ; yea christians and patrons of the gospel of jesus christ . ly . that abraham here prayed for abimelech , his wife , family , not of his own voluntary accord , but by special direction and command from god : therefore prayer for kings , & their families , is no human , arbitrary invention , action , which may be omitted or performed at mens pleasure ; but a divine institution , precept , duty , which must be constantly performed out of conscience , in obedience to gods command . ly . that this prayer of abraham was not confined only to king abimelechs own person , but extended to his wife , maid-servants , and posterity ; and was principally , that god would open their wombs , which he had fast ●●sed , that they might bear children ; which they bare after abraham prayed for them unto god , v. , . that so there might be an hereditary succession of his children after him in the kingdom . therefore subjects ( especially in hereditary kingdoms ) are obliged not only to pray for their kings own persons , but also for their queens , families , the multiplication and continuance of their royal posterity , to sway the scepter , and succeed them in the throne ; even by this original president of abrahams prayer . which compared with abrahams oath and covenant to abimelech , who sware unto him by god ; that he would not lie unto , nor deal falsly with abimelech , nor with his son , nor with his sons son but according to the kindness he had done unto ; abraham , that he should do unto him , and to the land wherein he had sojourned , gen. , , , , , , . is a most pregnant argument not only of the lawfulness of subjects oaths of fealty , homage , allegiance and supremacy to their kings , their heirs and successors , but likewise of the antiquity , and inviolable obligation of such oathes , which ought to be conscienciously observed without lying , falshood , or the least violation , by all who swear them , in the sacred name of the true everlasting god. ly . that all subjects are then most principally obliged to pray for their kings and their families , when they lie under any judgements or afflictions of god for their sins , because then they most need their prayers , as a special means prescribed by god to remove his judgements , restore his favour , blessings to them , preserve , lengthen their lives , and make them fruitfull in posterity . the . president i shall insist on is this , related gen. . , . and joseph brought in jacob his father ( after his coming down into aegypt ) and set him before pharaoh , and jacob blessed pharaoh , so soon as hee came before him : after some discourse between them , at his departure from him , it is recorded again : and joseph blessed pharaoh ( the second time ) and went out from before pharaoh . now this his double blessing of pharaoh , both at his coming in to , and departing from him , was nothing else , but a double prayer to god to bestow all kinds of blessings on king pharaoh , and his posterity ; as is evident by gen. . . c. . , to . c. . , , . c. . . to the end , and ch . . , to . compared with this text. from whence it is remarkable , . that as abraham the father of the faithfull , was the first ; so jacob his grandson , the father of the . patriarks , was the d . person recorded in sacred story , who prayed for and blessed the king in whose kingdom he resided ; whose example is very presidential for all others , and worthy their imitation . ly . that jacob was no natural born subject to pharaoh , but only a stranger and sojourner in aegypt ; yet he thus blessed and prayed for him : therefore his and all other kings genuine subjects , were much more obliged by duty and allegiance to pray for and blesse them . ly . that he thus prayed for and blessed him twice , at his first accesse to , and recesse from his presence ; which should instruct all loyal saints and christian subjects frequently to blesse and pray for their kings and princes , both in their accesses to , and recesses from them , and upon all other just occasions , as well in private as publike . ly . that he thus blessed and prayed for pharaoh though a pagan king , under whom and his successors he and his posterity were assured , they should be made bond-man , and forely oppressed for . years , till god should rescue and bring them out of aegypt by a strong hand , gen. . , , , . exod. . . . acts . . . to teach us , that all loyal subjects , saints , christians ought to blesse , pray for , not only their godly , christian , orthodox , religious kings , who protect , preserve them in their religion , laws , liberties ; but even for their pagan , heretical kings , and such who afflict , oppresse , persecute them ; and not to curse , depose , murder , destroy , or rebell against them , mat. , , . luke . , , . c. , . acts . . rom. . , , . c. . , , . tim. . , , . pet. . , to . contrary to the practice , tenents of the saints , subjects of this degenerate , apostate , treacherous , and perfidious age . ly . that one part of gods and mens blessing of kings , is , that they may have a numerous , continuing progeny , permanent house , and royal issue to succeed them in the throne , and reign over their nations and kingdoms , in happinesse , peace , safety , prosperity for many generations , gen. . , , . . sam. . . to the end chron. . , to . kings . , to . c. . , , . kings . . ps . . , . compared with psal . . , , . gen. . . which no doubt was one chief part of jacobs blessing of and prayer for king pharaoh ; being one principle branch of the blessings he bestowed on and wished to his own sons and grandsons , when he blessed them before his death , gen. . , , , . c. . . , , . whence it inevitably followes , that it is the property , duty of all loyal , pious saints , christians , people , cordially to pray for and desire god to blesse their kings with a numerous permanent royal issue and posterity to succeed them in their royal thrones , and reign over them with all peace , safety , felicity ; not to disinherit , banish , abjure , extirpate their posterities , and deprive them of their hereditary crowns ; which some now deem their saintship , piety , honour , felicity to accomplish . the d. are the several prayers and supplications that moses made for king pharaoh , the grand oppressor , enthraller , afflicter of the israelites , ( when * god sent him to rescue them from their intollerable bondage under him and his officers ) to remove those very plagues which god himself inflicted on pharaoh and his aegyptians , thereby to deliver them from their vassallage and bring them out thence to the promised land : thus recorded by moses himself , exod. . . to . when the frogs came up and covered the land of aegypt ; then pharaoh called for moses and aaron , and said , intreat the lord that he may take away the frogs from me and from my people , and i will let the people go , that they may do sacrifice to the lord. and moses said to pharaoh , glory over me ; against when shall i intreat for thee and for thy servants , and for thy people , to destroy the frogs from thee , and thy houses , that they may remain in the river only ? and he said , to morrow . and moses said , be it according to thy word , that thou mayst know that there is none like unto the lord our god : and the frogs shall depart from thee , and from thy houses , and from thy servants , and from thy people , they shall remain in the river only . and moses and aaron went out from pharaoh . and moses cryed unto the lord because of the frogs which he had brought against pharaoh : and the lord did according to the word of moses , and the frogs dyed out of the houses , out of the villages , and out of the field , v. , , . moses intreated the lord , that the swarms of frogs he sent might depart from pharaoh , from his servants , and from his pople . and the lord did according to the word of moses , and he removed the frogs at pharaohs request , there remained not one . after this moses intreated the lord to remove the mighty thunder and hail he had sent , spreading abroad his hands unto the lord in prayer for that end , and they ceased , exod. . , , . the like he did at his intreaty , to remove the plague of locusts , exod. , , . from these presidents and practice of moses , i shall deduce these genuine seasonable observations . . that e moses being born in egypt , and bred up in pharaohs court , was rather a native subject to king pharaoh , than a mere sojourner and foreiner , as abraham and jacob were to abimelech and pharaoh ; ( though he had been absent thence about forty years ; ) it thence follows from the premises , that subjects as well as sojourners , are bound by duty and allegeance to pray for their kings and people . ly . moses was enforced to f fly out of egypt to save his life , because pharaoh sought to slay him for killing an egyptian , who smote and oppressed an hebrew , one of his brethren : and this pharaoh to whom god sent him , and for whom he thus prayed four times after each other , was not only a pagan-idolater , but in all probability the kings son , or grand-son , who sought to slay him , aegypt being an hereditary kingdom , as isay . . and all historians record . yea both these pharaohs , with two or more of their ancestors , and their officers , did g extraordinarily oppress the israelites , causing all their male-children they could meet with to be drowned in the river , but such as the midwives preserved against their commands , afflicting them by their task-masters , heavy burdens , rigorous service , and hard bondage , which made their lives bitter , and caused them to sigh , groan , and cry unto the lord by reason of the bondage , who thereupon heard their cry , and saw their oppression , and remembred his covenant made with abraham , isaac , and jacob , to rescue them from their thraldom , yet notwithstanding moses prayed four times to remove the plagues god had inflicted on pharaoh , his servants and people ; and no waies endeavoured to deprive , or disinherit them either of their lives , crowns , or succession , though h a chosen servant , man , and saint of god , i commissioned , and sent by god himself to deliver the israelites from their bondage under pharaoh , and bring them out of egypt . whence i shall irrefragably infer , that the eminentest chosen saints , men and servants of god , yea all other loyal subjects ought chearfully to obey and pray for , not only their pagan , idolatrous , but persecuting and oppressing kings , and their royal posterity ; and though they may use all lawfull means to deliver themselves and fellow-subjects from their unjust tyranny , bondage , oppressions ; yet they neither lawfully can , nor ought forcibly to dethrone , disinherit them , or their posterities of their crowns , nor rebel against , or deprive them of their lives by tumultuous insurrections , assassinations , and high courts of justice . ly . that godly persecuted , oppressed subjects , may and ought to pray for the removal of those judgements which god himself inflicts upon their oppressive , persecuting kings , their servants , people , successively one after another , for those persecutions , tyrannies , oppressions , under which they groan and cry , of purpose to bring them to repentance , and deliver them from their bondage , pressures , vexations under them ; as moses did in this case of pharaoh , his officers and the egyptians for the removal of grievous plagues inflicted upon them one after another by god himself , and moses and aaron as his instruments . thus much concerning these most memorable , antient presidents , before the law and kings of israel , which none have hitherto pressed or insisted on in this kind , to my knowledge , as i have done . chap. ii. i shall in the next place proceed to presidents of gods servants and people under the law , from the first erection of the israelites into a kingdom , till our saviours nativity , intermixed with some examples of this kind in pagan idolators within that circle of time . the first prayer and president of this nature recorded in sacred story , by gods own spirit , is that which was used at the anointing and inauguration of saul , the very first king , * elected , ordained by god himself over his own people of israel : when saul being chosen by lot , and fetched from among the stuff where he had hid himself , sam. . , . the prophet samuel said to all the people , see yee him whom the lord hath chosen , that there is none like him among all the people : and all the people thereupon shouted , and said , god save the king , or let the king live , as the hebrew phrase renders it : which no doubt they oft times repeated , according to the usual practice at all kings inaugurations and coronations ever since ; which probably they learned from the custom of other nations round about them , who had kings and kingly government before them , as the sam. . , , . make us a king to judge us like all the nations nay , but we will have a king over us , that we also may be like all the nations ; ; compared with deut. . . and shall say , i will set a king over me like as all the nations that are about me ; more than intimate . now these words , * vivat rex , let the king live , or god save the king , are not only a most royal , loyal salutation and acclamation of all the people , as directed to king sauls person , and inauguration ; but a direct prayer unto god for his long life , happiness , and prosperous reign over them as their king , as the words themselves , and the use of them in succeeding ages import ; compared with psal . . . ps . . , . ps . . . ps . . , . gen. . . not long after , when saul had totally routed nahash the ammonite and his great army , and rescued jabesh gilead from them which they had encamped against , sam. . . thereupon after this salvation which the lord had wrought by him for israel , v. , . samuel said to the people , come and let us go up to gilgal and renew the kingdom there : and all the people went to gilgal , and there they made saul king before the lord : and there they sacrificed sacrifices of peace-offerings before the lord , and there saul and the men of israel reioyced greatly . which words imply , that both samuel and the people by making saul king the second time before the lord , and offering peace-offering , and rejoycing greatly before the lord , did make special prayers and thanksgivings unto god for his life , prosperity , and victorious success over his and their enemies , according to the subsequent gospel-text grounded on this president , tim. . , . and samuels subsequent words to the people at this meeting , ch . . , , , . now therefore behold the king whom ye have chosen , and whom ye have desired , and behold the lord hath set a king over you : if you will fear the lord , and serve him , and obey his voyce , and not rebel against the commandement of the lord , then shall both ye , and also the king that reigneth over you , continue following the lord your god ; but if ye shall still do wickedly , ye shall be destroyed , both you and your king. moreover as for me , god forbid that i should sin against the lord , in ceasing to pray for you : compared with the sam. . . where it is recorded , that after gods rejection of saul , and repenting he had made him king , for disobeying his command in sparing agag , and the best of the amalekites spoyles ; nevertheless samuel mourned for saul , and ch . . v. . and the lord said to samuel , how long wilt thou mourn for saul , seeing i have rejected him from being king over israel ? all these do clearly evidence , that samuel the prophet , and no doubt all other his loyal pious subjects , priests and levites did constantly make prayers , supplications , and intercessions to god for saul , and bewail and moan for his sins , even after god had rejected him , much more then did they perform this duty before gods rejection during all his reign , as well as at his inauguration . the next king over gods people by divine election and designation was david , in whose house , seed , and royal progeny god established the hereditary succession of the crown and kingdom , both by his promise , covenant and oath , sam. . , to the end . chron. . , to . kings . , . chron. . , . c. . . ps . . , , , . ps . . , , , . jer. . , . what particular prayers and acclamations were made at his instalment in the royal throne over the tribes of israel , i find not recorded in scripture or josephus : only i read in general , sam. . . all the tribes of israel came to david to hebron , and king david made a league with them in hebron before the lord , and they anointed david king over israel ; no doubt with many prayers to god for his life and prosperous reign , and reiterated shouts , let the king live , as at sauls precedent , and solomons and other kings subsequent inaugurations , though omitted for brevity in sacred history . during davids reign , i shall observe several particulars pertinent to my purpose . . davids soul-ravishing prayer and thanksgiving made to god himself upon gods message , and promise to him by nathan the prophet , to set up his seed after him , and to establish his house , kingdom , and throne for ever , recorded at large , sam . in which prayer david used these expressions amongst other , v. . &c. and now o lord god , the word that thou hast spoken concerning thy servant , and concerning his house , establish it for ever , and do as thou hast said : and let thy name be magnified for ever , saying , the lord of hosts is the god over israel , and let the house of thy servant david be established before thee , &c. and now o lord god thou art that god , and thy words be true , and thou hast promised this goodnesse unto thy servant ; therefore now let it please thee to bless the house of thy servant , that it may continue for ever before thee for thou o lord hast spoken it , and with thy blessing let the house of thy servant be blessed for ever . ; here we have david the first hereditary king over gods people , upon the first tidings of gods promise to settle the inheritance and succession of the kingdom of israel in his house and seed for ever ; making a most zealous , fervent pathetical thanksgiving and prayer to god for the accomplishment of this promise , in establishing and blessing his house for ever . which being afterwards put in writing , and particularly recorded in sacred story , no doubt was constantly used both in private and publick by himself , and all his loyal devout subjects , whether priests , levites , or people all his reign , and registred as a sacred president for all hereditary pious kings and subjects future imitation . ly . davids publick prayers , psalms , and thanksgivings to god for himself as king , and for his royal son and his posterity that should succeed him in the throne , recorded in sacred writ , prescribed to the church and people of god during his reign , and succeeding ages , and constantly used by them , and all churches of god to this very day , at the inauguration of their kings , and upon other royal solemnities , victories , triumphs and installments , or mariages of their sons and heirs to the crown . i shall instance only in psal : . i will love thee , o lord my strength , &c. therefore will i give thanks unto thee , o lord , among the heathen , and sing praises unto thy name ; great deliverance giveth he to his king , and sheweth mercy to his anointed , to david and to his seed for evermore , psal . . the king shall joy in thy strength , o lord ; and in thy salvation how greatly shall he rejoyce ! for thou hast given him his hearts desire , thou hast not withholden the request of his lips : for thou preventest him with the blessings of goodness , thou settest a crown of pure gold on his head . he asked life of thee , and thou gavest it him , even length of dayes for ever and ever , his glory is great in thy salvation , glory and majesty hast thou laid upon him ; for thou hast made him most blessed for ever , &c. which psalm , though it be mystically applied to christ the king of his church and saints by * many , yet doubtless it was literally meant of king david himself who compiled it . psal . . my heart is indicting a good matter , i will speak of the things which i have made touching the king : literally intended of solomon , but mystically of christ his kingdom and church . psal . . hear my cry , o god , attend unto my prayer , &c. thou wilt prolong the kings life , and his years as many generations ; he shall abide before god for ever , o prepare mercy and truth which may preserve him . psal . . , , &c. give the king thy judgements , o god , and thy righteousness unto the kings son then shall be judge thy people with righteousness , and thy poor with judgement , &c. he shall save the souls of the needy : he shall redeem their soul from deceit and violence , and precious shall their bloud be in his sight : he shall live , and unto him shall be given of the gold of sheba , prayer also shall be made for him continually , and daily shall he be praised . ; which psalm , though mystically meant of jesus christ the son of david , as all accord ; yet it was first literally made , used in and by the church and people of god , and prescribed to them as a publike prayer for king david and his son solomon , who was to succeed him in the throne ; as most accord , and the contents in our bibles resolve ; or for king solomon ( whom some make the penman thereof ) and his son rehobeam : however it is a direct form and divine precept for the people of god in all hereditary kingdoms , to make continual daily publike and private prayers , intercessions , supplications and thanksgivings unto god for their hereditary kings , their heirs apparent and successors to the crown and royal posterity , according to the tim. . , . grounded on this psalm . i shall conclude with psal . . and psal . . of like nature with the former ; wherein not only the psalmist , but the churches & congregations of the saints in that and succeeding ages , do sing of the mercies of the lord , and make known his faithfulness to all generations for making this covenant with david and his seed ; i have made a covenant with my chosen , i have sworn unto david my servant ; thy séed will i establish for ever , and build up thy throne to all generations , &c. my mercy will i keep for him for evermore , and my covenant shall stand fast with him : his séed also will i make to endure for ever , and his throne as the dayes of heaven . if his children forsake my laws , and walk not in my judgements ; if they break my statutes , and keep not my commandements ; then will i visit their transgressions with the rod , and their sin with scourges . nevertheless my loving kindness will i not utterly take from him , nor suffer my faithfulness to fail . my covenant will i not break , nor alter the thing that is gone out of my livs once have i sworn by my holiness that i will not lie unto ; david : his seed shall endure for ever , and his throne as the sun before me . it shall be established for ever as the moon , and as the faithfull witnesse in heaven : selah . i thy children will keep my covenant and my testimonies that i shall teach them , their children also shall sit upon the throne for evermore for the lord hath chosen zion , he hath desired it for his habitation : this is my rest for ever , there will i dwell , for i have desired it , &c. there will i make the horn of ; david to bud ; i have ordained a lamp for mine anointed : his enemies will i cloath with shame , but upon himself shall his crown flourish . from all these psalms which you may read at large , these irrefragable conclusions may be clearly deduced . . that it was the constant practise , duty , not only of king david himself , but of the church and people of god under him and his royal posteritie , to make incessant prayers , supplications , intercessions and thanksgivings to god both publikely and privately for him , his royal house and posterity . ly . that they did in their publike and private devotions , prayers , psalms , and thanksgivings , take special notice and make particular mention of gods promise to king david , his house , and royal seed , that they should inherit the throne and kingdom over his people by succession for ever ; and rejoyce therein , yea pray for its accomplishment , and gods grace and blessing on his house , seed , as their own and the churches greatest blessing , happinesse , and safety . ly . that as the sins of davids royal seed and progeny , did not cause god himself , the king of kings , who conferred the kingdom and throne upon them , to break his oath and covenant with them , nor to deprive them of their kingly government , throne , or totally to withdraw his loving kindness and mercy towards them , but only to chastize them with his rod , and scourge them for their amendment : so it did neither withdraw the allegeance , loyaltie , dutie , prayers , supplications , intercessions , or thanksgivings of the church and their pious subjects from them , but rather intend and augment them , as is evident by psal . . , to . and psal . . all which particulars do apparently check and reprehend the contrary late practice of the subjects and saints within our three kingdoms and churches of england , scotland and ireland . ly . the pietie and loyaltie of davids great officers , and subjects in praying for him and his people in their conferences with and addresses to him , i shall instance only in . presidents . the . is that of joab his chief captain and general , when david commanded him to number the people , much against his judgement and disswasions from it , sam. . . and joab said unto the king , the lord thy god adde uuto the people , how many soever they be , and that the eyes of my lord the king may sée it . the . is that of araunah , when king david after the three dayes of pestilence inflicted for his numbring the people , came to buy the threshing-floor of him to build an altar to the lord , that the plague might be stayed from the people , sam. . , , . and araunah said unto the king , the lord thy god accept thée . both these are direct prayers to god for king david by these two loyal subjects . the . president is the gratulatory salutation and prayer of hushai , when he sent him , under a pretended revolt from him , to his son absolom ( who usurped his throne and forced him to flie ) to undermine achitophels craftie counsel against him : thus recorded , sam. . . and it came to pass , that when hushai the archite davids friend , was come unto absolom , he said , god save the king , god save the king , or , let the king live ; doubling this salutation of and praier for him . whence i inferr these . probable , if not undeniable conclusions : . that this salutation and praier was usual amongst the israelites , not only at their kings coronations , but upon their officers and subjects accesses and addresses to them , even in king davids daies , as well as in all succeeding ages . ly . that if hushai thus used it to absolom a king only by traterous usurpation of his fathers throne ; he and other loyal officers , subjects , used it much more at the inauguration of , and their addresses to their lawfull pious king david a man after gods own heart . ly . the third king over gods own people was solomon , the first who enjoyed the crown by inheritance from david his father by gods special appointment , and crowned king in his fathers life time , to prevent the usurpations of his brother adonijah , thus recorded in sacred writ , kings . , to . when david was old , his son adonijah to defeat solomon of the crown , making a strong partie caused himself to be proclamed king ; which david being informed of by bathsheba , solomons mother , he thereupon by the advice of the prophet nathan , out of a conscientious performance of the oath he formerly swore in the name of the lord to bathsheba , that solomon her son should reign after him , which oath he then renewed : commanded zadock the priest , nathan , and benaiah , to take his servants , to cause solomon his son to ride upon his own mule , and bring him down to gihon , and there to anoint him king over israel ; and blow ye with the trumpet , and say , god save king solomon : then ye shall come up after him , that he may come and sit upon my throne : for he shall be king in my stead ; and i have appointed him to be ruler over israel and ov●● judah . whereupon benaiah the son of jehoiada , answered the king , and said , amen . the lord god of my lord the king say so too . as the lord hath been with my lord the king , even so be he with solomon , and make his throne greater than the throne of my lord king david . so zadok the priest , and nathan the prophet , and benaiah the son of jehoiadah , and the cherethites , and the pelethites went down , and caused solomon to ride upon king davids mule , and they brought him to gibeon . and zadok the priest took an horn of oyle out of the tabernacle and anointed solomon , and they blew the trumpet , and all the people said , god save king solomon . and all the people came up after him , and the people piped with pipes , and rejoyced with great joy , so that the earth rent with the sound of them , and the city rang again . vpon this jonathan the son of abiathar the priest came in to adonijah , and related the premises to him , and all the ghests that were with him ; adding , also solomon sitteth on the throne of the kingdom , and moreover , the kings servants came to bless our lord king david , saying , god make the name of solomon better than thy name , and make his throne greater than thy throne : and the king bowed himself upon his bed. and also thus said the king , blessed be the lord god of israel which hath given me one to fit on my throne this day , mine eyes even séeing it . after which * david assembled all the princes of israel , the princes of the tribes , the captains of the companies that ministred to the king by course , the captains over the thousands and over the hundreds , the stewards over all the substance and possessions of the king and of his sons , with the officers and mighty men , and with all the valiant men unto jerusalem : where standing upon his feet , he declared to them gods election of his son solomon to sit upon the throne of the kingdom of the lord over israel ; and that he should build god an house ; then giving the congregation and solomon a charge , to keep and seek all the commandements of god , and to serve him with a perfect heart and willing mind , &c. he gave solomon a pattern of the form , materials , vessels , chambers , treasuries of the temple , and courses of the priests : after which , relating to them the quantity of gold , silver , pretious stones , brasse and other materials he had provided and dedicated towards the building of the temple , by his example and exhortation , he caused both the princes and people to offer bountifully and willingly both gold , silver , brasse , iron and precious stones for the service of the house of god. wherepon david made a most heavenly thanksgiving and prayer unto god before all the congregation , who joyned with him therein : in which praier he and the congregation used this expression relating to solomon , chron. . , . o lord god of abraham , isaac , and of israel our fath●rs , give unto solomon my son a perfect heart to keep thy commandements , thy testimonies , and thy statuteo , and to do all these things , and to build the palace for which i have made provision ; after which all the congregation blessed the lord god of their fathers , and bowed down their heads , and worshipped the lord and the king . and the morrow after they sacrificed sacrifices and offered burnt-offerings unto the lord , even a thousand bullocks , a thousand rams , and a thousand lambs , with their drink-offrings , and sacrifices in abundance for all the people : and did eat and drink that day before the lord with gladness , and they made solomon the son of david king the second time , and anointed him unto the lord to be chief governor , &c. v. , . from all which premises it is apparent , . that the priests , prophets , princes , captains , officers , and all the people of god at the coronation of solomon ( and so at their other hereditarie kings inaugurations who succeeded him , by like practice and custom ) did blow with trumpets , pipe with flutes , rejoice with exceeding joy , and cry out with united shouts , prayers , acclamations , god save the king , let the king live ; so that the earth did rent , and the city ring again with the sound thereof . ly . that besides this usual short prayer and ejaculation unto god for him and their following kings ; the greatest , devoutest of the officers and people did break forth into other most affectionate , pathetical expressions , & praiers for them , as benaiah , and other of davids servants did here in the case of solomon saying , the lord god of my lord the king say amen too . as the lord hath been with my lord the king david , so let him bee with solomon , and make his name better than thy name , and make his throne greater than thy throne . ly . that they joyned in publike prayers to god for their kings , after their installments in the kingdom , as the whole congregation did here with david for solomon , o lord god of abraham , &c. give unto my son solomon a perfect heart to keep thy commandements , &c. & ps . . , &c. ly . that in their usual addresses to their kings , they bless them , by wishing them spiritual and temporal blessings , long life and prosperity to them , and bless god for their advancement to the throne and government over them , as is evident by the kings . . . compared with the sam. . . and other subsequent texts . ly . i shall adde to the premises this passage in huram king of tyre his letter to solomon , chron. . . huram said moreover , blessed be the lord god of israel that hath made heaven and earth , who hath given to david a wise son , endued with prudence and understanding , that might build an house for the lord , and an house for his kingdom : and these words of the queen of sheba to solomon , chron. . , . kings . , . happy are thy men , and happy are these thy servants which stand continually before thee , and hear thy wisdom ; blessed be the lord thy god which delighted in thée , to set thée on his throne , to be king for the lord thy god because thy god loved israel to establish them for ever , therefore made hee thee king over them , to do judgement and justice . ; now if king huram and the queen of sheba meer foreiners , princes , not subjects , thus blessed god for solomons kingdom , justice , reign , and advancement to his fathers throne , for the establishment and welfare of his subjects ; then much more were the israelites themselves , his own subjects and servants , obliged to blesse him , and blesse god for his reign , wisdom , and good government over them ; which no doubt they did constantly perform in their publike and private devotions , and all their addresses to him , as also to their other kings succeeding him ; ( though not particularly recorded in the books of kings and chronicles , which are but short epitomes of his and their reigns . ) ly . when king solomon had finished the temple , * he assembled all the elders , heads of the tribes , and chief of the fathers of the children of israel , with the priests and levites to jerusalem to bring up the ark and dedicate the temple ; where ‖ solomon having first blessed all the congregation , he ( with the whole congregation of israel , standing before , and joyning with him ) blessed the lord god of israel , who had with his hands fulfilled that which he spake with his mouth to his father david , that his son which should come out of his loyns should build an house to the name of the lord god of israel . the lord therefore hath performed his word that he hath spoken , for i am risen up in the room of david my father , and am set on the throne of israel as the lord promised , and have built the house for the lord god of israel , &c. after which * he stood before the altar of the lord upon a brazen scaffold , and kneeled upon his knees before all the congregation of israel , and spred forth his hands towards heaven , and said ; o lord god of israel , there is none like thee in the heaven , nor in the earth , which keepest covenant and shewest mercy unto thy servants , that walk before thee with all their hearts . thou which hast kept with thy servant david my father , that which thou hast promised him , and spakest with thy mouth , and hast fulfilled it with thy hand , as it is this day : now therefore , o lord god of israel kéep with thy servant david my father that which thou hast promised him , saying , there shall not fail thée a man in my sight to sit upon the throne of israel ; yet so , that thy children take heed to their way , to walk in my law , as thou hast walked before me . now then , o lord god of israel , let thy word ( i pray thée ) be verified , which thou hast spoken unto thy servant david , &c. o lord god turn not away the face of thine anointed ; remember the mercies of david thy servant . when * solomon had ended all his prayer and supplication to the lord , he arose from kneeling on his knees , with his hands spread up to heaven : and he stood and blessed all the congregation of israel with a loud voice , saying ; blessed be the lord god that hath given rest unto his people israel , according to all that he hath promised , there hath not failed one word of all his good promise , which he promised by the hand of moses his servant . the lord our god be with us as he was with our fathers : let him not leave us nor forsake us : that he may incline our hearts unto him , to walk in all his wayes , and to keep his commandements , and his statutes , and his judgements , which he commanded our fathers . and let these my words wherewith i have made supplication before the lord , be nigh unto the lord day & night , that he may maintain the cause of his servant , & the cause of his people israel , the thing of a day in his day , ( or , at all times , as the matter shall require ) that all the people of the earth may know , that the lord is god , and there is none else , &c. after all the dedications , sacrifices , offerings and feasts were fully ended , * solomon sent the people away , and they blessed the king , and went unto their tents joyfull and glad of heart for all the goodnesse that the lord had shewed unto david his servant , to solomon , and to israel his people . in these remarkable passages we have king solomon blessing all his princes , elders , people , and they blessing him again ; and both of them joyning together in blessings , thanksgivings , and prayers to god for his blessings , mercies , and fulfilling of promises , covenants to each other and their ancestors , especially to king david and his royal posterity , in relation to their spiritual and temporal welfare , and exceedingly rejoycing for gods goodness mutually bestowed on each other ; but more especially for gods promise made and fulfilled to david , solomon and their royal posterity , that they should not want a man of their seed to sit upon the throne of israel for ever , for the real performance whereof they all most earnestly prayed , as well as for david and solomon ; as the only means under god of their perpetual unity , safety , felicity . now these prayers , blessings , and thanksgivings of solomon thus made at the dedication of the temple , registred by the dictate of gods spirit , inserted into the history and canon of the scriptures , as patterns of imitation for the israelites and all gods people in succeeding generations ; we cannot but conceive and acknowledge they were frequently recited and imitated , at least by the godly israelites upon all occasions , both publikely and privatly . ly . when idolatrous * king jeroboam put forth his hand to lay hold on the prophet and man of god , who prophecied against his altar at bethel , and god thereupon immediately dryed up his hand he stretched out , so that he could not pull it in again to him ; thereupon the king said to the man of god , intreat now the face of the lord thy god , and pray for me , that my hand may be restored me again . and the man of god besought the face of the lord , and the kings hand was restored again , and became as it was before . here we have a prophet and man of god praying for an idolater and persecuting king , to restore that very hand he then stretched out against him , to apprehend and imprison him for prophecying against his idolatrous altar by gods special command . how much more then would he have prayed for king david , solomon , and other pious kings to restore and preserve their lives ? ly . when ‖ athaliah had slain all the seed royal of the house of david but joash , an infant of an year old , and usurped the crown above six years , jehoiada the high priest called the rulers of the hundreds , and captains of the guard , and all the chief fathers of israel and the levites , and brought them into the house of the lord , and made a covenant with them , and took an oath of them , and shewed them joash the kings son ( whom he hid , being but . years old ) and said unto them ; behold the kings son shall reign , as the lord hath said of the sons of david . then disposing the captains , guards and levites in the temple , with their weapons in their hands round about joash , they thereupon brought out the kings son , and put upon him the crown , and gave him the testimony , and made him king and ; jehoiadah and his sons anointed him , and they clapt their hands , and said , god save the king and all the people of the land rejoyced and sounded with trumpets , also the singers with instruments of musick , and such as taught to sing praise ; praysing the king. and jehoiada took the captains of hundreds , and the nobles , and the governours of the people , and all the people of the land , and brought down the king from the house of the lord , and set the king upon the throne of the kingdom . and all the people of the land rejoyced , and the city was quiet after they had slain athaliah with the sword . here we have the self-same acclamation and prayer , let the king live , or god save the king , made by jehoiada the high-priest and his sons , the captains of the army , the princes , officers , priests , with all the city and people present at the coronation of joash , right heir to the crown by descent from the house of king david , as was used at the inaugurations of saul and solomon , and no doubt was practised at the coronations of all other kings of judah and israel , though not particularly recorded in the sacred history of their lives and reigns , being a thing so vulgarly known , for brevity sake , it being the received practice , custom of all other nations at the coronations of their kings and emperors till this very day , as is evident by dan. . . c. . . c. . . . as well as among the israelites . . i shall evidence the truth of the israelites practice in praying for their kings whiles they lived , by what the scripture records touching their lamentation and publike mourning for their pious and good kings when they died . it is recorded chron. . , . that when good king josiah died of his wounds received in battel , and was buried , all iudah and jerusalem mourned for him : and all the singing men and singing women spake of josiah in their lamentations unto this day , and made them an ordinance in israel , and behold they are written in the lamentations , writ upon this occasion amongst others , as is evident by lam. . . c. . . the breath of our nostrils the anointed of the lord , was taken in their pits , of whom we said , vnder his shadow we shall live among the heathen . the crown of our head is fallen . wo unto us that we have sinned . if all judah and jerusalem , the singing men and singing women , and jeremiah the prophet thus mourned for , and lamented the death of josiah , and their other good kings , at and after their funerals ; no doubt they constantly prayed for their health , long life , and prosperous reigns whiles they were living , ( as the premises evidence ) though not particularly recorded in the abridgement of their reigns , in the books of kings , and chronicles . . ezra , c. . . in his prayer , nehemiah , c. . , . in his prayer , jeremiah , lam. . . and daniel , c. . , . in his prayer confessed , lamented the sins of their kings and princes , and bewailed their deliverance into the hands of the kings of the lands , to the sword , to captivity , to a spoyl and confusion of face ; and prayed , not to let all the trouble that had come upon them seem little , &c. therefore no doubt they constantly prayed for their kings , during their reigns and prosperity , who thus lamented their captivity and misery . . the prophet ezekiels injunction by god , c. . , &c. to take up a lamentation for the princes of israel because they were cut off and caried away captives , the strong rod ( of the royal progeny ) broken and withered ; so as israel had no strong rod left to be a scepter to rule : concluding thus , this is a lamentation ▪ and shall be for a lamentation . with that of the prophet hosea , c. . . in that day , israel shall say ( by way of lamentation and grief ) we have no king , because we feared not the lord : what then should a king do to us ? are convincing arguments , that these prophets and all fearing god , did constantly pray for the life and continuance of their kings and kingly government , and posterity , whiles they enjoyed them , as their principal earthly blessing and security , since they thus sadly lamented the want and captivity of their kings , and princes of the royal bloud , to rule over them , as their greatest misery , and infelicity , both for the present and future , till restored to the throne again to rule over them . . the israelites , whiles they were bondmen and captives under the babylonians , assyrians , persians , having no kings nor princes of davids royal posterity to rule over thē , did make prayers , & offer sacrifices to god for the lives & prosperity of these pagan kings , & their sons too ; therefore no doubt they did it much more out of loyalty and duty for their own hereditary kings , and their sons , whiles they reigned over them . for their practice in relation to those forein kings , under whom they were captives , though pagans , idolaters , and enemies to their nation , we have one memorable precept , and at least three presidents in scripture . the . is that of jer. . , to . where jeremiah the prophet , ( by gods direction and command ) writ thus in his letter sent from jerusalem to the elders , priests , prophets , and all the people of israel , when nebuchodonosor had caried them away captive from jerusalem to babylon . thus saith the lord of hosts , the god of israel , uuto all who are caried away captive from jerusalem to babylon : build ye houses , plant vineyards , take ye wives , and beget sons and daughters , &c. and seek ye the peace of the city , whither i have caused you to be carried away captive , and pray unto the lord for it ( to which * some antients adde ) and pray for the life of nebuchodonosor and his sons , virtually included in the former clause at least , for in the peace thereof ye shall have peace . if all the elders , priests , prophets and people of israel , were thus specially commanded by god himself , to pray for the peace , and prosperity of this idolatrous city of babylon , their * greatest enemies and persecutors wherein they lived in captivity and bondage , and for king nebuchodonosor and his sons lives , who burnt their city and temple at jerusalem , destroyed , captivated their kings , princes , kingdom , nation , and sent them captives to babylon ; because in their peace and prosperity themselves should enjoy peace and tranquillity even in and under their bondage ; then doubtlesse were they much more obliged in duty , piety , prudence , to pray for the peace , life , health and felicity of their own kings , kingdom , and royal city of jerusalem , whiles they there lived under their royal government . i shall compare this with baruch , . where we read the jews in babylon , upon reading of baruchs book , made a collection of mony , and sent it to jerusalem unto joachim the high priest , and to the priests and all the people which were found at jerusalem . and they ( the jews who brought it ) said , behold we have sent you mony to buy burnt-offerings , and sin-offerings , and incense , and prepare ye meat-offerings , and offer upon the altar of the lord our god : and pray for the life of nebuchodonosor k. of babylon , and for the life of balthasar his son , that their daies may be upon earth as the dayes of heaven . and the lord will give us strength , and lighten our eyes , and we shall live under the shadow of nebuchodonosor king of babylon , and under the shadow of balthasar his son , and we shall serve them many daies , and find favour in their sight . pray for us also unto the lord our god , for we have sinned against the lord our god ; and unto this day the fury of the lord and his wrath is not turned from us . from which passage ( though it be apocryphal ) it is apparent , that the iews during their captivity both at babylon and ierusalem did constantly pray to god for the long life , welfare , and prosperous reign of nebuchodonosor , and his son after him , though pagan-idolators , and enemies who destroyed their country , city , temple , led most of them away captives out of their own land , and made them tributaries and bondmen to them . therefore much more did they and were they bound in duty , loyalty , allegiance , and prudence , to pray for their own hereditary , natural , rightfull kings of davids royal family whiles they reigned over them . the . is the observable president of the prophet daniel himself , dan. . who did accordingly perform this duty : he being a captive under darius , though a pagan king , an idolater , an enemy to the whole jewish nation , a foreiner , of the persian , not israelitish race , an impious tyrant , persecutor , if not enemy to himself and the true god , making , establishing , and signing this royal decree at the sollicitation of his princes , on purpose to insnare daniel , that whosoever shall ask a petition of any god or man for thirty dayes , save of king darius himself , should be cast into the lions den ; for breach of which impious decree by praying to god , daniel was cast by the kings commandement , through the princes malice against him , into the lions den , and a stone laid at the mouth of the den , which the k. sealed with his own signet and the signet of his lords , that the purpose might not be changed concerning daniel : yet , notwithstanding all these circumstances , which might in the judgement of flesh and bloud disoblige daniel from his dutifull allegiance to and prayer for darius his life and happinesse ; no sooner did king darius come to the lions den the next morning , early , crying with a lamentable voice , and saying , o daniel , servant of the living god , is thy god whom thou servest continually able to deliver thee from the lions ? but daniel , the very first words he used , brake forth into this most loyal salutation of , and prayer for him , v. , . o king live for ever . my god hath sent his angel , and hath shut up the lions mouths , that they have not hurt me ; for as much as before him innocency was found in me , and also before thee o king have i done no hurt : calling him king no less than twice together , not tyrant , infidel , persecutor , enemy of god , and his people ( as some degenerate saints of this age would have done , without any such injustice as he suffered from and by his decree ) and using the self-same salutation to and prayer for him , and other idolatrous persecuting kings , as their natural born subjects & princes used , as is evident by comparing this text with dan. . . c. . . c. . . c. . . therefore questionless he and other godly israelites did , and would have manifested the like loyalty , piety , and reverence towards their own hereditary kings of davids posterity in their own country , though idolaters , persecutors , tyrants , much more when just , upright , mercifull , bountifull , and religious . the . is the memorable decree of king darius , concerning the building , repairing , expences and oblations of the house of the lord in jerusalem , and the chief end thereof , recorded ezra . , to . moreover i make a decree , that you shall do for the elders of these jews , for the building of the house of god , that of the kings goods , even of the tribute beyond the river , forthwith expences be given to these men , that they be not hindred . and that which they have need of , both young bullocks , and rams , and lambs , for the burnt-offerings of the god of heaven , wheat , salt , wine and oyle , according to the appointment of the priests which are at jerusalem , let it be given them day by day without fail , that they may offer * sacrifices of sweet savors unto the god of heaven , and pray for the life of the king , and of his sons . also i have made a decree , that whosoever shall alter this word , let timber be pulled down from his house , and being set up , let him be hanged thereon , and let his house be made a dung hill for this , &c. by this decree it is most apparent , . that the priests and people of god at ierusalem , living as tributaries under this pagan persian king , were specially enjoyned and required by his royal decree , day by day to offer sacrifices , and pray unto the god of heaven for the life of the king , and of his sons , of which there could be but these two probable grounds : either , that they used thus daily to offer sacrifices and prayers to the god of heaven for their own hereditary kings and their sons in the old temple at ierusalem , by davids and solomons injunction , before it was demolished ; as they were now ordered after its rebuilding and repair ; which is most probable , since their antient usual daily sacrifices and prayers for the king and his sons are here conjoyned . or , because their own pagan priests used to do so in persia , babylon , and their own antient dominions . . that this decree in all its parts , specially in this last , was so peremptory and penal , that whosoever should alter or disobey it , was to have the timber pulled from his house , and hanged thereon , and his house to be made a dunghill for this . therefore this duty was no doubt constantly performed by the priests and elders of the jews in whose favour it was made . if then those priests and subjects demerited such a severe punishment as this , for refusing or neglecting to make daily sacrifices and prayers to the god of heaven for this forein pagan king and his sons , to whom they were only captives and tributaries ; what penalties , executions do those undutifull disloyal christian subjects and ministers deserve , who wilfully neglect , refuse , nay prohibit under grievous penalties , daily prayers and intercessions to be made to the god of heaven for their own undoubted natural hereditary christian protestant kings and their sons , against the purport of this decree , and the express injunction of god himself in the new testament , tim. . , , ? no doubt hanging , and demolishing their houses is too good for them , if this pagan king may be umpire . the . is the decree of king artaxerxes to ezra the priest , and scribe of the law of the god of heaven , for monies to buy bullocks , rams , lambs , with their meat-offerings and drink-offerings , and to offer them upon the alter of the house of god which was at jerusalem , ezra . , to . in which decree , though there be no such express clause as in the former , to offer sacrifices and prayers to the god of heaven for the king and his sons ; yet it is comprised therein in the general , being but a confirmation of the decree of darius , and it is clearly intimated and expressed in the reason of this decree at the close thereof . whatsoever is commanded by the god of heaven , let it be diligently done for the house of the god of heaven , for why should there be wrath against the realm of the king and his sons : which wrath ezra , the priests and people of israel , worshipping the god of heaven , were to deprecate and slave off by their daily publick sacrifices and prayers to the god of heaven , in the behalf of this king , his sons and realm , and praying for their welfare and prosperity ; which no doubt they constantly performed , as is evident by ezraes special thanksgiving to god , v. , . blessed be the lord god of our fathers which hath put such a thing as this into the kings heart , to beautifie the house of the lord which is at jerusalem , and hath extended mercy unto me before the king and his counsellors , and before the kings mighty princes , & ch . . , , . and now for a little space grace hath been shewed from the lord our god to leave us a remnant to escape , and to give us a nayl in his holy place , that our god may lighten our eyes , and give us a little reviving in our bondage . for we were bondmen , yet our god hath not forsaken us in our bondage , but hath extended mercy to us in the sight of the king of persia , to give us a reviving , to set up the house of our god , and to repair the desolations thereof , and to give us a wall in judah and jerusalem . and now , o our god , what shall we say after this ? for we have forsaken thy commandement , &c. the recital of which mercy in ezra his solemn thanksgiving , and also in his publick humiliation , was a most effectual prayer for this king and his sons , and praysing god for the benefits extented to his people by their means and favour . to these . precepts and presidents in sacred writ , i shall annex a th . out of the jewish history , * apion accused the jews to the emperor caius caligula ( who usurped to himself divine honour ) that when all other nations throughout the roman empire , dedicated temples and altars to him , and erected his statue in their temples , and sware by his name ; that the jews would do neither , nor permit his statue to be set up in the temple of their god ; whereupon he commanded petronius with two legions to make war upon the jews , unless they would erect his statue in the temple ; which they peremptorily opposed , as being contrary to the law of their god , and custom of their ancestors , choosing rather all to dye , and offering their necks to the block , than to permit such a transgression against their gods law . hereupon they sent embassadors to caius , whereof philo was chief , to satisfie him ; who informed him , that though they could not erect his statue , nor adore him as a god , being contrary to their religion , yet such was their loyalty towards him , that they did twice every day offer sacrifices & prayers unto their god for him in the temple . therfore no doubt they did the like for darius , artaxerxes , nebuchadnezzar , and other kings to whom they were tributaries , and much more for their own natural kings and their sons of the house of david . xly. god himself gave this express prohibition to the israelites , exod. . . thou shalt not revile the gods , nor curse the ruler of thy people : repeated acts . . and thus seconded eccles . . . curse not the king , no not in thy thoughts , for a bird of the ayr shall carry the voyce , and that which hath wings shall tell the matter : therefore it is clear by the rule of contraries , yea by christs and pauls own expositions , resolutions , mat. . . lu. . . rom. . . that they were to bless and pray for them , yea though they persecuted , and despitefully used them . shimei for violating these divine precepts in cursing and rayling against king david , and stiling him a man of blood , &c. when he fled from his usurping son absolom , was thought worthy to lose his head by abishai , who would have cut it off , had not david for the present forbad his execution , sam. . , to . c. . . for which crime solomon by davids order , afterwards put him to death , kings . . , , . using this speech unto him , thou knowest all the wickedness which thy heart is privy to , that thou didst to david my father : therefore the lord shall return thy wickedness upon thine own head ; and king solomon shall be blessed , and the throne of david shall be established before the lord for ever ; whereas shimei said , the lord hath returned upon thee all the blood of the house of saul , in whose stead thou hast reigned , and the lord hath delivered thy kingdom into the hand of absolom thy son , and behold thou art taken in thy mischief , because thou art a bloody man. now if this sin of his in cursing and rayling against david his king was a capital crime and treason deserving death , and god himself reputes it an heinous offence in the idolatrous israelites and others , when vexed with famine , oppression , and other judgements by evil kings , to curse their king and look upwards , isay . . then questionless , it is a grievous sin , and capital offence for subjects to give over , & prohibit all publick and private prayers for their kings , or curse thē though wicked , oppressive , idolatrous , tyrannical , much more when just , good , pious , christian , orthodox ; and not only to curse , but dethrone , murder them , eject , banish and disinherit their royal posterities , and abolish their kingly government , for which they can expect nought else but exemplary punishments , and the reward of shimei both from god and men , being contrary to all the recited presidents of gods saints and people under the law . chap. iii. i proceed now to the last classis of presidents for supplications , prayers , intercessions , & thansgivings for kings under the gospel , where i shall begin with jesus christ the king of kings , the principal subject matter , author of , and first k. under the gospel : which as it begins with the genealogy and nativity of jesus christ , who was born king of the jews , and inquired after , worshipped , presented with gold , mirrhe , and frankincense by the wisemen , under the notion of a king , mat. c. , & . , , &c. so it informs us , that at his birth an angel of the lord appeared to the shepheards , saying , behold i bring unto you tidings of great joy which shall be to all people ; for unto you is born this day in the city of david , a saviour , which is christ the lord. and suddenly there was with the angel a multitude of the heavenly host , praysing god and saying , glory to god in the highest , in earth peace , good will towards men , lu. . , to . of this king iesus , ( to whom the angel appearing to his mother mary before his conception , said , that the lord god shall give unto him the throne of his father david , and be shall reign over the house of jacob for ever , and of his kingdom there shall be no end , lu. . , . ) his father king david many hundred years before his nativity , thus prophecyed , ps . . , . to him shall be given of the gold of sheba , prayer also shall be made for him continually , and daily shall he be praysed , all nations shall call him blessed . and the prophet zechariah thus prophecyed concerning him , c. . . rejoyce greatly o jerusalem , behold thy king cometh unto thee : he is just , and bringing salvation , riding upon an ass , and upon a colt , the foal of an ass : which prophecies were fulfilled , both by the earnest prayers and desires of many prophets , kings and righteous men , to see and hear king jesus , before his incarnation ; by the songs of rejoycing and thanksgiving at and for his very conception and birth , recorded mat. . , . lu. . , . c. . , , , , , &c. c. . , to . , . mat. . , to . and at his triumphant riding like a king unto jerusalem on an asse and its foal , matth. . , to . mar. . , to . lu. . , &c. at which time a very great multitude spread their garments in the way , others cut down branches from the trees , and strawed them in the way ; and when he was come nigh to the descent of the mount of olives , the whole multitude that went before and followed after , began to rejoyce and praise god with a loud voyce , and cryed saying , hosanna to the son of david , blessed be he that commeth in the name of the lord , hosanna in the highest : blessed be the kingdom of our father david , hosanna in the highest : blessed be the king that commeth in the name of the lord , peace in heaven and glory in the highest . and when some of the pharisees from among the multitude said unto him , master rebuke thy disciples ; he answered and said unto them , if these men should hold their peace , the stones would immemediatly cry out . after which the chief priests and scribes seeing the wonderfull things he did ; and the children crying in the temple , saying , hosanna to the son of david they were sore displeased and said unto him , hearest thou what they say ? jesus saith unto them , yea , have ye not read , ; a out of the mouths of babes and sucklings thou hast perfected prayse . this is likewise evident by these very clauses in the form of prayer , which christ himself recommended to his disciples , to be daily used by them , mat. . . . thy kingdom come , ( oft stiled b christs kingdom in the gospel , as well as the fathers ) for thine is the kingdom , the power and the glory , for ever and ever , amen ; by that prayer of all gods saints , rev. . . amen , even so lord jesus come quickly . and by that song of the lamb , which they who had gotten victory over the beast , having the harps of god , do sing , rev. . , , . great and marvellous are thy works lord god almighty , just and true are thy wayes thou king of saints who shall not fear thee o lord , and glorifie thy name ? for thou only art holy , for all nations shall come and worship before thee . ; all which sacred texts , prayers , prayses , songs and thanksgivings for the nativity , kingship , kingdom , and inauguration of jesus christ as a king into his kingly office , and for the second comming of his person and kingdom of glory ; are sufficient presidents , grounds , warrants , for all christian subjects under the gospel , to rejoyce , triumph , with songs and psalmes of thanksgiving , and exceeding joy , both at the births and coronations of their kings , princes , yea to pray for their persons , kingdoms , posterities felicity , stability , tranquillity , perpetuity , and for their speedy comming , restitution , when forcibly driven from their kingdoms by enemies or rebels . and if any malicious pharisees , priests , scribes , or trayterous antimonarchists shall be sore displeased with them for these their prayers , prayses , rejoycings , thanksgivings , and rebuke them for the same ; king jesus his own answers to the pharisees , priests and scribes forecited , may for ever stop their mouths , and reclaim them from such disloyal , treasonable rebukes . and so much the rather , because these premised presidents both before and under the law and gospel , approved , prescribed by god , and practised by his servants , were the ground of this gospel exhortation and injunction , which not only approves , and prescribes , but commends the same to all christians under the gospel , in these observable words , tim. . , , . i exhort therefore that first of all supplications , prayers , intercessions , and giving of thanks be made for all men ; for kings , ( in the first place as supreme , pet. . , . ) and for all that are in authority , ( under and after them ) that we may live a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty , for this is good and acceptable in the sight of god our saviour ; who will have all men to be saved , and come to the knowledge of the truth . i shall a little insist on this gospel text , as most punctual , full , pertinent to my purpose , the rather , because in * august . in the university of cambridge it self , a minister of the gospel , the son of a parliament man , was by the maior of the town ( whose wife is a quaker ) apprehended by a company of souldiers , and kept prisoner for a time , only for praying in general for all christian kings , princes , and governors , according to this text : when george whitehead and george fox , two quakers , blasphemously railed , and disputed against jesus christ , the two other persons , the blessed trinity , and the word of god , an whole hour together in the maiors presence , and sundry others , without check or punishment ; such are the atheistical , antimonarchical times wherein we live . in this text consider , . the pen-man of it by divine inspiration , s. paul the apostle of jesus christ specially delegated by him to the gentiles & uncircumcision , to open their cies , to turn them from darkness to light , and from the power of satan unto god ; and to bear christs name before the gentiles and kings , acts . . c. . , , . gal. . , , , . eph. . , to . acts . , . c. . . c. . . c. . , . c. . c. . . rom. . . c. . , to . col. . , . tim. . . c. . . therefore these duties are specially recommended and prescribed to them . ly . the person to whom this epistle and exhortation was principally , & particularly directed , even timothy his dearly beloved son , and fellow minister in preaching the gospel to the gentiles , then residing at ephesus , tim. , . a city and church of the gentiles , where he exercised his ministry , and was to perform these duties publickly in his own person as a minister , to excite all others thereunto . therefore these duties of making publick supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings for kings both in publick and private , do principally belong , and are carefully to be performed by all ministers and preachers of the gospel to and amongst the gentiles . ly . the manner of pressing these duties ; the apostle doth most earnestly and zealously urge their performance ; as the words i exhort , or earnestly desire , import , exhortings , being the most passionate , pathetical , fervent pressing of men to duties , lu. . . act. . . c. . . c. . . c. . . c. . . rom. . . thes . . , . c. . . c. . . thes . . . tim. . . c. . . tim. . . tit. . . c. . , . heb. . . c. . . c. . . pet. . . jude . ly . the grounds of his enforcing these duties so earnestly , implyed in the word therefore , relating to the close of the precedent chapter , v. , , . this charge i commit unto thee son timothy , according to the prophecies that went before on thee ; that thou by them mightest war a good warfare , holding faith and a good conscience : which he could not do or perform , unless he discharged these duties he thus exhorted him to , being a part of his spiritual good warfare , and both a means and evidence of his holding faith and a good conscience ; and his neglect or contempt of them , a ready way to make shipwrack of them , as hymeneus and alexander had done , whom he had dilivered to satan . antimonarchical and antimagistratical ministers or christians will soon turn apostates , and blasphemers , yea put away and make shipwrack of their faith and good conscience towards god , when they became disloyal and rebellious to their kings , and give over supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings for them , as we have found by late sad experiments . ly . the primacy and excellency of these duties before all others , expressed in the clause , i exhort therefore that first of all , that is , in the first place , before and above all other duties , parts of ministry or christianity , they are carefully , conscienciously , cordially to be performed , without the least omission or neglect . ly . the variety of the duties , set forth by these various expressions , that supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings , ( all in the plural number ) be made for kings : which pluralities imply , . a universality of their several kinds , to wit , r that all sorts of supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings whatsoever ought to be made for them . ly . ſ a multiplicity of each of them , not a single supplication , prayer , intercession , thanksgiving , and no more ; but many and manifold supplications , prayers and thanksgivings . ly . a frequency , fervency , constancy , perpetuity in the performance of them both in publick and private , all our lives long , without ceasing , or flagging , as the t marginal scriptures evidence . ly . an universality in respect of persons and places , thus expressed in the verse following , i will therefore that men pray every where lifting up holy hands . ly . an universality of things , mercies , blessings , &c. for which supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings ought at any time ordinarily or extraordinarily , publickly or privately to be made to god in behalf of kings . ly . supplications for the pardon and remission of all their sins , errors , miscariages , frailties , iniquities whatsoever ; for converting , diverting , or keeping them from all evil and destructive waies , errors , counsels , designs , undertakings whatsoever , dishonourable to god , scandalous to religion , hurtfull to the church , fatal to their kingdoms , people , royal persons , families and posteritie ; and for removing all inflicted , threatned or feared judgements , evils from their persons , families , kingdoms , relations . prayers for all sorts of corporal , temporal , spiritual , eternal blessings , mercies , which they at any time stand in need of , and the continuance , increase , and sanctified use of all they doe enjoy for themselves , their families , kingdoms , counsellors , officers , people , allies . intercessions against all machinations , dangers , conspiracies of spiritual or temporal enemies , traytors , conspirators , against their precious souls , bodies , lives , crowns , kingdoms , posterities , forces , publike undertakings , councils ; to divert gods wrath and judgements from , and impetrate his gracious love and favour to them upon all occasions . thanksgivings , for their births , coronations , health , lives , wisdom , power , justice , graces , preservations , issues , posterity ; all sorts of mercies , blessings , favors , victories , successes , deliverances from evils , sicknesses , dangers , enemies , conspiracies of all kinde , conferred on them , their kingdoms , families , posterities , relations ; for all blessings received from , or enjoyed under them and their government ; as the free use , exercise , enjoyment of the word , sacraments , with all other parts of gods worship , peace , health , wealth , safety , liberty , prosperity , laws , privileges , parliaments ; exemptions from oppressions , rapines , murders , rapes , extortions , illegal taxes , excises , executions , imprisonments , banishments , wars ; for all particular benefits and royal favors conferred by them on their own persons , or relations . all these and what ever else are or may be included in supplications , prayers , intercessions , thanksgivings , are here prescribed to all ministers and christians under the gospel in behalf of their kings . ly . the * primacy and precedence of kings above all other governors and persons in authority , both in all our supplications , prayers , intercessions , thanksgivings , and likewise in their civil dignity and authority : for although the apostle to avoid all suspition of flatterie ( as the * fathers observe ) exhorts in the first place , that prayers , &c. should be made for all men in general ; yet when he comes to the particular enumeration of them , he placeth kings in the front before all others , being ranked before them all by the apostle , in these words , for kings , and all that are in authority ; and more particularly by the apostle peter pet. , . submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake : whether to the king , as supreme , or unto governors , as to those who are sent by him , &c. ly . the plurality and universallity of the word * kings : in the plural , not singular number ; and that without any restriction of their personal qualifications , extending universally to all kings , and excluding none , though * pagans , idolaters , hereticks , schismaticks , tyrants , oppressors , persecutors , murderers , wicked , prophane , vitious , flagitious in any kinde ; for which many might doubt whether they ought to pray , which the apostle fully clears by this general expression : as well as for the most christian , pious , just , righteous , virtuous kings , for which all will grant christians ought to make supplications , prayers , intercessions , thanksgivings , without dispute . this i shall clear by . undeniable arguments : . because all kings , emperors , princes throughout the world when this epistle was written , and for above years after , ( but lucius ) were pagans , idolaters , and for the most part * bitter persecutors of the saints , church of christ ; and some transcendently impious , flagitious , especially caligula , claudius , and nero , under whom paul lived , and suffered martyrdom , with others of the apostles , and many hundreds of christians ; yet even st. paul himself exhorts first of all , that supplications , intercessions , prayers and thanksgivings should be made for them by timothy , & all other christians then living under them . ly . because the apostles precedent and subsequent exhortation , is universal , for all men , for kings , and all that are in authority : if then we must make supplications , prayers , intercessions , thanksgivings for all men , good or bad , then certainly for all kings , though the apostle had not named kings , because all kings are men , and included in the general all men : and if for all that are in authority or eminent place , then certainly for all kings ; being in supremest authority and eminency ; and included by name between those two universals , all men , all in authority . ly . because the subsequent words , that under them we may lead a quiet and peaceable life , in all godliness and honesty : and , who will have all men to be saved , and to come to the know●edge of the truth , implies , that the kings , and all in authority , at that time , for whom they are exhorted to make supplications , &c. were persecutors , under whom they had no present rest nor quietnesse , and unconverted to the knowledge of the truth and means of salvation . ly . because st. pauls precept , rom. . . blesse them which persecute you , bless and curse not ; compared with v. , . rom. . , to . titus . , , . paralleld with our saviours own reiterated precept , mat. . , . luke . , , . but i say unto you , love your enemies ; bless them that curse you , do good to them that hate you , and pray for them that despitefully use you , and persecute you and unto him that smiteth thee on the one cheek , offer him also the other : and him that taketh away thy cloak , forbid not to take thy coat also ; that you may be the children of your father which is in heaven ; for he maketh his sun to rise to the evil , and to the good , and sendeth rain on the just and on the unjust . ; which precept relates principally to kings and rulers , before whom they should be brought , persecuted , and put to death , mat. . , to . lu. . , &c. ly . because he never exhorted , commanded , encouraged in the least degree , any christians to curse or pray against their kings , though pagans , tyrants , persecuters : much lesse to rebell against , depose , or dethrone , behead , execute them . if christians then be thus exhorted , obliged by the apostle to make prayers , supplications , intercessions , and thanksgivings even for their persecuting , tyrannical , pagan , wicked kings , not to depose , murder , execute them in high courts of justice , or to extirpate their royal posterity , kingship , and alter their form of government which they are professedly prohibited to do for conscience sak , under pain of damnation , in direct terms , rom. . , to . tit. . . and pet. . , . then certainly they are much more obliged to make supplications , prayers , intercessions , thanksgivings for their hereditary christian , protestant , orthodox , rightfull kings , and not to dethrone , murder , execute them in any strange high courts of justice , nor to extirpate their royal issue , kingship , and change their whole frame of government , from which they are expresly prohibited by these gospel texts , and restrained by their solemn oathes of allegeance , fealty , supremacy , protestation , vow , league , covenant , under pain of eternal damnation , and the guilt of highest perjury , treachery , rebellion . it was * sedulius his apostrophe to herod , who feared our saviour christ would have deprived him of his earthly crown , herodes hostis impie christum venire quid times ? non abripit mortalia qui regna dat coelestia . why wicked herod do'st thou fear , and at christs coming frown ? the mortal he takes not away , who gives the heavenly crown . which claudius thus seconds , * that king which is born cometh not to overcome kings by fighting , but to subdue them after a wonderful manner by dying , &c. for he is come not that he may destroy alive , but that he may triumph being slain . how then any servants can be greater , wiser , powerfuller than their lord , king jesus , who came not to dethrone , uncrown any earthly kings , and reign alive in their steads , but to conquer and triumph over them only by his death , though king of kings and lord of lords : in daring to ravish not only the crowns , but lives , kingdoms , hereditary lands , revenues , powers , kingships of their christian soveraigns , instead of making supplications , prayers , intercessions , thanksgivings for them , and their royal posterity , let their own consciences resolve them , and all others who preach the gospel , wherein there is neither precept nor president for such antichristian , jesuitical practices . ly . the end , reason why ministers , christians and other subjects should make supplications , prayers , intercessions , thanksgivings for their very persecuting , tyrannizing , oppressing pagan kings , governours , and yielding patient loyal subjection under them is , because it is the most effectual means prescribed by god , whereby to reclaim , convert , save them , by overcomming their evil with goodness , rom. . , . the most probable , ready , prevalent course by which they themselves may lead a quiet and peaceable life under them in all godliness and honesty ; and recover , enjoy both their invaded civil and christian liberties ; not their mutinous rebellions or taking up arms against them , forcibly to reform or dethrone them , which would but increase their troubles , pressures , persecutions , interrupt their peace , quietness , yea make shipwrack of their godliness , honesty , loyalty , faith , and good consciences , which we have found true , by late sad experiments . upon which ground the apostle paul thus describes the deportment of himself , and the other apostles and christians under their persecutors , cor. , . being reviled , we bless , being persecuted , we suffer , being defamed , we intreat , according to our saviours forecited precept , mat. . , . seconded with his own example , and stephens , who prayed for their murdering persecutors at their very deaths , luke . . acts . . leaving us an example that we should follow their steps herein , pet. . , , , . jam. . , to . ly . the motive god here used to excite timothy and all other christians to make supplications , prayers , intercessions , and thanksgivings for kings and all in authority under them , whether good or bad , pagans or christians , persecutors or protectors of religion , for this is good and acceptable in the fight of god our saviour , as well as beneficial to themselves , their kings and governours in the last recited respects . and if so , then the neglecting , rejecting , inhibiting of these duties in publick or private , must questionless be very evil , sinfull , displeasing in the fight of god our saviour , who will severely punish it ; yea a means to hinder us from enjoying and leading a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty ; or any settlement or tranquillity , in church and state , which we have long expected , endeavoured , desired , and prayed for , but never enjoyed since we neglected , and rejected this duty of making supplications , prayers , intercessions , thanksgivings for our kings ; and casting off their persons and kingly government , and are never likely to enjoy , till we loyally and conscientiously restore both them and these duties for them , prescribed in and by this gospel text , which i have opened and pressed to the full , upon this consideration , and the apostles resolutions , acts . . c. . . we ought to obey god , rather than men. ly . this exhortation of paul , was practiced by himself , when he was brought as a prisoner , and pleaded his cause before king agrippa , acts . , . who saying to paul , almost thou perswadest me to be a christian . thereupon paul said , i would to god not only thou , but also all that hear me this day , were both almost , and altogether such as i am , except these bonds . a direct prayer to god , for this kings , and his other auditors conversion to christianity . thus much for scripture presidents and precepts , warranting and commanding this duty , both before , and under the law and gospel . i now proceed to other testimonies in the primitive church , as well for pagan , arrian and heretical persecuting emperors , kings , princes , as for christian , orthodox , and such who were protectors of christianity and christians . chap. iv. for the practice of the primitive church and christians touching their publike & private prayers , intercessions , supplications for kings and emperors , though pagans and persecutors , as then they were , no doubt it is as antient as the apostles themselves , as is evident by the tim. . , . and practiced by them , in their publike liturgies , if we believe the liturgies fathered upon st. peter , and st. mark , to be genuine . in the masse of st. peter ( published by william lindan , bishop of gaunt ) printed in bibliotheca patrum , coloniae agrip. . tom. . p. . e. i find the deacon saying in pace rogemus dominum , pro religiosissimis augustis , ut una propugnent , &c. but this masse , twice mentioning the mediation and intercession , beatorum apostolorum petri , pauli , cornelii , cypriani , laurentii , &c. ( some of them not living till . years after peters death , ) and speaking of peter only as a saint and martyr departed ; and this prayer being not for any pagan , but most religious christian emperors , this masse is certainly a gross popish forgery fathered upon peter some hundreds of years after his death ; yet i thought meet to mention this passage in it . the liturgie attributed to st. mark the evangelist , peters disciple , as it is but a popish forgery as well as peters , yet because it contains some set observable prayers for kings , i shall here insert them , as translated out of the greek copy . biblioth . patrum , coloniae agrip. tom. . p. . c. sacerdos hunc in modum orat . dominator domine , deus omnipotens , pater domini & dei , & servatoris nostri jesu christi , precamur & obsecramus te , ut regem nostrum in pace et fortitudine justitiaque conserves . subjicito ei , o deus , omnem inimicum & adversarium . apprehende arma & scutum , & exurge in adjutorium ejus . da ei , o deus , victorias , ut animum ad ea intendat , quae nobis pacifica sunt , & ad nomen sanctum tuum . ut & nos in tranquillitate dierum ejus quietam et tranquillam vitam degamus in omni pietate & honestate , gratia & commiserationibus , & benignitate unigeniti filii tui , &c. unto which prayer all the people are to say , amen . after which p. . follow these two prayers , regem , legiones , principes , senatus & concilia , populos nostros in omni pace disponito . rex regum et domine dominantium , regnum servi tui othodoxi et christum amantis regis nostri , quem super ●erram regnare justum censuisti , in pace , et fortitudine , et justitia , et tranquillitate conserva . subjicito ei , deus , omnem hostem et adversarium , tam nostratem quam externum . apprehende arma et scutum , & exurge in adjutorium ei . obumbra super caput ejus in die belli : fac , ut de fructu lumbi ejus sedeat super sedem ejus . loquere ad cor ejus bona , pro sancta tua catholica & apostolica ecclesia , & omni christum amante populo , ut & nos in tranquillitate ejus , tranquillam & quietam vitam degamus , in omni pietate & sanctitate . which latter prayer is only for christian kings , the former for pagan as well as christian , both founded on the tim. . , . but to omit these spurious , i shall proceed to true genuine antiquities . polycarpus the disciple of st. john , and the elders with him , about . years after christs nativity , in their c epistle to the church of god at philippi , precisely enjoyn them , to pray for kings , potentates , and princes , ( then all pagans ) and likewise for their persecutors , haters , and enemies to christs crosse , that their fruit may be made manifest in all things , and that they might be made perfect in christ . justin martyr in his d . apology for the christians to aelius adrianus , and antoninus pius the emperors , and the senate of rome , about the year of christ . thus relates the loyalty of the christians to them , both in paying tributes and praying to god for them , though pagans , and persecutors of christianity . d tributa vero & census iis qui à vobis constituti sunt , ubique in primis conamur pendere , quemadmodum ab e● ( christo ) instituti sumus : cum enim ad eum quidam ad●●ssent , quaererentque , num tributum pendendum esset caesari ? quae sivitque ex iis vicissim , cujus imaginem & simulachrum nummus haberet ? ac respondissent caesaris : rursus eis respondit , reddite ergo quae sunt caesaris , caesari ; & quae sunt dei , deo. hinc deum solum adoramus ; vobis autem in aliis rebus laeti servimus , regesque vos & principes hominum esse profitemur ; rogamusque ut vos , cum regali potestate , sanam bonamque mentem habere inveniamini . quod si nobis etiam precantibus , & in lucem omnia proferentibus , negligetis , nihil ex eo detrimenti capiemus , &c. at the end of this * apology , there is an epistle of marcus aurelius antoninus the emperor , to the senate of rome , in favour of the christians , reciting ; that when he and his army in germany , were surrounded with their enemies , and like to be destroyed by them , and for want of water , having not drunk any in . daies space , he thereupon sent for the christians in his army , of whom be found a great multitude , and would have compelled them with threats to fight , which he ought not to have done , because he afterwards knew their force . hereupon they assaulted the enemies , not with any preparation of weapons , nor of arms , or trumpets ; but casting themselves down upon the ground , ( having god , as it seems , shut up in their minds and consciences voluntarily , though we ●●ll them atheists , ) they not only prayed that for me , but also for this army , they might be removers of the thirst and famin , wherewith they were pressed . so soon as they had cast themselves down upon the ground , and had prayed to their god , whom i knew not , presently there fell showers of rain from heaven , which were most cold upon us ; but upon the enemies of the romans there fell hayl in the shape and likenesse of fire . and it is also very likely god was presently at hand in the midest of their prayers , as invincible and indissoluble . wherefore begining from thence , we may grant to such , that they may be christians , lest they should request and impetrate any armes of this kinds against us . wherein it is acknowledged by this emperor , that all these christian souldiers , did in this extremity of danger , thirst and famine , pray for the emperor and his armies ●●fety and deliverance from their enemies , though pagans , & that god instantly heard & answered their prayers , sending a comfortable rain to refresh them , and raining hail , and fire , and thunderboults from heaven on their enemies , which routed them without fighting ; whereupon this emperor indulged them liberty , to professe themselves christians , without any impeachment or molestation as formerly . tertullian ad scapulam lib. p. . thus relates the story . marcus quoque aurelius in germanica expeditione , christianorum militum orationibus ad deum factis , imbres in site illa impetravit . and in his apologeticus p. . et nos è contrario edimus christianorum protectorem , si literae m. aurelii gravissmi imperatoris requirantur , quibus germanicam sitim christianorum forte militum precationibus , impetrato imbri discussam contestatur . orosius l. c. . thus , milites christiani sub m. antonino merentes , pluviam in summa siccitate , & victoriam in ultima propè desperatione , a deo procatione sua impetrarunt . ea victoria marcomannicum bellum confecit , &c. nicephorus eccles . hist . l. . c. . relates the story at large : that the christian legion , kneeling down upon their knees , and imploring the help of god , in their extream thirst , danger and necessity , when they were thus praying , god smote their enemies , which pursued them , with frequent thunderboults ( whence they were afterwards stiled the thundering legion ) and refreshed and revived the emperors army , with sweet and pleasant showrs . tam efficaces scilicet nostrorum esse preces . hanc rem profanietiam historici tradidere : as apollinaris , and julius capitolinus in the life of m. antoninus . theophilus antiochenus patriarch of antioch , flourishing about . years after christ , under the emperours marcus aurelius , and commodus , in his d lib. . ad autolichum , contra christianae religionis calumniatores , writes thus concerning his and other christians practice in honouring and praying for , though not adoring the pagan roman emperor aud king. honorabo regem sive caesarem , non tamen adorabo , verum pro eo orabo . deum qui vere verus deus est adorabo , sciens caesarem ab ipso esse ordinatum . rex enim sive caesar deus non est , meminerit se esse hominem , a deo esse in hanc dignitatem promotum , non ut adoretur , sed ut juste , quemadmodum justitia exigit , judicet . nam regnum sive imperium , rerumque administratio ipsi a deo commissa & demandata est . regem quidem sive caesarem honors : honora , inquam , magna cum benevolentia , subjectus ei existens et orans pro eo . haec faciens , dei voluntatem exequeris , nam divinae legis hic tenor est ; honora fili mi deum & regem , et nunquam eorum inobediens sis . subito enim hostes suos ulcisci possunt . this was the loyal doctrine , practice of this great patriarch , and the primitive church of antioch , ( where the disciples were first called christians ) to obey , honor , and pray for their very heathen king or caesar , as set over them by god himself , and that with chearfulness and benevolence , as duties specially commanded them by the tenor of gods word . irenaeus bishop of lions in france flourishing at the same time , as he affirms , adversus haereses , l. . c. . est ergo altare in coelis , illuc enim preces nostrae dirigendae ; so he asserts , lib. . p. , , . non diabolus determinavit hujus seculi regna , sed deus , regis enim cor in manu dei est : & per solomonem ait verbum , per me reges regnant , &c. which he likewise proves from rom. . , . whence he concludes , ad utilitatem ergo gentilium , terrenum regnum positum est a deo , sed non a diabolo , ( qui nunquam quietus est , imo qui nec ipsos quidem gentes vult in tranquillo agere ) ut timentes regnum humanum , non se alterutrum homines vice piscium consumant , sed per legum positiones repercutiant multiplicem gentilium injustitiam . et secundum hoc ministri dei sunt , qui tributa exigunt a nobis , in hoc ipsum servientes quae sunt potestates , a deo ordinatae sunt . manifestum est , quoniam mentitur diabolus , dicens , mihi tradita sunt , & cui volo , do ea . cujus enim jussu homines nascuntur , hujus jussu et reges constituuntur , apti his qui in illo tempore ab ipsis regnantur . quidam enim illorum ad correctionem & utilitatem subjectorum dantur , & conservationem justitiae . quidam autem ad timorem & paenam , & increpationem . therefore there is good reason for the church and christians to pray for them , though pagans and persecutors athenagor as atheniensis , a famous excellent philosopher , in his most excellent f apologia , sive legatio pro christianis , dedicated by him to the roman emperors , marcus aurelius antoninus , & aurelius commodus , not only justifies the loyalty , fidelity , and obsequiousness of all the christians then living under them , and prayers for them , against all the malicious calumnies of their slanderers and pagan enemies , worthy perusal , but likewise brings them in using this constant form of prayer to god for them , and their royal posterity , and their succession in the empire after them , both in publick and private . nos enim adeo vobis devoti addictique , pro imperio vestro preces ad deum fundimus , et ut filius ( quod justissimum est , let our antimonarchists observe it ) in regno olim parenti succedat , utque imperium vestrum magis magisque semper augeatur . denique , omnia ex animi sententia vobis eveniant oramus : quod & nobis salutare fuerit , ut quietam tranquillamque vitam degentes , vobis interim ad quaelibet imperia prompti inserviamus . grounding this their practice on the tim. . , , . as an evangelical duty prescribed to them by god. tertulliun flourishing about . years after christ , is very copious in justifying the loyalty of all the christians in his age , to their very idolatrous persecuting roman emperors , together with their dutifull subjection to and prayers unto god for all of them , against the malicious accusations and complaints then made against them by their enemies ; i shall transcribe two of his passages to this purpose . g sic & circa majestatem imperatoris infamamur , tamen nunquam albiniani , nec nigriani , vel cassiani , ( chief conspirators and traytors against their emperors ) inveniri potuerunt christiani ; sed iidem ipsi qui per genios eorum in prid●e usquam juraverunt , qui pro salute eorum hostias ●t fecerunt , et voverunt ; qui christianos seape damnarunt , hostes eorum sunt reperti . christianus nullius est hostis , nedum imperatoris , quem sciens a deo suo constitui , necesse est ut et ipsum diligat , et revereatur et honoret , et salvum velit eum toto romano imperio , quousque seculum stabit , tamdin enim stabit . ( therefore they never attempted the deposition of the emperor , nor change of the imperial government , though pagan : ) colimus ergo er imperatorem sic , quomodo et nobis licet , et ipsi expedit , ut hominem a deo secundum : & quicquid est , a deo consecutum , solo deo minorem . sic enim omnibus major est dum solo deo vero minor est . sic & ipsis diis major est , dum & ipsi in potestate sunt ejus . itaque et sacrificamus pro salute imp : sed deo nostro et ipsius ; sed quomodo praecepit deus , pura prece ; ita nos oramus magis pro salute imperatoris , ab eo eam postulantes qui praestare potest . his passages in his apologia adversus gentes are most full : where he thus writes and refutes the gentiles objections of this kind against the christians . ventum est ad secundum titulum laesae augustioris majestatis , h &c. propterea igitur publici hostes christiani , quia imperatoribus neque vanos , neque mentientes , neque temerarios honores dicant , quia verae religionis homines solemnia eorum conscientia potius quam lascivia celebrant , &c. to which he returns this answer , fully clearing the loyalty of the christians to their persecuting pagan emperors , and constant prayers for them . insuper eos debellatis qui salutem imperatorum sciunt petere , qui etiam possint impetrare dum sciunt petere . nos enim pro salute imperatorum deum invocamus aeternum , deum verum , et deum vivum , quem et ipsi imperatores propitium sibi praeter caeteros malunt , sciunt quis illis dederit imperium , sciunt quis homines , quis & animas : sentiunt deum esse solum , in cujus solius potestate sunt , à quo sunt secundi , post quem primi , ante omnes et super omnes deos , homines , &c. inde est imperator , unde & homo ante quàm imperator ; inde potestas ei , unde & spiritus : illuc suspicientes christiani * ●anibus expansis , quia innocuis , capite nudo , quia non exubescimus , denique sine monitore , quia de pectore oramus , precantes sumus semper pro omnibus imperatoribus , vitam illisprolixam , imperium securum , domum tutam , exercitus fortes , senatum fidelem , populum probum , orbem quietum , quaecunque hominis et caesaris vota sunt . haec ab alio orare non possum , quam a quo sciam me consecuturum , quoniam & ipse est qui solus praestat , &c. sic itaque nos ad deum expansos ungulae fodiant , cruees suspendant , ignes lambant , gladii guttura detruncant , bestiae insiliant , paratus est ad omne supplicium ipse habitus orantis christiani . hoc agite boni praesules , extorquete animam deo supplicantem pro imperatore . hoc erit crimen ubi veritas & dei devotio est . adeo lati nunc sumus imperatori , & mentiti vota quae diximus , ad evadendum scilicet . planè proficit ista fallacia . admittitis enim nos probare quodeunque defendimus . qui ergo putas , nihil nos de salute caesarum curare , inspice dei voces , literas nostras , quas neque ipsi supprimimus , & plerique casus ad extraneos transferent . scitote ex illis , preceptum esse nobis , d ad redundantiam benignitatis ( h ) etiam pro inimicis deum orare , et persecutoribus nostris bene precari . qui magis inimici & persecutores christianorum quam de quorum majestate convenimus in crimen ? sed etiam nominatim & manifeste , k ( i ) orate ( inquit ) pro regibus , et pro principibus , et potestatibus , ut omnia tranquilla sint . vobiscum enim concutitur imperium . concussis etiam caeteris membris ejus , utique et nos ( licet extranei a turbis aestimemur ) in aliquo loco invenimur . est et alia major necessitas nobis orandi pro imperatoribus , etiam pro omni statu imperii , rebusque romanis , quod vim maximam universe orbi imminentem , ipsamque clausuram seculi acerbitates horrendas comminantem , romani imperii commeatu scimus retardari . itaque nolumus experiri , et dum precamur differri , romanae diuturnitati favemus . sed quid ego amplius de religione et pietate christiana in imperatorem ? quem necesse est suspiciamus , ut eum quem dominus noster elegerit . ut merito dixerim , nosterest magis caesar , ut a nostro deo constitutus : itaque ut pius meo pius ego illi operorinsalutem . &c. iidem sumus imperatoribus qui & vicinis nostris . malè enim velle , malè facere , malè dicere , malè cogitare de quoquam ex aequo vetamur . quodcunque non licet in imperatorem , id nec in quemquam : quod in neminem , forsitan magis nec in ipsum , qui per deum tantus est . si inimicos ( ut supra diximus ) jubemur diligere , quem habebimus odisse ? item si laeso vicem referre prohibemur , ne de facto pares simus , quem possumus laedere ? &c. after which relating the manner of the christians publicks assemblies , he addes . coimus in coetum & congregationem , ut ad deum , quasi manu facta precationibus ambiamus orantes . haec vis deo grata est . oramus etiam pro imperatoribus , pro ministris eorum , et potestatibus seculi , pro rerum quiete , pro mora finis , &c. and for their faithfull paying of tribute to the emperours without fraud , he subjoyns . sed caetera vectigalia gratias christianis agunt ex fide dependentibus debitum , qua alieno fraudando abstinemus , ut si ineatur quantum vectigalibus pereat fraude & mendacio vestrarum prosessionum , facile ratio haberi possit unius speciei querela compensata pro commodo caeterarum rationum . now that the primitive christians were not thus loyal to their pagan persecuting emperors , and prayed for them , from any base carnal fear , flattery , or want of power to resist them by force of arms , but merely out of conscience and duty towards gods commands , is evident by the premises ; and tertullians expresse words , who informs us , that the christians then were so numerous and potent , that they wanted neither number , nor power to resist and avenge their enemies , if they pleased , & could easily do it in one night , being * more in number than the mauritanians , marcomanni , or parthians , or any one nation of the world , confined but to one country , having then overspread the world it self . externi sumus & vestra omnia implevimus , urbes , insulas , castella , municipia , conciliabula , castra ipsa , tribus , decurias , palatium , forum ; sola vobis relinquimus templa . cui bello non idonei , non prompti fuissemus , etiam impares copiis , qui tam libenter trucidamur ? si non apud istam disciptinam , magis occidi liceret , quam occidere . potuimus et inermes , nec rebelles , sed tantummodo discordes , solius divortii invidia adversus vos dimicasse . and the forecited letter of the emperor marcus aurelius ( p. . ) imports as much . how then should this dutifull subjection , loyaltie , these frequent fervent prayers of the primitive christians , for the life , safety , continuance of the government , empire of their very persecuting pagan roman emperors , in consciencious obedience to gods commands , and out of these grounds of christian policy , for their own safety , tranquillity , and the publick good ; condemn the transcendent disloyalty , treachery , rebellions , antimonarchical conspiracies , practices , prayers , humiliations of many degenerated saints , and apostates in our age , against their lawfull hereditary christian kings , and their kingly government ; who upon the serious consideration of these premises , must either execrate , renounce , reform these their unchristian , antichristian practices , or else confess themselves to be no true , nor real christians ? origen flourishing about the year of christ . hath a most pregnant , full and punctual passage to my purpose , contra celsum , l. . operum , basiliae . tom. . p. , . postremo hortetur nos celsus , ut opem feramus imperatori totis viribus , & geramus ejus auspiciis just a piaque bella , neque detractemus militiam si res ita postulat . respondemus : feremus imperatori auxilia suo tempore , sed divina , ut ita loquar , nimirum armatura fretos non humana . idque facimus apostoli monitis obedientes , cujus haec verba sunt : obsecro vos primum , ut faciatis deprecationes , orationes , interpellationes , gratiarum actiones pro omnibus hominibus , pro regibus , & omnibus in potestate collocatis . et quo cujusque insignior est pietas , eo majorem opem imperatori fert , magis quàm stantes in procinctu milites , & occidentes quotquot possunt ex hoctibus : possumus etiam sic respondere alienis a nostra fide , & ad militiam pro republica caedesque hominum nos vrgentibus . ecce vestrum quoque numinum sacerdotes & delubrorum custodes dextras servant puras à sanguine causa sacrorum , ut incruentis impolutisque caede manibus victimas offerant solenniter iis , quos habetis pro diis , nec ullo bello delectos habetis è sacrificorum ordine . hujus moris si vobis constat ratio , quantò magis caeteris militantibus , non contemnenda est nostrorum hominum militia , manus quidem puras seruantium , decertantium autem fusis ad deum precibus pro legitimo imperatore , et pium justumque bellum gerente milite , ut destruatur quicquid est juste facientibus adversarium . itaque precibus nostris profligantes omnes bellorum excitatores daemones ac perturbatores pacis ac faederum , plus conferimus regibus , quam qui arma gesiant pro republica . laboramus autem pro imperio romano , dum justè viventes , vota pro eo facimus , exercentes jus in contemnendis voluptatibus , nec sinentes nos ab eis quovis pertrahi . sic nos prae aliis pugnamus pro imperatore , & licet cum ipso non militemus , habemus tamen castra propria pietatis auspiciis , et rem deprecationibus gerimus . quod si celsus jubet nos etiam praefecturis militaribus fungi pro patria . sciat nos hoc quoque facere , sed non in conspectu hominum ad captandam inanem gloriam ; in occulto enim mentis nostrae ad deum vota fundimus pro patria , haud secus quam sacerdotes : et plus beneficiorum a christianis confertur in patriam quam a reliquis hominibus , dum cives erudiunt ad pietatem erga deum tutelarem patriae praesidem , ejusque viam ad coelestem quandam civitatem dei muniant , modo recte vivant , vel in exiguis civitatibus . how shonld this shame and reprove us now for neglecting this christian duty for our christian protestant kings and kingdoms ? st. cyprian , bishop of carthage ( who was martyred in the . per●ecution , under the emperors valerianus and galienus , anno . ) in his elegant book ad demetrianum proconsul of afric , who imputed all the wars , famins , wherewith the world was then afflicted , to the christians , writes thus of the christians prayers for and loyalty to their persecuting emperors and superiours . * nos qui exposita nativitate terrena , spiritu recreati & renati sumus , nec jam mundo , sed deo vivimus , non nisi cum ad deum venerimus , dei munera & promissa capiemus : et tamen pro arcendis hostibus , et preces fundimus ; et pro pace ac salute vestra , propitiantes ac placantes diebus ac noctibus jugiter atque instanter oramus . on which passage , pamelius hath this observation . locus insignis pro antiquitate precum ecclesticarum communium ; qualis est etiam in tertul. & justin . apologiis . reperiuntur hujusmodi preces in litnrgiis etiam jacobi , clementis , basilii , chrysostomi . that the christians then prayed for their very enemies and persecutors , according to christs injunction , st. cyprian expresly asserts in his book , de bono patientiae , p. . b. de zelo & livore , p. . a. testim . l. . ad quirinum , sect . p. . * dionysius , and other christians , convented before emillianus the governour under the pagan emperour valerianus , anno . as if , they were enemies to the emperors , and prayed not to god for them and the empire , gave him this answer . nos omnes deum , deum omnium gubernatorem , qui valeriano & galieno caesaribus impertum largitus est , et colimus , et veneramur . huic etiam sine intermissione pro eorum regno , ut stabile et firmum maneat , preces adhibemus . and can any christians think they do either god or their country good service , in giving over praying thus for their christian kings and kingdoms , and maintaining and continuing them both together ? arnobius a christian philosopher and rhetorician flourishing about the year of christ . under persecuting pagan emperors , in his disputationum adversus gentes , l. . antuerpiae , . p. , . writes thus , majestatis sunt apud vos rei , qui de vestris secus obmurmuraverint regibus . magistratum in ordinem redigere , senatorem aut convitio prosequi suis esse decrestis periculosissimum paenis , &c. soli sunt apud vos superi inhonorati , &c. nostra quidem scripta cur ignibus merverint dari ? cur immaniter conventicula dirui ? in quibus summus oratur deus , pax cunctis , et venia postulatur , magistratibus , exercitibus , regibus , familiaribus , inimicis , adhuc vitam degentibus : in quibus aliud auditur nihil , nisi quod mites , verecundos , pudicos , castos , familiares , communicatores rei , & cum omnibus , quos solidet germanitatis necessitudine copulatio . verum ita se res habet , ut quoniam plurimum gladiis , & potestate valetis ferri ( the case of our army-saints now ) anteire vos etiam veritatis scientia judicetis , et esse pro diis pios quorum potentia primi opinionum obscaenitate faedastis . in the reign of * constantine the great , a godly and devout christian woman being taken captive by the iberians , dwelling nigh the euxine sea , then idolators and barbarians , gave herself to continency , fasting and fervent prayer , during her captivity , the kings son of very tender years , fell into a dangerous disease , whereof none to whom he was carried could cure him : at last they brought him to this christian captive ; who in the presence of many women , without applying any salve or medicine , laid her sackcloath upon him , and said only these words , christ which health many , will also heal this infant . when she had uttered these words , and also prayed unto god for ayde and assistance to heal and cure the disease , the child forthwith recovered and enjoyed perfect health . the fame of which cure being bruited amongst the barbarians wives , came at last to the queens ears , so that she was very famous . a while after , the queen herself fell sick , and this simple woman was sent for , who refused to go , for fear some violence should be offered to her . thereupon the queen being conveyed to her , she practised , and prayed to god for her recovery , as she had done before for the child , and forthwith the queen is rid of her disease . wherupon she thanketh the woman : who answer'd , it is not my doing , but christs the son of god , the maker of heaven and earth ; exhorting the queen to call upon him , and to worship the true god. the king hearing of this strange cure , commanded the captive woman should be bountifully rewarded ; who sending back his rewards , said , she wanted no riches , but esteemed godlinesse the greatest treasure , and that the king should receive a precious iewel , if he would acknowledge that god with she professed : whereupon the king and his queen long instructed by her in the christian faith , called all his subjects together by proclamation , to whom he rehearsed the manner of his sons and queens cure by this captives prayers , and what hapned to himself in hunting by praying to her god : then they preached christ to both sexes , the king to men , and the queen to women , after that built a house of prayer , turned christians , and sent ambassadors to constantine , for a bishop and clergy-men to instruct them further in the faith , protesting their further belief in christ : as the marginal historians more at large relate . here we have a captive christian by her prayers , healing the kings son , and queen of incurable diseases , under whom she was a captive , and converting the king , queen , and all his subjects to the christian faith by her prayers , and the miraculous cures wrought by them , and christs power concurring with her prayers : a strong obligation for christians to practise the apostles precept , tim. . , , . even for pagan persecuting kings and princes , much more for christian , under whom they live not as captives , but natural born subjects . st. ambrose , hierom , sedulius , chrysostom , theodoret , primasius , * remigius bishop of rhemes , beda , rabanus maurus , haymo halberstatensis , oecumenius , theophylact , and all antients in their expositions and commentaries on the tim. . , , . with all modern expositors on this text , and st. augustin , de civitate dei , lib. . c. . resolve , that christians ought to pray publickly and privately to god for the life , safety , prosperity of pagan and persecuting kings , princes , governors , rulers , as well as those who are christians , by the apostles precept ; he being inspired with the same spirit as the prophet jeremy & baruch was , who sent an epistle to the captive jews in babylon , to pray unto the lord for the life of king nebuchadonozer , and of his sons , and for the peace of the city , to which they were carried captives , because in the peace thereof they should have peace . and that upon the same ground , the servants of god ought to pray unto him for the lives of their kings , princes , and their sons , and the peace of their realms , thougb pagans , that they may the more freely serve god , and lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godlinesse and honesty , which they cannot do in times of war and persecution . if then this was the constant doctrine , practice , duty of all the primitive christians , bishops , ministers , fathers of the church , under their worst , bloodiest persecuting pagan and idolatrous emperors , kings , princes , thus constantly to make supplications , prayers , intercessions , & thanksgivings unto god for them , and to be most dutifull , loyal , and submissive to them , without the least rebellion , insurrection , or treachery against them , as all these fathers clearly manifest ; then much more ought it to be so under their own lawfull hereditary christian kings and princes , for which i shall produce some notable presidents in former ages , after emperors and kings became christians , and imbraced the gospel of jesus christ , in the . & . chapters , reserved for a second part . chap. v. before i proceed to the practice of the primitive christians , and their successors in all empires , kingdoms , in praying , interceding , supplicating and giving thanks to god for their emperors , kings , and their royal progeny , whether orthodox or heterodox , after they became christians , i thought fit to subjoyn the practice even of pagan idolatrous subjects , in praying and sacrificing to their idol gods , for the long life , prosperity , happy reigns and succession of their pagan idolatrous kings and emperors , and their posterity over them , both at their solemn inaugurations , their ordinary addresses to them , and upon other occasions , and that as well for vitious , tyrannical , oppressive kings and emperors , as those who were most just , gracious , good , bountifull and beneficial to the publick . i have hinted before , p. . that the israelites borrowed their acclamations to , and prayers for their first king saul , at his inauguration to the kingdom , from the heathen nations round about them , who used to cry , god save the king ; o king live for ever , at their coronations , and addresses to them ; and likewise to offer sacrifices , and prayers to their gods for them and their sons , as is evident by ezra . , . c. . , , . compared with jer. . . baruck . , , . which i formerly insisted on . to which i shall adde , dan. . . where king nebuchadnezzar sending for all the magicians , astrologers , sorcerers , and caldeans , to interpret his dream ; when they came and stood before the king , and heard his demand , they spake thus to the king in syriack , o king live for ever : tell thy servants the dream , and we will shew the interpretation . dan. . , . when king nebuchadnezzar after this had erected a golden image , and commanded all to fall down and worship it , under pain of being cast into the midst of a fiery furnace : certain caldeans came near and accused the jews before the king , for not worshiping his gods , and the golden image he had set up , which accusation they thus prefaced ; they spake and said to the king nebuchadnezzar : o king live for ever : dan. . . when king belshazzar was very much terrified with the hand-writing in the wall , in the midst of his impious feast , which none of his astrologers , magicians , south-sayers and wise men could read or interpret , the queen thereupon came into the banquet-house , and spake and said : o king live for ever , let not thy thoughts trouble thee , nor let not thy countenance be changed , &c. so dan. . . when the presidents of the kingdoms , princes , governors , counsellors and captains of king darius , conspired against daniel , and urged him to make an impious royal statute ; that whosoever shall ask a petition of any god or man , for thirty days , save only of thee , o king , he shall be cast into the den of lions ; these presidents and princes assembled together to the king , and said thus unto him , king darius , live for ever . and v. , . when the king came to the lions den , after daniel was cast into it , to inquire of his safety : then said daniel unto the king : o king live for ever . from all which texts it is irrefragable , that it was the constant practice of the persians , babylonians , assyrians and caldeans , and of all their princes , governors , officers , astrologers , south-sayers queens , wisemen , courtiers , subjects , people in all their addresses & speeches to their kings , to use this salutation to , and prayer for them , o king live for ever ; and therefore much more to pray thus for them in their temples , and to use this acclamation and the like , at all their coronations and publick triumphs . hence theodoret in his interpretation on dan. . . on these words , rex in saecula , or , in aeternum vive : thus comments : haec autem erat praefatio , qua subjecti regibus eos ●unc salutabant , et ad hoc usque tempus hic mos invaluit : quidam enim imperiti , reges eos qui nunc sunt , aeternos vocare consueverunt in syngraphis quoque commerciorum hoc quidam ascribunt , stultitiae magis quàm impietatis damnandi . ; and on dan. . . he addes , vsitatam praefationem ( daniel ) suis sermonibus praeponit , videlicet , liceat tibi rex diutissime vivere : etenim in praesenti etiàm sempiternos reges in commerciorum scriptur is quidā appellare consueverunt . junius , calvin and others on dan. & . & . & . observe that , o king live for ever , was a common salutation , and prayer , used amongst the caldeans ; for further proof whereof , i shall only adde one memorable president which aelianus , variae hist . l. . c. . records , it being the custom of the persians alwaies to present their kings with gifts when they travelled abroad , a certain persian named sinaeta , meeting king artaxerxes mnemon far from his house , being much troubled in mind , that he had nothing to present him with , according to the law & custom of the persians ; he therupon ran to the river cyrus , and taking up a little water in the palms of his hands , came and presented it to the king , saying , o king artaxerxes live for ever , o rex artaxerxes regnes in ae●ernum , nunc te prout possum , & quomodo possum , te munere dono , ut non indonatus , quantum ad me attinet , & quantum in me est , praetereas . honoro autem te cyri aquis , &c. wherewith the king being greatly delighted , sent him an honorable and rich reward . to passe from the persians , babylonians , and chaldeans to the romans . it is evident by the testimonies of sundry a historians and fathers , that the idolatrous pagan romans did not only erect altars , temple , and statues to julius caesar , augustus , heliogabalus , and others of their pagan emperors ( wheras tyberius only prohibited the senate to build any temple for him ) and likewise swear by their names , altars , genius , & offer oblations to them , as if they were gods , which was most palpable flattery and idolatry : but also prayed and offered vows and sacrifices to their gods for their welfare and prosperity ; which was but loyalty and their bounden duty . i shall present you with some few instances of special vowes , acclamations , and prayers for them , instead of many more which might be added . the wanton poet ovid , banished into pontus for his lascivious love-poems by augustus caesar , prayed thus for his long life and prosperity during his very exile under his imperial indignation . b dii faciant igitur ( quorum justissimus ipse est ) alma nihil majus caesare terra ferat . vtque diu sub eo , sic sit sub caesare terra , perque manus hujus tradit a gentis eat . suetonius tranquillus in the life of the emperor augustus caesar , c. , , , . thus relates the extraordinary acclamations , gratulations , thanksgivings , prayers and snpplications of the people , senate , and provinces for augustus the emperor ( under whose government christ was born . ) pro quibus meritis quantopere dilectus sit , facile est aestimare . omitto senatus consulta , quae possunt videri vel necessitate expressa , vel verecundia . equites romani natalem ejus sponte atque consensu biduo semper celebrarunt . omnes ordines in lacum curtii , quotannis ex voto pro salute ejus , stirpem jaciebant : item calendis januariis strenam in capitolio , etiam absenti , ex qua summa , pretiocissima deorum simulacra mercatus , vicatim dedicabat , &c. revertentem ex provincia , non solum faustis ominibus , sed et modulatis carminibus prosequebantur , observatūe tiam est , ne quoties introiret urbem , supplicium de quoquam sumeretur . patris patriae cognomen universi repentino maximoque consensu desulerunt ei . prima plebs , legatione antium missa : dein , quia non recipiebat , ineunti romae spectacula frequens & laureata , mox in curia senatus , neque decreto , neque acclamatione , sed per valerium messallum , id mandantibus cunctis . quod bonū , inquit , sanctumque sit tibiasssss , domuique tuae , caesar auguste ( sic enim nos perpetuam felicitatem reipub. et laeta huic precari existimamus ) senatus , te consentiente , cum populo romano consalutat , patriae patrem . cui lacrymans respondit augustus . patres c. quid habeo aliud , deos immortales precari , quam ut hunc consensum vestrum ad ultimum vitae finem mihi perferre liceat ? medico antonio musae , eujus opera ex ancipiti morbo convaluerat , statuam , aere collato , juxta signum aesculapii , statuerunt . nonnulli patrum familiarum , testamento caverunt , ut ab haeredibus suis , praelato victimae titulo , in capitolium ducerentur , votumque pro se persolveretur , quod superstitem augustum reliquissent . quaedam italiae civitates , diem , quo primum ad se venisset , initium anni fecerunt . provinciarum pleraeque super templa & aras , ludos quoque quinquennales , paenè oppidatim constituerunt . reges amici & socii , & singuli in suo quisque regno , caesareas urbes condiderunt , & cuncti simul aedem jovis olympici , athenis antiquitus inchoatam , perficere communi sumptu destinaverunt , genioque ejus dedicare . such was their devotion , loyalty and affection towards him . c cornelius tacitus records , anno aburbe condita , . pontifices , eorumque exemplo caeteri sacerdotes , c●m pro incolnmitate principis vota susciperent , neronem quoque & drusium iisdem diis commendavere , non tam caritate juvenum , quàm adulatione . which tyberius the emperor took very ill , as equallizing these youngsters to himself who was aged , and checked the high priests for it . not long after , the d furthest parts of spain , sent messengers to the senate , to desire leave to build a temple to tyberius , as asia had done . whereupon he made a speech in the senate , refusing this addresse and adoration , concluding his oration in these words , proinde socios , cives , et deos , et deas ipsas precor hoc , ut mihi usque finem vitae , quietam et intelligentem humani divinique juris mentem duint illos , ut quandocunque concessero , cum laude & bonis recordationibus , facta atque famam nominis mei prosequantur . ; in lib. . hist . c. . tacitus brings in marcellus , thus speaking in the senate : se meminisse temporum quibus natus est , quam civitatis formam patres avique constituerint , ulterior a mirari , praesentia sequi , vonos imperatores voto expetere , qualescunque tolerare . and annalium l. . c. . he records ; that thraseus peto a noble senator , was accused , and afterwards adjudged to death by the tyrant nero ; amongst other things objected against him by capito ; principio anni vitare thraseum jusjurandum solenne , nuncupationibus votorum non adesse ( for the emperors life , health and prosperity ) quamvis quindecimvirali sacerdotio praeditum : nunquam pro salute principis , aut caelesti voce immolavisse . his daughter being produced and interrogated to give in evidence against him , auswered , nullos ( inquit ) impios deos , nullas devotiones , nec aliud infelicibus precibus invocav● , quam ut hunc optimum patrem tu caesar , et vos patres servaretis incolumem : on which passages , lipsius in his commentary , p. . & in excursu . p. , . proves ( out of sustonius in nerone , c. . & augustus , c. . plinies epistles and panegyric , ennapius in vita maximi , dio. l. tertulliani apologeticus , caius jurisconsultus , de verborum signif . & paulus jurisconsultus cited by lipsus in his commentaries , in c. plinii panegyricum trajano dictum p. . ) that it was a received custom amongst the pagan romans , quod post kalendas januarias , die tertio , pro salute principis vota suscipiuntur ; as also , pro imperii et populi . * caius caligula , being elected emperor , and entring rome , was received , tanta publica laetitia , ut tribus proximis mensibus , ac ne totis quidem , supra sexaginta millia victimarum caesa tradantur , to the gods for his happiness and prosperity . cum deinde paucos post dies in proximas campaniae insulas trajecisset , vota pro reditu suscepta sunt : ne minimam quidem occasionem quoquam omittente in testificanda solicitudine et cura de incolumitate ejus : ut vero in adversam valetudinem incidit , pernoctantibus cunctis circa palatium , non defuernnt qui depugnaturos se armis pro salute agri , quique capita sua titulo proposito voverunt . when this emperor claudius was poiscned and very sick ; vocabatur interim senatus , votaque pro incolumitate principis , consules et sacerdotes nuncupabant , as * cornelius tacitus relates . the emperor claudius nero , succeeded caligula in the empire , whose a beginnings were so just , wise , mild , as all men said , that a god was sent from heaven to govern rome : but degenerating at last into a monster of vice and tyranny , among others , he banished his incomparable tutor seneca , and used him very ungratefully , who notwithstanding in his book , de consolatione ad polybium , cap. . , makes this honorable mention of , and prayer for him and his progeny . superstitem caesarem omnemque ejus prolem , superstitem te cum omnibus habes fratribus . non desinam totiens tibi offerre caesarem . illo moderante terras , & ostendente , quanto melius beneficiis imperium custodiatur , quam armis , illo rebus humanis praesidente , non est periculum , ne quid perdidisse te sentias , in hoc uno tibi satis praesidii , satis solatii est . attolle te , & quotiens lachrymae suboriuntur ceulis tuis , totiens illos ad caesarem dirige : siccabuntur maximi et clarissimi conspectu numinis . fulgur ejus illos , ut nihil aliud possint aspicere , praestringet , in se haerentes detinebit . hic tibi , quem tu diebus intueris et noctibus , a quo nunquam discis animum , cogitandus est , hic contra fortunam advocandus : nec dubito , cum tanta illi adversus omnes suos sit mansuetudo , tantaque indulgentia , quin multis jam solaciis tuum illud vulnus obduxerit , nonnulla quae doliri obstarent tuo ingesserit . quid parco ? ut nihil horum fecerit , nonne parcius ipse conspectus , per se tantummodo cogitatusque caesar maximo solatio tibi est ? dii illum , deaeque omnes terris diu commodent , acta hic d. augusti , et annos vincat , ac , quamdiu mortalis est , nihil ex domo sua mortale esse sentiat . rectorem romano imperio filium longa fide approbet , et ante illum consortem patris , quam successorem accipiat . sera , et neporibus demum nostris dies nota sit , qua illum gens sua caelo asserat . abstine ab hoc manus ●ua fortuna , nec in illo potentiam tuam , nisi ex parte qua prodes , ostenderis : patere illum generi humano jamdiu aegro et affecto mederi : patere quicquid prioris principis furor concussit in locum suum restituere , et reponere . sidus hoc , quod praecipitato in profundum et demerso in tenebras orbi refulsit , semper ●uceat . hic germaniam pacet , britanniam apereat , et patris triumphos ducat , et notos , quorum me quoque spectatorem futurum , quae primum obtinet locum , ex virtutibus ejus promittit clementia . nec enim sic me dejecit ut nollet erigere : imo ne dejecit quid●m , sed impulsum a fortuna , et cadentem sustinuit , et in praeceps euntem leviter divinae manus usus moderatione deposuit . deprecatus est pro me senatum , & votum mihi non tantum dedit , sed etiam petiit . viderit qualem volet aestimari caussam meam , vel justitia ejus conam perspiciet , vel clementia facieti utrumque in aequo mihi ejus beneficium erit , sive innocentem me scierit esse , sive voluerit ; interim m●gnum miseriarum mearum solatium est , videre * misericordiam ejus totum orbem pervagantem ; quae cum ex ipso angulo in quo ego defossus sum , complures jam multorum annorum ruina obrutos effoderit , et in lucem reduxerit , non vereor ne me unum transeat . ipse autem optime novit tempus quo cuique debeat succurrere ; ego omnem operam dabo , ne pervenire ad me crubescat . o felicem clementiam tuam caesar ! quae efficit ut quietiorem sub te agant vitam exsules , quam nuper sub caio egere principes . non trepidant , nec per singulas horas gladium exspectant , nec ad omnem navium conspectum pavent . per te habent ut fortunae saevientis modum , ita spem quoque melioris ejusdem , ac praesentis quietem . scias licet ea demum fulmina esse justissima , * qui etiam percussi colunt . in this passage which i have at large transcribed , we have a most excellent prayer of seneca , even while he was in exile under nero to all the gods and goddesses , for his long life , happiness , prosperity , and his families too : the hereditary succession of his son after him , the happinesse of his government , the peace and inlargement of his empire , and triumph over his enemies : together with a large encomium of his clemency and his princely virtues towards others , and a benign interpretation of his severity towards himself : so as we might hereby conjecture , what some write of him to be a truth ; that he had read pauls epistles , ( especially the tim. . , . tit. . . rom. . he putting them here in practise ) and that there passed epistles between paul and him . there are some other passages in his works , wherein he makes short * ejaculatory prayers for nero , which i shall pretermit , this being the most observable and pathetical . only i shall insert one memorable discourse of his , declaring the grounds and reasons why subjects ought not only to pray for their kings , but to honour , love , yea hazard all their lives for their safety and defence upon all occasions , to set home the natural equity and justice of this duty of constant , fervent , publick and private supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings unto god for them . de clementia , lib. . ( dedicated to the emp. nero ) c. , . * illius demum principis magnitudo stabilis fundataque est , quem omnes tam supra se esse , quàm pro se sciunt : cujus curam excubare pro salute singulorum atque universorum cottidie experiuntur ; quo procedentenon tanquam malum aliquod aut noxium animal è cubili profilierit , diffugiunt ; sed tanquam ad clarum ac beneficum sidus certatim advolant , objicere se pro illo mucronibus insidiantium paratissimi , et substernere corpora sua , si per stragem illi humanam iter ad salutem sternendum sit . somnum ejus nocturnis excubiis muniunt , latera objecti circumfusique defendunt , incurrentibus periculis se opponunt : neque hic est sine ratione populis urbibusque consensus sic protegendi amandique reges et se suaque jactandi quocunque desiceraverit imperantis salus . nec haec vilitas sui est , aut dementia , pro uno capite tot millia excipere serrum , ac multis mortibus unam animam redimere , nonnunquam fenis et invalidi . quemadmodum totum corpus animo deservit , & cum hoc tanto majus , tantoque speciosus fit , ille in occulto maneat tenuis , & in qua sede latitet incertus ; tamen manus , pedes , oculi negotium illi gerunt : illum haec cutis munit , illius jussu jacemus , aut inquieti discurrimus ; cum ille imperavit , sive avarus dominus est , mare lucri caussa scrutamur ; sive ambitiosus , jamdudum dexteram flammis objecimus , aut voluntarie subsiluimus ; sic haec immensa multitudo , unius anima circumdata , illius spiritu regitur , illius ratione flectitur , pressura se ac fractura viribus suis , nisi consilio sustineretur . suam itaque incolumitatem amant , cum pro uno homine denas legiones in aciem ducunt , cum in prima fronte procurrunt , et adversa vulneribus pec●ora feriunt , ne imperatoris sui signa vertantur . ille est enim vinculum per quod respublica cohaeret ; ille spiritus vitalis quem haec tot millia trahunt ; nihil ipsa per se futura , nisi onus et praeda , simens illa imperii subtrahatur . * — rege incolumi mens omnibus una , amisso rupere fidem . hic casus romani populi exitium erit , hic tanti fortunam populi in ruinas aget . tamdiu ab isto periculo aberit hic populus , quamdiu sciet ferre fraenos : quos si quando abruperit , vel aliquo casu discussos , reponi sibi passus non erit , haec unitas , et haec maximi imperii contextus in partes multas dissiliet ; idemque huic vrbi daminandi finis erit , qui parendi fuerit . ideo principes , regesque , et quocunque alio nomine sunt tutores status publici , non est mirum amari ultra privatas etiam necessitudines : nam si sanis hominibns publica privatis patiora sunt ; sequitur , ut is quoque carior sit in quem se respublica convertit . olim enim ita se induit reipublicae caesar , ut diduci alterum non passit , sine utriusque pernicie : nam ut illi viribus opus est , ita et huic capiti . all which we have found true by sad experience . he addes , c. . quid pulchrius est ( regi ) quam vivere optantibus cunctis , et vota non sub custode nuncupantibus ? si paulo valetudo titubavit , non spem hominum excitari , sed metum . nihil est cuiquam tam pretiosum , quod non prosalute praesidis sui commutatum velit ? omne quod illi continget , fivi quoque evenire deputet ? and should not christians , protestants , and our three distressed , distracted protestant kingdoms , nations , churches , upon these very grounds & reasons , shew as much cordial affection , loyalty , duty to their undoubted christian protestant kings and princes , as these pagans did to their heathen kings and emperors ? yea shall they not rise up in judgement against them before all tribunals of god and men , if they do it not ? consider well of it , and declare your judgements herein . when the emperor titus was sick , g medendae valetudini leniendisque morbis , nullam divinam humanamque opem non adhibuit , inquisito omne sacrificiorum remediorumque genere ; the priests & people praying and sacrificing for his health . when his death was known : non secus atque in domestico luctu maerentibus publice cunctis , senatus prius quam edicto convocatus , ad curiam cucurrit ; obseratisque adhuc foribus , deinde apertis , tantas mortuo gratias egit laudesque , quantas congessit ne vivo quidem unquam atque praesenti . the heathen epigramatist and poet martial , flourishing under the pagan emperors , domitian and trajan , ( to whom he inscribes many of his epigrams ) hath these prayers for them . l. . epig. . de natali domitiani . caesaris alma dies , et luce sacratior illa , conscia dictaeum , qua tulit ida jovem . longa precor , pyleoque veni numerosior aevo , semper et hoc vultu , vel meliore nite . hic colat albano tritonida cultus in auro , perque manus tantas plurima quercus eat , hic colat ingenti redeuntia secula lustro , et quae romuleus sacra terentus habet . magna quidem superi petimus sed debita terris , pro tanto quae sunt improba vota deo ? epig. l. . epig. . ad jovem . nil pro me mihi juppiter petenti , ne succensueris , velut superbus . le pro caesare debeo rogare , pro me debeo caesarem rogare . he begins his dedication of his . book , to domitian thus . imperatori domitiano caesari , augusto , germanico , dacico , valerius martialis , salutem . and epig. l. . epig. . ad trajanum . he prayes thus for him , di tibi dent quicquid , princeps trajane mereris , et rata perpetuo quae tribuêre , velint . quisua restituis spoliato jura patrono , &c. epig. l. . epig. . precatur deos pro nerva trajano , in this form . sacra , laresque phrygum , quos trojae maluit haeres quam rapere arsuras laomedontis opes ; scriptus & aeterno nunc primùm juppiter auro , et soror & summi filia tot● patris . et qui purpureis jam tertia nomina ●astis jane refers nervae , , vos precor ore pio ; nunc omnes servate ducem , servate senatum , moribus hic vivat principis , ille suis . and epig. l. . epig. . in commendationem nervae . recta fides , hilaris clementia , cauta potestas , jam redeunt ; longiterga dedère metus . hoc populi gentesque tuae pia roma precantur , dux tivi sit semper talis , et iste diu , &c. c. plinius secundus , in his epistles and panegyrick to the emperor trajan , hath many excellent prayers , vows , supplications , gratulations , and thanksgivings to the gods for his long life , health , prosperity , government , empire , in his own , the senates , souldiers , and provinces names , which are very pertinent and observable . epistolarum l. . epist . . c. plinius , trajano imperatori , salutem ( the usual inscription of all his epistles to him ) he prayes thus for him . precor ergo ut tibi et per te generi humano prospera omnia , id est digna seculo tuo , contingant : fortem te et hilarem imperator optime , et privatim et publice opto . lib. . epist : . c. plin. tra. imp. salutem , solemnia vota pro incolumitate tua ; qua publica salus continetur , et suscipimus . domine , pariter et solvimus ; precati deos , ut velint ea semper solvi , semperque signari . to which trajan returned this answer , epist . . et soluisse vos cum provincialibus diis immortalibus vota , pro mea salute et incolumitate nuncupasse , libenter , mi secunde charissime , cognovi ex literis tuis , epist . . he thus mentions the publick joy & prayers made for him , and the oath of allegiance sworn to him , both by the souldiers , and people on the day of his inauguration . diem , domine , quo servasti imperium , dum suscipis , quanta mereris laetitia celebravimus , precati deos , ut te generi humano , cujus tutela & securit●● saluti tuae invisa est , incolumem florentemque praestarent . * praeiimus & commilitonibus jusjurandum more solenni praestantibus , et provincialibus , qui eadem certarunt pietate , juvantibus . to which the emperor returns this answer . epist . . quanta religione ac laetitia commilitones cum provincialibus te praeeunte , diem imperi● mei celebraverint libe●ter mi secunde charissime , cognovi literis tuis . epist . . opto domine et hunc natalem , et plurimos alios quam felicissimes agas , aeternaque laude florentem virtutis tuae gloriam , et incolumis et fortis aliis super alta operibus augeas . to which trajan returned this answer to pliny epist . . agnosco vota tua mi secunde charissime , quibus precaris , ut plurimos et felicissimos natales , florente statu reip. nostrae , agam . epist . . c. plin. tr. imp. s. vota , domine , priorum annorum nuncupata , alacres , laetique persolvimus , novaque rursus , curante commilitonum et provin●ialium pietate suscepimus , precati deos , ut te remque publicam florentem et incolumem ea benignitate servarent , quam super magnas plurimasque virtutes praecipua sanctitate consequi deorum honore meruisti . which trajan thus answers , epist . . solvisse vota di●s immortalibus , te praeeunte , pro mea incolumitate , et commilitones cum provincialibus laetissimo consensu , in futurumque nuncupasse , libenter , mi secunde charissime , cognovi literis tuis . in his * panegyricus trajano dictus , by the senates command , he begins thus . benè ac sapienter patres conscripti , majores instituerunt , ut rerum agendarum , ita dicendi initium , & precationibus capere : quod nihil ritè , nihilque providenter homines , sine deorum immortalium ope , consilio , honore , auspicarentur . qui mos , cui potius , quam consuli ? aut quando magis usurpandus , colendusque est , quàm cum imperio senatus , auctoritate reip : ad agendas optimo principi gratias excitamur ? quod enim praestabilius est , aut pulchrius munus deorum , quam castus , et sanctus , et diis simillimus princeps ? ac si adhuc dubium fuisset , fortè , casuque rectores terris , an aliquo numine darentur , principem tamen nostrum liqueret divinitus constitutum . non enim occulta potestate fatorum , sed ab ipso iove coram ac palam repertus , electus est , quippe inter aras et altaria , eodemque loci , quem deus ille tàm manifestus ac praesens , quàm coelum et sydera insedit . quo magis aptum piumque est , te iuppiter optime maxime , anteà conditorem , nunc conservatorem imperii nostri , precari , ut mihi digna consule , digna senatu , digna principe contingat oratio : utque omnibus , quae dicentur a me , libertas , fides , veritas , constet . talem , non bella civilia , nee armis oppressa r. p. sed pax , et adoptio , et tandem exorata terris numina , dedissent . confugit in sinum , tuum concussa respub : ruensque imperium super imperatorem , imperatoris tibi voce delatum est , &c. nec judicium hominum , sed deorum etiam in consilium assumpsit . itaque non tua in cubiculo , sed in templo , nec ante genialem torum , sed ante pulvinar iovis opt. max. adoptio peracta est : quâ tandem non servitus nostra , sed libertas , et salus , et securitas fundabatur . sibi enim dii gloriam illam vindicaverunt : horum opus , horum illud imperium ; nerva tantum minister fuit , &c. ergo non aetas quemquam , non valetudo , non sexus retardavit , quò minus oculos insolito spectaculo impleret . te parvuli noscere , ostentare juvenes , mirari senes ; aegri quoque neglecti medentium imperio , ad conspectum tui , quasi ad salutem sanitatemque prorepere . inde alii se satis vixisse te viso , te recepto ; alii nunc magis esse vivendum , praedicabant . feminas etiam tunc foecunditatis suae maxima voluptas subiit , cum cernerent cui principi cives , cui imperatori milites peperissent . videres referta tecta , ac laborantia , ac ne eum quidem vacantem locum , qui non nisi suspensum et instabile vestigium caperet ; oppletas undique vias angustamque tramitem relictum tibi ; alacrem hinc atque inde populum : vbique par gaudium , paremque clamorem : tam aequalis ab omnibus ex adventu tuo laetitia accepta est , quam omnibus venisti : quae tamen ipsa cum ingressu tuo crevit , ac propè in singulos gradus adaucta est . gratum erat cunctis , quod senatum osculo exciperes , ut dimissus osculo fueras , &c. quae cirumstantium gaudia ? quam recens clamor ? quam similis illi dies , qui hanc genuit diem ? vt plena altaribus ▪ augusta victimis cuncta ? ut in unius salutem collata omnium vota ? cum sivi se et liberis suis intelligerent precari , quae pro te precarentur , &c. dent tibi caesar aetatem dii , quam mereris , serventque animum quem dederunt . quae ubique feruntur , quaeque expetuntur , omnes gentes invicem capiant & discant , quantò libertate discordi servientibus sit utilius , unum esse , cui serviant . quippe discretis quidem bonis omnium , sua cujusque ad singulos mala : sociatis autem atque permixtis , singulorum mala ad neminem , ad omnes omnia bona pertinent , &c. simili reverentia caesar , non apud genium tuum bonitati tuae , gratias agere , sed apud numen iovi opt. max. pateris : illi debere nos quicquid debe amus , illius quod bene facias muneris esse , qui te dedit . * &c : nuncupare vota , et pro ae●ernitate imperii , et pro salute civium , imò pro salu●e principum , ac propter illos pro aeternitate imperii solebamus . haec pro imperio nostro , in quae sint verba suscepta , operae pretium est , adnotare : si benè remp. et ex utilitate omnium rexeris . digna vota quae semper suscipiantur , semperque solvantur . egit cum diis , ipse te auctore caesar resp : ut te sospit●m , incolumemque praestarent , si tu caeteros praesti●●sses : si contra , illi quoque a custodia tui corporis oculos dimoverent , teque relinquerent votis , quae non palam susciperentur . alii se superstites reip : optabant , faciebantque : tibi salus tua invisa est , si non sit cum reip : salute conjuncta . nihil pro te pateris optari nisi expediat optantibus ; omnibusque annis in consilium de te deos mittis , exigisque ut sententiam suam mutent , si talis esse desieris , qualis electus es . sed ingenti conscientia caesar , pacisceris cum diis , ut te si mereberis servent , cum scias an merearis , neminem magis , quàm deos scire , &c. capis ergo caesar salutis tuae gloriosissimum fructum ex consensu deorum : nam cum excipias , ut ita demum te dii servent si bene remp : et ex utilitate omnium rexeris , certus es te bene remp : gerere dum servent , &c. scis tibi ubique iurari , cum ipse suraveris omnibus . nemo hoc sibi non praestat : amamus quidem te in quantum mereris ; istud tamen non tui facimus amore , sed nostri : nec unquam illucescat dies , quo pro te nuncupet vota , non utilitas nostra , sed fides , caesar . * super h●c precati sumus , ut sic te amarent dii , quemadmodum tu nos : quis hoc aut de se , aut principi diceret mediocriter amanti ? pro nobis ipsis quidem haec fuit summa votorum , ut nos sic amarent dii , quomodo tusi-estne verum quod inter ista clamavimus , o nos felices ! quid enim felicius nobis , quibus non jam illud optandum est , ut nos diligat princeps ▪ sed dii quemadmodum princeps ? civitas religionibus dedita , semperque deorum indulgentiam pie merita , nihil felicitati suae putat astrui posse , nisi ut dii caesarem imitentur . after which passages , he clozeth his panegyrick , with this prayer : in fine orationi praefides , custodesque imperii deos , ego consul pro rebus humanis , ac te praecipue capitoline iupiter precor , ut beneficiis tuis faveas , tantisque muneribus addas perpetuitatem . audisti quae malo principi praecabamur , exaudi quae pro dissimilissimo optamus . non te distringimus votis ▪ non enim pacem , non concordiam , non sec uritatem , non opes ●…mus , non honores : simplex , cunctaque ista complexum unum omnium votum est , salus principis . nec enim nova tibi injungimus , tu enim jam tunc illum in tutelam recipisti , cum praedonis avidissimi faucibus ●ripuisti : neque enim sineauxilio tuo , cum altissima quaeque quaterentur , hic , qui omnibus excelsior , inconcussus stetit : praeterritus est a pessimo principe , qui praeteriri ab optimo non potuit . tu elara judicii tui signa misisti cum proficiscenti ad exercitum tuo nomine , tuo honore cessisti . tu voce imperatoris quid sentiris locutus , filium illi , nobis parentem , tibi pontificem maximum elegisti . qu● majore fiducia , iisdem illis votis quae ipse pro se nunxupari jubet , oro et obtestor , si bene remp. si ex utilitate omnium regis , primum ut illum nepotibus nostris ac pronepotibus serves ; deinde ut quandoque et tribuas quem genuerit , quem formaverit , similemque fecerit adoptato ; aut si hoc fato negatur , in consilio sis eligenti , monstresque aliquem adoptari in capitolio deceat . h eutropius , pedro mexia , grimston in the life of trajan , and others record , that after trajans death , it was a usual custom in rome , continuing til eutropius his time , & after , that when they powred out their blessings upon their new elected emperors , they would pray , that they might be as fortunate as augustus , and as good as trajan , accounting the one to have attained the heighth of happiness , and the other of all goodness . i julius capitolinus records , that whiles antonius pius governed italy , and ascended the tribunal , the people used this amongst other acclamations , auguste , dii te servent augustus , , the gods preserve thee . k vulcanus gallicanus relates , that when the letter of marcus antoninus pius , the emperor to the senate of rome , was read in the senate-house ; the senate prosecuted his clemency therin expressed , with these acclamations and prayers , antonine pie , dit te servent . antonine clemens , dii te servent , antonine clemens , dii te servent . vincis inimicos , hostes exuperas , dii te tuentur . when l commodus , after his election to be emperor was comming towards rome , he was received with incredible joy and solemnity in all cities through which he passed , for the great love to his father m. aurelius antoninus , and the hopes they conceived of him , that he would prove a good prince . in rome it self he was received with exceeding great joy , triumph , and blessings generally of all men , who strowed the way he went with flowers , making all the demonstratioas of joy that was possible , though he proved most cruel and vicious afterwards . m aelius lampridius stories , that macrinus the emperor , understanding how acceptable the name of antoninus was to the souldiers and people , presented his son diadumenus to the captains and souldiers by the name of antoninus . whereupon they made these acclamations , macrine imperator , dii te servent . antonine diadumene , dii te servent . antoninum divum omnes roga●us . iupiter optime maxime macrino et antonino vitam . tu scis jupiter macrinus vinci non potest . all prayers for them . n aelius lamprid. informs us , when alexander sev●rus was elected and enstalled emperor by the whole senate of rome in the house and temple of concord , after his coming thither , acclamatum est , auguste innocens , dii te servent . alexander imperator , dii te servent , dii te nobis dederunt , dii conservent , dii te ex manibus impuri eripuerunt . impurum tyrannum ( heliogabalum ) et tu perpessus es : impurum et obscoenum et tu vivere doluisti . dii illum irradicaverunt , dii te servent . infamis imperator ritè damnatus . felices nos imperio tuo ; felicem rempublicam . infamis unco , tractus est ad exemplum timoris : luxuriosus imperator jure punitus est . contaminator honorum jure punitus est . dii immortales alexandro vitam . judicia deorum hinc apparent . et cum egisset gratias alexander , acclamatum est , antonine alexander , dii te servent . antonine aureli dii te servent . antonine pie , dii te servent . antonini nomen suscipias rogamus , &c. in te salus , in te vita , ut vivere delectet . antoninorum alexandro vitam ut vivere delectet , et antoninus vocetur . antoninorum templa antoninus dedicet . parthos et persas antoninus vincat , sacrum nomen sacratus accipiat . antonini nomen , antonin●rum nomen , dii conservent . in te omnia , per te omnia , antonine habemus . et post acclamationes , aurelius caesar augustus , made this speech to them , gratias vobis , patres conscripti , non nunc primum , sed et de caesareo nomine , & de vita servata & augusti nomine addito , & de pontificatu maximo , & de tribunitia potestate & proconsulari imperio , quae omnia novo exemplo uno die in me contulistis . et cum diceret acclamatum . haec suscepisti , antoninum nomen tu suscipe : mereatur senatus , mereantur antonini , antonine auguste dii ●e servent , dii te antoninum conservent . monetae nomen antonini reddatur . templa antoninorum , antoninus conservet . which name of antoninus he by two modest speeches refusing to accept : twice acclamatum est ut supra . upon his d. speech to put it off , acclamatum est , dii mala prohiveant : haec te imperante non timemus : de his te duce securi sumus , &c. upon his th . speech , acclamatum est ut supra . upon his th . speech to excuse the accepting of this name , acclamatum est , alexander auguste , dii te servent . verecundiae tuae , prudentiae tuae , castitatituae , hinc intelligimus qualis futurus sis , hinc probamus , &c. alexander auguste , dii te servent . templa antoninorum alexander augustus dedicet . caesar noster , augustus noster , imperator noster , dii te servent , vincas , valeas , multis annis imperes . after his th . speech to them , acclamatum est , magne alexandre , dii te servent . and when by a th . speech he refused this title of magni alexandri , acclamatum est , aureli alexander auguste , dii te servent . as you may read more at large in lampridius . which done , the senate being dismissed , he returned to his house in triumph . * unspeakable was the joy , and infinite were the prayers and blessings , that by the senate and people were powred out upon him that day . this emperor m severus having conquered the persians , and made a brave triumph , and speech to the senate in rome , concerning this conquest , on the . of octob. he concluded his oration with these words . vestrum est supplicationem decernere , ne diis videamur ingrati : whereupon it follows , acclamatio senatus : alexander auguste , dii te servent . persice maxime , dii te servent . verè parthicus , verè persicus . trophaea tua & nos videmus , victorias & nos videmus . juveni imperatori , patri patriae , pontifici maximo : per te victoriam per germaniam speramus ; per te victoriam undique praesumimus : ille vincit , qui milites regit : dives senatus , dives miles , dives populus romanus , &c. * corippus thus relates and poetically describes the acclamations and the prayers of pagan romans , at the inaugurations of their emperors . augusti vitam laetis clamoribus optant ; post senium dicunt sese juvenescere : mundus gaudet , & antiquae repetit primordia formae . the pagan idolatrous romans accused and prosecuted the primitive , christians as traytors and enemies to these pagan emperors , not only because they did not swear by their genius , nor adore , nor honour them as gods , as they did out of flattery ; but likewise because they refused to offer sacrifices , and prayers for them to their idol-gods , as they used to do : as justin martyr , athenagoras , tertullian , in their apologies for the christians , origen in his . book against celsus , st. cyprian and arnobius record in their forecited passages , wherein they answered and refuted this calumny as false . f tertullian , in answering it , informs us , that when the roman emperors bestowed any gift of mony or corn , amongst the common people , in congiario dividundo , etiam illa h●ra qua acolamant , de annis nostris augeat tibi iupiter annos , notwithstanding these expressions of loyalty to and prayers for the emperor , they did yet secretly in their hearts wish for a new emperor . jam si pectoribus , ad translucendum quandam specularem materiam natura obduxisset , cujus non praecordia insculpta apparerent novi ac novi caesaris scena in congiario dividundo praesentis ? and not only the vulgar , but planè caeteri ordines pro autoritate religiosi , ex fide nihil hosticum de ipso senatu , de equite , de castris , de palatiis ipsis spirant . this he proves by the * cassii , nigri et albini , ( and other conspirators against the emperor severus , who notwithstanding this , conspired against and murdered the emperor , ) omnes illi sub ipsa usque impietatis ●ruptione , et sacra fasiebant pro salute imperatoris , et genium ejus dejerabant , alii foris , alii intus . so that they usually prayed and sacrificed for their pagan emperors , though they were treacherous and perfidious to them , which no christians under them ever were . the emperor n maximinus and his son , being declared enemies by the senate , and after that slain by gordianus and his brother , who were thereupon declared emperors by the senate : upon the receiving and reading his letters to the senate , referring himself wholy to their determination . lectis literis , statim senatus acclamavit , gordiane auguste , dii te servent . felix imperes , tu nos liberasti , salvus imperes , tu nos liberasti . ●er te salva respublica , omnes tibi gratias agimus . after some questions propounded , concerning maximinus and his friends , ita acclamatum est , inimicus senatus in crucem tollatur . hostis senatus ubicunque feriatur . inimici senatus vivi exurantur . gordiani augusti , dii vos servent . ambo feliciter agatis , ambo feliciter imperetis , &c. after this there being a decree of the senate passed . recitatis in senatu , per balbinum augustum literis , acclamavit senatus . hostes populi romani dii persequuntur . iupiter optime tibi gratias . apollo venerabilis tibi gratias . maxime auguste tibi gratias balbine auguste tibi gratias . tibi gratias gordiane auguste . divis gordianis templa decernimus , &c. sanctissimi imperatores gratias vobis agimus . maxime , balbine , gordiane , dii vos servent . victores hostium omnes desideramus : praesentiam maximi omnes desideramus . balbine auguste , dii te servent , &c when o maruricius an a●ican , had made an oration to the people at tysdrum , giving thanks to the gods , for giving them a necessary occasion to proceed against the tyranny of maximinus , by proclaiming the gordians emperors : thereupon the people made this acclamation . aequum est , justum est . gordiane auguste , dii te servent . feliciter imperator es . cum filio imperes . after which the consul informing the senate , that both the gordians were nominated emperors in the great counsel of the africans , and thanking the gods , and them for delivering them from the monster maximinus . post haec literas legit gordianorum ▪ ad senatum , & ad se missis . tune clamavit senatus , dii vobis gratias . liberati ad hostibus sumus , si penitus liberemur . maximinum cum filio diis inferis devovemus . go● rdianos augustos appellamus , gordianos , principes agnoscimus . impera●ores de senatu dii conservent . imperatores nobiles victores videamus . imperatores nostros roma videat . hostes publicos qui occiderit , praemium merebitur . p m●●itheus , in his letter to the emperor gordianus tertius , his son in law , hath this passage diis igitur gratias , quod volente teipso emendata respublica est , &c , to which he answered . nisi dii omnipotentes romanum tuerentur imperium , etiam nunc per emptos spadones velut in hasta positi venderemur . when q vectius sabinus , had in his oration to the senate , declared the necessity of their electing and making maximus and balbinus emperors . post haec acclamatum est uno consensu , aequum est , justum est , sententiae sabini omnes consentimus . maxime & balbine augusti , dii vos servent , dii vos principes fecerunt , dii vos conservent . vos senatum a latronibus vindicate , vobis bellum contra latrones mandamus . hostis publicus maximinus cum filio pereat : hostem publicum vos persequimini . felices vos judicio sen●tus : felicem rempublicam vestro imperio . quod vobis senatus detulit , fortiter agite : quod vobis senatus detulit , libenter accipite . his atque aliis acclamationibus imperatores facti sunt maximus & balbinus . r claudius julianus , concludes his letter to the emperor maximus ( whom he stiles pupienus ) and balbinus , with this prayer , dii praestent , praestabuntque , hanc orbi romano faelicitatem nam cum ad vos respicio , aliud nihil optare possum quàm quod apud deos dicitur victor carthaginis precatus , ut scilicet in eo statu rempublicam servarent in quo tunc esset , quod nullus melior inveniretur . ita ego precor , ut in eo statu vobis rempublicam servent , in quo eam vos adhuc nutantem collocavistis . ſ trebellius pollio relates , that when the senate was informed on the th . of march , that claudius was made emperor , the senate went to the temple of apoll● , to celebrate divine rites , et lectis literis claudii principis , haec in claudium dicta sunt . aug. claudi , dii te nobis praestent ( dictum sexagies ) claudi auguste , principem te aut qualis tues , semper optavimus ( dictum quadragies ) claudi auguste , te respub . requirebat , tu fraver , tu pater , tu amicus , tu bonus senator , tu verè princeps , ( dictum octuagies . ) at t another time , acclamavit senatus , claudi dux fortissimè , habeas virtutibus tuis , devotioni tuae , claudio statuam omnes dicamus , &c. felicem , te claudi judicio principum , felicem et virtutibus tuis , consulem te , te praefectum , vivas valerie , ameris a principe . the emperor u aurelianus in his wars against the marcomanni , writ to the senate , ut inspiciantur fatales libri , quibus spes belli terminandi , sacrata deorum imperia terminantur . and by his letters , rogavit opem deorvm , quae nunquam cuiquam turpis est ut vir fortissimus admiretur . whereupo● by the decree of the senate , the high-priests , senate and people went to the temple , and offered sacrifices , devotions , and solemnities to the gods for his good success and victory over his and their enemies . when x tacitus was nominated emperor by the senat , omnis senatus acclama vit , tacite auguste , dii te servent : te diligimus , te principem facimus , tibi c●ram reipublicae orbisque mandamus ; suscipe imperium ex senatus auctoritate , &c. and when he refused to accept the dignity by reason of his age , acclamationes senatus fuerunt , et trajanus ad imperium senex venit ( dixerunt decies , ) &c. antoninum tamen , non corpus eligimus ( dixerunt vicies ) tacite auguste dii te servent . statimque acclamatum est , omnes , omnes . after this itum est ad campum martium : comitiale tribunal ascendit : ibi praefectus urbis aelius caesenanus sic locutus est . vos sanctisimi milites et sacratissimi vos quirites , habetis principem , quem de sententia omnium exercituum senatus elegit : tacitum dico , augustissimum virum , ut qui hactenus sententiis suis rempublicam juvit , nunc juvit jussis atque consultis . acclamatum est a populo , felicissime tacite auguste , dii te servent , et reliqua quae solent dici . probus comming to the army when there wanted an emperor , quasi divino nutu undique ab omnibus acclamatum est , probe auguste , dii te servent . deinde concursus , cespititium tribunal : appellatusque imperator , ornatus etiam pallio purpureo , quod de statua templi ornatum est : atque inde ad palatium reductus , invitus et retrectans , et saepe dicens . non vobis expedit milites , non mecum bene agitis . ego enim vobis blandiri non possum . after his letters read in the senat , their opinions being demanded , accl matumest , probe auguste , dii te servent . olim dignus , et fortis , et justus , bonus ductor , bonus imperator . exemplum militis , exemplum imperii , dii te servent . assertor reipublicae felix imperes . magister militis felix imperes ; te cvm tvis dii cvstodiant , &c. after which manlius statianus the president made an oration beginning thus , diis immortalibus gratias , et prae caeteris patres conscripti , iovi optimo , qui nobis principem talem qualem semper optabamus dederunt . si recte cogitemus non nobis aurelianus , non alexander , non anto●ini , non trajanus , non claudius requirendi sunt : omnia in uno principe constituta sunt , &c. decerno igitur , patres conscripti , votis omnium concinnentibus , nomen caesareum , nomen augustum , addo proconsulare imperium , patris patriae reverentiam , pontificatum maximum , jus tertiae relationis , tribuniciam potestatem . post haec acclamatum est , omnes , omnes . to pretermit all other presidents of this kind in histories , and in panegyrical orations , poems , epistles , and inscriptions by the pagan romans to their heathen emperors , expressing their prayers , supplications , intercessions , thanksgivings , acclamations , vows , applauses in behalf of their emperors both at their elections , inaugurations , confirmations , triumphs , congiaries , and all other occasions ; i shall conclude with these already cited , being full , punctual , and rarely taken notice of ; these pagans by the light of nature , punctually pursuing the apostles exhortation , tim. . , , . to the shame of those christians who neglect it . a corollary to the . precedent chapters . i should now proceed to the . remaining chapters , wherein i shall evidence by manifold notable punctual testimonies , presidents , and records , not vulgarly known . . the constant practice of the christians , and churches of this our island of great britain , from lucius the first christian king thereof , till jan. . . the day of king charles his bloody death , in making supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings unto god , for their kings , queens , and their royal posterity , both in publick and private devotions , and in their epistles & addresses to them , whether good or bad , pious or impious , orthodox or heterodox , gracious or tyrannical . . the universal practice of all the primitive christians , churches , fathers , councils under the roman emperors , and kings after they turned christians , and of their successors in ●●cceding ages to this present , in doing the like . . 〈◊〉 usual special forms of prayers , collects , supplications and thanksgivings , at the solemn inaugurations a 〈◊〉 coronations of their emperors , kings and princes . but these being somewhat long , and requiring more time to digest and publish them , than i am yet master of , i shall reserve them ( god willing ) for a second part , if this find acceptation , as no doubt it will with all pious real subjects , truly * fearing god , and honoring their lawfull king. i shall therefore cloze up this part , with a few brief corollaries and conclusions , deduced from , and warranted by the premised chapters . . that it is not a meer arbitrary and voluntary , but the very bounden , commanded , indispensible duty of every christian and subject whatsoever , but more especially of ministers and clergy-men , by the law of god , nature , nations , to make daily , hearty , fervent , constant supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings , unto god for their lawfull emperors , kings , princes , and their royal posterity where hereditary ; whether their emperors or kings be infidels , idolaters , papists , hereticks , persecutors , tyrants , or orthodox christians , protestants , just , righteous , pious , mercifull , and fathers to their people . and that it is not only a great sin and impiety against god , but a high contempt , indignity , disloyalty and treason to their soveraigns , to neglect and give over these duties , or coldly or rarely to perform them . . that these duties are more frequently , fervently and constantly to be practised by ministers and all other subj●cts and christians , in the times of their emperors , kings and princes greatest dangers , troubles , trials , distresses , exiles , necessities , sickn●ss●s , sufferings , afflictions , temptations , because then they need them most ; as well as private christians , churches , nations , as the a marginal scriptures will abundantly evidence . that it is not only unnatural , unchristian , and inhuman , but antichristian , tyrannical , treasonable , if not diabolical and atheistical , for any usurped 〈…〉 innovators whatsoever , not only to enforce subjects against their loyalty , consciences , the presidents of all christians , pagans , and the precepts of god himsel●● not only by unrighteous , flagitious edicts and engagements to command and injoyn both ministers , & all other subjects , to b abjure their former hereditary kings , their heirs & lawful successors , against all scripture presidents , laws , their former oaths of fealty , homage , allegiance , supremacy , protestation , vow , leagues & solemn covenant , to be true , loyal , faithful and obedient subjects to them , their heirs and successors , and to maintain and defend their persons , rights , jurisdictions and crowns , with their lives and estates , against all attempts , conspiracies , and machinations whatsoever ; but to inhibit under severe penalties , all publick and private prayers , intercessions , and thanksgivings unto god in their behalfs , even in their greatest extremities , when they stand most in need of them . and to commit , imprison , sequester , and cast any subjects into a lions den● for obeying god herein , rather than men , ( as the c high-priests heretofore committed and imprisone● the apostles , and the d babylonian princes , and king , the prophet daniel ) the extremity of tyranny , impiety , and e devilish persecution , which god will most severely revenge , and recompence in due season . that for any professing themselves the chiefest of all saints , and men truly fearing god , to obliterate , deface , & remove out of all our churches , chapels , courts , publick halls & places , the arms of their lawful kings , to erect only a bloody crosse , and irish harp in their steads , and to deleate in some places these sacred texts of prov. . . my son fear thou the lord and the king , &c. pet. . . fear god , honour the king ; and in other places , honour the king , ( permitting fear god , to stand alone ) on the church walls , and other places where they were painted or carved near the kings arms , and to make such a strange divorce between these . sentences which god himself hath united and so strictly conjoyned both in the old testament and new : that so the ministers and people might be thereby deterred , not only from honoring & praying for their kings , as god enjoyns them , but induced to cast off the very fear & publick worship of god himself ; & provoked at last , to say with the despairing idolatrous revolting . tribes of israel , hos . . . we have no king because we feared not the lord , what then should a king do to us ? ( a crime whereof some swaying grandees have been deeply guilty in our . kingdoms ) is in truth the highest strain of apostacy , irreligion , professed atheism and contempt of god , that ever men professing themselves saints or christians were guilty of , in any age since the creation . and for others of them to say in the very church , and presence of god himself , with much passion ( as * one of the sitting juncto did very lately ) that the word king doth so stick in our ministers mouths and teeth , that it will never be well , till it be thrust and forced down their throats ( by force and armed tyranny ; ) only because mr. case , in his prayer after sermon , at st. martins church , on the lords day , prayed ; that god g according to his promise , and in his own sense and meaning , would be graciously pleased , to make kings to become nursing-fathers , and queens to be nursing-mothers to his church ; is such a transcendent strain of atheistical impiety , antimonarchical malice , brutish tyranny and barbarity , as should make our very hearts and loins to quake , and will certainly draw down the extremity of gods vengeance on those who are guilty thereof , if not on our whole now miserably distracted , oppressed and almost ruined kingdoms , if not timely repented of . ly . that kings and monarchy , are the very best , most desirable , happyest , peaceablest , honorablest , safest governors and governments of all others in the world because in the first place , we are commanded , obliged by god himself , to make supplications , intercessions , prayers and thanksgivings unto him for them , that under them we may live a peaceable and quiet life , in all godlinesse and honesty ( but never for a commonwealth by name ) and all christians , nations in all ages , have accordingly practiced it , as the premises and second part , will abundantly demonstrate . ly . that ever since we neglected , disused and gave over this publick christian duty for our just hereditary kings , their heirs , successors , and royal posterity , and have abandoned , abjured , engaged against them and kingship , we have never had , nor enjoyed a quiet and peaceable life , in church or state , and have generally abandoned all real godlinesse and honesty , which are hardly to be found in any of our . kingdoms , especially amongst our grandees , army-officers , and those refined , sublimated saints of the last edition , who most pretend unto them ; and have done , acted , voted , setled nothing , that is good or acceptable in the sight of god the father , or tending towards the temporal or eternal salvation of all men , and reducing them to the knowledge , much lesse the practice of the truth ; but we have been still disquieted , vexed , oppressed , tormented with endless wars , tumults , revolutions of governors and governments , intollerable taxes , excises , losses , decay of trade by land and sea , errors , schismes , sects , heresies , blasphemies of all sorts , and an inundation of all vices , sins , hypocrisies , perjuries , treacheries and wickednesses , which may hasten our total and final dissolution , without any hopes of mercy , restauration or future settlement , or hearts or wisdom to lay hold of those manifold opportunities which gods wonder-working providence hath put into our hands , to preserve and restore us , if timely laid hold on and improved by us for that end . . that the only ready , hopefull , christian , divine and most effectual means now left , and prescribed by god to every private minister , christian family , church , and our three ruined , lacerated , distracted kingdoms , to recover and restore their long expected , and vainly endeavoured pristine peace , quietness settlement , trade , godliness , honesty , honor , prosperity , the saving knowledg , power , sincere profession and truth of the gospel , with all other blessings of this and a better life ; and to put a period to all future wars , revolutions , tumults , oppressions , tyrannies , taxes , heresies , blasphemies , and jesuitical designs , now threatning ruine both to our churche● , kingdoms , families and posterities , is for all and every of them , publickly and privately to revive and practise these duties with constancy , frequency , zeal , fervency , resolution for our undoubted hereditary king , and the royal posterity in their and our greatest distresses , according to the premised commands and presidents , recorded in scripture by god himself , and the presidents of all gods saints and people in former ages , maugre all oppositions , or inhibitions of poor despicable mortals ; the long neglect and discontinuance of this sacred duty and most effectual remedy , being ( as i fear ) the principal cause of the long continuance and encrease of their and our miseries , afflictions , pressures , and sad confusions . if then the serious consideration of gods own reiterated injunctions , the presidents of fathers , christians , saints , martyrs , subjects inall ages , yea of the very pagans themselves , and the many oaths , vows , covenants , protestations , declarations , remonstrances , we have formerly made , with our own and our ancestors constant practice of these dutyes for many hundreds of years , will not perswade us hereunto ; yet let the consideration of our personal and national preservation , establishment , peace , settlement , prosperity both as men and christians ; and the cheapness , easiness of this homage and duty to god , our king , country , & our selves ( which all * sexes , ages though mean , poor in purse , or feeble in body , unable to assist and ayd their soveraign or country in either , are as able to perform , as well as the noblest peers , the richest subjects the valiantest souldiers , or the wisest states men , ) now at last excite and engage them unanimously , conscienciously and servently to perfom them both in publick and private . to induce them more chearfully thereunto , i shall recommend unto them this memorable observation , and seasonable passage of st. basil the great , famous in his generation , and in the church of christ . * being by the goodnes and benignity of my most good god , through the grace of our lord jesus christ , according to the operation of the holy ghost , delivered from the error of the gentiles traditions , and long ago , even from the beginning educated by christian parents , i verily learned the holy scriptures from them , from my childhood , which brought me into the knowledge of the truth : but when i became a man , and had very frequently used peregrinations , and had fallen into the consideration of many things , as was meet ; i verily found in other arts & sciences much concord amongst those , who exactly exercise singular arts : but in the church of god , only and for which christ dyed , and into which he hath abundantly and richly powred forth his holy spirit , i observed the greatest discord , and vehement dissentions of many , both between themselves , and also against the divine scripture : and that which is most horrid , the very presidents of the church constituted in so great a dissention both of mind , and opinions between themselves , and fighting against the commands of our lord jesus christ , with so great contrariety , as even cruelly to dissipate the church of christ , and to disturb his redeemed flock , without any commiseration ; that even on these now , if ever when wicked men went out and flourished , that of the apostles may be fulfilled b out of your selves shall arise men , speaking perverse things , that they may draw disciples after them . when i discerned these things and the like , and doubted what , and whence the sourse of so great an evil might be , at first i was as it were in some thick darknesse , and as if set in a ballance , i did turn my self now on this side , now on that side ; one scale drawing me to it self , by reason of the long custom of men , but the other pulling me back for the truth acknowledged in the holy scripture . now when as this had for some space , and very often hapned , whiles i was searching out the cause of this evil , as i have related , that of the book relating the history of the judges , came into my mind , where it is written , c that every one then did what seemed right in his eyes , and the cause thereof is declared together with it , in that which is premised ; that in those daies , there was no king in israel . therefore remembring these things , i did think even of these present dissentions , that which truly is terrible to be spoken , and perchance a paradox ; but if it shall be considered and weighed , is most true , that peradventure even now , for the contempt of one great , true and only king of all , there is so great dissention and fighting among those who are in the church of christ , whiles every one hath revolted from the doctrine of our lord jesus christ , and challengeth to himself by his * own authority , his own cogitations and definitions ; and would rather reign against the lord , than be subject to the lord , and be governed by him . when i searched this with my self , and stood amazed at this monstrous impiety , & did yet further search it out , i was farther perswaded , that the foresaid cause was true , by nothing more then from the things of this life . for i saw every state of a multitude , well compounded , and to obtain agreement and consist together , so long only as their obedience was kept towards * some one king over them all ; and on the other side , that dissention and division of every kind , yea and moreover polyarchy did arise from hence , if there being no king , there was liberty obtained of doing any thing we would . i have seen sometimes even a swarm of * bees from the law of nature to wage war , and in order to follow their own king ; and truly i my self have beheld many such things , and i have also heard many such things , and those know more who are imployed about these things ; that even from hence , that i have said may be proved to be true ; for it is the property and peculiar of those , who look unto the command of one , and obey and use one king , that they are & may be well disposed and at concord among themselves ; therfore all dissention & discord , is both a judgment and sign of that contumacy , wherein the principality of one is rejected . according to the same reason , even the very dissention which is forbidden both between the commandements of our father and our lord , and also between our selves , ariseth , either from a departure from the true king , or from the renouncing of him : which he there further proves from sundry texts . therefore by his and gods own resolution , there is no way to heal our manifold dissensions , distractions , and restore peace , unity , order in our church and state , but by returning to our true lawfull spiritual and temporal only kings , both whom we have most contemptuously and obstinately so long rejected , both in our devotions & legal transactions , our church and state affairs ; which i wish all republicans & antimonarchists most seriously to ponder , and our new junctoes , and general council of army-officers , seduced and acted by * campanella , spanish and romish emissaries , to promote our ruine ; who of our servants are now become our soveraign lords and legifers , changing their lunatick votes , resolutions , moddels of government , as frequently as the moon , to keep us in endless confusions , by trampling all laws of god , and the realm , and their spiritual as well as temporal king , and monarchy under their feet . but this king of kings , as he hath of late years dashed them in pieces by his admirable stupendious providences , ( of which they will not take notice ) for this their obstinate opposition of and rebellion against their kings , monarchy and kingship ; prov. . , . so no doubt , a he that sitteth in the heavens , if they therein still proceed , will laugh at them , and their antimonarchical votes , the lord shall have them in derision ; yea he shall speak unto them in his wrath , and vex them in his sore displeasure , he shall break them with a rod of iron , and dash them in pieces like a potters vessel : maugre all their forces , votes , counsels , confederacies , and make good those general promises , b yet have i set my king upon my holy hill of sion . c rule thou in the middest of thine enemies . d the lord reigneth , let the earth rejoyce ; let the multitude of the isles be glad thereof . yea the lord reigneth , be the people never so impatient , he sitteth between the cherubins , be the earth never so unquiet . e great deliverance giveth he unto his king , and sheweth mercy to his anointed , to vid , and to his seed for evermore . and that which is most considerable , their own transcendent , unpresidented , tyrannical , illegal , unrighteous , violent proceedings against the whole house of peers , the majority of their own secluded , ejected old fellow-members , the city of london , and their common council , ( their former chief supporters , ) whom they have now made the scorn and derision of the world , by voting down their common council , and pulling down their gates , percullises and posts , before any hearing , or judgement , and putting higher affronts upon them after all their former obligations , and the late kings large privileges granted to them in the isle of weight , than ever any kings of england formerly did , or durst attempt ; their dis-obliging and dis-carding all or most of those army-officers and souldiers who first created them a parliament , without a king or house of lords , and restored them to their present power in may last ; and engaging others of them in such displeasing services , as do render them odious for the present , and infamous to posterity ; their exasperating the generality of the nobility , gentry , ministers , and commons of our three kingdoms against them , by their peremptory denyal to admit , and forcible seclusion and voting out the old secluded members , ( the majority of the house ) to monopolize all parliamentary power and offices into their own hands , and refusing the convening of a free and full parliament , without prelimitations , to settle our distractions , according to the general desires and addresses of most counties and cities of the kingdom , and imprisoning some worthy gentlemen & swordmen , only for presenting at their counties requests , these their desires in letters , directed to their speaker , and unjustly refusing to bayl them upon habeas corporaes , in courts where they sit both as members and judges , and parties , which none ever did before ; thereby leaving the subjects in greater vassalage , than ever they sustained under the late king , whom they * branded and beheaded as the worst of all tyrants . and yet doubling and trebling their taxes , in their exhausted condition , and losse of all trade for those very , months space , for which they were taxed and forced to pay in before hand by them , without their common consent in parl during their representatives forcible seclusion , against their own act oct. . . contrary to all their former & late declarations , no kings of england having been so extravagant , arbitrary , unjust & oppressive in their governments and proceedings , as they have been , and that in the very midst of their own private fears and unsettlement , and our publick dangers , after all the late vast expences of blood , and treasure , to maintain our laws , liberties , propertys against all arbitrary and tyrannical powers ; nor yet daring to attempt against their subjects , what they have boldly acted against their fellow members , and the people , whom they once * voted the sovereign power of the nation , & whose servants ( not lords ) they pretend themselves ; which desperate violences , oppressions , and extravagances , without any hopes of ease , peace liberty or settlement , will render our kings and kingship more amiable and desirable than ever , and more promote , and accelerate their restitution , than all royallists counsels and endeavours whatsoever , in wise mens judgements , cum duplicantur lateres , venit moyses . tim. . . now unto the king eternal , immortal , invisible , the only wise god , be honor and glory for ever and ever . amen . finis . errata . p. . l. . last , r. middle . p. . l. . , r. . p. . l. . disci● , r. dejicis . l. . r. dolori . p. . l. . dele si . p. . l. . r. orationis . l. . nuncupari . l. . antoninus . margin , p. . l. . antoninus . l. . p. , r. . the second part of the signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians towards their kings . having lately presented the world , with the first part of the signal loyalty and devotion of gods true saints and pious christians ( as likewise of idolatrous pagans ) towards their kings and emperors , both before and under the law , and also under the gospel , whiles their emperors and kings were idolaters and ethnicks , expressed both by their private and publick supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings unto god , & by their votes , acclamations unto themselves & others , for their health , safety , long-life , temporal , spiritual , and eternal felicity , whether they were good or bad , orthodox or heterodox , protectors or persecutors , in . distinct chapters , i shall now ( by gods assistance ) proceed to the constant practice of christians under the gospel , in this kind , after their kings and emperors became christians , professing the gospel of jesus christ , whether their kings and emperors were gracious , and religious , vitious or impious , orthodox or erronious ; beginning with the kings of our own island , and presenting you with presidents of this kind , both in forein prelates , and clergy-men , as well as in their domestick christian subjects of all sorts , our british island producing the first christian king , queen , and emperor in the world , and the first presidents of private and publick supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings for them , unto god , and votes , acclamations for their safety , health , life and prosperity , as they were christian . chap. vi. the very first christian king , professing the christian religion under the gospel , mentioned in history , is lucius , king of the britons , reigning in this our island ; this king a anno christi . ( as radulphus baldoc , the chronicle of gis●urn , the antient manuscript de primo statu landavensis ecclesiae , and bishop vsher out of them relate ) sending two embassadors to pope elutherius , most earnestly and devoutly intreating him , that by his command and will he might be made a christian ; this pope thereupon granting his request , gratias agens deo suo , &c. giving thanks to his god , and singing , glory be to god on high , for joy that this king and nation , who had continued gentiles from the first peopling of the island by brute , did so ardently hasten to the faith of christ , sending eluan , and meduin to convert them . after which this b king lucius in the year . or sooner , as some , or in the year . or later , as others think it ; writing a letter to pope elutherius , to send him a copy of the imperial laws to govern his nation by them ; this pope in the conclusion of his epistle ( in answer to the kings letter ) inserted this devout prayer unto god in his behalf . det vobis omnipotens deus , &c. almighty god grant you so to rule the kingdom of britain , that you may reign for ever with him , whose vicar you are in the realm aforesaid . if this pope , ( though a forein prelate ) thus prayed to god for this first christian king , no doubt his own christian bishops & ministers , ( whom he endowed with ample possessions and maintenance ) and his christian subjects , in their private and publick prayers , and devotions to god , and in their epistles and addresses to him , did much more imitate his example , in pursuit of the apostles precept , tim. . , , . as all the primitive christians did even for their pagan kings and emperors , ( as i have evidenced in the precedent chapters ) though we find no expresse mention thereof in our british histories . c the first christian queen in the world was helena , daughter of king coel ; whose son constantine the great , born and first created emperor in our island of britain , was the first roman emperor , who publickly professed the christian faith , and instituted publick prayers to be made unto god by his souldiers , people and subjects , whether christians or ethnicks , for himself , his sons , and his posterity ; who constantly powred forth their supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings unto god for his life , health , safety , victories , and successes , as well in this our island , as in all other places of his empire ; as these passages of eusebius , who lived in his court , and flourished under him , will aboundantly evidence . this godly christian emperor c constantine , before his battel with the persecuting tyrant licinius , dedieated a certain vacant time to powr forth prayers to our saviour christ in the tabernacle of the crosse , which he fixed far remote from his camp : where afflicting his body with fasting and abstinence , he powred out prayers & supplications to god to reconcile him to himself , and become his gracious protector : in which duty he imployed certain persons , whom he reputed eminent both for faith and piety , to joyn with and assist him in the performance thereof , as he usually did upon other occasions before every battel with the enemy . after which having vanquished licinius , and by his death obtained the sole power , and government over the roman empire ; omnes ubique victorem hymnis celebrabant , tum choreis & hymnis primum deum , summum omnium regem esse praedicarunt : deindè victorem constantinum , ejusque filios modestissimos , deoqu● charos caesares , acclamationibus continuis extulerunt . after which this godly emperor to excite his subjects to prayers , was d portrayed in all his coyns & statues standing upright with his eyes looking up , and his hands stretched forth and elevated towards heaven , as if he were praying , & prescribed all his legions , and soldiers , as well pagans as christians , this set form of prayer in the roman tongue , which they were to use and recite every lords day , & in their daily prayers , with their hands and eyes lifted up to heaven unto god the giver of all good things , and author of victory . e te solum deum agnoscimus , &c. we acknowledge thee to be god alone ; we professe thee to be king ; we invocate thee our helper : by thee we have obtained victories ; by thee we have overcome enemies : from thee we confesse we have received present , & hope that we shall obtain future felicity . tui omnes supplices sumus , abs te petimus , ut constantinum imperatorem nostrum , unà cum piis ejus liberis quàm diutissimè nobis salvum & victorem conserves : we are all supplicants unto thee . we all request from thee , that thou wouldest conserve our emperor constantine , together with his pious children , safe and victorious to us , for many generations , or , as long as possible may be , or for ever . ejusmodi ferè sanciebat a militibus solis die fieri , talesque ab eis voces in diurnis precibus adhibert . which prayers no doubt were used in this our island of britain , ( where he was born and crowned ) by his soldiers , and other subjects , for him and his royal posterity , as well as in other places : the churches and christians then in britain , concurring both in their doctrine and practice , with the churches in rome , italy , aphrick , aegypt , spain , frauce , lybia , greece , asia , pontus and cilicia , as f constantine himself records in his epistle to all churches concerning the affairs of the council of nice , anno . but of this more in the next chapter . it is the observation of thomas rudburne , the history of winton church , and bishop vsher out of them , g orationes ac deprecationes justorum assiduae cum multum valeant apud justum judicem deum ; ascenderunt lacrymae suorum fidelium in conspectu conditoris altissimi ; & sedatum est gravissimae persecutoris ac percussionis jaculum fulminosum , completo videlicet spatio viginti duorum annorum : undè christiani qui priùs in sylvis opacissimisque locis se posuerant ( within this our island of britain , as well as in other places , during the reigns of dioclesian , maximinian and licinius , who grievously persecuted them ) in publicum se ostendentes ( under constantine the great ) renovant ecclesias quae usque ad solum undique erant destructae . quo in tempore aedificata est ecclesia wintoniensis secundò ab christi fidelium oblationibus . the christians daily prayers and tears to god in this our island , being the principal means to cease their former persecutions under their cruel pagan emperours , and to procure them peace and prosperity under this first christian emperor constantine , for whose long life , and prosperous reign they daily prayed unto god in the churches they re-edified and repaired during his pious reign . * guithelin , archbishop of london , in the the year of our lord . being sent by the christian britons of our island , into britain in france , to crave ayde against the barbarous nations , who invaded , murdered , spoyled , and miserably oppressed them ; thereupon androenus king of the french britons sent his brother constantine with . men unto them , upon condition they should elect and crown him for their king. which expedition constantine undertaking , guithelin thereupon brake out into these gratulatory acclamations and prayers unto christ for him . christus vincit , christus regnat , christus imperat . assit igitur gratia christi regi britanniae qui est defensio nostra , ut insulam miserimam ad pristinam reducat libertatem . christ overcommeth , christ reigneth , christ commandeth . therefore let the grace of christ be present and assistant to the king of britain , who is our defence , that he may reduce the miserable island to its pristine liberty . a prayer as suitable for our miserable exiled king and island now , as for this their new british king , and island in that age , wherein the other bishops , and christian britons made the like prayers for him both at and after his coronation , as guithelin did before it . our famous british king aurelius ambrosius , after he had destroyed and burnt the bloody regicide and usurper vortigern , and conquered and exiled the pagan saxons , in the year of christ . repaired and new built the churches they had demolished , placed priests and clerks in them , restored divine service to its due state , conferred many gifts , rents and revenues upon church-men ; et orare pro regno et ecclesiae statu omnibus imperavit : and he commanded all men , to pray for the realm , and state of the church ; which no doubt they performed accordingly in their churches , not forgetting to pray likewise for this good king , who repaired them , and restored christianity . to pretermit saint k patricks prayers and petitions to god , for the seven kings he baptized , and the irish he converted to the faith , with his ascending into a mount , and there fasting forty daies , ut oraret pro eis , that he might pray for them . * pope gregory the . in his epistle to aldeberga ( or rather b●rtha ) wife to king edilbert before his conversion to the faith of christ , ( who after her conversion was very instrumental to help convert the king and his subjects to the faith ; ) useth this thanksgiving , and prayer to god on her behalf . omnipotentem deum benediximus , qui conversionem gentis anglorum mercedi vestrae dignatus est propitius reservare , &c. bona vestra non sol●m jam apud romanos qui pro vita vestra fortius oraverunt s●d etiam per diversa loca , et usque ; constantinopolim , ad serenissimum principem pervenerunt : ut sicut nobis de christianitatis vestrae solatiis laetitia facta est , itaquoque de perfecta operatione vestra angelis fiat gaudium in coelis , &c. vt et hîc foelicitèr cum glorioso filio nostro conjuge vestro regnetis , et post longa annorum tempora futurae quoque vitae gaudia , quae finem habere nesciunt , capiatis . oramus autem omnipotentem deum , ut gloriae vestrae cor , et ad operanda quae di●imus gratiae suae igne suecendat , et aeternae mercedis fructum vobis de placita sibi operatione concedat . the same pope gregory in his * epistle to edilbert king of kent , exhorted him , willingly to hear , devoutly to perform , and studiously to keep in memory what augustin , then his bishop should admonish him , for this reason ; quia si vos eum in eo quod pro omnipotenti deo loquitur auditis , idem omnipotens deus hunc pro vobis exorantem celerius exaudiet . si enim ( quod absit ) verba ejus postponitis , quomodo eum omnipotens deus poterit audire pro vobis , quem vos negligitis audire pro deo ? ( a clear evidence , that augustin and other bishops and christians in that age devoutly and constantly prayed to god for king edilbert ) tota igitur mente cum eo vos in fervore fidei stringite , atque adnisum illius virtute quam vobis divinitas tribuit adjuvate , ut regni sui vos ipse faciat participes , cujus vos fidem in regno vestro recipi facitis , et custodiri . after which he conclude , his epistle with this prayer for this kings spiritual , temporal , and eternal safety , long life , felicity and salvation . omnipotens itaque deus in vobis gratiam quam coepit , perficiat ; atque vitam * vestram et hic per multorum annorum curricula extendat , et post longa tempora in caelestis vos patriae congregatione recipiat . incolumem excellentiam vestram gratia suprema custodi●t domine fili , julii , anno . mauritii tiberii augusti . * pope boniface in his epistle to king ethelbert ( sent by mellitus bishop of london ) anno dom. . prayes thus for him , in christo valeas domine fili. edwin king of northumberland promised to renounce his idolatry , and to serve christ , because edelburga his queen ( being a christian ) by the prayers of paulinus bishop of the northumberlanders was delivered without much pain of a child ; wherupon m episcopus gratias caepit agere domino christo , regique astruere , quod ille precibus suis apud illum obtinuerit , ut regina sospes absque dolore gravi , sobolem procrearet . but this king deferring his conversion to christianity contrary to his promise ; thereupon pope boniface writ to queen edelburga to use all possible means for her kings conversion , and amongst others , to make fervent prayers to god for his illumination and salvation , unde orationi continuò insistens , a longanimitate coelestis clementiae illuminationis illius beneficia impetrare non definas . ut videlicet quos copulatio carnalis affectus unum quodammodo corpus exhibuisse ministratur , hos quoque unitas fidei etiam post hujus vitae transitum in perpetua sociotate conservet . ad hoc enim misericordiam dominicae pietatis consecuta es , ut fructum fidei , creditorumque tibi beneficiorum redemptori tuo multiplicem resignares . quod equidem suffragante praesidio benignitatis ipsius , ut explere valeas , assiduis non desistimus precibus postulate . after this n king edwin being converted to the christian faith , pope honorius successor to boniface writ an epistle to this king , in the close whereof there is this prayer for his safety , incolumem excellentiam vestram gratia superna custodiat . some few years after cruel king penda invading northumberland , and besieging bebba the royal city ; when he could neither take it by arms nor siege , he resolved to fire it , and laying great store of combustible matter to the walls set it on fire , the flames mounting above the walls , being carried into the city with furious winds , n bishop aidan beholding it from the island of farne , whether he retired secretly to pray , fertur elevatis ad coelum oculis manibusque cum lacrymis dixisse , domine , quanta mala facit penda ! quo dicto statim mutati ab urbe venti , in eos qui accenderant flammam incendia retorserunt , ita ut aliqui laesi , omnes territi , impugnare ultra urbem cessarunt , quam divinitus juvari cogneverunt . o about the same time ( anno . ) penda king of mercians being sent by cadwallin king of the britons with a great army into northumberland , to slay oswald king thereof ; hee assaulted him in a place called hetenfield : whereupon king oswald erecting the sign of the crosse with his own hands , commanded all his souldiers with a loud voyce to cry unto god for him , and themselves in these words . flectamus genua ad deum universi , ipsumque in communi deprecemus , ut nos ab exercitu superbi regis britanni et ejusdem nephandi ducis pendae defendat . scit enim ipse quia justa pro salute gentis nostrae bella suscipiamus . fecerunt ergo omnes ut jusserat , & sic in hostes progressi juxtà fidei suae meritum victoria potiti sunt . p after king oswald his murder in the year . the freers of the church of hexam every year , the day before the said king was slain , used for a long time , vigilias pro salute animae ejus facere , plurimaqne psalmorum laude celebrata , victimam pro eo manè sacrae oblationis offerre . and if they were thus devout in keeping annual vigils , and offering prayers , psalms , and sacrifices to god for the salvation of this king and his soul , after his death : ( according to the superstition of that and after ages ) no doubt they were as loyal and devout in praying and praysing god for him during his life . q king oswi after his great victory over penda , and his . old colonels and army , ( all slain in battel ) in performance of his vow , consecrated his daughter elfleda ( scarce one year old ) to perpetual virginity , donatis insuper duodecim possessiunculis terrarum , in quibus ablato studio militiae terrestris , ad exercendam militiam coelestem , supplicandumque pro pace gentis ejus aeterna , devotioni sedulae monachorum locus facultasque suppeteret . about which year & time ( after the unjust martyrdom of k. oswi by the pagans ) qu. eanfled ob castigationem necis ejus injustae postulavit à rege oswi ut donaret ibi locum quod dicitur ingethling , monasterio construendo deifamulo tumhere , quia propinquua ipse erat regis occisi . in quo videlicet monasterio oratianes assiduae pro utriusque regis , id est , occist , et ejus qui occidere jussit , aeterna sulute ●●erent , a clear evidence , that monasteries were then purposely instituted to make daily prayers and supplications for the kings safety , and eternal salvation , and the peace of the nation . a theodorus archbishop of canterbury about the year of christ . thus inscribes his epistle to ethelred king of mercians , touching wilfrid , archbishop of york . ethelredo gloriosissimo & excellentissimo regi merciorum , theodorus , &c. in domino perennem salutem , &c. then subjoyns ; oculi mei jucundam faciem tuam videant , & benedicat tibi anima mea antequam moriar , &c. praying for his perpetual health in the lord ; and blessing him with his soul before his death . b pope agatho begins his epistle to aethelred king of mercians , anno . thus . agatho , &c. aethelredo glorioso merciorum regi , salutem a deo , et benedictionem nostram . and this king the very same and the next year in c his charters of lands to the church of st. peter of cantertury , gives lands ; tàm pro salute animae meae , ac pro orationè fratrum ; that the freers therein might pray for him , and for the salvation of his soul . the d synod of berghamsted under withred king of kent , anno . can. . made this decree . pro rege preces fiant , mandatisque ejus non urgente necessitate , sed ex sponte obediunto . let prayers be made for the king , and let his commands be obeyed , not from compelling necessity , but from a voluntary minde . e king ina in his charter , anno . by the decree and counsel of his prelat adelm , the suggestion of all his priests , and upon the petition of all the monks in the province of the west-saxons , granted this priviledge to the monks of glastonbury abby , ut sine impedimento secularium rerum absque tributo fiscalium negotiorum , liberis mentibus sub deo serviant , & monasticam disciplinam , christo suffragium largiente , regulariter exerceant , et pro statu et prosperitate regni nostri , et indulgentia commissorum criminum ante conspectum divinae majestatis preces fundere dignentur , et orationum officia frequentantes , in ecclestis pro nostri fragilitate interpellars nitantur : most antient monasteries , as well as this , being specially founded and endowed by our kings and their successors for this purpose , that they might pray for them and their realms , their parents , children , and successors tempor●l , spiritual , and eternal felicity ; as the charters of their foundations and endowments , in monasticon anglicanum , pars . & . and other authors attest . about the year . abbot * ceolfrid writ a large epistle to naitan king of picts , concerning easter and the tonsure of clerks , beginning thus , domino excellentissimo & gloriosissimo regi naitano , ceolfridus abbas , in domino salutem : and ending with this prayer for him ; gratia te regis aeterni longiori tempore regnantem ad nostram omnium pacem custodiat incolumem , dilectissime in christo fili . and if abbots & clergy-men then thus prayed for their health , safety , long-life , and the publike peace of the nation , in their epistles to kings ; much more did they thus pray for them in their private and publike devotions . * ethelred king of mercians in the year of christ , . in the presence of his bishops and nobles , by his charter gave and granted the whole island of croyland to god , the virgin mary , and st. barthollomew , to found an abby therein for the black monks , submitting himself wholy to the mercy and piety of christ , and commending himself , sanctae matris ecclesiae precibus , to the prayers of his holy mother the church : and particularly to the prayers of st. guthlac the confessor and anchorite . whence a poet thus writ of him . ethelbaldus , &c. oret pro nobis sanctissimus iste sacerdos , ( guthlacus . ) ad tumbam cujus haec mea dona dedi . a clear evidence that the churches and ministers of christ in england did then constantly pray for their christian kings , who specially recommended themselves to their prayers . our venerable and most learned beda , doth very much p●esse this duty of prayer for kings , ( though pagans and persecutors , ) from sundry texts of scripture , on which he comments . in his * expositiones allegoricae in ezram , l. . c. . et offerant oblationes deo coeli , orentque pro vita regis et filiorum ejus ; he thus comments , offerunt autem ea sacerdotes iidem pro vita regis , et filliorum ejus , juxta illud ap● stoli , tim. . obsecro igitur primò omnium fieri obsecrationes , orationes , postulationes , & gratiarum actiones pro omnibus hominibus , pro regibs & omnibus qui in sublimitate sunt , ut quietam & tranquillam vitam agamus , &c. and in his exposition on the tim. . , , . tom. . p. , , . he recites and approves the passages of st. augustin at large ( recited in the next chapter ) commanding prayers , supplications , int●rcessions and thanksgivings to be made , not only for christian and pious kings , but even for pagans and idolaters , though vitious , though persecutors of the gospel and sincere professors thereof . our famous * council of cloves●o under archibishop cathbert , anno dom. . cap. . de orando pro rege , decreed ; vt deincepts per canonicas orationum horas non solum pro se ecclesiastici , sive monasteriales , sed etiam pro regibus ac ducibus , totiusque populi christiani incolumitate , divinam incessan●èr exorent clementiam , quatenus quietam et tranquillam vitam sub eorum pia defensione mereantur agere . et ut ita post haec unanimes existerent in deum , fide , spe & caritate , & seipsos invicem diligerent , & etiam post hujus peregrinationis pericula , ad supernam pervenire pariter mereanter patriam . the reason of making this canon for incessant prayers for kings , dukes and princes , is thus expressed in the preceding part thereof , that there was a scandal and suspition raised amongst the priests of god & inferiour clergy , that they had an ill opinion of kings , dukes and princes ( as too many have now . ) hoc est , quod reges cum ducibus & principibus suis , ac deindè minoris potetesatis , persuasi plurimi de eis dicere soleant , quod non tantum sincero eos non diligant affectu , sed insuper eorum bonis praesentibus , ac prosperitatibus quibusque foelicioribus magis invideant , animo nimis infesto quàm devoto satis congaudeant corde , eorumque conversationis statum odibili quadam detractatione dilacerare non desinant . a very good ground to revive and re-enforce this duty both on ministers and people now ; vt horis canonicis preces fiant pro regibus , as the margin of this canon prescribes , as well as the body thereof . boniface archbishop of mentz , an englishman by birth , thus inscribes and begins his . epistle to our king ethilbald . domino charissimo & in christi amore caeteris regibus praeferendo inclyta anglorum imperii sceptra gubernanti ethilbaldo regi , bonifacius , &c. & wera , & burckart , & warbeth , & abel , & wilibald coepiscopi , perennem in chriso charitatis salutem . confitemur coram deo & sanctis angelis , quia quamcumque prosperitatem vestram video , & opera bona , deo coram & hominibus , per nuncios fideles audivimus , quod inter gaudentes , et pro vobis orantes , gratias agimus deo ; postulantes et obsecrantes salvatorem nostrum , ut vos sospites et in fide stabiles , et in operibus coram deo rectos , in principatu christiani populi longo tempore custodiat . and king ethilbert thus closeth his epistle to boniface the archbishop , who prayed for him in those times , orantem pro nobis , beatitudinem tuam longaevam divina pietas faciat . * his . epistle to pippin king of france , begins thus . c●lsitudinis vestrae clementiae magnas gratias agamus et dominum jesum christuni precantes ut vobis in regno no coelorum aeternam mereedem retribuat . most of his and lullus ( his successors ) epistles conclude with prayers . * cenewlphus king of the east-saxons , with his bishops and nobles in their epistle to lullus , successor to this boniface , as they pray for him , so they likewise entreat him , and his clerks to pray to god for them in their congregation , vt pro nostra parvitate , proque pace congregationis nostrae domino supplicare cum eis qui recum invocant nomen domini iesu , memineris . omnipotens deus , qui dispersa congregat & congregata custodit , ipse vos sua gratia protegat , et vestri laboris fructum in aeterna patria nos videre concedat . the renowned council of calchuth held in the year . under alfwold king of northumberlanders , and offa king of mercians , their prelates and nobles , and pope adrians two legates , gregory and theophylact , c. . de ordinatione & honore regum , amongst other things , prescribed constant prayers for , and subjection to kings , prohibiting all treasons and conspiracies against them , in these words , and from these scriptures . a scitote quia dominus dominator est in regno hominum , & ipsius est regnum , & cuicunque voluerit , dabit illud . ideo omnes generaliter admonuimus , ut consona voce et corde dominum rogent , ut qui eum eligit in regnum , ipse ei tribuat regimen disciplinae sanctas suae , ad regendam plebem suam . honor quoque eis ab omnibus impendatur , dicente apostolo ; b regem honoroficate : & alibi ; sive regi quasi praecellenti , sive ducibus , tanquam ab eo missis ad vindictam malesactorum , laudem verò bonorum . item apostolus , c omnis anima sublimioribus potestatibus subdita sit , quia non est potestas data nifi à deo. quae autem sunt , à deo ordinata sunt . igitur qui resistit potestati , dei ordinationi resistit , qui autem resistunt , ipsi sibi damnationem acquirunt . nullus regi detrahat , dicente d salomone , in ore tuo ne detraxeris regi , & in corde tuo ne maledixeris principi : quia aves coeli portant illud , & qui habet pennam aununtiabit verbum . in necem regis nemo communicate audeat , quia christus domini est . et si quis tali sceleri adhaeserit , si episcopus est , aut ullus ex sacerdotali gradu , ex ipso detrudatur , et â sancta haereditate dejiciatur , sicut judas ex apostolico gradu ejectus est : & omnis quisquis tali sacrilegio assenserit , aeterno anathematis vinculo interibit , & judae traditori sociatus , sempiternis cremabitur incendiis , ut scriptum est ; a non solum qui faciunt , sed & qui consentiunt facientibus , judicium dei non effugiunt . b duo namque eunuchi asuerum regem interficere cupientes , in patibulum suspensi sunt . animadvertite quid fecerit david praefecto , cum ei dominus dixerit , c ego tradam saul in manus tuas ; dum inveniet dormientem . et hortatus a milite ut occideret eum , dixit : absit à me hoc peccatum , ut extendam manum meam in christum domini . illum autem militem qui post mortem ejus venit ad eum , protestans , d quod ipse occiderat saul , capite truncavit ; & reputatum est ei ad justitiam , et semini ejus post eum . exemplis namque apud vos saepè probatum est , quod quicunque internecionis dominorum fuêre ( culpabiles ) in spacio vitam inierunt , et utroque jure caruerunt . this was the practise , doctrine , and loyalty of our ancestors in this national great council and primitive age , fit to be revived by our present generation . our famous country-man flaccus alchuvinus , ( e scholar to our venerable beda , tutor to the emperor charles the great , and the learnedest english-man in that age ) hath many memorable rare passages and prayers for kings and emperors in his works and epistles , not vulgarly known , which i shall transcribe at large . in his book de psalmorum vsu . operum lutetiae paris . . col . . d. he writes thus , septem praeterea sunt psalmi ex quibus , si unum corpus efficimus , pro omni prorsus corpore oramus ecclesiae ; in his namque memoria sacerdotum , regum . que et potentatum ; populi quoque et plebis simul . memento domine david , &c. out of which psalms he frames a prayer , col . , propitiare domine , quaeso universae tuae cacholicae ecclesiae toto orbe terrarum diffusae , &c. propitiare famulo suo , n regi , cunctisque christianis principibus , & universo exercitui eorum . in his . epistle to offa king of mercians , col . . he concludes with this prayer , for gods grace and benediction upon him and his realm . divina te , tuunque regnum coelesti benedictione , comitetur gratia , domine excellentissime . and epistle . ( written by him to offa in the name of charles the emperor ) he thus closeth it , col . . vita , salus , & prosperitas tibi tuisque fidelibus a deo christo detur in aeternum . in his . epistle to aedilred king of northumberland , ( describing at large the office of good kings and princes ) col . . he hath this passage . ecclesiarum christi sint defensores & tutores , ut servorum dei orationibus , longa vivant prosperitate : and he closeth his . epistle to king aedilred , with this prayer for him , col . . deus omnipotens regni felicitate , morum dignitate , longaeva prosperitate te florere faciat , dilectissime fili . his . epistle to most noble king egfrid king of mercians concludes thus , col . . e. divina te in omni bonitate pietas florere faciat , fili charissime . but of all his prayers and thanksgivings , those in his epistles to the christian emperor charles the great , his scholar , written to him for the most part , under the name of david rex ) are most observable . i shall instance in some of the chiefest . in his epistle to him , de ratione septuagesimae , &c. col . . he begins thus , benedictus sit deus pater omnipotens , qui te creavit & honoravit : & benedictus sit dominus noster iesus christus filius dei veri , qui te redemit & elegit . benedictus sit spiritus sanctus paracletus qui te illuminavit , & dilatavit cor tuum in omni sapientia & scientia charitatis dilectissime d. d. & dulcissime domine . et benedicta sit sancta trinitas , unus deus omnipotens , pater & filius & spiritus sanctus , qui mihi serviculo suo , licet indigno , talem concessit dominum , amicum , & adjutorem gratiae suae . et benedicta sit potestas et regnum tuum , et filii tui , et filii filiorum tuorum , usque in generationes secuti sempiternas : et veniat super te et super tuam generationem benedictio sanctorum in die domini nostri jesu christi ; utque sanctissima sua voluntas vigeat floreat & crescat in corde tuo , clarissime ecclesiae christi rector & defensor . his d . epistle to him col. . runs in the same words . his first epistle to him is thus directed , col. . domino piissimo , & praestantissimo & omni honore dignissimo david regi , flaccus albinus , verae beatitudinis aeternam in christo salutem : after his particular thanksgiving to god for him , he thus proceeds , non solum ego ultimus servulus salvatoris nostri , congaudere debeo prosperitati & exaltatione clarissia ae potestatis vestrae , sed tota sancta dei ecclesia unanimo caritatis concentu gratias agere domino deo omnipotenti debebit ; qui tam pium , prudentem & justum his novissimis mundi & periculosissimis temcoribus populo christiano perdonavit clementissimo munere rectorem atque defensorem ; qui prava corrigere , & recta corroborare , & sancta sublimare omni intentione studeat , & nomen domini dei eccelsi per multa terrarum spacia dilatere gaudeat , & catholicae fidei lumen in extremis mundi partibus incendere conetur , &c. in qua dominus noster jesus christus , qui est virtus & sapientia die , te custodiat & exaltet , et ad gloriam perennis visionis suae pervenire faciat . his * epistles to this emperor , begin for the most part with wishing him perpetuae pacis & gloriae salutem , perpetuam salutem , &c. his . epistle to him , col . . ends thus , deprecantes quoque domini dei nostri clementiam , qui te undique regat et custodiat , et victorem faciat omnium inimicorum tuorum , seu vistbilium seu invisibilium , quatenus cum corona gloriae , multis feliciter regnaturum annis , ad regnum perpetuae beatitudinis pervenire , cum fidelibus suis concedat . in his . epistle , col . . he and his monks prayed thus for him , totum cordis mei affectum , in gratiarum actiones christo clementissimo regi effudi ; illius sedula oratione deprecans pietatem , cum omnibus nostrae devotion is cooperatoribus , quatenus vestram pacificam & amabilem potentiam , ad exaltationem sanctae suae ecclesiae , & sacratissimi gubernacula imperii , longaeva prosperitate custodire , regere et dilatare dignetur . his . epistle to him begins thus , col . . gloria & laus deo patri , & dom. nostro jesu christo , quia in gratia sancti spiritus , per devotionem et ministerium sanctae fidei , & bonae voluntatis vestrae , christianitatis regnum atque agnitionem veri dei dilatavit , & plurimos longè latèque populos ab erroribus impietatis in viam veritatis deduxit , &c. his . epistle ends with prayers and thanksgivings ; his . to him begins thus , col . . dot tibi perpetuam clemens in sede salutem , et decus imperii , david amate , deus . totum me in gratiarum actiones domino deo jesu christo contuli , felicia christiano populo tempora in vestra felicitate , exaltatione & salute certissimè scieus ; pro qua semper dominum deprecari gaudeo , candem semper audire desidero , & quasi optatum , à deoque destinatum munus , omni gaudio vestram incolumitatem cupiens semper audire . quis enim est qui non gaudeat sui capitis perfecta integritate , nisi forte suribundus , vel insanus , quem arctissimis hippocratis vinculis allegandum esse consero ? et si juxta apostoli sententiam * nemo carnem suam odio habet ; sed etiam fovet & nutrit : duanto magis in capitis sanitate , in quo est totius corporis perfectio et gloria , omnis membrorum compago gaudere debet ? which epistle he concludes thus . vestra precor , christus coelestil us inclyta donis illustret , repleat pectora-pacis amor , dulcis amor vitae , dulcis laus , gloria dulcis , sit tibi perpetua , david amate , salus . epistola . col . . he writes , continuis precibus domini nostri jesu christi clementiam deprecor , quatenus tibi optima quaeque in terrena felicitate concessit , longè meliora aeternae beatitudinis regna tibi aeternaliter concedere dignetur . concluding it thus , mitis ab aethereo clementer christus olympo , te regat , exaltet , protegat , ornat , amet , &c. he concludes his . epistle to him thus , col . : det tibi consilium pacis , simul atque salutis david , amor populi , christus ubique pius . omnipotens cujus defendat dextera semper , victorem faciens , teque tuosque simul , &c. in his . epistle to him , col . . he assures him , nos precibus iter vestrum continuis prosequintur , divinam humiliter obsecrantes clementiam , quatenus vos , vestrosque simul cum omni prosperitate sanos ducat & reducat gaudentes : closing it with this distick , tempora concedat christus felicia regni hujus & aeterni , david amate , tibi . in his . epistle to him , col . . he writes , felix populus qui tali principe gaudet , in cujus prosperitate salus cunctorum consistit , &c. concluding it with a prayer , and these verses , augeat , exaltet vestram benedictio vitam aeternae regis , david amate deo. he closeth his . epistle to him thus , col . . floreat aeternis tecum sapientia donis , vt tibi permaneat laus , honor , imperium , &c. the front of his . epistle to him , col . . begins with an option of perpetuam aeternae gloriae salutem ; and ends thus , alma dei christi tribuat tibi regna potestat aurea , cum sauctis , david , in arce poli . in his . epistle to him , he hath this clause , col . . nec meas preces pro vestra stabilitiate et salute cassatas in conspectu dei credo , quia libenter divina suscipit gratia lacry●as quae ex charitatis fonte profluunt . he thus concludes it . perpetuam christi tribuat tibi gratia lucem , cum sanctis pariter , david amate deo. in his . epistle , excusing his non-visiting the emperor by reason of his infirmity , he intreats him ; pia compassione fessum concedat requiescere , orationibusque pro vobis instare , closing it with these verses . david in aeternum tecum sit gratia christi , vt vigeas , valeas , victor in orbe potens ; post haec , et teneas coelestia regna beatus cum sanctis pariter semper in arce poli , &c. inclytus aeternis david feliciter annis , in christi meritis vivat ubique sa ●r in his . epistle to him , col . . he informs him . sed & lacrymarum munuscula mearum in orationibus apud s. martinum , pro desider antissima authoritatis bestrae prosperitate vobis fidelt transmitto sponsione . ego orabo pro domino dilectissimo , quomodo sancti spiritus visitatio cor meum inluminare dignabitur . he winds up his . epistle to him thus , col . . ad hujus verò summae beatitudinis , & indeficientis gloriae , post labores hujus vitae felicitatem , deus jesus te pervenire faciat domine desiderantissime , & omni honore dignissime . divitias tribuat veras tibi , david amate , cum sanctis pariter christus in arce poli . in the inscription of his . epistle to him , col . . he prayeth for and wisheth to him praesentis & futurae beatitudinis salutem : and begins it with this thanksgiving . benedictus dominus deus , et benedicta perpetua illius misericordia super servos suos : pro quorum prosperitate et salute vos , dulcissime david , prosperè duxit , et pacificè reduxit , conservavit , honoravit et exaltavit , atque in omni loco adventus vostri lumen justitiae pietatisque ante faciem vestrae beatitudinis splendescere fecit , &c. which he thus concludes , hocque deum asstduis precibus obsecro , ut praeseus vita excellentiae vestrae ejusdem sancti intercessionibus adjuvetur , protegatur & consistat . et post hanc aeterna cum eodem beatitudine perfrui merearis domine dilectissune & desideratissime david . his . epistle to him , col . . begins thus . domine mi dilect ssime , et dulcissime , et omnium desiderantissime mi david , tristis est flaccus vester propter infirmitatem vestram . opto et toto corde deum deprecor , ut cito convaleatis , ut gaudium nostrum sit pl●num in vobis , et sanitas vestra fit plena anima et corpore . i shall close with his . epistle to him , which hath this exordium . gloria & laus deo omnipotenti , pro salute et prosperitate vestra , duleissime mi david , atque pro omni honore et sapientia in quibus tè speciali gratia omnibus supercellere fecit . perpetua gratiarum actio resonet , et assidua sanctarum intercessio orationum ad deum dirigatur , quatenus longaeva prosperitate feliciter vivas , valeas et regnes ad correctionem et exaltationem sanctae suae ecclessae , ut sub protectione tuae venerandae potestatis secura quiete deo deserviat , &c. and this memorable conclusion . tu , prosperitas regni . tu salus populi . tu decus ecclesiae . tu omnium protectio fidelium christi . nobis igitur sub umbra potentiae , et sub regimine pietatis tuae , divina concesset gratia religiosam ducere vitam , atque summa quiete deo christo deservire . ideo solicita mente , et pia intentione , pro tua prosperitate et salute curam havere et intercedere justum et necessarium havemus , domine desiderantissime , atque omni honore dignissime david rer. i have at large transcribed these salutations , options , supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings of our famous english-man . abbot alchuvinus for . reasons . . because they are a most full pregnant evidence of his conscientious observation of the apostles exhortation and precept , tim. . , , . and of all other abbots , prelates , and clergy-men in that age . ly . because they are a most exact practical commentary upon that text. ly . an excellent president for our imitation , and notable censure of the apostacy , disloyalty , and indevotion of sundry antimonarchical new saints , in this degenerate age . ly . a most clear demonstration of the excellency of kingly government , of the happiness that christian churches , realms , subjects injoy under pious , religious kings & emperors ; and what extraordinary cause they have to pray unto , and to praise and blesse god for them . ly . because they are full of excellent variety , unknown to most , and little taken notice of even by our learnedest divines . ly . because they contain the substance of most other abbots , bishops and clergy-mens salutations , benedictions , prayers , thanksgivings of this kind in their epistles to our own and other kings and emperors , in that and succeeding ages , most of which i shall for brevity pretermit , since presidented in and by these epistles . about the year of christ . * k. offa praying to god to give him grace , according to his former vow , to find out a place wherein , and a saint to whom he might dedicate a monastery ; thereupon turning about to archbishop humbert , of canterbury , vnwona bishop of winton , and other iust & wise men by whom he was governed , he intreated them with tears , and hands joyned together , with all earnestnesse , quatenus sincera mente , totaque devotione deum omnipotentem deprecemini , ut ad beneplacitum suum , honorem et gloriam ad effectum meum perducat defiderium . et cum omnes hoc gaudentes concessissint , they with other clerks whom they had called together , entred into an oratory that was near , super hoc propensius oraturi . et praemisso hymno , veni creator spiritus , oraverunt devotissimi ut dominus iustum regis desiderium ad effectum duceret gloriosum . et cum prolixius orassent , eccè lux emissa caelitus totam cellulam illam à summo tecti fastigio usque ad pavimentum perlistravit . in qua favor dei manifestè significabatur . after which by the revelation of an angel , whiles this king lodged in the city of ba●h , the place of st. alban the martyr his interment was revealed unto him ; where he built a monastery to him . pope a leo the d. in his epistle to kenulphus king of m●rcians , concerning the restitution of the see of canterb to it s antient metropolitical jurisdiction , hath this thansgiving to god for him ; omnipotenti deo referimus grates qui vestram prudentissimam excellenciam in omnibus exornavit et decoravit , &c b cenulsus king of the mercians anno . by his charter granted and confirmed sundry privileges to the abby of abbendune ; maximè ut ipsi diebus dominicis . missas pro nobis saluberrime offerant , et armis spiritualibus centum psaltertis contra invisibiles hostes dimicare non cessant . c witlasius king of mercians being enforced to hide himself . months space from king egberts captains , who sought his life , in st. ethildritha the anchorites cell within the abby of croyland , till by the mediation of abbot siward he had made his peace with egbert ; thereupon in the year . of our saviours incarnation , he by his charter confirmed and enlarged the lands and privileges of this monastery , and most holy church of croyland ; wherein he stiles it ; turris ad coelum ascendeus , quae viligiis et orationibus , psalmis & lectionibus , disciplinis & afflictionibus , la●hrymis et singultibus , eleemosynis et innumeris aliis devotionibus , pietatisque operibus pro seculo peccatore fortissimam violentiam regno coelorum ingerit die et nocte . and by whose prayers and tears , god who had in his wrath humbled him for his sins even to the earth , and levelled him to the dust , iterum in misericordia sua suscitans de pulvere egenum , & de stercore erigens pauperem , ut sedeam eum principibus et solium gloriae teneam . as king d offa king of mercians in the year . by his charter gave sundry lands to st. peters church of worcester built by his grandfather , ( as he did to other monasteries ) sciens cum his transitoriis aeterna mercari posse , pro mea , meorume , priorum & propinquiorum perpetua animae salute ; so king bertwulf his successor in the year . by his charter , exempting this monastery as long as the catholick faith and baptism of christ should continue in britain , from some secular services ; thereupon abbot edmond and his congregation of breodune ( by way of retaliation ) decantaverunt duodecim vicibus c. psalteria , & . missas pro rege bertwolfo , et pro illius charis amicis , et pro omni gente merciorum , ut eorum libertas firmior ac stabilior permaneat in aevum , et ut illius regis memoria et amicorum ejus , qui hanc pietatem in eleemosynam sempiternam omnibus mercils illis , in congregatione breodune donaverat , in eorum sacris orationibus jugiter permaneat usque in ae vum . pope f sergius the . closeth his epistle to ethelred , alfred and adulfus , kings of the english , with this option and prayer . optamus ergo , quo misericordia solita dominus noster iesus christus faciat vos ineffabiliter ministerii ac regi culminis honore sublimari , et in examine futuri judicii reservari . king aethelulph , anno . granted the tenth part of his realm ( that is , the tithe of the profits of all lands , as mr. selden rightly expounds it ) to god , the clergy and monks , free from all exactions , tributes and secular services : ut eo diligentius pro nobis preces ad deum sine cessatione fundant that thereupon they might the more diligently powre forth prayers unto god for him without ceasing . ; whereupon elhstan bishop of salisbury , and swithin bishop of winchester , with the abbots , priests , monks and nonns under them , decreed ; omni hebdomade die mercurii in unaquaque ecclesia cantent psalmes . et unusquisque presbyter duas missas pro rege , et aliam pro ducibus ejus , in hunc modum consentientibus , pro salute et refrigerio delictorum suorum ; ( whiles they lived : ) post quàm autem defuncti fuerimus , pro rege defuncto singulariter , & pro ducibus communiter . et hoc sit firmiter constitutum omnibus diebus christianitatis , quemadmodum libertas constituta est , quamdiu fides crescit in gente anglorum : the end of this gift being thus expressed by the king in the h chartularies of the abbot of abingdon , vt deus omnipotens nobis , et nostris posteris propitiari dignetur , by the bishops , priests , and monks prayers and intercessions for him in every church . burgred king of mercians confirmed all the lands given by former kings to the church of glocester : et cum consensu , concilio , et licentia omnium optimatum suorum , fecit candem ecclesiam liberam & quietam , et omnia monasteria et loca quae eidem ecclesiae obediunt , et pertinent , ab omni terreno negocio et servicio , ea duntaxat conditione statuta , ut orationes illorum , deprecationesque pro ipso , et pro justis haeredibus suis , ●ugiter in illa ecclesia nocte et die memoriter servarentur . this being the principal end of our kings in founding and endowing churches and monasteries , and exempting them from all secular businesses and services , that they might continually powre out prayers , supplications , deprecations and intercessions unto god for themselves , their just heirs , posterities , queens , successors and realms , day and night without ceasing . to pretermit the charter of * king edward the elder of husbourn to the church of peter and paul in winchester , pro aeterna libertate animae meae , et omnis successive posteritatis meae , adulfi regis , et alfredi regis , ●e●non et antecessorum suorum , by the prayers of the monks and clergy of that church . at the coronation of king aethelston anno . the joyes , acclamations , prayers and well-wishes of the nobles , prelates and people towards him , are thus poetically expressed tunc juvenis nomen , regno clamatur in omen , vt fausto patrias titulo moderetur habenas . conveniunt proceres , et componunt diadema , pontifices pariter dant infidis anathema ; emicat in populis solito festivior ignis , et produnt variis animi penetralia signis . ardet quisque suum regi monstrare favorem . ille strepit cythera , decertat plausibus iste , in commune sonat , tibi laus , tibi gloria christe . the a council of exeter , under king aethelston , and his laws made anno . c. . prescribed in pursuance of the clergies recited decree an. . singulis quoque diebus veneris decantent omnes dei ministri in omnibus caenobiis , . psalmos pro ipso rege : which was accordingly executed . king b edmund by his charter an. . gave to aedris and his successors , two tenements in stocke , quatenus temporalium rerum mobili praesentia uteus , fidelem obedientiam ac pacem landabilem erga regni sceptra nostri et regale nostrum solium aeternabiliter impetret et benigniter servet : et post praesentis vitae excessum illis quibuscunque voluerit subsequentibus hoc donum commendet , ut in omnibus paternae obedientiae exemplis circa regiam dignitatem fideles inveniantur . the c abby of tavistoc founded in time of the danish wars , which long interrupted it , in the regn of k. edgar , was finished & confirmed in the reign of k. ethelred , anno christi . quando omnipotentis gratia it misericordia angl. patria , sanctorum in ea vegentium meritis et precibus pacificata est , qui die et nocte clamaverunt ad dominum in prosperis et in adversis cum tribularentur , et de necessitatibus eorum libertavit eos , the abbot and monks of this monastery of tavistoc giving themselves to reading and prayer for the safety of the souls , and bodies of our kings , and good of the kingdom , as their charters enjoyned them . d king ethelred , anno . by his charter gave certain lands to the monastery of st. alban , and confirmed the lands and privileges formerly granted them by king offa , ut inibi deo famulantes , tàm pro meis , quàm pro omnibus praedecessorum meorum deliquiis sine ulla terreni potestatis molestia , quotidie saluberrima missarum solennia omnipotenti deo celebrent , et dulcissim as psalmorum modulationes ore et corde decantantes , armis spiritualibus , contra visibiles et invisibiles hostes pro nobis et pro omni populo christiano dimicare non cessent , quatenus ejusdem beati martyris interoedentibus meritis , sive in praesenti , sive in futura , sive in utraque vita , christo pro nobis virtutem facienti , victoriam quandoque de inimicis nostris , voti compotes adipisci mereamur . a king cnute in the year . by his charter , exempted the church of st. mary and all saints in excester , and the lands thereof : ab omni regali et seculari gravedine majori aut minori , exceptis assiduis orationibus ( which they were daily to make for him and his realm ) nisi sola expeditione et pontis constructione . this king about the same year by his charter , granted to the monks of the monastery of st. edmunds , that they should be exempted from all episcopal domination , vt in eo domino servientes monachi sine ulla inquietudine pro statu regni dominum prevaleant precari : and that he by their and st edmunds prayers , might obtain a portion of his beatitude after this life was ended . the b council of habam , an. dom. . decreed , vt in omni congregatione eantetur quotidie communiter pro rege una missa , ad matutinalem missam , quae inscripta est , contra paganos . et in omni ●aenobis celebret omnis presbyter sigillatim . missas pro rege et populo , et omnis monachus dicat . psalmos : by virtue whereof in every monastery there were masses , and psalms sung , and prayers made both commonly and specially for our kings , which every priest and monk used every day , without intermission throughout the realm , and in all parish churches , during the times of popery and monasteries , by vertue of these recited canons ; as all our antient missals and psalters evidence . c our historians record , that about the year . bryghtwold a monk of glastonbury , ( first bishop of wilton , ) when king cnute had banished and almost extirpated the whole royal progeny of the english race , to establish himself and his posterity in the throne , so as there seemed little probability of their restitution ; this bishop falling into a serious meditation of the forlorn condition of the royal race , and the english nation under the danish usurpers , entred into glastenbury abby , where ( as abbot ailred relates ) for the restitution of the exiled king and royal issue , and deliverance of his native country from danish tyranny , maerens et tristis , orationibus vacabat et psalmis . qui cum aliquando pro regis , plebisque liberatione preces lacrymasque profunderet , quasi in haec verba prorumpens . et tu , inquit , domine usque quo ? usque quo avertis faciem tuam , obliviscens inopiae nostrae & tribulationis nostrae ? sanctos tuos occiderunt , altaria tua suffoderunt , & non est qui redimat , neque qui salvum faciat . scio domine , scio , quia omnia quae fecisti nobis , in vero judicio fecisti : sed nunquid in aeternum projiciet deus , & non opponet & complacitus sit adhuc ? erit ne domine deus meus , erit ne finis horum mirabilium ? aut in aeternum tuus in nos mucro desaeviet , & percutias usque ad internecionem ? inter preces tandem & lachrymas fatigatum sopor suavis excepit ; viditque per somnium caelestem chorum cum lumine , beatissimumque petrum in eminenti loco constitutum , dignum tantae majestati habitum praeferentem . videbatur aute eum vir praeclari vultus in forma decenti , regalibus amictus insigniis , quem cum propriis manibus apostolus consecrasset & unxisset in regem , monita salutis adjecit , praecipuèque caelibem vitam commendans , quot esset annos regnaturus aperuit . obstupefactus praesul tanti novitate miraculi , petit sibi à sancto visionis hujus mysterium revelari : de statu insuper regni & instantis fine periculi apostolicum exegit oraculum . tunc sanctus vultu placido intuens intuentem . domini , inquit , o praesul , domini est regnum , ipse dominatur in filiis hominum . ipse transfert regna , & mutat imperia , & propter peccata populi regnare facit hypocritam . peccatum peccavit populus tuus domino , & tradidit eos in manus gentium & dominati sunt etiam qui oderunt eos . sed non obliviscitur misereri deus , nec continebit in ira sua misericordias suas . erit enim , cum dormis cum patribus tuis sepultus in senectute bona , visitabit dominus populum suum , & faciet redemtionem plebis suae . eliget enim sibi virum secundum cor suum qui faciet omnes voluntates suas ; qui me opitulante regnum adeptus anglorum , danico furori finem imponet . erit enim acceptus deo & gratus hominibus , amabilis civibus , terribilis hostibus , utilis ecclesiae . qui cum praescriptum terminum regnandi in justicia & pace compleverit , laudabilem vitam sancto fine concludet . quae omnia in beato edwardo completa rei exitus comprobavit ; expergefactus pontifex rursus ad preces lacrymasque convertitur , et licet faelicita tem suae gentis non esset ipse visurus , de malorum tamen fine certus effectus , gratias agens deo plurimum gratulabitur : factus igitur animaequior , populis poenitentiam praedicabat , quibus deus misericordiam non defuturam constantissimè pollicebatur . most of our historians record , that st. peter in this vision shewed edward the confessor to bryghtwold whiles he was an exile in normandy , and anointed him king in his sight , declaring to him the honesty of his life and peaceablenesse of his reign , which should continue for . years space . after which he inquiring of st. peter who should succeed him ? received this comfortable answer from him worthy our consideration , regnvm angliae est regnvmdei , & ipse sibi reges providebit : as he hath done ever since ; and that especially by the constant prayers , supplications and intercessions of the ministers , clergy , and people of the realm in all ages . * queen emma ( mother of king edward the confessor ) being falsly accused of incontinency with aldwin bishop of winchester , and other crimes , and enforced to make her purgation in winchester church , by going barefoot over . plough-shares red hot ; the king her son , nobles , bishops , and people resorting thither upon this occasion . when the queen was led to this torment between . bishops only , totius populi , clerique quasi una voce ululantis , s. swithinum invocantis & exclamantis , s. swithine libera eam : maximus fletus poene ad coelos elatus est , tantusque clamoris sonitus vocibus viribusque omnium factus est , ut s. swithinus vel ilico sine mora , vel nunquam occurreret , ut tonitrua reboantia superavit , credebant enim illa sua vociferatione deum ipsum vim pati , coactumque servum suum suithinum quasi violenter extractum è coelo , ad liberandam reginam dimissurum . after which strong fervent united prayers and cries of the people and clergy to god for her , the queen miraculously passed over all these plough-shares , which she pressed with the weight of her whole body , without seeing the iron , or feeling the burning , or receiving the least hurt thereby . * king edw. the confessor , having founded and endowed the church of st. peter of westminster with sundry lands and privileges amongst other ends , pro animabus regum tam successorum quam praedecessorum meorum , & omnium parentum meorum , et pro pace ac tranquillitate regni mei , et prosperitate totius anglorum populi ; for all which the monks thereof were to make contiuual prayers , supplications , and intercessions unto god : pope nicholas thereupon confirmed by his bull , the privileges which the king had granted to this church by his charters ; which bull begins with this salutation , and proceeds with this thanksgiving and prayer for him unto god. nicholaus episcopus , servus servorum dei , gloriosissimo & piissimo , omnique honore dignissimo , speciali quoque filio nostro edwardo anglorum regi , visitationem omnimodam , salutem mellifluam , et benedictionem apostolicam . omnipotenti deo referrimus grates , qui vestram prudentissimam excellentiam in omnibus ornavit ac decoravit erga beatum petrum , &c. orantes misericordiam illius qui est dominus omnium et rex super omnia solus , ut ipse participem vos faciat ex omnibus si qua sunt coram deo bonis operibus nostris , & fratres nos & socios in dilectione constituat in omni tempore amplius , ac non minorem partem nostri obsequii reconsignet in suo regno quàm nobismetipsis provenire optamus . erimus etiam deinceps pro vobis sine dubio orantes assidue , ut ipse deus vobis subjiciat hostes et inimicos qui contra vos voluerint insurgere , et confirmet vos in paterno solio ac propria haereditate ( a most seasonable prayer for our present exiled hereditary king , as well as for king edward the confessor , who after above b . years dispossession of the crown by the tyrannical invading danish usurpers , was by their deaths restored to the crown in peace by his subjects , without the least effusion of blood , for which mercy he repaired and re-founded this abby , as his first charter to it recites ) vestro desiderio & voluntati omnipotens deus praestet effectum , et confirmet vobis paterni regni imperium , et tribu●t incrementum , et post praesentis vitae decursum , perducat ad aeternum permanentis gloriae imperium . this king in his epistle to this pope , to confirm these privileges ( recorded by * ailredus ) hath this passage concerning peter-p●nce , which engaged the pope particularly to pray for him and his realm . ego quoque pro modulo meo , augeo & confirmo donationes & consuetudines pe●uniarum quas sanctus petrus habet in anglia , & ipsas pecunias collectas cum regalibus donis mitto vobis , ut ●retis pro me , et pro pace regni mei , et confinuam et sollempnem memoriam instituatis totius gentis anglicae coram corporibus sanctorum apostolorum : and if the pope thus prayed continually for this king , his realm and people , upon this account , no doubt his own bishops , clergy , and other subjects did much more do it . r king william the first in his charter of confirmation of lands and liberties to the church of derherst , anno . granted them by king edward the confessor his predecessor , that they might pray , pro salute animae meae , omniumque liberorum nostrorum , quatenus nos & soboles nostri ipsius sancti ( dionysii ) precibus , sociorumque ejus , adipisci mereamur prosperum praesentis vitae statum & aeternae stationis portum . king s william rusus by several charters granted and confirmed lands and liberties to the abbies and priories of per mondesey , tavystock , and saint mary magdalen in barnestable , pro salute animae meae , et ant●cessorum meorum , pro anima patris mei willielmi regis , et matris meae , ipsiusque mei ; to be obtained by the prayers of the monks , and religious persons in these houses . king t henry the first by sundry charters during his reign granted and confirmed sundry lands and liberties to the abbies , priories , and churches of malverne , colum , bermondsey , lenton , thetford , mountacute , st. andrews , northampton , barnstaple , and others besides , to pray , pro salute & redemptione animae meae , pro animabus patris mei willielmi regis anglorum , matris et fratris mei , willielmi regis , et pro successorum meorum salute , pro pace et stabtitiate regni , et pro salute et incolumitate filii mei gulielmi , pro salute et incolumitate mei ipsius , et statu regni mei ; pro animabus antecessorū meorum . to which end they constantly made prayers for them . and william peverel , one of his subjects , pro divini cultus amore & communi remedio animarum dominorum meorum willielmi regis , et uxoris ejus matildis reginae , et filii eorum willielmi regis , et omnium parentum suorum et meorum ; necnon et pro salute domini mei henrici regis , et uxoris ejus matildae reginae , et filii eorum willielmi , et filiae eorum matildis , pro statu quoque regni sui necnon et pro salute animae meae et uxoris meae , et filii mei ; willielmi , et omnium liberorum meorum , pia devotione et devota largitione , offero deo et ecclesiae cluniacensi , &c. it being usual both in that and succeeding ages for subjects and officers to our kings , to endow monasteries and churches with lands , to pray for the spiritual and temporal prosperity of the persons , souls , and realms of their kings , queens , their sons , children and successors in the first place , as well as for their own souls , wives , childrens , and posterities , mentioned only in the second and last place in their charters and endowments , of which there are many presidents in the first and second parts of monasticon anglicanum , collected by mr. roger dodsworth and mr. william dugdale , to whom i refer the reader for fuller satisfaction . * pope pascal the first , in his epistle to k. henry the : touching the liberties of the church of ely , as he begins his epistle with , salutem et apostolicam benedic . so he thus ends it , omnipotens deus apostolorum suorum precibus et vos et prolem vestram custodiat , et caele●●e post terrenum vobis regnum concedat . the like he doth in his * epistles to him concerning archbishop anselme : concluding one of them in these words , ipse omnipotens deus in cujus manu corda sunt regum , assit hortatui nostro , assit auditui tuo ; ut juxta praecepta ejus tuas disposueris actiones , ipse regnum tuum pacis et honoris sui stabilitate ac subliminatione disponant . amen . he closeth other of his epistle to him thus , dominus te misericordia sua in potentia et probitate custodiat , et a terrena ad coeleste ( regnum ) perducat . amen . again , haec si seceris , pro te dominum , ipso adjuvante exorars curabimus , et de peccatis tam tui , quàm conjugis tuae sanctorum apostolorum meritis absolvimus . goffridus abbas vindocinensis in france , in his epistolarum l. . epist . . to king henry the . of england , hath this prayer for , and profession of his constant fidelity to him . h clarissimo duci normannorum , et praecellentissimo regi anglorum henrico , carissimo domino & praecordiali amico , frater goffridus vindocinensis abbas , in praesenti prospere semper et feliciter vivere , et in futuro manere cum rege angelorum . vestrae magnitudini , dulcissime pater et domine , significavi iter nostrum ; et quia vobis sensi esse contrarium , itineris statim mutavi propositum . vester itaque servus , testis est mihi deus , in vestra fidelitate remaneo ; in qua , quandiu vixero , indesinenter permane●o . quod quando et quomodo excellentiae vestrae placuerit , secundum meum posse , operibus comprobabo . valeat dominus meus rex et vigeat ; quem omnipotens deus ab omni adversstate defendat , et tribuat ei quod bene desiderat . anselme archbishop of canterbury begins his epistles to this king henry during his exile thus , suo reverendo domino henrico regi anglorum anselm . cantuariensis archiepiscopus , fidele servicium , cum orationibus : & fideles orationes cum fideli servicio . and concludes them thus ; omnipotens deus sic regnet in corde vestro ut vos per undem regnetis in gratia ejus . omnipotens deus sic in ●oc et in aliis actibus vestris dirigat ae vestrum secundum vountatem suam , ut post hanc vitam perducat vos ad gloriam suam . amen . in his commentary and exposition on the tim. . , , . he presseth the duty of praying for kings , though pagans and persecutors in these words , hujusmodi preces fiant pro omnibus hominibus , &c. et pro illis etiam de quibus minus videbatur , id est , pro regibus , licet sint mali et sanctis infesti : pro omnibus qui in sublimitate secularium potestatum positi sunt , sicut conssexit ules et duces , quia de omni-genere hominum convertentur ad religionem , et perveniant ad salutem , et de eis qui fastu et elatione secularis potentiae fidem et humilitatem videntur abhorrere ; sicut cernimus , quod ipse reges , desertis idolis , pro quibus persequebantur christianos , unum verum deum cognoverunt et colunt , et ideo pro illis orandum fuit , cum etiam persequerentur ecclesiam ; ad hoc etiam orandum est pro principibus , ut nos qui sub illis sumus vitam agamus quietam a persecutione , ut convers●s principibus gentiles non audeant inquietare nos movendo persecutiones pro impietate idolatriae , nec haeretici tranquillitatem nostram turbare praesumant volentes corrumpere castitatem fidei quorundam . in pace principum quies et regnum servatur ecclesiarum . nam in bellis et discordiis eorum dissipatur tranquillitas , tepescit pietas , solvitur disciplina vel districtio . qua soluta , infirmiorum castitas violatur . et ideo pro his orandum est , ne eveniant haec per dissentionem principum : unde et per jeremiam dominus judaeis qui in babylone captivi tenebantur , praecepit dicens , quaerite pacem civitatis ad quam transmigrare vos fecit , et orate pro ea ad dom. quia in pace illius erit parx vobis . babylon vero ( quae dicitur confusio ) societatē iniquorum significat , judaei autē cives supernae jerusalem qui in hoc seculo peregrinantur inter malos , et regibus atque principibus tributa reddunt , et caetera quae salvo dei cultu constitutio secularis exigit . idcirco debet orare pro pace eorum , quia in pace eorum exit illis pax : utique interim temporalis , quae bonis malisque communis est . vtimur ergo et nos pace babylonis , ex qua per fidem et coelestis patriae desiderium ità populus dei laetabitur , ut apud hanc interim peregrinetur . pax autem nostra propria et hîc cum deo est per fidem , & in aeternum oum illo per speciem . orate ( inquit ) pro pace principum , et pro salute omnium , quia hoc agere est bonum , id est , utile ecclesiae , & acceptum , id est , gratum atque placitum coram deo salvatore nostro : qui sicut nos salvat , ita & omnes homines vult salvos fieri , & ad agnitionem veritatis venire , &c. omne genus hominum intelagamus per quascunque differentias distributum , reges principes , nobiles , ignobiles , sublimes , humiles , &c. hoc enim bonum est coram salvatore , id est , ut pro talibus oretur . hoc quippe deus bonum judicavit , ut oratione humilium dignaretur salutem praestare sublimibus . this was the received doctrine of this great learned arch-bishop of canterbury , anselme , both under king w●ll . rufus , and h. the i. queen maud his daughter and heir to the crown , by her a charter , founded and granted to the abby of bardesley , sundry lands , pro dei amore , & pro anima h. regis patris mei , et m. reginae , matris meae , & parentum & antecessorum meorum ; & pro salute g. comitis andegaviae domini mei , & mea , & h. haeredis mei , et aliorum filiorum meorum ; et pro pace et stabilitate regni angliae . in her charters of confirmation and grant to the abbyes of kingeswood , stoneley , coges●ale , and st. frideswide in oxford , she hath the like expressions : for all which the monks there were obliged to pray . king stephen by his respective b charters , of grant and confirmation to the monasteries of feversham , billewas , sibeton and other abbies , gave and confirmed lands and liberties to them , pro salute animae meae , & mathildis reginae uxoris meae , & e. filii mei , et aliorum puerorum meorum , et anttessorum meorum regum angliae , et nominatim pro anima regis henrici et fratrum meorum ; by prayers to be made in them by the monks therein for that purpose . king henry the ii. by his c charters of grant and confirmation of lands and liberties to the abbies and monasteries of st. maryes in york , eton , abberbury , feversham , quarrera , st. maryes near dublin in ireland , miraval , flexley , croxden , witteham and tavystock , granted sundry lands and franchises to them , pro dei amore , pro salute animae meae et reginae meae , et haeredum meorum , et pro anima regis henrici avi , & pro animabus antecessorum nostrorum , et omnium parentum majorum , et antecessorum meorum regum angliae , et successorum nostrorum , et matris meae imperatricis , et puerorum meorum : to be obtained by their prayers , inserting this clause into his charter of confirmation to st. maries in york , ne aliquis haeres vel successor quaerat relevamen vel aliquod dominium praeter orationes et preces , et eleemosynam animae suae de beneficiis vel eleemosynis quas aliquis dedit praedictae abbathiae . king a henry the d . comming into england to be crowned after king stephens death , ut decebat tantum & tàm beatum virum , cum summa laetitia et multis prae gaudio lachrymantibus , in regem benedictus est , in throno regni splendidissimè collocatus est . de cujus temporis beatitudine sic diximus heroicè : writes henry huntingdon . anglia lethali jamdudum frigore torpens , nunc solis servore novi rediviva calescens , erigis impressum terrae caput , & vacuatis tristitiae lachrymis , pro laetitia lachrymaris cum lachrymis haec verba tuo profundis alumno , spiritus es , caro sum : tu nunc intrante revixi . anno . t there falling out a difference between this king and thomas becket archbishop of canterbury , pope alexander thus begins all his epistles to the king on beckets behalf . alexander , &c. dilecto filio henrico illustri regi anglorum , salutem et apostolicam benedictionem . advising him so to govern his realm to the honour of god , and tranquillity and peace of his church , vt regnum temporale conservet , et p●st illud det tibi deus sine fine mansuram . and archbishop becket , though in exile , begins his epistle to the king the same year in these words : reverendissimo domino suo henrico dei gratia , illustri anglorum regi , &c. salutem , et utinam per omnia benefacere . and ends it thus , bene valeat semel et semper dominus meus , anno . * robert abbot of wallatia , and . other ambassadors of king henry sent to rome about reckets businesse , began their epistle to the king with charissimo domino henrico illustr . angliae regi , &c. salutem , & facile in omnibus et ubique servitium . closing it thus , valeat et vigeat sublimitas vestra , confortamini in domino , & exultet cor vestrum . reginald elect bishop of bath begins his epistle from rome to this king , with salutem in eo qui dat salutem regibus . and manuel emperor of constantinople , thus salutes him in the beginning of his epistle to him . salutem et omne bonum . pope lucius in his epistle to him , anno . wisheth him , salutem et apostolicam benedictionem . the patriark of antioch begins his epistle to him with this option , in illo regnare per quem reges regnant . the master of the temple tricius , in his epistle wisheth him , salutem in eo qui dat salutem regibus . b stephanus tornacensis episcopus inscribes his first epistle to this king , thus . henrico regi anglorum cum omni prospertrate gloriam sempiternam . c petrus blesensis arch-deacon of bath , thus begins his , , , , and . epistles to him . henrico dei gratia , illustrissimo anglorum regi , &c. salutem in eo per quem reges regnant . his . epistle to him is thus concluded . bene valeat charissimus dominus meus , diuque ac faeliciter vivat et regnet richard archbishop of canterbury his epistle to him begins with salutem , et in regno temporali , regni coelestis memoriam et amorem . and the archbishop of rhoane ( the . epistle of petrus blesensis beginning with the salutation used in his . epistle ) ends with this prayer . bene valeat altissimus dominus , et deus qui se contra eum in superbia et abusione erigunt , reportet in virtute altissimi gloriam et triumphum king richard the . by his respective charters granted and confirmed several lands , liberties , and privileges to the monasteries and churches of stratford , haliwel , frampton , wells , budesley , revesly , boxele and homecoltram , pro amore dei , et pro salute nostra , et a. reginae matris nostrae , in liberam et perpetuam elemosynam ; for which the monks were to pray . king a john by several charters granted and confirmed several lands and liberties to the respective monasteries of fossa , st. katherine near ●xeter , thik●hued , st. neth dore , farendon , shaftesbury , and wolfraughauton , pro salute animae h. regis avi patris nostri , pro salute nostra et haredum nostrorum et omnium ancecessorum et successorum nostrorum , & pro salute animae h. regis patris nostri , et matris sui imperatricis , et antecessorum et haeredum nostrorum : which the monks in all these monsteries were obliged constantly to pray for , ‖ in all their publike and private masses and devotions . king ‖ henry the d. granted and confirmed several lands and privileges to the abbies and monasteries of danington , fossa , flamsted , cesthont , wilburt●sse , lillichurch , wotton , new-minster near morpeth , parcolude , kemmer , jorevall , holmcoltram , bynedone , letselege , lenton and tarente , pro salute animae nostrae , et h. regis et haeredum nostrorum et omnium regum angliae , et omnium fidelium , et animarum antecessorum nostrorum , et patris mei , et matris meae , et pro totius nostri progen . in remissionem peccatorum et salvationem , et pro statu regni mei . which the abbots , priors and monks in these respective churches , were constantly to pray for both in publike and private . the prior and covent of a st. alba● in their letters to king henry the d. touching the election and presentation of a new abbot , anno . used this stile and prayer . excellentissimo domino suo & in christo reverendissimo , henrico dei gratia regi angliae , &c. e. prior sancti albani & ejusdem loci conventus , cum omni humilitate & devotione , aeternam in domino salutem . the prior and covent of bath , b anno . begin and end their letters to king henry the d. and his queen , concerning the election of the bishop of bath and wells , in this form , and with these prayers for them . serenissimo domino henrico dei gratia regi angliae , &c. devoti sui humilis th. prior & conventus bathoniae , salutem et debitam cum orationibus assiduis reverentiam et fidelitatem , &c. in omnibus quae nostrae erunt possibilitatis vestris parati sumus affectuose parere mandatis . valeat et vigeat dominatio vestra per tempora longa . valeat regia excellenti● vestra semper iu domino . conservet vos ecclesiae et populo suo altissimus per tempora longiora . valeat et vigeat serenitas vestra et filiorum vestrorum per tempora longa . valeat serenitas vestra semper in domino . which were their daily prayers for thē , in their publike and private devotions , in their churches and cells as well as in their letters . and likewise for king adelstan , edward , edgar , ethelred , kenulphus , henry the i. and king stephen , benefactors to the priory of bath , whose anniversaries they solemnized every year , with solemn prayers and alms , as the leger book records . in the vigil of ‖ st. matthew , anno . when prince edward eldest son and heir of king henry the . was sick , the said king writ to all the religious persons remaining within the circuit of london , where the said edward lay sick , ut devote orarent pro pueri incolumitate ; that they should devoutly pray for the recovery and health of the child . whereupon , amongst others , he writ specially to the abbot and covent of st. alban , ut pro ipso orantes , that praying for him , all the monks should solemnly sing a masse , whose first collect should be of st. alban , but the second for the sick prince : namely , omnipotens & sempiternè deus salus aeterna credentium , &c which being done , per dei gratiam , puero sanitas est restituta . haec idcircò dixerim ( writes the historian ) propter murmur populi dicentes ecce laici orant dominum et exaudiuntur et quare non orat papa & facit pro causa sua , imò nostra & universalis ; ecclesiae orare : imò rapinis inhiat pecuniae indefessus . dictumque est & affirmatum , quod non sine lachrymis scribo plus confidit in pecuniae thesauris , quam fidelium precibus vel eleemosynis . ; the * abbots of the order of black monks , assembling at the abby of bermondeshie , in the year . ordained by common-council , quod ipse dominus rex ab ipsis omnibus impetravit , ut pro ips● et regina dicatur quotidie in missa quae in veneratione beatae virginis canitur in eorum ecclesiis , collecta celebis , deus in cujus manu ; for the preservation and welfare of the king and queen . king ‖ henry the d. being very sick at westminster in the lent , anno . and despairing of his recovery , se orationibus ecclesiae commendavit , recommended himself to the prayers of the church . whereupon the monks of westminster fearing to lose such a patriot , went in pilgrimage bare-foot , in a rainy season to the new temple , and there singing a masse for the king , and returning thence in the same manner as they went , it was told them , that the king had recovered of his sicknesse . whereupon he commanded the monks by his mandates , that they should sing ga●deat in coelis , quod convaluit precibus monachorum . george cassander in his h preces ecclesiasticae , hath sundry forms of prayers for christian kings , emperors , princes and kingdoms , collected out of several antient liturgies , missals , letanies , and canonical houres ( used antiently in most monasteries and churches as well in england as in other kingdoms , during the reign of king henry the d. and in the kings reigns preceding and succeeding him ) which i shall here insert . dèus qui populis tuis virtute consulis , & amore dominaris , da huic famulo tuo spiritum sapientiae cum regimine disciplinae , ut tibi toto corde devotus , in regni regimine maneat semper idoneus ; tuoque munere ipsius temporibus securitas ecclesiae dirigatur , ut in tranquillitate devotio christiana permaneat , ut in bonis operibus perseverans , ad aeternum regnum te duce valeat pervenire , per eundem dominum . omnipotens sempiterne deus qui famulum tuum regni fastigio dignatus es sublimare , tribue ei quaesumus ut ita in hujus seculi cursu in commune salutem disponat , quatenus a tuae veritatis tramite non recedat . per eundem dominum nostrum . deus qui scis humanum genus nulla virtute posse subsistere , concede propicius , vt famulus tuus n. quem populo tuo voluisti praeferri , ita tuo fulciatur adjutorio quatenus quibus potuit praeesse , valeat & prodesse per dominum . omnipotens sempiterne deus coelestium terrestriumque moderator , qui famulum tuum n. ●●ad regni fastigium dignatus es provehere , concede propitius , ut a cunctis adversitatibus libertatus , & ecclesiasticae pacis dono muniatur , & ad aeternae pacis gaudia te donante pervenire mereatur . per dominum nostrum . quaesumus omnipotens deus ut famulus tuus n. qui tua miseratione suscepit regni gubernacula , virtutum etiam omnium à te percipiat incrementa , quibus decenter armatus , & vitiorum monstra devitare , & hostem superare , & ad te qui via , veritas & vita es , gratiosus valeat pervenire . per dominum nostrum . deus in cujus manu corda sunt regum , inclina ad preces humilitatis nostrae aures misericordiae tuae , & famulo tuo imperatori nostro regimen tuae appone sapientiae , ut haustis de tuo fonte eonsiliis , & tibi placeat , & super omnia regna praecellat . per dominum nostrum . deus cujus regnum est omnium seculorum , supplicationes nostras clementer exaudi , & christianorum regnum tibi ●ubditum protege , ut in tua virtute fidentes , & tibi placeant , & super omnia regna praecellant . per eundem dominum nostrum . deus qui providentia tua coelestia simul & terrena moderaris , propiciare christianorum rebus & regibus ; ut omnis hostium fortitudo te pro nobis pugnante frangatur . per eundem domiuum nostrum . propiciare domine precibus famulorum tuorum : & propter nomen tuum christiani nominis defende rectores : ut salus ser vientium tibi principum , pax tuorum possit esse populorum . per eundem dominum . deus regnorum omnium regumque dominator , qui nos & percutiendo sanas , & ignescendo conservas , praetende misericordiam tuam , ut tranquillitate pacis tua potestate firmata , ad remedia correctionis utamur . per dom. nostrum . these were the constant publick and private prayers and devotions of the clergy and people for their kings , princes , and their kingdoms heretofore , not unseasonable for our present times . in my perusal of the clause rolls in the tower of london , i have observed sundry memorable writs and mandates issued by king edward the , , . richard the . and other of our kings , to their bishops , clergy , abbots , freers predicants , minors , and other religious orders , upon sundry emergent occasions , requiring and commanding them , to make frequent and fervent supplications , prayers , intercessions , and thanksgivings unto god alone , ( not saints , or angels ) in times of war , danger , treaties , and the like , for his special assistance , direction , protection , blessing , and favour , upon the king , queen , prince of wales , the royal issue , kingdom , nobles , armies , the kings counsels , treaties , affairs of all sorts , and for publike peace and prosperity : which writs , because very rare , pious , pertinent to my present theme , suitable to the state of our affairs , and never hitherto published in print , i shall here insert the chiefest of them at large , pretermitting all others of like nature for brevitie sake , those here transcribed comprehending in them the form and substance of the residue , except only writs for masses , dirgees , and prayers for deceased kings , queens , and princes , of which there are a many presidents ( heterogeneal to my subject matter ) which i shall totally passe by . claus . e. . m. . dorso . rex archiepiscopo eborum , &c. salutem . cum inter magnificum principem dominum regem franciae illustrem consanguineum nostrum , et nos , aliqua sint exorta propter quae ad partes intendimus transmarinas personaliter nos conferre , cum dicto rege super hiis habituri colloquium et tractatum . credentes firmiter et sperantes , quod felicior votis nostris effectus adveniret si devotorum intercessionibus adjuvemur , paternitatem vestram affectuosè requirimus et rogamus , quatenus apud deum preces devotas suppliciter effundatis , et à vestris subditis illud idem fieri injungatis , ut in hujusmodi negotio prosequendo , tractando ac etiam ordinando , sic deus & dominus regat et dirigat actus nostros , quod cooperante unigenito dei filio jesu● christo , labor noster in hac parte ita possit fructuosus haberi , quod cedat ad laudem sui nominis , ac statum quietum & prosperum regni nostri pariter & honorem , necnon ad totius christianitatis commodum & profectum . t. r. apud sanctum albanum , decimo die febr. consimiles literae dirig●ntur a. dunolm . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur j. epo . karliol . consimiles literae diriguntur o. linc. epo . consimiles literae diriguntur w. elyen . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur r. norwye . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur j. wynton . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur g. cicestr . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur j. roffen . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur th. exon. epo . consimiles literae diriguntur n. sarum . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur r. london . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur w. bath . & well . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur r. coventr . & lichf . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur g. wygorn . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur assaven . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur th. heref. epo . consimiles literae diriguntur bangor . epo . consimiles literae diriguntur custod . spiritualitatis archiepiscopatus cant. sede vacante , mutatis tamen mutandis , viz. ubi paternitatem , &c. ibi devotionem , &c. consimiles literae custodi episcopatus landoven . sede vacante diriguntur . consimiles literae diriguntur m. meneven . electo . claus . e. . dorso m. . rex venerabili in christo patri r. eadem gratia cant. archiepo . totius anglia primati salutem . evidentem causae nost●ae justiciam quam vos latere non credimus , ferventi studio hactenus prosecuti , et adhuc summo opere prosequentes , pro recuperatione et defensione terrae nostrae vascon . tanquam coronae regiae et honori regni nostri angliae hereditario jure annexae , de qua rex franciae nos injustè exhaeredare conatur , ad partes ipsius ducatus , gentes nostras nuper cum potentia quam tunc commode potuimus , et nunc demum edmundum fratrem nostrum cum honorabili comitiva nobilium dicti regni duximus destinand . sanè cum in homine non sit auxilium sed è coele , ac propter hoc , oporteat impotentiam nostram divinae manus praesidiis sustentari , paternitatem vestram requirimus & rogamus , quatenus non solum nostram set vestram justitia mintuentes , & corda vestra sursum habentes ad dominum , apud eum , ut haec & alia quae negotio expedire cognoveritis antedicto , procedant salubriter & in manibus nostris prosperè dirigantur , devotis supplicationibus insistatis . cumque ob reverentiam sedis apostolicae , et ad venerabilium patrum s. albanem & s. penestren . episcoporum sanctae romanae ecclesiae cardinalium requisitionem instantem , ad tractandum de treugis et pace cum rege praedicto super guerris , dissensionibus & discordiis quibuscunque inter ipsum & nos exortis & motis , sollempnes nuncios nostros ad partes miserimus transmarinas ad praesentiam cardinalium praedictorum , piam affectionem vestram exciter quaesumus debitum caritatis , ad divinam misericordiam vestris intercessionibus implor . ut praesentis temporis tempestuoso procellarum turbine quiescente , uberiora tempora sub tranquillioris aurae serenitate succedant , quodque ad feliciter haec & alia peragenda , quae cepimus , dextera regis regum potenter adjuti , ea ad laudem ipsius et honorem nostrum , ac commodum regni nostri ad optatum effectum deducere valeamus , praemissa vero omnibus vestris subditis in vestra dioc. constitutis specialibus orationibus facienda , per vos injungi petimus & mandari . t. r. apud sanctum albanum primo die januarii . consimiles literae diriguntur j. eborum , archiepo . angl. primati , et episcopis subscriptis , videlicet , j. episcopo roffen . r. epo . london . o. epo . lincoln . r. epo . norwycen . w. epo . elyen . g epo . cicestr . j. epo . wynton . th. exon. epo . n. epo . sarum . w. bathon . & wellen. epo . g. wygorn . epo . r. hereford . epo . a. epo . bangor . assaven . epo . j. electo landaven . j. karleolen . epo . a. epo . dunolmen . custod . spiritualit . covent . & lychf. sede vacante . electo meneven . vel ejus vices gerenti , ipso agente in partibus transmarinis . claus . e. . m. . dorso . rex dilecto sibi in christo abbati sancti augustini cantuar. salutem . evidentem causae nostrae justiciam , &c. ut supra usque ibi praesidiis sustentari : et tunc dicitur , vos requirimus & rogamus quatenus , &c. ut supra . praemissa vero omnibus vestris subditis specialibus orationibus faci●nda , per vos injungi petimus & mandari . t. rege apud crucem roes vij . die januar. con●imiles literae diriguntur abbatibus subscriptis , videlicet , abbati de sancto albano . abbati de waltham . exempti . abbati de sancto edmundo . abbati de evesham . exempti . abbati de furneys . abbati de salley . abbati de novo monasterio . abbati de jeroval . abbati de fontibus . abbati de bella landa . abbati de melsa . cisterc. abbati de neuhous . abbati de croxton . abbati de alnewyck . abbati de eyleston . abbati de sancta agatha . premostrat . magistro ordinis de sempingham fratri williemo de hotham priori provinciali de ordine fratrum praedicatorum in angl. ministro ordinis fratrum min or in angl. &c. quod ipsi in singulis domibus specialibus orationibus , &c. claus . e. . m. dors . rex religioso viro in christo sibi dilecto . priori principiali ordinis fratrum praedicatorum in angl. salutem . qualiter pro tranquillitate & pace regni nostri , ad proterviam & maliciam scotorum reprimendam qui regnū nostrum hostiliter invaserunt , hactenus sumus nos ipsi in periculis expositi , & jam ad partes praedictas cum comitiva nobilium dicti regni nostri , ad praesens proponimus deo dante , dirigere gressus nostros , non credimus vos latere . et quia in homine non est auxilium sine deo , ac propter hoc oportet impotentiam nostram divinae manus praesidiis sustentari , vos affectuosè requirimus & rogamus , quatenus consratribus vestris singularum domorum vobis subditarum dare velitis in mandatis , ut deum & dominum nostrum protectorem pro nobis suppliciter exorent . ita quod per ipsorum orationum devotarum suffragia , gratiam nobis adaugeat , nosque ac liberos nostros & regnum nostrum sua pietate ab omnibus adversitatibus tueatu● . dat. apud langele xxx die octobr. confimiles literae diriguntur pro rege generali ministro fratrum minorum in angl. t. ut supra . claus . e. . dorso . m. . rex religiosis viris in christo sibi dilectis fratribus de ordine minorum ad generale capitulum apud notingham proximo conventuris salutem , & spiritu sancto dirigi in agendis . attendentes beneficia sacra orationumque devotarum suffragia ad divinam misericordiam impetrandam multum humanae conditionis fragilitati prodesse inter alia opera pietatis ; confiderantesque nos pro curis & rebus mundialibus quibus circa regni nostri regimen involuti sumus , saluti nostrae spirituali prout nobis expediret intendere non valere ; devotionem vestram requirimus & rogamus quatenus nos , margaretam reginam angl. confortem nostram carissimam , edwardum principem walliae , primogenitum nostrum , caeterosque liberos nostros , ac populum nobis commissum beneficiorum & suffragiorum vestrorum fore participes concedentes , pro nobis , & ipsis , ae statu regni , expeditioneque negotiorum nobis incumbencium supplicationes assiduas & orationes devotas altissimo offeratis , ut hic sua pietate nos & ipsos dirigat per suorum semitam mandatorum , & post diem extremum salvationis locum nobis & ipsis dignetur misericorditer indulgere , statumque regni nostri conservare prosperum & tranquillum . t. rege apud strivelyn xxix . die julii . per breve de privato sigillo . ibid. m. . rex religiosis viris & in . christo sibi dilectis , magistro ordinis fratrum praedicatorum , ac diffinitoribus & fratribus universis in generali capitulo suo apud tolosam proximo congregandis salutem & spiritu sancto dirigi in agendis . dum conditionem humanae fragilitatis attendimus , & qualiter omni creaturae tam sublimi quàm humili , praetereuntibus suo cursu diebus , praesentis vitae finis apropriat , attenta consideratione pensamus , sic praevenire cupimus quantum nobis ex alto permittitur diem mortis , ut aeterni clemencia judicis dignetur nostri de suae gratiae plenitudine misereri . verum cum devotorum orationum suffragia , inter alia pietatis opera multum profint ad divinam misericordiam impetrandam , de vobis quorum ordinem benevolentiae specialis favore prosequimur , ut salutem nostram zelemini , & pro nobis , margareta regina angl. consorte nostra carissima , edward● principe wall. primogenito nostro , & caeteris liberis nostris , ac statu prospero regni nostri , preces devotas domino offeratis , plenam fiduciam optinentes , devotionem vestram requirimus & rogamus quatenus nunc & in futurum dignam sollicitudinem impendatis & insistatis assiduis supplicationibus & intercessionibus apud deum , ut hîc sua pietate nos dirigat per suorum semitam mandatorum , & post diem extremum salvationis locum nobis dignetur misericorditer indulgere , statumque praedicti regni nostri conservare prosperum & tranquillam universitatem vestram religiosam diu conservet altissimus in caritate continua & perfecta . dat. apud dumfermelyn primo die januarii . eadem m. . rex religiosis viris & sibi in christo carissimis magistro ordinis fratrum minorum , & diffinitoribus ac fratribus universis in generali capitulo suo apud assisium prox . conventuris , salutem & bravium pro labore perenniter duraturum . nos qui curis sumus & rebus mundialibus involuti , & circa regimen regni nostri incessantibus actibus & continuis meditationibus occupati , pro animae nostrae salute contemplationi prout haberemus necesse intendere nequeuntes , ac advertentes quod beneficia vestra sacra , orationumque vestrarum suffragia nobis in praesenti & etiam in futuro esse poterunt plurimum fructuosa , religiosum cetum vestrum & singulos frarres adunatos in co requirimus & rogamus , quatenus nos , margaretam rrginam angliae , consortem nostram karissimam , edwardum principem walliae primogenitum nostrum , caeterosque liberos nostros , ac populum nobis commissum suffragiorum & beneficiorum vestrorum fore participes concedentes , pro nobis , statu regni nostri , & expeditione negotiorum nobis incumbencium hiis diebus pia precamina apud altissimum effundatis , ut sic regnum temporale regere valeamus quod in regno coelesti partem haereditariam consequamur . conservet vos altissimus in caritate continua & perfecta . dat apud dumfermelyn xi . die decembr . claus . . e. . m. . rex religiosis viris & sibi in christo dilectis magistro ordinis fratrum praedicatorum ac diffinitoribus fratribus universis in generali capitulo suo paris proximo conventur . salutem & spiritu sancto dirigi in agendis . dum conditionem humanae fragilitatis attendimu , & qualiter omni creaturae quam sublimi quàm humili , praetereuntibus suo cursu diebus praesentis vitae finis appropriat , attenta consideratione pensamus , sic praevenire cupimus quantum nobis ex alto permittitur , diem mortis , ut aeterni clemencia judicis dignetur nostri de suae gratiae plenitudine misereri . verum cum devotarum orationum suffragia inter alia pietatis opera multum prosint ad divinam misericordiam impetrandam , de vobis quorum ordinem benevolentiae specialis favore prosequimur , ut salutem nostram zelemini , & pro nobis , consorte nostra , et liberis nostris , ac statu prospero regni nostri preces devotas offeratis , plenam fiduciam optinentes , devotionem vestram requirimus & rogamus quatenus nunc & in futurum dignam sollicitudinem impendatis , et insistatis assiduis supplicationibus et intercessionibus apud deum , ut hîc sua pietate no dirigat per suorum semitam mandatorum , et post diem extre mum , salvationis locum nobis dignetur misericorditer indugere , statumque regni nostri conservare prosperum et tranquillum . vniversitatem vestram religiosam diu conservet altissimus in caritate continua et perfecta . dat. apud wolneseyae viii . die aprilis . claus . e. . m. . dorso . rex religiosis viris & in christo sibi dilectis priori provinciali ac fratribus universis ordinis sancti augustini in generali capitulo suo apud lincoln proximo conventuris , salutem , & spiritu sacro dirigi in agendis . fidelium devotio ad religiosorum suffragia imploranda eo ferventius excitatur , quo speratur prèces eorundem religiosorum apud altissimum gratiosius exaudiri , et exinde fidelibus sic implorantibus de supernis majora commoda provenire . considerantes itaque nos rebus mundialibus quorum dispositioni vacare nos oportet undique involutos , quominus saluti animae nostrae prout nobis expediret intendere valeamus , firmaque credulitate tenentes , per preces et orationes vestras summum bonum gratiae coelestis posse facilius impretrari , devotionem vestram attentis precibus requirimus et rogamus , quatenus nos , reginam consortem nostram & liberos nostros , ac statum regni nostri ei qui mensurae termino non arctatur sedulis intercessionibus commendetis , ipsius clemenciam suppliciter implorantes , ut nobis concedat sic regnum temporale regere , negociaque nos et statum regni et aliarum terrarum nostro dominio subjectarum sua mediante ineffabili gratia ordinare , quod in regno coelesti partem haereditariam consequamur , quodque actus nostri ad laudem sui nominis , et ad nostrum , regnique nostri et terrarum praedictarum cedere valeant commodum et honorem . t. r. apud carliolum xx . die maij. per breve de privato figillo . claus . e. . m. . dorso . rex religiosis viris in christo sibi dilectis fratribus de ordine minorum ad generale capitulum suum apud toles conventur . salutem , & spiritu sancto dirigi in agendis . attendentes beneficia sancta , orationumque devotarum suffragia , ad divinam misericordiam impetr multum humanae conditionis fragilitati prodesse inter alia opera pietatis , con●iderantesque nos pro curis et rebus mundialibus quibus circa regni nostri regimen involuti sumus , saluti nostrae spirituali prout nobis expediret intendere non valere , devotionem vestram requirimus et rogamus quatinus nos , margaretam reginam angliae consortem nostram carissimam , edwardum principem walliae primogenitum nostrum , caeterosque liberos nostros , ac populum nobis commissum beneficiorum et suffragiorum vestrorū fore participes concedentes , pro nobis & ipsis , ac statu regni nostri , expeditioneque negociorum nobis incumbentium supplicationes assiduas et orationes devotas altissimo offeratis , ut hîc sua pietate nos et ipsos dirigat per suorum semitam mandatorum , et post diem extremum salvationis locum nobis et ipsis dignetur misericorditex indulgere , statumque regni nostri conservare prosperum 〈◊〉 tranquillum . t. r. apud lauretost . to die febr. claus . e. . m. . dorso . rex dilectis sibi in christo magistro ordinis fratrum praedicatorum , ac diffinitoribus & fratribus universis in generali capitulo suo apud argentem in al●man . in festo pentecostes proximo futur . conventuris salutem , & spiritu sancto dirigi in agendis . inter caetera quae fructum salutis repromittere credimus , hoc praecipuè in spei nostrae fulcimentum accedit , quod nos assiduarum deprecationum justorum fulti praesidio divinam propitiationem facilius consequemur . de vobis itaque ut nostram ac reginae consortis nostrae liberorumque nostrorum salutem , necnon statum prosperum regni nostri & expeditionem felicem negotiorum nobis incumbentium hiis diebus zelemini , plenam in domino fiduciam optinentes , devotionem vestram affectuosè requirimus & rogamus , quatinus apud illum qui est vera salus et qui temporalitatis et perpetuae felicitatis tribuit largitatem , nos , reginam , consortem nostram , et liberos nostros , ac statum regni nostri devotè supplicationis studio commendetis , ipsius clemenciam qui mensurae termino non artatur suppliciter exorantes ut sic regnum temporale regere , negociaque nostra praedicta expeditioni felici pro suae subventionis dexteram mancipare possimus , quod hoc ad laudem sui nominis , et ad nostrum regnique nostri commodum cedere valeat & honorem : quodque nos post supremum vitae nostrae exitum in regno coelesti partem haereditariam consequamur . dat. apud lauretost . primo die decembris . to pretermit the charter of king edward the first to the abby of aberconewey , pro salute animae nostrae & animaru● omnium antecessorum & haeredum , seu aliorum nostrorum successorum . and his charter of translation of demhall to the abby ofvalle-royal , pro salute animae nostrae , & pro salute animae celebris memoriae domini henrici patris nostri , & animarum haeredum & successorum nostrorum . which the monks in these houses were constantly to pray for . claus . . edw. . m. . dorso . rex venerabili in christo patri w. eadem gratia eborum archiepiscopo , angliae primati salutem . quanto in magnis et arduis peragendis negotiis divinum praesidium instanciùs & devotiùs imploratur , tanto exinde speratur successus prosperior & felicior provenire . hinc est , quod cum inclytae memoriae dominoe edwardo nuper rege angl. patre nostro viam universae carnis ingresso , de quo mentis amaritudine intimè premimur et turbamur , onus regiminis regni angl. nobis incumbat ‖ jure haereditario , sicut scitis , vires nostras ad onus hujusmodi portand . absque devotarum orationum suffragiis cernimus penitus impotentes : vestramigitur paternitatem affectuosis precibus requirimus et rogamus , quatinus apud eum per quem reges regnant , & principes dominantur preces devotas suppliciter effundatis , & illud idem à religiosis et aliis vestris subditis universis fieri injungatis , ut regnum nostrum et alias terras nobis subditas , semper in statu prospero & pacifico conservare ; nosque ea sub ipso sic regere & tueri per suorum semitas mandatorum ad nostri et ipsius regni dictarumque terrarum honorem , commodum et quietem concedere dignetur , quod pro temporali regno in regno caelesti partem haereditariam consequamur , &c. teste rege apud westm . xxviij . die octobr. eodem modo scribitur subscriptis , viz. j. karl . episcopo . a. dun●lm . episcopo , & patriarch . jerlm . t. roff. episcopo . j. cist●rcien . episcopo . h. winton . episcopo . j. lincoln . episcopo . r. elien . episcopo . j. norwych . episcopo . r. london . episcopo . w. bath . & well . episcopo . r. hereford . episcopo . w. coventr . & lych. episcopo . custodi spiritualitatis episcopatus wigorn. sede vac . custodi spiritualitatis episcopatus exon. sede vac . abbati sancti augustini cantar . abbati westm. abbati de sancto albano . abbati de sancto edmund● . abbati de evesham . magistr . ordinis de sempringham . ministro generali ordinisfratrum minorum in angl. quod , &c. & à gardianis fratribus & subditis suis , &c. priori provinciali ordinis fratrum praedicatorum in angl. &c. & à singulis prioribus fratribus et subitis , &c. ibid. rex venerabili in christo patri w. eademm gratia ebor. archiepiscopo angliae primati salutem . deus redemptor omnium et creator , qui hominem ad imaginem et fimilitudinem suam fecit , clarae memoria● dominum edwardum dudum regem angliae progenitorem nostrum pacis et justiciae fervidum zelatorem , quem aliàs constat magnis fuisse virtutum insigniis et meritorum praeconiis decoratum , nuper ab hac luce prout sibi placuit evocavit , de quo cordis amaritudinem , angustias et dolores intrinsecus non immeritò sustinemus . cum itaque opus sanctum et salubre apud altissimum censeatur pro defunctis ut a suorum mole peccaminum liberentur , devotè et suppliciter exorare ; paternitatem vestram affectuosè requirimus et rogamus , quatinus ipsius patris nostri exequias sollemp●iter celebrantes , animam ejus cum missarum decantatione et aliis ecclesiasticis suffragiis deo vivo et vero qui aufert spiritum principum specialiter commendetis , ac ab omnibus religiosis et aliis subditis vestris in dioc. vestra per missarum decantationes et alia hujusmodi suffragia faciatis similiter commendari , ut vestris et ipsorum patroci●iis et precibus adjuta , coelestis regni solium ingredi et in aeterna beatitudine citius valeat collocari . t. rege apud westm. xxx . die octobr. anno , &c. primo . eodem modo scribitur episcopis , abbatibus , magistro de ordinis sempryngham , ministro generali ordinis fratrum minorum in angl. priori provinciali ordinis fratrum praedicatorum in angl. superius nominatis . claus . e. . m. . dorso . rex religiosis viris et in christo sibi dilectis magistro ordinis fratrum praedicatorum ac diffinitoribus et fratribus universis in capitulo suo generali ad tholosam in proximo celebrand . salutem et spiritus sancti gratia in favore caritatis dirigi in agendis . quanto ineffabilis divinae miserationis praesidium in urgentibus necessitatibus seu agendis quibuslibet humilius et devotius imploratur , tanto ut nostra tenet fiducia , successus prosperior et eventus felicior subsequuntur . quamobrem de vestra devotione et sincera in domino caritate specialiter confidentes , ac sperantes quod eo nostram ac isabellae reginae angliae consortis nostrae , necnon et edwardi primogeniti nostri salutem , statumque prosperum et tranquillum regni nostri angliae , al●orumque terrarum nobis subditarum , ac felicem expeditionem negotiorum nobis incumbentium hiis diebus tenerius diligatis , quo nos ad vestram praecipue ordinem nostros affectus hactenus direximus , & devotione fratrum ejusdem ordinis fiduciam gessimus ampliorem , firma etiam credulicate tenentes per orationum vestrarum suffragia nobis inestimabile bonum coelestis munificentiae in nostris dirigendis et peragendis negotiis uberius affuturum ; caritatem vestram sinceris affectibus requirimus et rogamus , quatinus domino nostro iesu christo qui est omnium vera salus , et per quem reges regnant et principes dominantur , nos , reginam consortem nostram , et dominum primogenitum nostrum sedulis precibus et devotis orationibus commendetis ; ipsius clementiam suppliciter exorantes , ut sic regni temporalis regimen , quod ipso disponente suscepimus , dictaque negotia nostra prosperè expedire per suae suventionis potentiam valeamus , quod ad laudem sui nominis , nostrique ac regni , et aliarum terrarum nostrarum utilitatem cedere valeant et honorem . dat. apud westminst . xxiiii . die aprilis . claus . anno e. . m. . dors . rex dilectis sibi in christo cancellario , magistris & scholaribus vniversitatis oxon salutem . benè novit , ut credimus , vestra discretio , qualiter pro bono pacis & reformatione concordiae inter nos & regem franc. de consilio & assensu praelatorum & aliorum magnatum regni nostri , uxorem nostram sub magna amoris confidentia ad ipsum regem nuper transmisimus , sperantes sicut nobis certitudinaliter per nuncios domini summi pontificis , qui tam ad ipsum regem quam ad nos pro tractatu concordiae fuerant destinati , & etiam per nostros nuncios tunc in partibus franciae existentes promissum extitit , quod ipsa à praefato rege fratre suo posset quaecumque peteret impetrare , & quod ejus interventu firma pax & amoris integritas inter nos & ipsum regem , absque amissione juris seu patrimonii nostri , seu alicujus personae de nostris reformari debuissent , et post haec dicto negocio non secundum promissa , set alium totaliter exitum , sicut nostis , sortiente , cum parati essemus in portu dover . ad transfretandum versus partes franc. de consilio praelatorum & magnatum praedictorum ac dictorum nunciorum , praefato etiam rege ad hoc assensum praebente , dictum ducatum nostrum & omnes terras nostras quas habuimus in regno franc. edwardo filio nostro primogenito donavimus , sub certa forma habendum , ipsumque ad dictum regem franc. transmisimus pro homagio suo pro ducatu & terris praedictis faciendo . et ecce quae amoris dulcedine pro pace egimus ut guerrarū discrimina vitarentur , nobis in felle conversa sunt amaritudinis & guerrae materias habundantius administrant . detinuit siquidem idem rex & adhuc detinet dictos nost●os uxorem & filium , ac magnam partem ducatus praedicti , quanquā homagiū ipsius filii nostri pro integro receperit , & jam residuum missis exercitibus satagit occupare . receptat insuper inimicos & rebelles nostros & eos fovet , & quasdam naves quorundam mercatorum nostrorum nuper per gentes suas supra mare cepit hostiliter , & interfectis mercatoribus & marinariis in eis inventis infra regnum franc. abduci fecit , aliasque nos de guerra multipliciter persequitur tam per terram quàm per mare . propter quod nos pro defensione regni nostri navigium nostrum misimus supra mare , ad refraenand . maliciam gentium ipsius regis si qui fortè ingredi vellent regnum nostrum . verùm quia nobis relatum est , quod aliqui fautores , ut credimus , dictorum inimicorum veritatem nostram in praemissis falsis relationibus satagentes depravare , finistra de nobis & aliquibus fidelibus nostris praedicare non verentur , ut avertant à nobis corda subditorum nostrorum , qui ex simplicitate frequenter falsis narratoribus fidem praebent . nos ipsorum maliciis obviare & veritatem rei gestae cunctis patefieri cupientes , vobis in fide & dilectione quibus nobis tenemini firmiter injungen do mandamus , quod ad confutandam hujusmodi mal●volorum audaciam , praemissa omnia & singuls in publicis sermonibus & aliis congregationibus vestris recitari , & palam exponi faciatis , ut series gestarum rerum universis & singulia nota fiat . rogamus etiam ves quatinus vos et quilibet vestrum pro nobis et prospero statu regni nostri missarnm solempniis , eleemosynarum largitionibus , et aliis operibus pietatis ac jugis et devotis precibus jugiter instatis apud altissimum creatorem , quatinus ipse sua pietate nos regat et dirigat in mundi hujus turbinibus per suorum semitam mandatorum , statum regni nostri conservet incolumem , et sua ineffabili potenti● a malignorum incursibus tueatur . teste rege apud porcester . v. die septemb. eodem modo mandatum est cancellar . magistris & scolaribus universitatis cantebrig . ibid. eadem m. . dors . rex venerabili in christo patri w. eadem gratia archiepiscopo cantur . totius angliae primati salutem . benè novit vestra discretio , nec potest vobis ut credimus in memoriam non venire , qualiter pro bono pacis & reformatione concordiae inter nos & regem franc. de vestro & aliorum praelatorum ac magnatum consilio & assensu , uxorem nostram sub magna amoris confidentia ad ipsum regem nuper transmisimus , sperantes sicut nobis certitudinaliter per nuncios domini summi pontificis , qui tam ad ipsum regem quàm ad nos pro tractatu concordiae fuerant destinati , ac etiam per nostros nuncios tunc in partibus franc. existentes promissum extitit quod ipsa à praefato rege fratre suo posset quaecumque peteret impetrare , & quod ejus interventu firma pax & amoris integritas inter nos et ipsum regem absque amissione juris seu patrimonii nostri , seu alicujus personae de nostris reformari debuissent : & post haec dicto negotio non secundum promissa , sed alium totaliter exitum sicut nostis sortiente , cum parati essemus in portu dovor . ad transfretandum versus partes franciae , de con silio vestro ac aliorum praelatorum & magnatum praed●ctorum ac dictorum nunciorum , prae●ato etiam rege ad hoc assensum praebente , dictum ducatum nostrum & omnes terras nostras quas habuimus in regno franciae edwardo filio nostro primogenito donavimus sub certa forma habendum , ipsumque ad dictum regem franciae transmisimus pro homagio suo pro ducatu & terris praedictis faciendo . et ecce quae amoris dulcedine pro pace egimus , ut guerrarum discrimina vitarentur , nobis in felle conversa sunt amaritudinis , et guerris materias habundantius administra●● detinuit fiquidem idem rex et adhuc detinet dictos nostros uxorem et filium , ac magnam partem ducatus praedicti , quamquam homagium ipsius filii nostri pro integro reciperit , & jam refiduum missis exercitibus satagit occupare . receptat insuper inimicos et rebelles nostros et eos fovet , et quasdam naves quorundam mercatorum nostrorum nuper per gentes suas supra mare cepit hostiliter , et interfectis mercatoribus et marinariis in eis inventis , infra regnum franc. abduci fecit , aliasque nos de guerra multipliciter prosequitur tam per terram quàm per mare . propter quod nos pro defensione regni nostri , navagium nostrum misimus supra mare ad refraenandam maliciam gentium ipsius regis , si quae fortè ingredi vellent regnum nostrum . verum quia nobis relatum est , quod aliqui fautores , ut credimus , dictorum inimicorum , veritatem nostram in praemissis falsis relationibus satagentes depravare , sinistra de nobis et aliquibus fidelibus nostris praedicare non verentur , ut avertent à nobis corda subditorum nostrorum , qui ex simplicitate frequenter falsis narratoribus fidem praebent . nos ipsorum maliciis obviare , et veritatem rei gestae cunctis patefieri cupientes , vobis in fide et dilectione quibus nobis tenemini firmiter injungendo mandamus , quod ad confutandam hujusmodi malevolorum audaciam , praemissa omnia prout gesta fuerunt in publicis sermonibus et aliis congregationibus per totam dioc. vestram recitari et palam exponi faciatis , ut series gestarum rerum universis et singulis nota fiat , et contra hujusmodi falsa et sinistra de nobis et fidelibus nostris praedicantes tales et tam rigidas censuras promulgare studeatis , ut hujusmodi saltim timore à suis temeritatibus compescantur . rogamus insuper vos quatinus clerum et populum vestrae diocaesis salubribus exhortationibus commoneatis , ipsosque praelatos inferiores , religiosos et alios , ac rectores ecclesiarum in singulis ecclesiis per totam dioces . vestram commoneri et exhortari faciatis , ut ipsi pro nobis et prospero statu regni nostri missarum solempniis , eleemosynarum largitionibus et aliis operibus pietatis , ac jugis et devotis precibus jugiter insistant apud altissimum creatorem , quatinus ipse sua pietate nos regat et dirigat in mundi hujus turbinibus per suorum semitam mandatorum , statum regni nostri conservet incolumem , et sua ineffabili potentia a malignorum incursibus tueatur . et universis et singulis vestris suffraganeis injungatis , quod ipsi et eorum quilibet praemissa omnia et singula per singulas ecclesias suorum dioces . praedicari et exponi faciant , et clerum et populum ut orationibus et aliis pietatis operibus ut praemittitur , jugiter insistant , studeant salubriter exhortari . et nos de eo quod inde duxeritis faciendum per vestras literas distincte et aperte cum celeritate qua poteritis certificare curetis . t. r. apud claryndon xii . die augusti . consimiles literae diriguntur archiepiscopo eborum angliae primati . claus . e. . m. . dorso . rex religiosis viris et sibi in christo dilectis priori et fratribus ordinis fratrum praedicatorum ad capitulum generale apud oxon celebrandum conventuris , salutem et spiritu sancto dirigi in agendis . dum conditionem humanae fragilitatis attendimus , et qualiter omni creaturae tam sublimi quàm humili praetereuntibus suo cursu diebus praesentis vitae finis a propriat , attenta consideratione pensamus , sic praevenire cupimus quant● nobis ex alto permittitur , diem mortis , ut aeterni clementia judicis dignetur nostri de suae gratiae plenitudine misereri . verum cum devotarum orationum suffragia inter alia pietatis opera multum prosint ab divinam misericordiam impetrandam , de vobis , quorum ordinem benevolentiae specialis favore prosequimur , ut salutem nostram zelemini , et pro nobis ac statu prosper● regni nostri preces devotas domino offeratis , plenam fiduciam optinentes , devotionem vestram requirimus et rogamus , quatinus nunc et in futurum dignam sollicitudinem impendatis ; et insistatis assiduis supplicationibus et intercessionibus apud deum , ut hic sua pietate nos dirigat per suorum semitam mandatorum , et post diem extremum salvationis locum nobis dignetur misericorditer elargiri , statumque praedicti regni nostri conservare prosperum et tranquillum . v ; niversitatem vestram religiosam diu conservet altissimus in caritate continua et perfecta . t. r. apud porcestr . vi . die septembr . king * edward the d. granted and confirmed by his charters to the respective abbyes and monasteries of st. denny , lyllye , gratia dei , st. julian , charter-house london , sundry lands and revenues , ad missas , orationes , & alia divina servicia facienda pro anima nostra , et matris nostrae et pro animalus antecessorum & successorum nostrorum , primogenito nostro & haeredum suorum , &c. which the abbots and monks were daily and constantly to perform in these abbyes and monasteries without intermission . and cl. e. . part . m. . dors . he issued his writs for a publick thanksgiving and victory over the scots . rex venerabili in christo patri s. eadem gratia archiepiscopo cantuariensi , totius angliae primati salutem . sedens in trono gloriae qui sui dispositione non fallitur , dilectos suos in oportunitatibus visitat uberius quàm creatae rationis intentio sciat aut valeat invenire : ipse quidem dominantium dominus misericordiam suam nobiscum licet inmeritis magnificè mirificans hiis diebus , funestam scotorum inimicorum nostrorum rabiem et ipsorum perfidam feritatem qui partes regni nostri boreales nuper coadunatis viribus hostiliter invadentes , depraedationes , strages et incendia , necnon & alia mala quae poterant crudeliter perpetrarunt , ordini , aetati vel sexui non parcentes , & denium contra nos et nostrum exercitum propè berewycum die lunae prox ante festum sanctae margaretae virginis proximo praeterit . videlicet decimo nono die julii , in induratae spiritu superbiae & antiquatae suae maliciae ad praeliū se parantes virtutis suae potentia mirabiliter dissipavit , ipsos in manu nostra victorioso praesidio concludendo ; quos in eo qui dat salutem regibus , ac de nostra justicia confidentes in timore domini , licet in perdicione hominum non laetemur , in campo certaminis devicimus absque laesione magna , laudetur altissimus , gentis nostrae , et castrum ac villam berewici nobis reddi●a favente domino jam habemus , de quibus gratiarum omnium largitori laudes exsolvimus , ut possimus humiles et devotas , ineffabilem ipsius clemensiam implorantes , ut signum quod nobiscum fecit in bonum incrementis faciat felicibus faecundare , pacis firmandae misericorditer spem conceptam , quae vobis ad vestri recreationem et publicam regni nostri laeticiam ●●vina contemplando magnalia nunciamus . et quia inter raetera humanae reparationis remedia humilem apud deum orationis instantiam ●●vinae gratiae credimus multipliciter inductivam , paternitatem vestram affectuose requirimus et rogamus , quatinus salvatoris nostri clementiam pro concessa nobis calitus victoria , devotis laudibus attollatis , et a vestris subditis faciatis ut convenit , devotione celebri venerari ; ipsos salutaribus monitis inducentes , ut intentis orationum suffragiis nos miserationi divinae sedulo recommendent , recommendareque velitis vosmetipsi , quod commissum nobis regimen ad dei beneplacitum , defensionem ecclesiae , regni nostri honorem , commodum et quietem , conservationem , augmentum ac redintegrationem jurium nostrorum regalium , ac nostri et subditorum nostrorum salutem animarum agere , et in justicia roborari nostris temporibus feliciter valeamus . t. r. apud berewicum super twedam xxii . die julii . consimiles literae diriguntur archiepiscopo eborum & singulis episcopis angliae & walliae , ac episcopis subscriptis , videlicet archiepiscopo burdegal . episcopo aquen . episcopo agenen . episcopo brion . episcopo basaten . episcopo adduren . rot. parl. an. ed. . n. . entre les peticions des comones & les respons sur les ainsi ensint . premerement priant les dites comones , que pleze a lour dite seigneur lige prier as ercevesqes euesqes , et a toute la clergie pur prier pur son estat , et la pees et bon government de la terre , et pur la continuance de sa bone volente diverse ses dites comones . r. il plest au roi de les prier . clause . r. . m. . dorso . rex venerabili in christo patri w. eadem gratia archiepiscopo cantuar. totius angliae primati , salutem . vt praevisa jacula minus laedant , et gravissimis nostri & nostrorum periculis salubrius obvietur , inimicorum fallaces insidias , & malicias mortiferas satis expedit esse notas . super quo vos scire volumus , quod ab annis teneris quibus deo volente regni gubernacula suscepimus , semper in votis gessimus praecipuis ut subditi nostri in quorum utique quiete quiescimus , in pace firma sub nostro regimine ponerentur ; et propterea tractatus per inclitae memoriae dominum e. nuper regem angliae avum nostrum , cum tunc adversario suo franciae inchoatos , continuare fecimus , facientes adversario nostro franciae jam praesenti diversas vias pacis multociens offerri , cum detrimento non modico juris nostri , ad finem evitandi subditorum nostrorum gravamina , ac justificandi coram rege regum cui nihil est absconditum , causam nostram , et finaliter ut nihil in nobis deesset , quin praedicta pace habenda poneremus ultimum posse nostrum , johannem regem castellae et legionis , ducem lancastr . primo perse , et deinde ipsum et thomam comitem buk . patruos nostros carissimos ad diversos tractatus pacis cum nonnullis aliis praelatis , proceribus et consiliariis nostris , cum potestate plenaria fecimus destinari . set pars adversarii praedicti videns praefatos patruos nostros ad omnem pacem rationabilem prout eis injunximus inclinatos , dictum tractatum pacis et quamplures ipsius articulos quibus antea consenserant , per eavillationes et subterfugia declinarunt , et tanquam aspides surdae obturantes aures suas nolentes intelligere ut benè agerent , ea quae pacis erant audire adeò contempserunt , quod patrui dicti adversarii , di●ces viz. butricen . et burgundiae qui soli potestatem tractandi ab eodem receperant , cum prae satis patruis nostris in loco medio inter cales et boloniam ubi partes extiterant primitus conventuri * et promisso , pro praedicto tractatu , licet multociens requisiti , convenire pentius recusabant ; jactantes se , ut dicitur , nedum haereditatem nostram ultramarinam , set regnum nostrum angliae se vello hostiliter invadere , et nobis locum et gentem auferre , ac totam linguam anglicanam absque consideratione status , aetatis , sexus , aut personae destruere , ipsumque regnum ( quod absit ) imbuere nova lingua : set non placent pietati divinae quod ea nobis accidant quae minantur , un●●meritè dicere possumus , quod quaesivimus pacem , et ecce curbacio , et pro tanto dilectionem vestram attentè requirimus et rogamus , quatinus praefatas inimicorum malicias induratas clero et populo vestrae dioc. exemptis et non exemptis , clarè intimari et inter eos publicari debitè faciatis ipsos vobis quantum ex alto permittetur inducentes , ut ad propulsandam tantam inimicorum proterviam in causa regni communi et justissima spiritum fortitudinis assumant , et pro nostri nostrorumque fidelium , totiusque regni salvatione et tutela , pits , apud deum orationum suffragiis intercedant , t. rege apud westm . xxi . die octobr. consimilia brevia diriguntur episcopis subscriptis sub eadem dat . videlicet , a. archipiscopo eborum angliae primati . r. episcopo london . w. episcopo wynton . tho. episcopo elien . h. episcopo norwycen . w. episcopo cicestr . j. episcopo bathon & wellen . r. episcopo coventr . & lich. joh. episcopo dunolm . tho. episcopo karliol . r. episcopo sarum . tho. episcopo exon. j. episcopo hereford . tho. episcopo roffen . h. episcopo wygorn . j. episcopo lincoln . a. episcopo meneven . j. episcopo bangoren . tho. episcopo landaven . l episcopo assaven . claus . . r. . m. . dors . rex venerabili in christo patri w. eadem gratia archiepiscopo cantur . totius angliae primati , salutem . cum nuper considerantes qualiter inimici nostri franc. & alii quamplures sibi adhaerentes , regnum nostrum angliae pluribus locis saepius invaserunt , mala intolerabilia tamper terram quàm per mare perpetrantes , & insuper de hoc minimè contenti ecclesiam sanctam populumque , & ligeos nostros subvertere , & penitus destruere de die in diem totis viribus suis se parant , & conantur ; de assensu consilii nostri or dinaverimus dilectum consanguineum & fidelem nostrum ricardum comitem arundel admiralum nostrum angliae , ad proficiscendum in obsequium nostrū super mare , una cum non nullis magnatibus & aliis fidelibus nostris in comitiva sua , ad maliciam & proterviam praedictorum hostium nostrorum ( gratia mediante divina ) propulsandam , ac ec●lesiam & regnum praedicta protegenda & salvanda . verum quia ad praemissa peragenda & complenda absque devotarum orationum suffragiis vires nostras cernimus penitus impotentes ; ac sperantes indubiè quod quantò in magnis & peragendis negociis divinum praesidium instantius & devotius imploratur , tantò exinde successus prosperior & felicior proveniat & sequatur ; vestram paternitatem & devotionem affectuosis precibus requirimus & rogamus , quatinus tam grandibus periculis quae ecclesiae & regno praedictis oculata fide indies suo jure conspicitis debite consideratis , suffraganeos vestros ac religiosos & alios subditos vestros universos vestrae provinciae , ad devotionem suam erga summum regem elevandam , eò specialius , quò magis sciveritis vel poteritis juxta possibilitatem tanta necessitate causante indicatis cum effectu , ut ipsi apud altissimum de quo omnis gratia procedit , tota mentis solicitudine preces & orationes devotissimas effundant & devotis precibus & intercessionibus ac processionibus & missarum celebrationibus ad gratiam dei impetraudam pro nobis statuque ec●lesiae & regni praedictorum , & specialiter praedicto consanguineo nostro ac aliis magnatibus & fidelibus nostris praedictis qui corpora sua propter salvationem ecclesiae sanctae ac regni & totius populi praedictorum periculis exponere non evitant assiduè insistant apud deum ut ipse deus statum nostri ecclesiaeque & regni praedictorum conservare dignetur prosperum & tranquillum dictoque consanguineo nostro ac aliis magnatibus & fidelibus nostris praedictis in actibus suis expeditionem felicem pro sua magna misericordia gratiosius tribuat & concedat . teste rege apud westm . xx . die martii . consimilis breve dirigitur a. archiepiscopo ebor. angliae primati sub eadem data . rex venerabili in christo patri r. eadem gratia episcopo london salutem . cum nuper , &c. ut semper usque ibi debitè considerantes ; et tunc sic universos & singulos clericos & subditos vestros tam regulares quam seculares vestra dioc . ad devotionem , &c. ut supra t. ut supra . consimilia brevia diriguntur episcopis subscriptis sub eadem data , viz. w. episcopo wynton . th. episcopo elien . h. episcopo norwicen . th. episcopo cicestr . i. episcopo dunolm . th. episcopo karliol . r. episcopo sarum . th. episcopo exon. i. episcopo hereford . th. episcopo roffen . h. episcopo wigorn. i. episcopo lincoln . a. episcopo meneven . i. episcopo bangoren . w. episcopo landaven . l. episcopo assaven . w. episcopo bathon & well . r. episcopo covent . & lich. claus . . r. . m. . dors . rex venerabili in christo patri w. eadem gratia archiepiscopo cantuar. totius angliae primati salutem . cum ecclesia catholica seu populus regni nostri cujus regimen nobis â domino praestatur , in pace & prosperitate absque devotarum orationum suffragiis altissimo reddendis , aliquandiu persistere non valeat . et quia speramus indubiè quod quanto divinum praesidium instantius et devocius imploretur , tantò exinde successus prosperior & felicior proveniet & succedet . vestram paternitatem & devotionem affectuosis precibus requirimus & rogamus , quatinus praemissis devotè & condigne consideratis , universos & singulos clericos & subditos vestros tam regulares quàm seculares vestrae dioc . ad devotionem suam erga summum regem elevandam eò specialius quò magis sciveritis vel poteritis juxta possibilitatem inducatis cum effectu , ut ipsi apud altissimum de quo omnis gratia procedit , tota mentis solicitudine preces & orationes devotissime effundant , & devotis precibus & intercessionibus ac processionibus & missarum celebrationibus ad gratiam dei impetrandam pro nobis , ac statu ecclesiae sanctae , paceque & tranquillitate regni praedicti assid tè insistant apud deum : ut ipse deus , statum ecclesiae nostrique & regni praedicti conservare dignetur prosperum & tranquillum , & nobis ac populo nostro regni praedicti actibus nostris gratiam & expeditionem felicem pro sua magna misericordia gratiosius tribuat & concedat . teste rege apud westm . xxvii . die aug. per ipsum regem . consimilia brevia diriguntur subscriptis sub eadem data , viz. th. archiepiscopo ebor. angliae prim. r. episcopo london . w. episcopo wynton . i. episcopo elien . h. episcopo norwicen . r. episcopo cicestr . w. episcopo dunolm . th. episcopo karliol . i. episcopo sarum . th. episcopo exon. i. episcopo hereford . w. episcopo roffen . h. episcopo wygorn . i. episcopo lincoln . i. episcopo meneven . i. episcopo bangoren . e. episcopo landaven . a. episcopo assaven . r. episcopo bath . & wellen. r. episcopo covent . & lich. claus . anno . r. . m. . dors . rex venerabili in christo patri w. eadem gratia archiepiscopo cantuar. totius angliae primati , salutem . cum propter bonum regimen ac prosperam & felicem gubernationem terrae nostrae hiberniae ac fidelium ligeorum nostrorum ibidem , necnon propter castigationem & justificationem inobedientium & rebellium contra ligeanciam suam in terra nostra praedicta , si qui fuerint , simus ad partes illas personaliter jam profecti . et quia ad onus regiminis regni nostri angliae & terrae nostrae praedictae quod nobis ab alto committitur supportandum , & ad ecclesiam sanctam ae regnum & terram nostra praedicta , nec non legeos nostros eorundem protegendos , & debite gubernandos absque summo dei praesidio ac devotarum orationum , suffragiis pro nobis effluentius altissimo reddendis , vires nostras cernimus penitus impotentes ; ac sperantes indubie , quod quantò in magnis & peragendis negotiis nostris divinum adminiculum instantius & devotius imploratur , tantò exinde successus prosperior & felicior proveniat & fequatur . vestram paternitatem & devotionem affectuosis precibus requirimus & rogamus , quatinus praemissis condignè & devotè consideratis , suffraganeos vestros ac religiosos , & alios subditos vestros universos vestrae provinciae ad devotionem suam erga summum regem elevandam , eò speeialius quò magis sciveritis vel poteritis juxta possibilitatem tanta necessitate causante inducatis cum effectu , ut ipsi apud altissimum de quo omnis gratia procedit , tota mentis solicitudine preces & orationes devotissimè infundant , & devotis precibus & intercessionibus ac processionibus & missarum celebrationibus ad specialem gratiam dei impetrandam pro expeditione nostra ac aliorum magnatum & fidelium nobiscum in excercitu nostro in partibus praedictis existentium , qui corpora nostra propter salvation● terrae illius periculis * ponere non evitamus , assiduè insistant apud deum , ut ipse deus statum nostrum ecclesiaeque & regni , ac terrae praedictorum conservare dignetur prosperum & tranquillum , nobisque & fidelibus nostris in actibus nostris in terra nostra praedicta & alibi expeditionem felicem pro sua magna pietate misericorditer tribuat & concedat . teste edmundo duce eborum custode angliae apud westm . xv . die octob. consimile breve dirigitur th. episcopo eborum angliae primati sub eadem data . rex venerabili in christo patri r. eadem gratia episcopo london salutem . cum propter bonum regimen , &c. ut supra usque ibi consideratis , et tunc sic ; universos & singulos clericos & subditos vestros tam regulares quam seculares vestrae dioc . ad devotionem suam erga summum regem , &c. ut super , teste ut supra . consimilia brevia diriguntur subscriptis sub eadem data , viz. w. episcopo wynton . i. episcopo lincoln . i. episcopo sarum . r. episcopo bath . & well . r. episcopo covent . & lich. i. episcopo elien . w. episcopo dunolm . th. episcopo karliol . r. episcopo cicest . w. episcopo roffen . i. episcopo hereford . h. episcopo wygorn . th. episcopo exon. i. episcopo meneven . h. episcopo norwicen . i. episcopo bangoren . t. episcopo landaven . custodi spiritual . episcopatus assaven . king richard the d . in the . year of his reign , confirmed by his charter to the abby of graces near the tower of london , founded by king edward his grand-father , sundry lands and tenements , in respect of the various dangers to which he and the kingdom were in humane reason exposed to , by land and sea , beyond recovery . ad missas et alia divina officia singulis diebus celebrandas et faciendas in abbatia praedicta pro salubri statu et prosperitate nostra dum vixerimus , et pro anima nostra dum ab hac luce migraverimus , & pro anima ejusdem avi nostri specialiter , & animabus omnium aliorum progenitorum haeredum & successorum nostrorum & omnium fidelium defunctorum in perpetuum . and michael de la poole , founded the monastery at kingston upon hull , confirmed by king richard the d . granting sundry lands to the prior , monks and their successors upon this condition ; volumus itaque & ordinamus , quod praefati prior & monachi & eorum successores habeant specialiter in missis , orationibus , & aliis divinis serviciis recommendatum , statum nobilissimi domini regis ricardi praedicti & nostrum , ( and of several others particularly mentioned ) dum vixerimus , & cum ab hac luce migraverimus , orent , celebrent & celebrati facient pro animabus nostris , ac specialiter et continuè pro anima dicti domini nostri regis edwardi defuncti , and of several others particularly mentioned , & pro quibus orare tenemur , et omnium fidelium defunctorum . i could adde many more writs and mandates , of the former nature , upon extraordinary occasions , out of the clause rolls of king john , hen. the d. edw. the d. henry the , , & . edward . h. , . edward . queen elizabeth , king james , and king charles ; which because they would rather surfit than delight or instruct the readers , i shall wholy pretermit . king henry the th . founded a monasterie at shene , the grounds and ends whereof he thus expressed in his charter . cum excelsae . majestatis exennia quae gloriam nostri regiminis de die in diem ubertim , ut ipsi videmus , extollant , ritè à nobis gratiarum vendicant actiones , justissimum credimus ut eo medio in auctorem tendant quo nobis ab auctore fluxerunt , nomine salvatoris ; ut sicut per mediatorem deret hominum dominum jesum ad nos indignos , depatre luminum , bona cuncta procedunt , ità nostrae laudes quamvis inutiles per eundem jesum christum et datorem gratiarum , & omnis boni principium revertantur . whereupon he granted and confirmed for him and his heirs sundry lands to this monastery free from all secular exaction and service , pro orationibus et aliis divinis officiis inibi faciendis pro salubri statu nostro dum vixerimus , ac anima nostra cum ab hac luce migraverimus , & animabus parentum & progenitorum nostrorum & omnium fidelium defunctorum : necnon pro pace , tranquillitate et quiete populi et regni nostri : ac insuper pro aliis pietatis operibus ibidem sustinendis , ministrandis , et supportandis juxta ordinationem nostram , haereredum et executorum nostrorum in hac parte plenius faciendam ; which was accordingly executed . king edward the th . ‖ by his charter of febr. in the first year of his reign , granted the priory of shirburn to the hospital of st. julian called domus dei in the town of southampton , in augmentationem divinae cultus infra hospitale nostrum sancti juliani , &c necnon ut dilect● nobis in christo magister jahannes pereson , nunc custos hospitalis praedicti , ac nunc capellani et fratres ejusdem hospitalis , ac successores sui , pro salubri statu nostri et haeredum et successorum nostrorum dum agimus in humanis , necnon pro animabus nostris cum universae carnis viam ingressi fuerimus , nccnon pro animabus recolendae memoriae principis ricardi nuper ducis eberici patris nostri , &c. et omnium aliorum primogenitorum nostrorum imperpetuum specialiter exorare teneantur . king henry the th . appropriated the churches of potterspiry and eggemond to the priory and covent of st. anne by coventre founded by his ancestors , ut iidem prior & conventus , pro beno statu nostro , ac consortis nostrae , liberorumque nostrorum , ac carissimae matris n●strae , deum altissimum deprecentur indies et exorent ; ac missam de spiritu sancto pro nobis semel in ebdomade durante vita n●stra faciant celebrari , et quendam solempnem annualem obitum pro anima nostra cum ab hac luce migraverimus , custodiant et observent . in the book entituled horae beatissimae mariae , ad ligituum ecclesiae salisburiensis ritum , printed parisiis , . ( the . year of king henry the th . but generally used throughout england some hundreds of years before ) f. . there is this set form of prayer for the king of england for the time being . deus regnorum et christiani maximè protector imperii , da servo tuo h. regi nostro de hoste triumphum , ut qui tua providentia extitit coronatus , tuo semper munimine tutus sit et securus , per christum dominum nostrum . and in processi●ale ad usus insignis ecclesiae sarum , parisiis . f. . , . i meet with these short prayers & ejaculations then and formerly publickly used in all processions for our successive kings . domine salvum fac regem . regem nostrum ac principes , &c. in omni sanctitate custodi . salvum fac regem nostrum famuium tuum : et exaudi nos in die quo invocav●rimus ●te . all our antient missals , offices , howers , primers , in times of popery , containing the like prayers , and such as i have formerly recited out of * cassander his preces ecclesiasticae , together with prayers for their souls after their deaths : which according to the modern use of the church of rome are popish , vain , sinfull , superstitious , implying and presupposing a purgatory : but according to their primitive use and institution , pious and religious , importing no purgatory at all , as learned bishop vsher proves at large in his answer to the jesuites challenge , of prayers for the dead , p. . to . to which i refer the reader for fuller satisfaction herein , and concerning the forementioned prayers for , and charters of our kings to monasteries to pray for their own , their ancestors , successors , heirs , and others souls when departed out of this world. i could adde many prayers made for king henry the th . in sundry epistles and dedications of books unto him , but for brevity i shall omit all but . the . is pope leo the th . his bull to him in the . year of his reign , subscribed with all the cardinals hands ; wherein he conferred on him the title of defender of the faith , for writing a book against luther , in defence of pardous , the papacy , and . sacraments , which bull begins thus . * leo episcopus , servus servorum dei. charissimo in christo filio , henrico angliae regi , fidei defensori , salutem et apostolicam benedictionem ; and is closed with this benediction and prayer for him and his posterity . perpetuum hoc & immortale gloriae tuae monumentum posteris tuis relinquere , illisque viam ostendere , ut si tali titulo ipsi quoque insigniri optabunt , talia etiam opera efficere , praeclaraq●e majestatis tuae vestigia sequi studeant , quam prout de nobis & dicta sede optimè merita est , unâ cum uxore & filiis , ac omnibus qui à te & ab illis nascentur nostra benedictione in nomine illius à quo illam concedendi potestas nobis data est , larga & liberali manu benedicentes , altissimum illum qui dixit ; per me reges regnant ; & principes imperant , & in manu sua corda sunt regum , rogamus et obsecramus , ut eam in suo sancto proposito confirmet , ejusque devotionem multiplicet , ac praeclaris prosancta fide gestis ita illustret , ac toti orbi terrarum conspicuam reddat , ut judicium quod de ipsa fecimus eam tàm insigni titulo decorantes , à nemine falsum aut vanum judicari possit . demum mortat is hujus vitae ●●uito curriculo sempiternae illius gloriae consortem atque participem reddat . the is william wraghton ( an acute protestant writer ) who in his epistles to king henry the th . before his two books , intituled , the hunting of the romish fox , printed at basyl , . and his rescuing of the romish fox , against stephen gardner , printed . wisheth him prosperity both of body and soul , closing his last epistle to him with this prayer . god grant you health both of body and soul , victory over your enemies , and grace to do in this our matter of religion as shall be most to the glory of god , and the profit of the common-wealth , amen ; and he closeth his last treatise with this prayer , god save the king. the third is our learned protestant divine , thomas beacon , who in his * path-way unto prayer ( dedicated to the lady anne grey ) ch . . hath this godly exhortation to all private christians . let us flee to god at all times with humble obsecrations and hearty requests . let our prayers be continual . let us in all our prayers seek the glory of god , the advancement of his most blessed word , and the health of our own souls . let us pray for the preservation of the kings most excellent majesty ( h. . ) and for the prosperous successe of his intirely-beloved son , edward , our prince , that most angel-like impe. let us pray for all the lords spiritual and temporal : specially for those that have the regiment of the publick-weal under the kings graces highness . let us pray for the ministers of gods word , that they may freely speak the truth of christs gospel , as it becommeth them . let us pray for all men universally , chiefly for the inhabitants of this realm of england , that they may all bear a faithfull heart both towards god and our king. upon the reformation of religion , and abolishing of popish missals , psalters , howers , processionals , and portuasses by king edward the sixth in his parliament , , & edw. . ch . . the king by advice of his convocation and parliament , commanded a book of common-prayer and administeration of the sacraments in the english tongue , to be used in all churches and chapels throughout the realm , by the statutes of e. c. . & , & e. . c. . wherein there was not only a prayer for the king in the letany , but in a special collect , agreeing in substance with those in our later books of common-prayer , hereafter cited . in this pious kings reign , the bishops and ministers in their epistles and dedications to him , and in their prayers before & after their sermons , usually prayed most heartily and particularly for his long life , religious and prosperous reign , and spiritual , temporal , and eternal felicity . and john bale bishop of ossery , in his image of both churches , or paraphrase upon st. johns revelation , printed . in the last page thereof , exhorts all gods meek-spirited servants in their daily prayer , afore all other to remember that most worthy minister of god , king edward the sixth , which hath so sore wounded the beast , that he may throw all his superstition into the bottomlesse lake again , ( from whence they have comen ) to the comfort of his people . our learned a thomas beacon in his preface to the flower of godly prayers , dedicated to anne dutchesse of somerset , as he doth exceedingly blesse god for the extraordinary zeal and piety of king edward the th . in delivering his realm from antichristian tyranny and popery , reforming the church , propagating true religion , and in giving us this most worthy prince to be our king : so he hath this particular b prayer for the king , to be used by all private christians daily in their respective families and closets with zeal and devotion . almighty god , e king of kings , and lord of lords , which by thy divine ordinance hast appointed temporal rulers to govern thy people , according to equity and justice , and to live among them as a loving father among his natural children , unto the advancement of the good , and punishment of the evil , we most humbly beseech thee favourably to behold edward thy servant , our king and governour , and to breath into his heart through thy holy spirit , that wisdom , that is ever about the throne of thy majesty , whereby he may be provoked , moved , and stirred to love , fear and serve thee , to seek thy glory , to banish idolatry , superstition , and hypocrisy out of this his realm , and unfeignedly to avance thy holy and pure religion among us his subjects , unto the example of other forein nations . o lord defend him from his enemies , send him long and prosperous life among us , and give him grace not only in his own person , godly and justly to rule , but also to appoint such magistrates under him , as may be likewise affected both toward thy holy word , and toward the common-weal ; that his subjects living under his dominion in all godlinesse , peace and wealth , may passe the time of this our short pilgrimage in thy fear and service , unto the glory of thy blessed name , which alone is worthy all honour for ever and ever . amen . next after this , follows one prayer for the kings council . and after that , d a prayer for the common peace and quietnesse of all realms : very seasonable for our times . and in his e pomaunder of prayer , he hath this prayer of subjects or commons . as it is thy godly appointment , o lord god , f that some should bear rule in the world to see thy glory set forth , and the common peace kept , so is it thy pleasure again , that some should be subjects and inferiours to others in their vocation , although before thee there is no respect of persons . and for as much as it is thy good will , to appoint me in the number of subjects , i beseech thee to give me a faithfull and an obedient heart unto the high powers , that there may be found in me no disobedience , no vnfaithfullnesse , no treason , no falsehood , no dissimulation , no insurrection , no commotion , no conspiracy , nor any kind of rebel●ion in word or deed against the civil magistrates : but all faithfulnesse , quietnesse , subjection , humility , and whatsoever else becommeth a subject ; that i living here g in all lowlynesse of mind , may at the last day , through thy favour be lifted up into everlasting glory , where thou , with the father and the holy ghost liv●st and reignest very god for ever . amen . these were the godly , loyal , fervent , daily publick and private prayers of protestant ministers and subjects for king edward the th . in that age. queen mary , a popish prince , succeeding king edward , set aside the book of common-prayer , and introduced popish m●ssals , processionals , howers , primers , and popery again , wherein they publickly prayed for her in the forecited manner under our popish kings ; her zealous protestant bishops , ministers , and subjects likewise making fervent constant prayers for her : but some over-zealous , anabaptistical fanaticks using some unchristian expressions in their prayers against her , h that god would cut her off , and shorten her daies , of which there was complaint made in parliament ; whereupon there was this special act made against such prayers , anno . , & phil. & mar. ch . forasmuch as now of late diverse noughty , seditious , malicious , and heretical persons , not having the fear of god before their eyes ; who in a divellish sort , contrary to the duty of their allegiance , congregated themselves together in conventicles , in divers and sundry prophane places within the city of london , esteeming themselves to be in the true faith , where indeed they are in errors and heresies , and out of the true trade of christs catholick religion , and in the same places at several times using their phantastical and schismatical services , have of their most malicious and wicked stomachs prayed against the queens majesty , that god would turn her heart from idolatry to the true faith ( which was good and christian ) or else to shorten her daies , or take her quickly out of the way . which prayer was never heard or read to have been used by any good christian man , against any prince , though he were a pagan and infidel , and much lesse against any christian prince , and especially so virtuous a princess as our soveraign lady that now is , is known to be , &c. for reformation whereof it is enacted , that every such person and persons which since the beginning of this parliament have by expresse words and sayings , prayed , required or desired , or hereafter shall pray by express words or sayings , that god would shorten her daies , or take her out of the way ( whose life almighty god long preserve ) or any such like malicious prayer , amounting to the same effect , their promoters & abetters therein , shall be taken , reputed and judged traytors , and every such praying , requiring and destring , shall be judged , taken and reputed high treason . and the offendors therein , their procurours and abetters being thereof lawfully convict , according to the laws of this realm , shall have , suffer and forfeit as in cases of high treason . provided alwaies , and be it enacted , that if any person or persons shall be indicted for any the offences aforesaid , done and perpetrated during this session of this present parliament , and upon his or their arraignment , shall shew him or themselves penitent for their offence , and submit him or themselves to the kings and queens mercy , and humbly desire the same , before such justices or commissioners before whom he or they shall be arraigned , that then no judgement of conviction , or attaindour of treason , shall be given against any such person or persons , so being penitent and submitting themselves . and in every such case , the justices or commissioners before whom such person or persons shall be arraigned , shall have authority by virtue of this act , to prescribe , adjudge and appoint such corporal punishment , other than death , to such offender and offenders , as to them by their discretion shall seem convenient ; and upon that penance prescribed and done , to be discharged of the said treason , comprised in that judgement . these prayers were much against and directly contrary to the judgement of i archbishop cranmer , bishop farrer , bishop hooper , rowland taylor , john philpot , john bradford , edward crome , john rogers , laurence saunders , edward laurence , miles coverdale bishop of fxon , and other of our godly protestant bishops and ministers , who soon after suffered as martyrs ; they in their letter the . of may anno dom. . professing , that as obedient subjects we shall behave our selves towards queen mary , and all that be in authority , and not cease to pray to god for them , that he would govern them all , generally and particularly , with the spirit of wisdom and grace , and so we heartily desire , and humbly pray all men to do , in no point consenting to any kind of rebellion or sedition against our soveraign lady the queens highnesse : but where they cannot obey , but they must disobey god , there to submit themselves with all patience and humility , to suffer as the will and pleasure of the higher powers shall adjudge : as we are ready through the goodness of the lord , to suffer whatsoever they shall adjudge us unto . and bishop hooper writ an apology against the slanderous report made of him , that he should encourage and maintain such as cursed qu. mary , printed . wherein his innocency and loyalty to the queen , in praying for her , are vindicated at large . in this parliament k there being a general opinion that queen mary was with child by king philip her husband , there was a special act made , that in case queen mary should die , during her childs minority , that king philip should have the education and protection of him : in which act , the lords spiritual and temporal , and commons assembled in parliament , have firm hopes and confidence by the goodnesse of almighty god , that he will of his infinite goodnesse give the queens majesty and highnesse strength , the rather by our continual prayers , so passe well the danger of deliverance of child , &c. upon this occasion , the popish bishops , clergy , and churchmen , made many processions , masses , collects and prayers , to be daily said in all churches for qu. maryes safe deliverance and her issue , recorded at large by mr. fox , where you may peruse them : in one of which prayers there were these expressions . give unto our queen thy servant , a little infant in fashion and body , comely and beautifull , in pregnant wit , notable and excellent . grant the same to be in obedience like abraham , in chastity and brotherly love like joseph , in meeknesse and mildnesse like moses , in strength and valour like sampson : let him be found faithfull as david , after thy heart ; let him be wise among kings , as the most wise solomon ; let him be like job , a simple and an upright man , fearing god and eschewing evil ; let him finally be garnished with the comlinesse of all virtuous conditions , and in the same let him wax old and live , that he may see his childrens children to the third and fourth generation . and give unto our soveraign lord and lady king philip , and queen mary , thy blessings , and long-life upon earth , and grant that of them may come kings and queens , which may stedfastly continue in faith , love and holinesse . and blessed be their seed of our god , that all nations may know , thou art only god in all the earth , which art blessed for ever and ever . amen . after queen maries decease , anno . masses and popish prayers being again abolished , and the book of common prayer restored by the parliament of eliz. ch . . there were the same prayers publickly used for the queen , both in the letany and collects , as were formerly used for king edward ; and in sundry books dedicated to her majesty , and prayers published during her reign , there were many loyal and zealous prayers , supplications and intercessions , made to god for her long life and prosperous reign , over-tedious to recite at large , and vulgarly known ; and in all or most prayers , morning and evening , for private families and christians , there were special petitions to god for her majesty , some of them being printed with the bibles themselves , then in use ; and likewise at the end of most quarto bibles under king james , and king charles . i shall touch only upon some few presidents of many . in the . year of her reign , john veron , ( divinity lecturer at pauls ) in the close of his dedicatory epistle to her majestie , before his fruitfull treatise of predestination , prayes thus . christ jesus of his tender mercy and goodnesse , vouchsafe to defend and preserve your most gracious highnesse , from all your enemies , and with his holy spirit , so to fill , strengthen and comfort your princely heart , that ye may at all times boldly set forth his glory , and maintain it to your lives end . which the lord long continue to his honor. in the th . year of queen elizabeth , there was a collection of prayers in latin , intituled preces privatae , printed by william seres , and published by the queens special privilege and authority ; wherein not only the duty of subjects is set down , out of mat. . . rom. . tim. . , , . tit. . . & pet. . but these special prayers , psalms and hymnes made to god ; to be used daily in private closets and families for the queen . domine pater coelestis , rex regum & dominus dominantium , omnium principum gubernator & rector , intimis votis te suppliciter quaesumus reginam nostram elizabetham , benigno vultu respicias , eique singulari gratia & spiritu sancto ità semper assistere digneris , ut voluntatem tuam ubique exequatur , & secundum saluberimam normam mandatorum tuorum , omnem vitam transigat . accumula in illam coelestia tua dona , ut diu feliciter nobis imperet , hostes fortiter devincat , tandemque in coelesti gloria vivat in aeternum , qui vivis & regnas deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . amen . after which follow the same prayers for her in latin in the letany , as in the english letany in the book of common-prayer : and the same collects for her in latin , as for her and the king in english . then there ensue , psalmi selecti & peculiares pro rege vel regina , to wit , psalm , & , & . applyed to the king and queen litterally , with domine salvum fac regem , & exaudi nos in die in qua invocaverimus . after that precatio d exemplum orationis salomonis , pro regina . domine deus qui serenissimam nostram reginam super nos regnare fecisti , eamque in medio populi tui , ut in aequitate nos regat & in cordis integritate subditos suos judicet constituisti : mitte illi quaeso de coelis sanctis ●uis , & à sede majestatis tuae affistricem tuam sapientiam , ut ei semper adsit , & apud eam perpetuò refideat , ut sciat quod tibi acceptum fit . dies praetereà super dies ejus adjicito , eique tàm benignè principali tua gratia adesto , ut & in hac vita grata sint tibi opera ejus , & in futuro tecum regnet in omnem aeternitatem , per christum dominum et servatorem nostrum . amen . salvam fac domine reginam , nec unquam avertas faciem tuam ab ea . vitam longaevam tribus illi : et sub umbra tuarum alarum protege eam . amen . after these follow this prayer , pro christianis magistratibus . misericors deus ac coelestis pater , in cujus manu est omnis terrena potestas & magistratus , per te constitutos , ad supplicium malorum , & defensionem bonorum ; in cujus potenti dextera sita sunt omnia jura & leges imperatorum , te supplices oramus pro principe nostro , proque eis qui sunt ei à consiliis , & qui rempublicam administrant , ut gladium ipsis per te commissum , in fide vera & timore dei rectegerant , eoque pro tua voluntate & jussu utantur . obumbret eos virtus & sapientia altissinii . illuminet & conservet eos in amore dei divina tua● gratia . da illis ô domine sapientiam & intellectum . concede quietam gubernationem , ut omnes subditos in veritate sidei , dilectione & justitia , quae tibi cordi sit , regant , & dicto audientes conservent . proroga ipsis dies vitae suae , et annos multos largire , ut prospera & laudata ipsorum functione , nomen tuum & sanctificetur & laudetur in omne aevum . amen . towards the end of the book follow certain latin prayers and graces to be used before and after meals , to which there is this conclusion added . gratiarum actiones à cibo , semper concludantur hac precatiuncula : deus servet ecclesiam , regem vel reginam custodiat , consiliarios ejus regat , populum universum tueatur , & pacem nobis donet perpetuam . amen . in imitation whereof this prayer was commonly used in all colleges , schools , hospitals , families throughout the realm , in their graces after every meal . god save his church , our king , queen , ( prince , the rest of the royal issue , when there were such living ) and realms . god send us peace in jesus christ our lord. amen . the like prayers in english for the queen to be used in in christian families , were published by john field , in his prayers and meditations for the use of private families , . the kings psalms , and queens prayers , . in christian private prayers by edw. deering . in the manuel of prayers , set out by iohn rogers , anno . in christian prayers set out by henry bull , anno . in tho. sampsons prayers . with sundry others . but i shall close up all with bishop iewels prayer for the queens majesty , in his epistle to her prefixed to his apology of the church of england , printed . and after re-printed . god evermore enflame and direct your majesty with his holy spirit , that the zeal of his house may sincerely devour your gracious heart , that you may safely walk in the wayes of your father david , that you may utterly abandon all groves and hill-altars , that you may live an old mother in israel , that you may see an end of all distractions , and stablisht peace and unity in the church of god. amen . and with the prayer of doctor thomas bilson , in the close of his epistle to her majesty before his books of , the true difference between christian subjection and unchristian rebellion , ( a very learned and seasonable treatise , wherein he produceth * some testimonies of fathers praying for heretical and persecuting emperors . ) the king of kings and lord of lords bless and preserve your majesty ; and as he hath begun a good and glorious work in you , and in the realm by you , so continue the same by lightening you with his holy spirit , and defending you with his mighty arm , as he hath done from the day that he chose you to be the leader and guider of his people , that you may long keep them in truth and peace by the assistance of his grace , to the prayse of his glory , increase of the godly , and grief of his and your subjects . even so lord iesus . the clergy of england assembled in convocation , anno . the first year of king iames his reign , in their constitations and canons ecclesiastical then agreed upon by them , ratified and published by the kings authority under his great seal , did thus evidence to the world their loyalty to the king and his royal posterity . can. . as our duty to the kings most excellent majesty requireth , we first decree and ordain , that the archbishop of canterbury , ( from time to time ) all bishops of this province , or deans , archdeacons , vicars , and all other ecclesiastical persons , shall faithfully keep and observe , and ( as much as in them lyeth ) shall cause to be observed and kept of others , all and singular laws and statutes made for the restoring to the crown of this kingdom , the antient jurisdiction over the state ecclesiastical , and abolishing of all forein power repugant to the same . furthermore , all ecclesiastical persons having cure of souls , and all other preachers , and readers of divinity lectures , shall to the uttermost of their wit , knowledge and learning , purely and sincerely ( without any colour or dissimulation ) teach , manifest , open , and declare four times every year ( at the least ) in their sermons and other collations and lectures , that all usurped and forein power , ( forasmuch as the same hath no establishment nor ground by the law of god ) is for most just causes taken away and abolished : and that therefore no manner of obedience and subjection within his majesties realms and dominions , is due unto any such forein power : but that the kings power within his realms of england , scotland and ireland , and other his dominions and countries , is the highest power vnder god , to whom all men as well inhabitants as born within the same , do by gods laws owe most loyalty and obedience , afore and above all other powers and potentates in the earth . canon ii. impugners of the kings supremacy censured . whosoever shall hereafter affirm , that the kings majesty hath not the same authority in cause ecclesiastical , that the godly kings had among the jews , and christian emperours in the primitive church , or impeach in any part his regal supremacy in the said causes restored to the crown , and by the laws of this realm therein established , let him be excommunicated ipso facto , and not restored but only by the archbishop after his repentance and publick revocation of those his wicked errors . canon xxxvi . subscription required of all such who are to be made ministers . no person shall hereafter be received into the ministry , nor either by institution or collation admitted to any ecclesiastical living , nor suffered to preach , to chatechize , or to be a lecturer , or reader of divinity in either universities , or in any cathedral or collegiate church , city , or market-town , parish-church , chapel , or in any other place within this realm , except he be licenced by the archbishop , or by the bishop of the diocesse , ( where he is to be placed ) under their hands and seal , or by one of the two universities under their seal likewise , and except he shall first subscribe to these three articles following , in such manner and sort as we have here appointed . . that the kings majesty under god , is the only supreme governour of this realm , and of all other his highnesse dominions and countries , aswell in all spiritual or ecclesiastical things or causes , as temporal : and that no forein prince , person , prelate , state , or potentate , have or ought to have jurisdiction , power , superiority , preeminence , or authority ecclesiastical or spiritual , within his majesties said realms , dominions and countreys , &c. and can. . they prescribed this form of prayer to be used by them in their prayers before all their ser-lectures , and homilies . and herein i require you , most especially to pray for the kings most excellent majesty our soveraign lord charles , king of england , scotland , france and ireland , defendor of the faith , and supreme governour in these his realms , and all other his dominions and countries , over all persons , in all causes , aswell ecclesiastical as temporal . ye shall also pray for the kings most honourable councel , and for all the nobility and magistrates of this realm , that all and every of these in their several callings , may serve truly and painfully to the glory of god , and the edifying and well governing of his people , remembring the account that they must make . also ye shall pray for the whole commons of this realm , that they may live in true faith and fear of god , in humble obedience to the king , and brotherly charity one to another . which all ministers and preachers duly observed ; usually adding this clause thereunto ; that god out of his infinite mercy , would grant so to blesse the kings majestie , and his royal issue with a perpetual posterity , that there might never want a man of that royal race to sway the scepter of these realms , so long as the sun and moon should endure , and till all scepters and kingdoms should be resigned at the last day into the hands of jesus christ , the king of kings . the lords spiritual , temporal and commons of the realm of england , assembled in parliament , in the first year of king james , do thus expresse and declare their own and the whole kingdoms unspeakeable joys , acclamations and thanksgivings unto god , and their own and their posterities signal loyalty , affection , and devotion to king james , his heirs and royal progeny for ever , in the statute of jacobi ch . . intituled , a most joyfull and just recognition , of the immediate , lawfull , and undoubted succession , descent and right of the crown . great and manifold were the benefits ( most dread and most gracious soveraign ) wherewith almighty god blessed this kingdom and nation , by the happy union and conjunction of the two nobles houses of york and lancaster , thereby preserving this noble realm , formerly torn and almost wasted with long and miserable dissention and bloodie civil war. but more inestimable and unspeakable blessings are thereby powred upon us , because there is derived and grown from and out of that union of those two princely families , a more famous and greater union , ( or rather a re-uniting ) of two mighty , famous , and antient kingdoms , ( yet antiently but one ) of england and scotland , under one imperial crown , in your most royal person , who is lineally , rightfully , and lawfully descended of the body of the most excellent lady margaret , eldest daughter of the most renowned king henry the th . and the high and noble princesse queen elizabeth his wife , eldest daughter of king edward the th . the said lady margaret being eldest sister of king henry the th . father of the high and mightie princesse of famous memorie , elizabeth late queen of england . in consideration whereof , albeit we your majesties loyal and faithfull subjects of all estates and degrees , with all possible publike joy and acclamation , by open proclamations within few houres after the decease of our late soveraign queen , acknowledging thereby , with one full voice of tongue and heart , that your majesty was our only , lawfull and rightfull leige lord and soveraign , and by our unspeakable and general rejoycing , and applause at your majesties most happy inauguration , and coronation : by the affectionate desire of infinite numbers of us of all degrees , to see your royal person , and by all possible outward means have indeavoured to make demonstration of our inward love , zeal , and devotion to your most excellent majestie , our undoubted rightfull leige soveraign lord and king : yet , as we cannot do it too often or enough , so can there be no means or way , so fit both to sacrifice our unfeined and heartie thanks to almighty god , for blessing us with a soveraign , adorued with the rarest gifts of mind and body , in such admirable peace and quietnesse , and upon the knees of our hearts to agnize our most constant faith , obedience , and loyalty to your majestie , and your royal progenie , as in this high court of parliament , where all the whole body of the realm , and every particular member thereof , either in person or represeatation ( upon their own free elections ) are by the laws of this realm , deemed to be personally present . to the present acknowledgment whereof to your majestie , we are the more deeply bounden and obliged , as well in regard of the extraordinarie care and pains , which with so great wisdom , knowledge , experience , and dexteritie , your majestie ( since the imperial crown of this realm descended to you ) have taken for the continuance and establishment of the blessed peace both of the church of england in the true and sincere religion , and of the common-wealth , by due and speedy administration of justice , as in respect of the gracious care and inward affection , which it pleased you on the first day of this parliament so lively to expresse by your own words , so full of high wisdom , learning , and virtue , and so repleate with royal and thankfull acceptation of all our faithfull and constant endeavours , which is , and ever will be to our inestimable consolation and comfort . we therefore your most humble and loyal subjects , the lords spiritual and temporal , and the commons in this present parliament assembled , do from the bottom of our hearts , yield to the divine majestie , all humble thanks and prayses , not only for the said unspeakable , and inestimable benefits , and blessings above mentioned , but also that he hath further enriched your highnesse with a most royal progenie , of most rare , and excellent gifts and forwardnesse , and in his goodnesse is like to increase the happy number of them . and in most humble and lowly manner , do beseech your most excellent majestie , that ( as a memorial to all posterities , amongst the records of your high court of parliament for ever to endure , of our loyalty , obedience , and harty and humble affection ) it may be published and declared in this high court of parliament , and enacted by authority of the same , that we ( being bounden thereunto , both by the laws of god and man ) do recognize and acknowledge , ( and thereby expresse our unspeakable joyes ) that immediately upon the dissolution and decease of elizabeth late queen of england , the imperial crown of the realm of england , and of all the kingdoms , dominions , and rights belonging to the same , did by inherent birthright , and lawfull and undoubted success●en , descend and come to your most excellent majestie , as being lineally , justly and lawfully , next and sole heir of the blood royal of this realm , as is aforesaid . and that by the goodnesse of god almighty , and lawfull right of descent , under one imperial crown , your majestie is of the realms and kingdoms of england , scotland , france , and ireland , the most potent , and mighty king , and by gods goodnesse , more able to protect , and govern us your loving subjects , in all peace and plentie , than any of your noble progenitors . and thereunto we most humbly , and faithfully do submit , and oblige our selves , our heirs and posterities for ever , until the last drop of our bloods be spent , and do beseech your majestie to accept the same , as the first fruits in this high court of parliament , of our loyalty and faith to your majestie and your royal progenie , and posterity for ever . which if your majestie shall be pleased ( as an argument of your gracious acceptation ) to adorn with your majesties royal assent , ( without which , it can neither be complete and perfect , nor remain to all posteritie according to our most humble desire , as a memorial of your princely and tender affection towards us ) we shall adde this also to the rest of your majesties unspeakable and inestimable benefits . in which act there are these particulars , very seasonable and observable , in respect of the present posture of our publike affairs . . that the happy union and conjunction of our divided kingdoms , formenly torn and wasted , with long and miserable dissentions and bloody civil wars , between competitors for the crown , and the king and subjects , is a great and unspeakable benefit and blessing to the kingdom and nation , bestowed on them by god himself . . that the re-uniting not only of the two , but three mighty , famous and antient kingdoms of england , scotland and ireland , under one imperial crown , and heredirary king , is a far more inestimable and unspeakable blessing to all . kingdoms and nations . . that there is no interregnum in law in the realm and crown of england , but that immediately upon the decease of the king thereof ; the imperial crown of the realm of england , and of all the kingdoms , dominions , and rights belonging to the same , do by inherent birth-right , and lawfull and undoubted succession , lineally , justly , and lawfully descend to the next heir of the blood royal , before he be publikely crowned king. as this act in direct terms declares , and a all the judges of england , unanimously adjudged in the case of watson , and cleark , . popish priests , ( who held king james no lawfull king , before he was crowned , and thereupon conspired to imprison him in the tower , &c. for which they were both condemned and executed as traytors ) hill. . jacobi ; as had been oft adjudged before in the first . years of king h. . and in the cases of queen jane , the dukes of northumberland and suffolk , the lord rochford , sir john gates , sir , thomas palmer and others , condemned , in levying war against her , and executed mariae , for treason against qu. mary , before she was crowned , to deprive her of the crown ; which both the peers and judges of the realm , and the parliament of mariae , ch . . adjudged treason within e. . against the mistaken doctrine of mr. thomas scot , and some temporizing lawyers of late years . . that it is the duty and practice of all loyal and faithfull subjects , of all estates and degrees , with all possible publike joyes , unspeakable general rejoycings , acclamations , applauses , affectionate desires , & by other means to proclaim , acknowledge and crown their lawfull hereditary kings , after the decease of their ancestors , and to make all possible demonstrations of their cordial loyalty , love , zeal and affection to them both in and out of parliment , being obliged thereunto both by the laws of god and man. . that this act of parliament , and the oathes of supremacy and allegiance , do both in point of law , loyalty , justice , conscience , oblige the whole english nation , their heirs and posterities for ever , to be true , faithfull , loyal and obedient to king james , his heirs and posteritie for ever , ( and so to our present king ) till the last drop of their blood be spent , as to their undoubted , lawfull , and hereditary kings and soveraigns . . that a numerous hopefull royal progeny , likely to continue and perpetuate the hereditarie succession of the crown in the true regal line , is an extraordinarie blessing and happinesse to the kingdom , for which they are all bound both in and out of parliament , to render all humble thanks and praises unto god. to this i shall subjoyn the statute of iacobi , ch . . entituled , an act for a publick thanksgiving to almighty god every year , on the fifth day of november . forasmuch as almightie god hath in all ages shewed his power and mercy , in the miraculous and gracious deliverance of his church , and in the protection of religious kings and states : and that no nation of the earth hath been blessed with greater benefits than this kingdom now enjoyeth , having the true and free profession of the gospel under our most gracious soveraign lord king iames , the most great , learned and religious king that ever reigned therein , enriched with a most hopefull and plentifull progeny , proceeding out of his royal loyns , promising continuance of this happinesse and profession to all posterity : the which many malignant and devillish papists , jesuites and seminary priests much envying and fearing , conspired most horribly , when the kings most excellent majesty , the queen , the prince , and all the lords spiritual and temporal , and commons should have been assembled in the upper house of parliament upon the fifth day of november in the year of our lord . suddenlie to have blown up the said whole house with gunpowder ; an invention so inhuman , barbarous and cruel , as the like was never before heard of , and was ( as some of the principal conspirators thereof confesse ) purposely devised and concluded to be done in the said house , that where the sundry necessarie and religious laws for preservation of the church and state were made , which they falsly and slanderously term cruel laws : enacted against them and their religion , both place and persons should be all destroyed and blown up at once , which would have turned to the utter ruine of this whole kingdom , had it not pleased almighty god , by inspiring the kings most excellent majestie with a divine spirit , to interpret some dark phrases of a letter shewed to his majestie , above and beyond all ordinarie construction , thereby miraculously discovering this hidden treason not many hours before the appointed time for the execution thereof : therefore the kings most excellent majestie , the lords spiritual and temporal , and all his majesties faithfull and loving subjects , do most justly acknowledge this great and infinite blessing to have proceeded merely from god his great mercy , and to his most holy name do ascribe all the honour , glory and praise . and to the end this unfeigned thankfulnesse may never be forgotten , but be had in perpetual remembrance , that all ages to come may yield praise to his divine majesty for the same , and have in memorie this ioyfull day of deliverance . be it therefore enacted by the kings most excellent majestie , the lords spiritual and temporal , and the commons in this present parliament assembled , and by the authoritie of the same , that all and singular ministers in everie cathedral and parish-church , or other usual place of common prayer within this realm of england , and the dominions of the same , shall alwaies upon the fifth day of november , say morning prayer , and give unto almighty god thanks for this most happy deliverance . and that all and everie person and persons inhabiting within this realm of england , and the dominions of the same , shall alwaies upon that day diligentlie and faithfullie resort to the parish church or chapel accustomed , or to some usual church or chapel where the said morning prayer , preaching , or other service of god shall be used , and then and there to abide orderlie and soberlie during the time of the said prayers , preaching , or other service of god there to be used and ministred . and because all and everie person may be put in mind of this dutie , and be the better prepared to the said holy service , be it enacted by authoritie aforesaid , that every minister shall give warning to his parishioners publikelie in the church at morning prayer , the sunday before everie such fifth day of november , for the due observation of the said day . and that after morning prayer or preaching upon the said fifth day of november , they read publicklie , distinctlie , and plainlie this present act. upon this occasion there was a special book of prayers and thanksgivings , compiled by the bishops and clergy , prescribed by authority to be annually read in all churches and chapels , on the th . of november , wherein ( amongst others ) there were four remarkable prayers and thanksgivings relating to the king , queen , prince , all the royal posterity , nobility , and magistrates , which i shall here insert . i. almighty god , who hast in all ages shewed thy power and mercy , in the miraculous and gracious deliverances of thy church , and in the protection of righteous and religious kings , and states , professing thy holy and eternal truth , against the wicked conspiracies , and malicious practises of all the enemies thereof : we yield unto thee from the very ground of our hearts all possible praise and thanks for the wonderfull , and mighty deliverance of our gracious soveraign king iames , the queen , the prince , and all the royal branches , with the nobility , clergy , and commons of this realm assembled together in parliament , by popish treachery appointed as sheep to the slaughter , and that in most barbarous and savage manner , no age yielding example of the like cruelty intended towards the lords anointed , and his people . can this thy goodness o lord , be forgotten worthy to be written in a pillar of marble , that we may ever remember to praise thee for the same , as the fact is worthy a lasting monument , that all posteritie may learn to detest it ? from this unnatural conspiracy , not our merit , but thy mercy , not our foresight , but thy providence hath delivered us , not our love to thee , but thy love to thy anointed servant , and thy poor church , with whom thou hast promised to be present to the end of the world . and therefore not unto us , not unto us , lord , but to thy name be ascribed all honour and glorie in all churches of the saints , throughout all generations : for thou lord hast discovered the snares of death , thou hast broken them , and we are delivered ; be thou still our mighty protector , and scatter our cruel enemies , which delight in blood : infatuate their counsel , and root out their babylonish and antichristian sect , which say of ierusalem , down with it , even to the ground . and to that end strengthen the hands of our gracious king , the nobles and magistrates of the land with iudgement and justice , to cut off these workers of iniquity , ( whose religion is rebellion , whose faith is faction , whose practise is murthering of souls and bodies ) and to root them out of the confines and limits of this kingdom , that they may never prevail against us , and triumph in the ruine of thy church : and give us grace by true and serious repentance , to avert these and the like judgements from us . this lord we earnestlie crave at thy mercifull hands , together with the countenance of thy powerfull protection over our dread soveraign , the whole church , and these realms , and the speedie confusion of our implacable enemies , and that for thy dear sons sake , our onlie mediator and advocate . ii. almighty god and heavenly father , which of thy everlasting providence and tender mercy towards us , hast prevented the extreme malice and mischievous imagination of our ensmies , revealing and confounding their horrible and devilish enterprise plotted against our soveraign lord the king , his royal house , and the whole state of this realm , for the subversion thereof , together with the truth of thy gospel and pure religion amongst us , and for the reducing of popish superstition and tyranny into this church and land : we most humbly prayse and magnifie thy glorious name , for thine infinite gracious goodnesse in this our marvellous deliverance ; we confesse it was and is thy mercy , thy mercy alone , ( most mercifull father ) that we are not consumed , that their snare is broken , and our soul is escaped . for our sins cryed to heaven against us , and our iniquities justly called for judgement upon us : but thy great mercy towards us hath exalted it self above judgement , not to deal with us after our sins , to give us over ( as we deserved ) to be a prey to our enemies , but taking our correction into thine own hands , to deliver us from their blood-thirsty malice , and preserve from death and destruction our king and state , with thy gospel and true religion amongst us : good lord give us true repentance , and unfeigned conversion unto thee , to prevent further judgements : increase us more and more in lively faith and fruitfull love in all obedience , that thou mayest continue thy loving favour with the light of thy gospol , to us and our posterity for evermore . make us now and alwaies truely thankfull in heart , word and deed , for all thy gracious mercies , and this our special deliverance . protect and defend our soveraign lord the king , with the queen and all the royal progeny , from all treasons and conspiracies , preserve them in thy faith , fear and love , under the shadow of thy wings against all evil and wickednesse , prosper their reign with long happinesse on earth , and everlasting glory following in the kingdom of heaven . bless the whole state and realm with grace and peace , that with one heart and mouth we may praise thee in thy church , and alwaies sing joyfully , that thy mercifull kindness is ever more and more towards us , and the truth of the lord endureth for ever , through jesus christ our only saviour and redeemer , amen . iii. eternal god , and our most mighty protector , we thy people of this land , confesse our selves , above all the nations of the earth , infinitely bound unto thy heavenly majesty for thy many unspeakable benefits conferred and heaped upon us , especially for planting thy gospel among us , and placing over us a most gracious king , a faithfull professor and defendor of the same ; both which exasperate the enemies of true religion , and enrage their thoughts to the invention of most dreadfull designs : all which notwithstanding it hath pleased thee hitherto , either to prevent or overthrow : at this time principally thou hast most strangely discovered an horrible and cruel plot and device , for the massacring as well of thy dear servant and our dread soveraign , as of the chief states assembled in thy fear , for the continuance of thy truth and good of this realm . we humbly present our selves at thy feet , admiring thy might and wisedom , and acknowledging thy grace and favour , in preserving them and the whole realm by their safety : beseeching thee for thy son jesus christ his sake to continue still thy care over us , and to shield our gracious king under the shadow of thy wings , that no mischievous attempt may come near , nor the sons of wickednesse may hurt him , but that under him we may still enioy this his peaceable government , with the profession of the gospel of thy son jesus christ , to whom with thee and the holy ghost , &c. iv. o god , infinit in power and of endless mercy , we give thee all possible thanks , since it hath pleased thee so miraculously to discover , and defeat the mischievous plots of thine and our enemies : thou hast delivered our dread soveraign from the snares of the fowler , and his nobles from the fire of the fury of the wicked : he shall rejoyce in thy salvation , and we his people shall tryumph in this thy wonderfull deliverance , thy gospel shall prosper , and thine adversaries shall be confounded . and multiply ( good lord ) we beseech thee , thy great goodnesse towards our gracious king , and his kingdoms , from this time forth , through jesus christ our lord , amen . after this deliverance from this horrid powder-plot , there were these . forms of prayers used in the commons house by the speakers during the parliaments session , very seasonable for our times , wherein they expressed their loyalty and devotion to the king and his royal progeny . a prayer used by the speaker of the commons house of parliament . i. o god , most great and glorious , which dwellest in the heavens over all , yet humblest thy self to behold the things that are done upon the earth : we , the people and sheep of thy pasture , assembled by thy providence , to the performance of this high service , whereupon the honour of thy name , the beauty of thy church amongst us , the glory of the king , and wealth of our state doth depend , knowing , that without thee , we can do nothing : do , at this time , with fear and reverence , in the beginning of our consultations , first look up unto thee ( from whom wisedom and happie successe doth come ) praying thee to look down upon us , who first look up unto thee ( from whom wisdom and happie successe doth come ) praying thee , to look down from heaven upon us with the eye of thy mercy ; to draw near unto us with the presence of thy grace : to prepare us all with counsel and understanding ; and to be president , and director of all our conferences : that those things may be propounded , conceived , allowed , and confirmed , which may best please thee , and most directlie and soundly uphold the honour of thy name , the sinceritie of thy worship ; the safety of our king ; and peace of thy people : even for thy son our lords sake . and that we may not our selves , be any hinderance to the obtaining of these our desires , either by means of any sin formerly committed , or of any corruption yet remaining in us : we humblie pray thee , to forgive our sins , and blot out all our iniquities : and to stand reconciled unto us , in an everlasting covenant of peace , as if we had never sinned against thee . and , because our hearts by nature are not fit for good cogitations ; create a new heart , and renew a right spirit in us : remove far from us all vain-glorious humour of advancing our private profit , all envious humour of disgracing other mens gifts , all malicious humour of hurting anie mans person : and ( finally ) all froward humour of opposing our selves , against just , needfull , and godly things , by whomsoever propounded . furnish us with knowledge , wisedom , and zeal , by sending down thy spirit into our hearts , that we may understand , discern , prefer , and set forward all things tending to the advancement of thy glorie , and such as may be thought worthie our assent and furtherance . and , because all good things are not of equal goodness , nor all needfull things of equal necessitie : let our care and zeal be equallie proportioned to the degrees of things in goodnesse and necessitie different . and therefore , first , make us carefull of the glory of thy name ( which is the high end of all thy counsels and works , and ought to be the last , and first respect of all our purposes and doings ) and therein , let our especial care be , to provide for the continuance of thy word , and religious practice of thy worship by the ministery and means that christ hath planted in his church : next , let the good of this whole island move our care and zeal ; which consisting in the safety and honour of the king , and the enacting and executing of good laws ; let us be wisely carefull , and faithfully zealous for the person of our king , whom thou the king of kings hast in mercy set over us . and because no law can be good , that is not agreeable to thy law , which containeth the fundamental equity of all laws : in making laws to govern thy people , let us alwaies have an eye unto thy law , not digressing from the holy equity thereof : and what through thy mercy , we shall here profitably enact , we pray thee , through the whole kingdom it may be truly executed , that our great labour may not be disgraced with little fruit . and forasmuch as we all and every one of us have , in this place , with wonder and astonishment , and without any merit of ours , found a most evident assurance of thy mercy and goodnesse , in a miraculous deliverance from the greatest danger , by popish treachery that ever was attempted or threatned , towards our king , our state and vs : give us ( good lord ) hearts above the hearts of men , to offer unto thee in the same place , a daily sacrifice of thanksgiving in the highest measure ; together with a servent and incessant zeal , care , and diligence in all our proceedings , for the setling of the peace and happy estate of thy church amongst us : the preservation of our king ; his royal progeny ; our selves , and our posterity : and for the preventing , suppressing , and final rooting out of the spring , issue , and fruit of all such hellish and popish hearts , intentions , and practices : to the everlasting praise and glory of thy blessed name . hear us , we pray thee ( o father of mercy ) in these our most humble and needfull petitions : forgive and answer us , according to thy fatherly and great goodnesse , for jesus christ his sake , to whom with thee and the holy ghost , three persons , and one god , be all praise , glory , and power , now , and for ever , amen . a prayer for the parliament , used also in the house ii. almighty god , which by thy holy prophet david art most truly said , to stand in the congregation of princes , and givest judgement in the midst of the mighty men of the world , and through whom princes do reign , law-makers do discern just things , lords bear rule , and all judges of the earth execute judgement , and for that cometh of thee all counsel and equity , all understanding and strength : grant unto us here gathered together in thy name , that wisdom which is alwaies assistant to thy seat , to give knowledge to our feeble and ignorant minds . send down ( we beseech thee ) the same wisdom out of thy holy heavens , and from the throne of thy majesty , that is may be now with us , and labour with us , whereby we surely knowing what is acceptable unto thee , may be led through it to the debating , weighing and final determining of those matters , by the which thy blessed name may be glorified , thy catholick church of england confirmed and increased , the kings assurance established , the common tranquillity of this realm safely maintained , and last of all , all estates and people thereof , in true obedience and charity united and knit together . grant this , o god , for thy only sons sake jesus christ our lord , amen . in the lords house , the collects and prayers in the common prayer book and letany for the king , queen , prince , and royal posterity , with other prayers were daily used by the bishops , and peers during their session . to mention all the particular prayers for the king , queen , and royal posterity , comprised in books of private prayers and devotion ( as the practice of piety , and the like ) and * epistles dedicatory , perfixed to hundreds of books , and sermons , dedicated to king james , by bishops , ministers , and others of all sorts , and in usual graces before and after meals , would be both infinite , and nauseous , being commonly known , and obvious to all , and therefore i shall wholy pretermit them , the substance of them being comprised in those prayers already mentioned . i shall now proceed to the reign of our late king charles ; who as he had constant supplications and prayers made for him in all cathedral and parish churches , chapels , colledges , most private families , and in our parliaments themselves , by name , during all king james his reign , as duke of york and prince of wales ; so after his comming to the crown march. . . till january . he had the like publike and private prayers , intercessions , and supplications , made for him throughout his . realms , as king , and for his queen and royal posteritie , not only by our preaching ministers , in their prayers before their sermons , and by most others in their morning and evening family and closet prayers , & graces before or after meales , as our own experience attests , but likewise these special set prayers , petitions and collects in our letany , and common prayer book , which i shall here transcribe , because almost quite forgotten , by above . whole years discontinuance in most churches & families too . in the publike letany , ordered to be read thrice every week , or oftener upon occasion , there are these several prayers , and petitions to god , that it would please thee to keep and strengthen in the true worshipping of thee , in righteousnesse and holinesse of life , thy servant charles , our most gracious king and governor . that it may please thee to rule his heart in thy faith , fear and love ; and that he may evermore have affiance in thee , and ever seek thy honour and glory . that it may please thee , to be his defender and keeper , giving him the victory over all his enemies . that it may please thee to blesse and preserve our gratious queen mary , prince charles , and the rest of the royal issue . after every of which several prayers , and supplications , all the people severally answered ; we beseech thee to hear us good lord. after which followed these two prayers , for the kings majestie , the queen , prince and royal issue , and read twice every day in most places . o god our heavenly father , high and mighty , king of kings , and lord of lords , the only ruler of princes , which dost from thy throne behold all the dwellers upon earth , most heartily we beseech thee with thy favour to behold our most gracious soveraign lord king charles ; and so replenish him with the grace of thy holy spirit , that he may alwaies incline to thy will , and walk in thy way ; endue him plentifully with heavenly gifts , grant him in health and wealth * long to live , strengthen him that he may vanquish and overcome all his enemies ; and finally , after this life , he may attain everlasting joy and felicity , through jesus christ our lord , amen . almighty god , the father of thine elect and of their seed ( which bishop laud changed into , the fountain of all goodnesse ) we humbly beseech thee to blesse our gracious queen mary , prince charles , and the rest of the royal issue : endue them with thy holy spirit , enrich them with thy heavenly grace , prosper them with all happinesse , and bring them to thine everlasting kingdom , through jesus christ our lord , amen . in the prayer for the whole estate of christs church , there is this clause , relating to kings in general , and king charles in particular . we beseech thee also to save and defend all christian kings , princes , and governors , and specially thy servant charles our king , that under him we may be godly , and quietly governed . when these prayers and collects with the book of common-prayer , were suspended , by the directory of the publike worship of god , in most places throughout the , kingdoms of england , scotland , and ireland , printed by order of both houses , martii . yet the substance of them was still continued by the very directory it self , during the heat of the late wars , between the king and parliament : witnesse p. , . of publike prayer before the sermon , wherein all ministers are directed , to pray for all in authority , especially for the kings majesty , that god would make him rich in blessings , both in person and government , establish his throne in religion and righteousnesse , save him from all evil counsel , and make him a blessed and glorious instrument for the conservation and propagation of the gospel , for the encouragement and protection of those that do well , and the terror of all that do evil , and the great good of the whole church , and of all his kingdoms , for the conversion of the queen , the religious education of the prince , and the rest of the royal seed , for the comforting of the afflicted queen of bohemia , sister to our soveraign , and for the restitution and establishment of the illustrious prince charls , elector palatine , ( much more then now of our illustrious long-exiled king charles ) to all his dominions and dignities . to pretermit all prayers made for king charles , in epistles perfixed to hundreds of books , of all sorts , dedicated to him whiles prince of wales , and king of england , scotland , and ireland ; i shall conclude only with . short prayers of this nature , in . of our learnedest late deceased antiquaries dedicatory epistles to his majesty , being of . several professions . the first is mr. john seldens , in the clo●e of his dedicatory epistle to his mare clausum , londini . inexuperabilem tibi felicitatem , sanctissima illa majestas , quae tuae archetypae est , praestet conservetque . the . is sir henry spelmans in the end of his dedicatory epistle before the first tome of his councils , londini . dei vicario , ecclesiae nutricio , fidei defensori carolo , dei gratia magnae britaniae , franciae , & hiberniae regi , &c. magno , pio , augustissimo , deus optimus maximus , regiam vestram majestatem , sovolemque serenissimum , ecclesiae et britaniis imperpetuum sospitet beatissime . the , is , most learned , renowned and pious archbishop vsher , who thus winds up his epistle to king charls , perfixed to his britannicarum ecclesiarum antiquitates , dublini , . deus optimus maximus , regum suorum custos et vinder , vitam tibi det proliram , imperium securum , domum tutam , exercitus fortes , senatum fidelem , populum probum ; * veteris ecclesiae pro imperatoribus suis vota haec solemnia , pro tua et tuorum salute redintegrat et toto animi affectu numini divino nuncupat , serenissimae tuae majestatis servus humilimus , jacobus armachanus . the very next day after the most illegal trial , condemnation and bloody execution of our late soveraign lord king charles by that prodigy of lawyers john bradshaw , and his assessors , in the new created high court of injustice , against the a votes and protests of the secluded lords , and secured commons , one of the then secured members ( out of his loyalty to his majesty , and his royal heir and successor whose rights he strenuously asserted in his speech in the house , for which he was seized and imprisoned by the army dec. . . ) at his own charge printed , . of the ensuing b proclamations , which he caused to be sent to most sheriffs and mayers throughout england and wales , and some of them to be pasted up at westminster , and elsewhere in and about london , notwithstanding the anti-parliamentary , and antimonarchical junctoes strict proclamation to the contrary , under pain of high treasons and the most capital punishments ; which deterred others both from crowning and proclaiming their hereditary soveraign , according to their former oathes , covenants , and printed remonstrances . a proclamation proclaiming charles prince of vvales , king of great britain , france and ireland . wee the noblemen , judges , knights , lawyers , gentlemen , free-holders , marchants , citizens , neomen , seamen , and other freemen of england , doe , according to our allegiance and covenant , by these presents heartily , joyfully and unanimously acknowledge and proclaim the illustrious charles prince of wales , next heir of the blood royal to his father king charles ( whose late wicked and trayterous murther we doe from our souls abominate , and all parties and consenters thereunto ) to be by hereditary birthright , and lawfull succession , rightfull and undoubted king of great britain , france and ireland , and the dominions thereunto belonging . and that we will faithfully , constantly and sincerely , in our several places and callings , defend and maintain his royal person , crown and dignity with our estates , lives , and last drop of our bloods , against all opposers thereof ; whom we do hereby declare to be traytors and enemies to his majestie and his kingdoms . in testimony whereof , we have caused these to be published and proclaimed throughout all counties and corporations of this realm , the first day of february , in the first year of his majesties raign . god save king charles the second . this short ejaculatorie prayer and acclamation god save the king , subjoyned to this proclamation , was not only used at the coronations , tryumphs , and publick receptions in cities , colleges , villages , corporations , of all our own , & forein kings , as i have elswhere touched ; but constantlie annexed at the end all our statutes at large , printed after everie session of parliament from h. . till caroli , and at the close of all our kings , & queens publick d proclamations , yea ecchoed out by our sheriffs , heralds , cryers , officers , who proclaimed them , and by the generalitie of the people present at such proclamations ; and it was likewise constantlie used by all cryers of all publick courts of iustice , assises , sessions of the peace , eyres and gaol deliveries upon sundrie occasions , yea by everie malefactor , acquitted or admitted to his clergie , who usually cry'd , god save the king ; neither could our kings enter into anie citie , town , village , college , school , or house within their dominions , but their ears were filled with the joyfull sound of this prayer and loyal acclamation . which custom i trust will grow into common practice again , after its over-long dis-continuance , through the treacherie , and disloyalty of those who above all others had most obliged themselves to continue it , by their respective old oftreiterated oaths of fealty , homage , supremacy , allegiance , iustices , maiors , recorders , serjeants at law , freemen ; & their new protestations , solemn national league and covenant , commissions , trusts , offices , callings ; obliging them both in point of conscience and dutie to bear faith and true allegiance to the kings majesty , his heirs and lawfull successors , and to maintain and defend his and their persons , crowns , and all jurisdictions rights , privileges , and royal prerogatives , united , annexed and belonging to the imperial crown of their realms , against all powers , persons , invasions , plots and conspiracies whatsoever , without any apostacy , defection or detestable neutrality . which i hope they will now at last remember so far as to expiate all former violations of them , by their future fincere , cordial , constant , inviolable observations , by their dailie publick and private fervent prayers , supplications , intercessions , thanksgivings , to god for his majesties restitution , long life , and prosperous reign ; and by ecchoing out this usual acclamation upon all occasions , according to its pristine frequent use throughout our realms and dominions . i have thus at large by histories , records and presidents of all times & sorts , ( to which sundrie more might be accumulated ) irrefragably evidenced the constant un-interrupted practical loyaltie of our christian predecessors , in making publick and private supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings for our christian kings in this island , whether of the british , saxon , english , danish , norman , or scotish race , and for their queens , their royal posterity , and kingdoms , in their publick and private devotions , and in their epistles , addresses , and dedications to them ; to the inrent they may now at last excite , encourage , provoke , and enflame our degenerated disloyal , undutifull , men-fearing , time-serving generation conscienciously to revive , and constantlie to practise this long neglected christian dutie , as being the principal means p●e●cribed by god himself , and pursued by his saints in all ages , to produce that publick peace , unitie , prosperitie and settlement which we have all so long expected and longed for , but could never yet obtain by anie carnal policies , fastings , humiliations , prayers , since we gave over this enjoyned duty , and can never probably hope for , much lesse actually enjoy , till we return to the cordial un-interrupted performance thereof , and to our pristine allegiance , loyaltie , obedience and subjection to our undoubted hereditary soveraign lord and king , according to our multiplyed oaths , protestations , covenant , the laws both of god and the land , the only rules of our consciences and practises , both as christians and subjects . and if all these with the precedent and subsequent presidents , scriptures , examples , authorities , our own present pressures , dissentions , confusions , decay of trade , hopes of settlement , peace and prosperity , will not perswade our whole . kingdoms to this their bounden duty , that black character which the apostle gives to the obstinate hard-hearted jews , upon whom wrath was come to the uttermost , will be ours too , thes . . . who both killed the lord jesus christ ( their king ) and their own prophets , and have persecuted us , and they please not god , and are contrary to all men . — * pudet haec opprobria nobis , et dici potuisse , & non potuisse refelli . chap. vii . i have heretofore ( in the th . chapter ) presented you with sundry presidents of the primitive christians signal loyaltie and pietie to their very persecuting heathen emperors , in making fervent publick and private prayers , supplications and intercessions unto god for their long life , health and prosperitie . to which i shall adde two presidents more . the first out of the annals of eutychius patriarch of alexandria ( translated out of arabick into latin by learned mr. pokock ) printed oxoniae . who relates this of the christians under a marcus antonius severus , ( a great persecutor of them ) magnae hic calamitatis & tristitiae diuturnae christianis author fuit , multis sub illo martyrium passis . ejus tempore magna fuit fames , siccitasque & pestis , dum per biennium non plueret , adeo ut parum abesset , quin rex & populus imperio ipsius subditus fame & peste perirent ; qui ergo christianos rogarunt , ut precibus a domino suo pluviam impetrarent : * illis igitur preces ad dominum nostrum fundentibus magnam pluviae copiam demisit , quo pacto sublata est et fames , et pestis , both from this persecuting emperor and his subjects . the second is the memorable storie of the emperor maximinianus , who was smitten by god with several diseases for persecuting the christians , so that his flesh did rot away , and worms crept out of his bowels , and he lay prostrate on the earth , stinking in such sort that no man could come nigh unto him ; all his companions admiring , and his very enemies pitying him for what had thus befallen him . whereupon ipse verò ad se reversus ; hoc forsan quod patior ( inquit ) inde mihi accidit , quod christianos interfecerim . literas ergò ad omnes provincias suas dedit , ut christianos quicunque in carceribus essent , dimitterent , eosque honore afficerent , nec ullum iis damnum inferrent ; rogarent autem ut inter precandum pro imperatore vota funderent ; orantibus ergo pro imperatore christianis ac preces fundentibus , deus ipsi sanitatem restituit , adeo ut viribus 〈◊〉 sanitate melius quam antea gauderet , as eutichyus : or , c addit praetereà mandatum , ut statas solitasque pro imperatore preces ad deum funderemus : christianos christiana sua templa exaedifieare , rem maturare , consueta officia in illis facere , preces pro imperii-statu fundere , he publishing . edicts in the christians behalf . d vndè christiani hac indulgentia concessa devincti , debent deo suo obnixe supplicare pro nostra , pro reipublicae , pro sua ipsorum salute , ut quovis modo cum publicus rerum status integer & incolumis retineatur , tum ipsi in suis familiis absque cura & sollicitudi●e vitam traducere queant , as eusebius & nicepborus , record the story . lo here this persecuting bloodie pagan emperor restored to his perfect health , by the prayers of the christians whom he slew , imprisoned , persecuted in his health ; yet behold his desperate ingratitude both to god and them . ille verò ubi sanitati restitutus convaluisset , ad majorem impietatis gradum quàm antea prolapsus , in omnes ditiones suas scribens , christianos occidi jussit , & ne professionis ejus quispiam in imperio ejus relinqueretur , neve urbem aut oppidum incolere sinerentur , sed penitus extirparentur . interfecti sunt ergo è christianis , qua viri , quafeminae , qua pueri , plures quàm numerari possint , adeo ut prae occisorum multitudine plaustris delati in mari , & in deserto projicerentur . but god soon after smote him with an ulcer in his bowels , which tortured him extremely , corroded and eat out his bowels , caused his verie eyes to fall out of his head upon the ground , burnt up his flesh which was severed from his bones , so as he perished by a most miserable death , confessing that god had deservedlie punished him in this sort , for his madnesse and rashness against christ and his members . constantine the great e ( born and declared emperor first of all in this our island of britain , the first professed christian of all the roman or other emperors in the world ) about the year of our lord . having conquered this tyrant maximinianus in the field , he and the christians sang prayses unto god for his great victorie , in the words of moses and the israelites after pharaoh his overthrow , exodus . , to . after which entring into rome in tryumph with great pomp , he was there received by all the people , both men , women and children , senators and other noble persons running out by troops to meet him with joyfull countenances , willing minds , happy acclamations , and unsatiable joy , as their deliverer , the conservatour of their countrie , and most benign patron . but he as one having the fear of god naturally residing in his mind , not puffed up with these triumphant acclamations and popular applauses , nor yet with the proclamation of his prayses , yet very conscious of the ayd given him from god , commanded immediatelie , that the banner of our saviours passion should be set in the hand of his statue . which being set up in the most famous place in rome , holding the sign of the crosse in his right hand , he commanded this following inscription to be engraven thereon in roman letters ; in this wholsom sign , the true cognisanee of fortitude , i have delivered the city from under the tyrants yoke , and set the senate and people of rome at liberty , and restored them unto their pristine greatnesse and splendor . after f maximinianus the tyrants death , anutter enemy to all pietie and godliness , through the grace of almighty god churches were re-edified , and erected from the foundations , the gospel of jesus christ freely preached , professed and propagated ; maximinianus by publick edicts , proclaimed the chiefest and most deadly enemy , the most impious , wicked , pernicious and malicious tyrant , and most exeerable hater of god. all tables and inscriptions set up in every city to his and his childrens honour , were either thrown down from aloft to the ground , or obliterated , or blotted out with a deformed & black colour : in like manner all statues erected to his honour being tumbled down , were broken in pieces , and exposed to the laughter and derision of such who would abuse them . all his persecuting instruments , favorers and partisans , were in like manner disgraced , disofficed , and some of them slain . the christian bishops , ministers , and professors of the gospel , made and sang special songs of prayse and thanksgiving unto god almighty , the king and governour of all things , and to jesus christ his son , the redeemer of their souls , and author of their internal and external peace , enjoyed under their christian emperor ; whose prayses they extolled , as you may read at large in eusebius , ecles . hist . l. . c. , , , , . and de vita constantini , l , , & . after which constantine i prescribed to all his soldiers and subjects as well pagans as christians , a set form of prayer to god for himself and his sons , to be said every day , or lords day at least ; recited in the k former chapter . this first christian emperor , in the first general * council of nice , anno . when he dismissed the many bishops there assembled by him from all parts ( whereof . came from our isle of l britain ) with a grave exhortation , to preserve mutual coneord ; added this request to them in the close thereof , vt pro ipso ad deum preces obaixe funderent , that they would earnestly powre forth prayers for him unto god. m eusebius further records of him , that where as he esteemed that the prayers of pious men , were of great moment to him , and to the safety and preservation of the whole common-wealth , towards which seeing he reputed them necessary , he did not only upon all occasions throw himself down as a supplicant unto god , verum etiam ut pro s● ab ecclessae praesidibus supplicaretur , mandavit , but likewise commanded that supplications should be made for him by the rectors of the church ; which they accordinglie performed . in the th . year of his reign , n when a certain priest praysed him to his face , as worthy to enjoy the chief power of all things in this life , & to reign together with the son of god in the life to come ; he signifying his dislike thereof , exhorted him , not to use such flattering words concerning him for time to come ; but rather to contend for him with prayers from god , that he might seem worthy to be the servant of god both in this life , and that which is to come . the same year this emperor having assembled a very great synod of bishops and priests to ierusalem to the dedication of the temple he had there built ; some of them adorned that solemnity with prayers and disputations , others with elegant orations , sermons and interpretations of obscure places of scripture : others who could do none of these , supplices deo preces , &c. offered up humble prayers and supplications unto god for common peace , for the church of god , and for the emperor himself , the author of these most excellent things , and for his children who were dear to god. in his n expedition against the persians , communicating his design unto the bishops , and defiring some of them to be alwaies present with him who were most fit to discharge the duties of piety , they readilie promised to follow and not to depart one step from him , but to go on warfare with him , et apud deum supplicibus vovotis se pugnaturos , and that they would fight with god for him against his enemies with supplications and prayers : whereupon being greatly delighted with this expression of their wills and endeavours , he caused a magnificent tabernacle to be made in form of a church , in quo deo victoriarum datori ipse cum episcopis supplicaret . wherein he with his bishops might make supplications to god the giver of victories . when he lay upon his death-bed , his centurions , and captains of the army coming to his chamber , o deploring his condition , longioremque ei vitam optarent , and wishing him a longer life : he answered them , he had now obtained true life , ( after his baptism ) and that he only understood of what felicity he was made partaker ; and therefore he would hasten and not procrastinate his migration unto god. upon the tydings of his death , all his gards renting their cloaths , casting their bodies upon the ground , and knocking their heads against it , sending forth mournfull voyces with great sorrow and clamours , calling him their lord , prince , emperor and in the interim bewayling him not as a lord and tyrant , but as pious and natural children do their father . the centurions and other officers and souldiers predicated him their saviour , keeper , benefactor ; the whole army with all reverence desired him as flocks of sheep their shepheard ; all the people throughout every city running up and down manifested the secret wound and grief of their minds by outcries and clamours , and the rest walked with dejected countenances as if they were astonished ; every one reputing that this calamity had principally hapned to himself , and miserably afflicting themselves , as bereaved of the common safety of human life . all the dukes , earls , and assembly of princes , who were formerly accustomed to reverence and bow down unto him , observing their pristine use and custom , going in at set tim●s saluted the emperor lying in his herse , as if he were alive even after his death , bowing themselves to the ground ; the senate , with all the rest of the magistrates and people doing the like reverence to him . upon which eusebius hath this memorable observation , solus vero iste beatus imperator etiam mortuus regnavit , cum ei solipost hominum memoriam , vel ipso deo authore , omnes qui solebant , honores tanquàm superstiti tribuerentur . nam cum is solus ex omnibus imperatoribus , regem omnium deum & christum ejus omnibus vitae actionibus , pièsanetèque coluerit , jure sanè etiam hunc honorem solus adeptus est , ut dei voluntate , quod in eo morte sepultum erat , tamen apud homines regnaret , ut ista scilicet ratione nobis deus signifiearet , animarum regnum , his qui non prorsus obduruerunt , nunquàm consenescere , nunquàm emori . his two sons being absent when he died , there were some select captains out of the whole army , eminent for their fidelitie , sent to acquaint them with his death , the news whereof being spread throughout all the legions , they all with one mind and consent presently resolved , as if great constantine himself were alive , neminem praeter ejus filios romani imperii principem 〈◊〉 turos ; and soon after all resolved , that they should not only be called caesars , but likewise augusti , which being a title of the greatest dignity of all sorts , is the proper note of the greatest empire . the senate , people , and whole city of rome exceedingly lamented this emperors death , did the same reverence to his pictures , as to himself whiles living ; and painting the effigies of heaven in its proper colours , pictured him above the coelestial orbs , resting in the heavenly assembly . at his funeral the souldiers , priests and people standing round about his herse expressed their affections and devotions towards him in every kind they could : ● quibus divinus per preces cultus exhibitus est . whose prayses when they gloriously predicated ; jam populus frequens unà cum saverdotibus non fine lachrymis , et fane magns cum gemitu , preces pro anima imperatoris fundebant ( to wit , * that it might speedily be united to his body again at last by a most joyfull resurrection , not delivered out of purgatorie ) in quo & illi gratum atque optatum pro principe officium praestabant : & deus ipse singularem benevolentiam ergà famulum suum ostendit , quod post mortem charis ejus ac germanis filiis , patris sui successoribus , imperium donasset . this was the signal loyalty , piety and devotion of the christian bishops , priests , nobles , senators , souldiers and people of all sorts , in that age , to this first christian emperor constantine , both living and after his decease , and to his royal posterity after him , worthy our imitation . constantine the d . son of constantine the great , degenerating from his fathers faith and pietie , favoured the arrian heresy , and very much persecuted the orthodox bishops , who maintained the deity of our saviour jesus christ ; yet they and the orthodox christians ceased not to make constant fervent-publick and private prayers unto god for his long life , health and prosperous reign . among others athanasius bishop alexandria , ( the chiefest champion against the arrians ) though exceedingly perse●●ted , injured , deprived and banished by him , merely for his zeal in defending the orthodox faith , and the godly christians under his charge , were very loyal and consciencious in discharge of this duty , as is evident by these notable passages in his apologia ad constantinum imperatorem , against the arrians calumnies , who falsely accused him , for holding intelligence with magnentius ( the murtherer of his brother constans ) who wipes off that calumny by this argument , that he made prayers for this prince in the open assembly of the people , and likewise for the emperors safety , q pro salute tua ●ota facio . quapropter dum te contemplatus fuissem in illo ( constante imperatore ) illumque in te , quî fieri potuisset ut illi malidicere sustinerem , aut hosti illius literas mittere , ac non potius pro tua salute voces prccesque fanders , quod et feci . hujus reitestis est praecipuus dominus , qui exaudivit te , & largitus tibi est integrum à majoribus tuis relictum imperium : testesque sunt qui tam affuerunt philicesumus qui fuit dux aegypti , ruffinus , item & stephanus , ( and four more there named ) agentes in rebus . nihil enim aliud dixi , quàm precemur pro salute religiosissimi imperatoris censtantii & statim , universus populus una voce acclamavit , christe auxiliare constantio , et magna cum perseverantia has preces continuavit . ; after which excusing the peoples meeting in the great church of theona built by the emperor , before it was consecrated by his order , because the multitude of the people was so great , that the other churches could not hold them ; he addes , festum erat paschae , & tanta vis populorum aderat , quantum christianorum in urbe esse christicola principes optarunt . cum igitur & ecclesiae paucae parvaeque essent , magnoque tumultu posceretur ut in magna ecclesia conventus celebrarentur , atque ibidem preces pro tua salute fierent , quod et factum est , egone adhortationibus , &c. nec tamen celebrata sunt à nobis encaenia , sed tantummodo precationum synaxis habita est . tu autem religiosissime imperator , ubinam malles populum manus extendere , et pro te orare , ibine , ubi ethnici oberr abant ? an in loco tuum nomen titulumque referrente ? quem cum in praesenti dominicum universi appellarent , &c. ecce domine jesu christe rex regum , veri fili dei unigeniti , verbum & sapientia patris reus agor . quia tuam misericordiam populus suis orationibus convenit , & per te , patrem deum omnium imprecavit , idque pro salute famuli tui pientissimi constantii . sed tamen gratiae sunt tuae lenitati , quod de precibus populi & de tuis ritibus in crimen vocari . tu tamen interim deo dilectissime auguste vivas per multos annorum recursus , & solemnia dedicationis perficias . preces enim omnium pro tua salute factae nihil impediunt encaeniorum festum , &c. if then this godly orthodox bishop , and all other orthodox bishops and christians thus constantly prayed to god for this cruel persecuting arrian emperor , that christ would be propicious to him , that he might continually live in safety , and reign in peace , and live many years ; and stiled him , most religious and gracious emperor , and prince ; i shall thence infer , with our learned doctor thomas bilson against the jesuites , in the true difference between christian subjection , and unchristian rebellion part . p. , . hear you deaf of ears , and dull of hearts : the church of christ prayed for heretical princes in the midst of their impiety and tyranny : and when it was objected to athanasius , that he and others wrote letters to one that rebelled and took arms against the prince , he made answer , vincat quaeso apud te veritas , &c. i beseech you let truth take place with you and leave not this suspition upon the catholick church , as thought any such things were written or though of by christians , and especially by bilshops . how far then were these men from your humours , which professe to depose ( yea murder ) princes , and not only license subjects to rebel , but intice them to kill their soveraigns , as you did lately parry , with pardon , praise , and recompence both here and in heaven ? st. hilary bishop of poyctiers wrote thus to this arrian emperor constantius , not long after athanasius , in the orthodox christians behalf . we beseech your clemency to permit , that the people may have such teachers as they like , such as they think well of , such as they chuse , and let them solemnize the divine mysteries , and make prayers for your safety and prosperity . the godly western bishops assembled by this arrian emperor constantius to the council of ariminum , and there long detained by him from their cures , writ two epistles to him from thence , to dismisse them to their bishoppricks before the cold winter approached . in the first they write thus . we beseech you that you cause us not to be banished , nor stayd from our churches , but that the bishops , together with the people may live in peace and tranquillity , and may humbly pray for your health , kingdom and safety , in which the divine maiesty long preserve you : pro tua salute , imperio , & pace orantes , quam tibi divinum numen largiri dignètur prolixam ; so nicephorus renders it ; but others thus , supplicantes deo pro pace tui imperii pariter & salutis , quam tibi dominus in perpetuum largiatur . they conclude their second letter to him in these words . * for this cause we beseech your clemency the second time , most religious lord and emperor , that you command us to depart to our churches , if it so please your godlinesse , before the sharpnesse of winter come , that we may make our accustomed prayers together with the people , to the almighty god , and our lord and saviour christ for your empire ( or reign ) as we have alwaies accustomed in times past , and yet cease not to do , and now wish to continue . here we have a most pregnant double testimony of all these godly bishops assembled in full council , of their own and the peoples constant and continual custom , both for time past , present , and to come , to powre forth fervent publick prayers , supplications and thanksgivings to god , for the health , reign , safety and prosperity of their christian emperors , though arrians and persecutors of them ; much more then was it their constant usage when orthodox and protectors of them , thus to do . st. cyril bishop of hierusalem thus recites the practise of the christians in his age in this particular : we pray to god for the common peace of the church throughout the world , for our kings , their forces and adherents . st. ambrose bishop of millain flourishing in the year of christ . in his book , de vocatione gentium , l. . c. . reciting the tim. , , , . thus descants upon it . de hac ergo doctrinae apostolicae regula qua ecclesia universalis imbuitur ne in diversum intellectum nostro evagemur arbitrio , quid in ipsa universalis ecclesia sentiat , requiramus , quia nihil dubium esse poterit in praecepto si obedientia concordat in studio . praecepit itaque apostolus , imò per apostolum dominus qui loquebatur in apostolo , fieri obsecrationes , & postulationes , gratiarum actiones pro omnibus hominibus , pro regibus , ac pro iis qui in sublimitate sunt . quem legem supplicationis ita omnium sacerdotum et omnium fidelium devotio concorditer tenet , ut nulla pars mundi sit , in qua hujusmodi orationes non celebrantur a populis christianis : supplicat ergo ubique ecclesia deo non solum pro sanctis , & in christo jam regeneratis , sed etiam pro omnibus infidelibus , & inimicis crucis christi ; pro omnibus idolorum cultoribus , pro omnibus qui christum in membris suis persequuntur ; pro judaeis , quorum caetati lumen evangelii non refulget ; pro haereticis & schismaticis qui ab unitate fidei & charitatis alieni sunt . quid autem pro istis petat , nisi ut relictis erroribus suis convertentur ad deum , accipiant fidem , accipiant charitatem , & de ignorantiae tenebris liberati in agnitionem veniant veritatis , &c. which he thus prosecutes in his commentary on tim. . , , . haec regula ecclesiastica est tradita a magistro gentium , qua utuntur sacerdotes nostri , ut pro omnibus supplicent ; deprecantes pro regibus huius seculi , ut subjectas habeant gentes , ut in pace positi , in tranquillitate mentis & quietè deo domino servire possumus . orantes etiam pro iis quibus sublimis potestas est credita , ut in justitia & veritate gubernent rempublicam , suppeditante rerum abundantia , & amota perturbatione seditionis succedat laetitia , &c. ut sepositis omnibus quae huic imperio infesta & inimica sunt , in affectu pietatis & castitatis deo servire possumus . perturbatio enim & captivitas nec pietatem servat , nec castitatem . unde enim pius qui invidus est ? & unde castitas ubi potestatis suae non est ? in his epistolarum , l. . epist . . ad gratianum augustum , he thus expresseth his servent prayers for him . et nocte & die in tuis castris cura & censu locatus , orationum excubias praetendebam , & si invalidus merito , sed affectu sedulus . et haec quidem pro tua salute deferebamus , pro nobis faciebamus . nihil hic adulationis est siscit ipse arbiter quem fateris & in quem piè credis , me non solum officio publico debitas pendere preces , sed etiam amore privato . which epistle he concludes with this prayer for this emperor . beatissimum te & florentissimum deus omnipotens pater domini nostri jesu christi tueri aetate prolixa , et regnum tuum in summa gloria et pace perpetua , confirmare dignetur , domine imperator auguste , divino electe judicio , principum gloriosissime . in his epist . l. . epistola . ad theodosium imperatorem , he concludes with this prayer . beatissimus & florentissimus cum sanctis pignoribus fruaris tranquillitate perpetua imperator auguste . to pretermit all other passages of this kind , in his funeral oration , de obitu valentiniani imperatoris , he hath this passionat expression , nulla inhonoratos vos mea transibit oratio : nulla nox non donatus aliqua precum mearum contexione transcurret . omnibus oblationibus frequentabo , &c. quam nostrae vitae temporibus fulcire curaremus , ut de nostris annis viveret , qui fungi non potuit suis : which he thus concludes . te quaeso summe deus ut clarissimos juvenes matura resurrectione suscites & resuscites , ut immaturum hunc vitae istius cursum matura resurrectione compenses ; to which this other passage in his oration , de obitu theodosii imperatoris , might be added , * da requiem perfectam servo tuo theodosio , requiem quam praeparasti sanctis tuis . this godly emperor theodosius ( as * eutychius patriarch of alexandria records ) was by the joynt and fervent prayers of the christians in constantinople ( who spent the whole night in supplications , and beseeched god and our lord jesus christ , ut nobis regem eligat , & quemcunque ipse elegerit nobis regem praeficiamus ) miraculously elected and chosen emperor , beyond all human expectation , being of a very poor and mean condition , as he there relates . gregory bishop of nyssa in his excellent book de oratione , p. . hath this memorable passage . oratio corporum robur est , abundantia domus , recta juris ac legum in civitate constitutio , regni vir●s , belli trophaeum , pacis securitas , dissidentium conciliatio , conjunctorum conservatio , &c. therefore it was certainly used by all christians , churches , bishops , ministers , subjects , for their kings and kingdoms to effect these publick ends , especially in times of war and danger . the . godly u bishops assembled together in the first general council of constantinople , anno . in their epistle to the emperor theodosius , not only render publick thanks to god for advancing him to the empire for the peace of the church , and maintenance of the orthodox faith , but likewise pray to god for the establishment of his empire in peace and righteousnesse for many generations , and his temporal and eternal joy and beatitude , in these ensuing words , initio quidem nostri ad tuam poetatem scripti , gratias agamus deo , qui tuae pietatis imperium constituit ad communem pacem ecclesiarum , & sanae fidei confirmationem ; agentes autem deo debitas gratias , necessaria quoque ea , quae acta sunt in sancto concilio , ad tuam referrimus pietatem , &c. dominus antem imperium tuum in pace et justitia stabiliat , transmittatque et producat in multas et infinitas usque generationes , atque ad terrenam potentiam caelestis quoque regni gaudium et fructum adjiciat . gratificetur deus orbiterrarum , ut te , qui rever à pietatis studiosissimus , deique amantissimus imperator es , valentem , omnibusque praeclaris rebus florentem et excellentem videat , id quod sancti etiam ab illo praecibus et votis petunt et orant . this being the general usual prayer of all bishops , saints and christians for him under his empire , both in their churches , closets & epistles to him . the bishops assembled in the council of aquileia , whereof st. ambrose was one , in their epistle to gratian , valentinian and theodosius the emperors , use this benediction and thanksgiving for their advancement to the empire . benedictus deus pater domini nostri jesu christi qui vobis romanum imperium dedit et benedictus dominus noster jesus christus , vnigenitus dei filius , qui regnum vestrum sua pietate custodit , apud quem gratias agimus vobis clementissimi principes quod & fidei vestrae studium probavistis , &c. ; concluding with this prayer and option for them , vt vos , deo praestante , triumphetis , qui paci ecclesiarum quietique consulitis . st. jerom in his commentary ( and caelius sedulius too in his exposition on the tim. . , , . ) presse the duty of praying for kings , though pagans , and persecutors ; in the same words and manner almost , as st ambrose , & chrysostom , theodoret , primas●us and rhemigius ( hereafter cited ) and comment . in danielem c. . v. . tom. . p. . upon daniels words to king nebuchadnezzar ; rex in aeternum vive ; he thus paraphraseth : honorat honorantem se , et ei vitam impreca●ur aeternam , though cast into the lions den by his command . st. chrysostom archbishop of constantinople , though very much persecuted by the emperor and empresse for his zeal and piety , yet zealously presseth the duty of prayer for kings , and all in authority , though infidels , and wicked , homilia . in epistolam ad corinthios . c. . quod oporteat orare pro infideli , audi quid dicat paulus . obseero primum omnium fieri obsecrationes , orationes , postulationes , gratiarum actiones pro omnibus hominibus . quod autem non essent omnes fideles est cuivis perspicuum . et rursus , pro regibus , & omnibus qui in sublimitate constituti sunt . quod autem ii essent impii & iniqui , hoc quoque est perspicuum . deinde causā quoque orationis dicens , subjungit . hoc enim bonum est & acceptum coram deo salvatore , qui omnes homines vult salvos fieri , & ad agnitionem veritatis venire . in his homilia . . in epist . . ad timotheum , c. . he thus comments on these words of paul. quasi communis quidam totius orbis pater , sacerdos est : dignum igitur est ut omnium curam agat , omnibusque provideat , sicut et deus cujus ministerio servit & fungitur vice ; idcirco ait , obsecro igitur primum omnium fieri obsecrationes & orationes , &c. quid autem sibi vult quod ait , primum omnium ? in obsequio seilicet quotidiano , perpetuoque divinae religionis ritu . atque id noverunt fideles quomodo diebus singulis mane et vespere orationes funduntur ad dominum pro omni mundo et regibus , et omnibus qui in sublimitate sunt positi , obsecrationes ab ecclesia fiant . sed fortè quis dixerit , pro omnibus quod ait , tantum fideles intelligi voluisse . at id verum non esse , quae sequuntur ostendunt . denique ait , pro regibus : neque enim tunc reges deum colebant , verum multis postea temporibus in infidelitate quàm per seriem successionis acceperant , perstiterunt . deinde ut omnis assentationis suspicio tolleretur , cum praemisisset , pro omnibus , tunc demum , pro regibus , addidit : si enim tantum pro regibus dixisset , fortassis non deessent qui adulationis gratia illum ita scripsisse putarent . quoniam vero consequens esse cernebat , ut christiani animus ad ista torpesceret , neque hujusmodi admitteret monita , siquidem pro gentili sacramentorum tempore preces oporteret offerre , vide quid secutus adjunxit , ut ex consideratione lucri admonitionem facilius , libentiusque susciperent ; ut quietam inquit & tranquillam degamus vitam . ac si diceret , in eorum salute securitas vestra consistit . deus enim pro utilitate communi hujusmodi principatus instituerit . quàm igitur absurdum est , cum illi idcirco militant , & arma circumferant , ut nos in tranquillitate atque ocio simus , nos pro periclitantibus , ac nostri causa labores suscipientibus preces effundere detrectemus ? non igitur assentandi gratia hujusmodi mandatum dedit , verum * justitiae servavit leges : nisi enim illi servarentur , atque inter bella & hostes prosperè agerent , necessariò & nostra omnia turbis tumultibusque plena essent . nam nos aut militare opus fuisset , ac per nosmet eadem subire pericula concisis illis , aut fugere vagosque per orbem terrarum ferri . sunt enim , inquit , hujusmodi veluti obices quidam hostibus oppositi per quos nos in pace servemur . bellorum tria sunt genera , unum quòd à barbaris excitatur . bellum quod a barbaris ingruit , regum industria atque virtus sedat ; quibus et nos orationibus succurrere opus est , &c. deprecationes inquit , orationes , interpellationes , gratiarum actiones . deo quippè oportet referre gratias etiam pro sucessionibus aliorum ; quod scilicet * solem oriri faciat super malos & bonos , & pluit super justos & injustos . vides ut ille non modo per orationis studium , verum etiam per gratiarum actiones nos conjungat atque conglutinat ? qui enim necessariò cogitur deo referre gratias pro felicibus proximorum successibus , ipsum quoque amore compellitur sibique familiarius jungi . he addes much more in the moral or use , to like effect . in his homilia . de incompraehensibili dei natura , he hath this memorable passage touching prayer in general , & for a sick king in special . minimè igitur agendum & pro his ( insanis & haereticis ) preces agamus supplicemusque domino . aptissima enim arma oratio est , thesaurus certè perpetuus , divitiae inexhaustae , portus quietus , occasio tranquillitatis , denique author , parens , fons , & radix bonorum omnium & innumerabilium oratio est , atque etiam regia ipsa facultate potior & superior . saepius itaque evenit , ut cum rex ipse aegrotet , cubet , febriat , ardore laboret , & adsint medici , adsint clientes familiares , proceres , milites , duces ; non ars medicorum , non amicorum praesentia , non familiarium administratio , non medicamentorum copia , non apparatus magnificentia , non pecuniarum facultas , non aliud quicquam rerum humanarum possit reddere infestantem morbum leviorem . at si quis valens familiaritate apud deum accesserit , ac corpus languidum duntaxat tetigerit , et syncere pro eo oraverit , languorem omnem expellet ; & quod non divitiae , non numerus ministrorum magnus , non medecinalis scientia , non regius fastus efficere possit , hoc unius pauperis atque egeni oratio potuit . oratiouem dico , non tamen illam & defidiosam , sed eam quae intenta ex amino dolente , & corde contrito proficiscatur . haec enim est quae in coelum scandere valeat . to pretermit all passages to this effect in his , , & . homilies ad populum antiochiae , and in his two homilies de davide & saul , i shall conclude with these set forms of prayers for kings in the liturgy of masse , which is attribnted to * chrysostom , and printed with his works . memento domine augustissimorum et dei observantium regum nostrorum . diaconus . pro augustissimis et deo deditis regibus nostris , toto palatio , et exercitu illorum dominum rogemus . populus . domine miserere . diaconus . ut illos in bello adjuvet , & subjiciat pedibus illorum omnem hostem & inimicum . dominum rogamus . populus . domine miserere . adhuc te invocamus pro fidelissimis et christum amantibus nostris regibus , omni palatio et exercitu illorum . da illis domine pacificum robur , ut & nos in tranquillitate illorum pacatam & quietam vitam agamus in omni pietate & religione . pacem mundo tuo da , ecclesiis tuis , sacerdotibus , regibus nostris , exercitui , & omni populo tuo , &c. amen . st. augustin de civitate dei l. . c. . thus presseth this duty , and the reasons of it . quoniam quamdiu permixtae sunt ambae civitates , utimur & nos pace babylonis . ex qua ita per fidem dei populus liberatur , ut apud hanc interim peregrinetur . propter quod & apostolus admonuit ecclesiam , ut oraret pro regibus ejus atque sublimibus , addens , & dicens , ut quietam & tranquillam vitam agamus cum omni pietate & charitate . et propheta jeremias quum populo veteri dei venturam praenunciaret captivitatem , & divinitus imperaret , ut obedienter in babyloniam irent , deo suo etiam ista patientia servientes , monuit & ipse , ut oraretur pro illis , dicens , quia in pace ejus erit pax vestra ; utique interim temporalis , quae bonis malisque communis est . pax autem nostra propria , & hic est cum deo per fidem , & in aeternum erit cum illo per speciem . in his book de catechezandis rudibus , he prosecutes this more largely . extiterunt reges babyloniae sub quibus illi serviebant , qui ex eorum occasione commoti quibusdam miraculis cognoscerent & colerent & coli juberent unum verum deum , qui condidit universam creaturam . jussi sunt autem pro eis orars , a quibus captivi tenebantur , & eorum pace pacem sperare ad gignendos filios , & domos aedificandas , & plantandos hortos & vineas . post septuaginta autem anos promittitur eis ab illa captivitate liberatio . hoc autem totum figuratè significat ecclesiam christi in omnibus sanctis ejus qui sunt cives hierusalam coelestis servituram suisse sub regibus hujus seculi : dicit enim , & apostolica doctrina ; ut omnis anima sublimioribus potestatibus subdita sit , & ut reddantur omnibus omnia , cui tributum tributum , cui vectigal vectigal , &c. quae salvo domini nostri cultu constitutionis humanae principibus redditur . quando & ipse dominus , ut nobis hujus sanae doctrinae praebe et exemplum , pro capite hominis quo erat indutus , tributum luere non dedignatus est . jubentur autem etiam servi christiani & boni fideles , dominis suis temporalibus aequanimiter fideliterque servire , quos judicaturi sunt , si usque in finem iniquos invenerint , aut cum quibus aequaliter regnaturi sunt , si & illi ad verum deum conversi fuerint . omnibus autem praecipitur servire humanis potestatibus atque terrenis quousque post tempus praefinitum , ab istius saeculi confusione tanquam de captivitate babyloniae sicut hierusalem liberetur ecclesia . ex cujus captivitatis occasione , ipsi etiam terreni reges relictis idolis , pro quibus persequebantur christianos , unum verum deum & christum dominum cognoverunt & colunt . pro quibus apostolus paulus jubet orare , etiam cum persequerentur ecclesiam . sic enim dicit ( tim . , , . ) obsecro , &c. itaque per ipsos data est pax ecclesiae , quamvis temporalis tranquillitas temporis ad aedificandas spiritualiter domos , & plantandos hortos & vineas . nam ecce modo per istum sermonem aedificamus atque plantamus , & hoc fit per totum orbem terrarum , cum pace regum christianorum , ficut idem dicit apostolus : dei agricultura , dei ecclesia estis . in his book ad paulum episcopum , paraphrasing upon the tim. . , , . shewing the differences between supplications , prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings , he addes , pro omnibus hominibus , pro regibus , &c. ne quisquam ficut se habet humanae cogitationis infirmitas existimaret ista non esse facienda pro his à quibus persecutionem patiebatur ecclesia , cum membra christi ex eorum essent hominum genere colligenda . unde addit & adjungit , hoc enim bonum est & acceptum coram salvatore nostro deo ; qui omnes homines vult salvos fieri , & in agnitionem veritatis venire . theodoret bishop of cyrene , in his interpretation in tim. . , . pro regibus , & omnibus qui in sublimitate sunt : thus descants , valdè sapienter hominum commune praeposuit , ne quis orationem pro regibus assentationem existimaret . quia enim erant impii , qui tunc dominatum obtinebant , & pietatis aperti hostes , docet iustam esse causam cur pro eis oretur . vt quietam & tranquillam vitam agamus in omni pietate & castitate . si enim illi in pace degant nos quoque sumus tranquillitatis participes , ac in quiete ac filentio leges pietatis adimplemus : ita etiam captivi judaei qui erant babyloniae , ad eos qui in judaea relicti erant , scripserunt , ut pro nabuchodonosor et baltasar ejus filio deo preces funderent . dominus autem apostolus non solum ubi est causa praecipit pro eis fieri orationes , sed etiam ut ab impietate cessantes , ediscant pietatem : as he proves by the subsequent words . * sanctorum enim deprecatio est commune omnium malorum remedium : non solum autem medetur aegritudinibus corporis , sed etiam animis convenientem exhibet curationem ; as he addes in the life of muco . in his interpretation upon daniel , c. . . and the queen said , o king live for ever : rex in secula vive , rex in aerernum vive . he writes , haec autem erat praefatio qua subjecti regibus , eos tunc salutabant , & ad hoc usque tempus mos invaluit : quidem enim imperiti , reges eos , qui nunc sunt aeternos vocare consueverunt : in syngraphis quoque commerciorum hoc quidam ascribunt , stultitiae magis quàm impietatis damnandi . and c. . v. . daniel respondet , dicens , rex in secula vive , &c. usitatam praefationem sermonibus praeponit , videlicet , licet et tibi rex diutissime vivere . the bishops assembled in the great * synod of ephesus , held about the year . in their th . epistle , pientissimis ac deo dilectissimis theodosio & valentiniano victoribus , triumphatoribus & semper augustis , made this prayer for them : deus autem omnium , regnum vestrum multis annorum revo utionibus custodiat pientissimi victores ac semper augusti . and in their . epistle to these emperors , the businesse being ended for which they were convened , they prayed the emperors to dismisse them from ephesus . vt ordinationi futuri episcopi incumbamus , & in fide jam & pietate confirmata nos oblectemus , purasque et synceras pro dominatione vestra preces domino christo destinemus . primasius bishop ofvtica in africa , in his commentary , on tim. . , , . comments thus , obsecratio firmior oratione est . vel aliter . obsecrationes sunt pro peccatis praeteritis vel prae entil us ; orationes , pro adipiscendis quae speramus ; postulationes cum pro aliis intervenimus ; gratiarum actiones , cum ea quae poissmus , impetramus , velcerte , pro universis dei beneficiis gratias laudesque referimus . gratiarum actiones , gratias agamus ei qui nos dignos fecit pro aliis impetrare . pro omnibus hominil us , etiam pro persecutoribus . pro regibus omnibus qui in sublimitate sunt , ut quietam & tranquillam vitam agamus in omni pietate & castitate . vt cognoscant deum , sive ut subjectas habeant gentes : in eorum enim pace nostra consistit : si enim christiani sunt cessabit persecutionis impetus . pope leo the . flourishing about the year of christ , . in his . epistle to the emperor theodosius , writes thus : ecce ego christianissime imperator cum consacerdotibus meis implens erga reverentiam elementiae vestrae synceri ameris officium , cupiensque vos per omnia placere deo , cui pro vobis ab ecclesia supplicatur : & epistola . to the same emperor , he hath the same passage . in his . epistle to the emperor martian he writes thus , vnde ineffabiliter deo gratias ago , qui eo tempore quo oboritura haereticorum scandala praesciebat , in imperii fastigio collocavit ; in quibus ad totius mundi salutem , & regia potentia , & sacerdotalis vigeret industria . epist . . to the empresse pulcheria , he thus expresseth himself : per quam significationem clementiae vestrae , absolutè me gaudere , & incessabilibus a deo precibus postulare ; ut vos et romanae reipulicae , et catholicae ecclesiae in omni prosperitate conservet . in his epist . . to the emperor leo , he writes , non desinimus gratias agere , & providentiam dei in fidei vestrae fervore benedicere , qui sancto & catholico spiritu , ita haereticorum impudentiae restitistis , &c. his epistola . to the same emperor , begins thus , multo gaudio mens mea exultat in domino , & magna mihi est ratio gloriandi , cum clementiae vestrae excellentissimam fidem ingeri per omnia donis gratiae caelestis agnosco , &c. and epist . . to the same emperor leo , he informs him , sciat igitur clementia vestra omnes ecclestas dei cum laude vestra exultare pariter et laetari : inveniemur impares in gratiarum actione , si nostri tantum oris angustiis universalis ecclesiae gaudia celebremus , &c. in the general council of chalcedon , anno . consisting of no lesse than . bishops and fathers of the church , they all unanimously cried out several times with this acclamation , multi anni imperatoribus , multi anni augustae ( placidiae ) multi anni imperatoribus ; multi anni imperatoribus ; deus qui hoc fecit multi anni imperatorum ; magnorum imperatorum multi anni ; multi anni senatus ; multi anni judicum ; orthodoxorum multi anni . haec integra adunitio , haec pax ecclesiarum . piissimis & christi amantibus nostris , nostris imperatoribus , flavio valentiniano & flavio martiano , victoribus ac triumphatoribus semper augustis , multi anni . ; after which divers archimandratae ( or abbots ) in their epistle to the emperor mantianus , pray thus for him , vt iterum per sanctos patres sancta fide confirmata , possimus reliquum tempus vitae nostrae caste & pie vivere , & in pace incessanter consuetas orationes offerre domino nostro christo pro diuturnitate aeterni vestri imperii , qui et sua bona voluntate in visibiliter nobis donavit imperium divinissimi augusti . after this actio . martianus the emperor making . orations to the council , the one in latin , the other in greek , recorded in the acts thereof , all the whole * council at the end of both his orations cryed out , omnes clamaverunt ; multi anni imperatori ; multi anni augustae ; orthodoxis multos annos ; martiano novo constantino multos annos ; imperatori multos annos ; augustae orthodorae multos annos ; martiano amatore christi , vestrum nobis duret imperium , semper nobis imperatis , digne ex orthodoxa fide . amatoribus christi procul invidia . after this having tendered a confession of their faith to the emperor , omnes clamaverunt . omnes sic credimus , &c. martiano novo constantino , novo paulo , novo david multos annos . david imperatori pro domino vitam ei novo . constantino , novo martiano . vos estis par orbis , pie domine . dominus vitam ei conservet . vos , fides nostra . christus quem honoras , ipse te custodiet . orthodoxam fidem tu roborasti . sicut apostolici ità creditis . augustae mu tos annos . vos lumina orthodoxae fidei . propter haec ubique pax est . lumina pacis , domine tu custodi . luminaria mundi , domine tu custodi . perpetua memoria novo constantino . quae ex genere orthodoxa est , deus eam custodiat . eam quae semper praest deus custodiat . pia orthodoxa , quae contraria est haereticis , deus eam rustodiat . omnes haereticos tu fugasti , nestorium & eutichen tu persecuta es . absit invidia a vestco imperio . fideles imperatores sic honorantur . deus custodiat potestatem vestram . deus pacificet imperium vestrum . martianus novus constantinus . pulcheria nova helena . zelum helenae tu sectaris . vestra vita , muninem cunctorum est , vestra fides , ecclesiarum gloria est . after which the emperor rendring publick thanks to god for composing the manifold discords of those who had erred concerning the faith , and that now , in unam eandemque religionem omnes nunc una voluntate convenerimus , sperantes celerimam vestris ad divinitatem precibus , & curae omnia pacem nobis a deo donari . omnes clamaverunt . haec digna vestro imperio . haec propria vestri regni , &c. coelestis rex , terrenum custodi . per te firmata fides est . coelestis rex augustam custodi . per te fides firmata est . vnus deus qui hoc fecit . coelestis rex augustam custodi , dignam paci , &c. per vos fides , per vos pax . haec oratio ecclesiarum : haec oratio pastorum . after this again , omnes clamaverunt , multos annos imperatori ; multos annos augusto pio et christiano , augustae orthodoxae multi anni . multos annos piae et matricae christi . imperium vestrum deus custodiat , &c. in perpetuum maneat vestrum imperium . after which in this council , actio xi . bassianus bishop of ephesus humbly petitioned the emperors valentinian and martian to be restored to his bishoprick , & goods , of which he was forcibly dispossessed by soldiers without hearing , * ut iis potitus , consuetas orationes referam incessanter deo pro vestrae potestatis imperio . it being the custom of that and former ages for bishops and people to make supplications , prayers and intercessions for the emperors in all their publick churches and assemblies . rhemigius bishop of rhemes in his * explanatio , in epist . . ad tim. c. . , , . makes this abridgement of the contents of this chapter , vult pro regibus & magistratibus , fieri orationes , et gratiarum actiones . then explaining the precept , obsecro , &c. beatus apostolus dirigens haec verba timotheo , in illo tradidit omnibus episcopis & presbyteris , omnique ecclesiae formam , quomodo debeut missarum solemnia celebrare , & pro omnibus hominibus orare : quam formam , id est , exemplum omnis ecclesia modo tenet , &c. ne forte diceret aliquis , non debemus orare pro regibus infidelibus , & judicibus ac dueibus , quia pagani sunt ; praecepit apostolus pro omnibus hominibus orare : eodem spiritu afflatus quo & hieremias propheta ; qui misit epistolam judaeis , qui erant in babylone , ut orarent pro vita regis nebuchadonozor filiorumque eius , & pro pace civitatis , ad quam ducti erant captivi ; inquiens , ideo debetis orare pro eis , quia in pace eorum erit pax vestra : similiter & apostolus reddit causam quare talia praecipiat : ut tranquillam & quietam , id est pacificam , vitam agamus in omni pietate & castitate . pietas est cultus , & religio omnipotentis dei. ideò ergo orandum est servi dei , pro vita regis , et pace regni , ut ipsi liberius possint dedi i esse in cultu et religione dei. quia plerumque dum hostes fugant servos dei à propriis sedibus , & discurrerent bella & seditiones per regna , ut non possint in cultura dei esse intenti per omnia sicut tempore pacis . pietas etiam est misericordia , quàm debemus impendere pauperibus & indigentibus . si ergo depraedamurab hostibus , non possumus opus misericordiae exercere , quia non valet impendere alteri , qui non habet undè semetipsum sustentet . sed ut habeamus , unde eleemosynam tribuamus , orandiun est pro vita regis ac principum , et pro pace regni , & ut agamus vitam nostram in omni castitate corporis tempore pacis ; utcumque & nimia difficultate servari potest castitas . quando verò depraedatur regnum à praedonibus & hostibus , nequaquam potest servari , quia domini qui depraedati sunt captivos , expleant voluntatem & immunditiam suam cum eis , ut libet , nec valent resistere . quapropter orandum est pro salute et vita fidelium regum et principum , ut longo tempore conservati pacem habeat regnum , et magis ac magis proficiant in melius . pro infidelibus quoque orandum est ut proficiant in melius et transeant ad fidem , &c. pope gregory the . in his epistles writen to emperors , kings and queens , hath many prayers unto god for them , some of them recited in the * precedent chapter , relating to england , i shall insist only upon some others , epist . l. . epist . mauricio augusto , he hath this passage . tunc magis dominorum exercitus contra hostes crescit , quanto dei exercitus ad orationem creverit ; by their prayers , tears and fastings for the emperor , epist . l. . epist . . mauricio augusto , he concludes with this prayer for him . inter haec ergò omnia incerta ad solas lachrymas redeo , petens , ut idem omnipotens deus pussimum dominum nostrum et sua hic manu regat , et in illo judicio liberum ab omnibus delictis inveniat . epist . l. . epist . . constantinae augustae : he hath this passage . et in redemptoris nostri largitate confido , quia bonum hoc in serenissimo domino ( mauritio ) & piissimis filiis in coelestis quoque patriae retributione recipietis . in omnipotenti autem domino confido , quia longam piissimis dominis vitam tribuet ; lib. . epist . . mauritio augusto , he concludes thus . quatenus deus omnipotens , qui placitam sibi catholicae rectitudinis integritatem clementiam vestram amare cernit atque defendere , et hic devictis hostribus pacasae vos imperare reipublicae , et cum sanctis in aeterna faciat vita regnare . the like expressions he useth epist . . brunichildae reginae francorum . he begins his epistle mauricio augusto , with , inter annorum curas , & innumerabiles sollicitudines quas indefesso studio pro christianae reipublicae regimine sustinetis , magna mihi cum universo mundo laetitiae causa est , quod pietas vestra custodiae fidei , quà dominorum fulget imperium , praecipua solicitudine semper invigilat . unde omninò confido quia ficut vos dei causas religiosae mentis amore tuemini , ita deus vestras majestates sua gratia suetur et adjuvat . lib. epist . . mauricio augusto ; he begins thus . omnipotens deus , qui pietatem vestram pacis ecclesiasticae fecit esse custodem , ipsa vos fide servat , &c. pro qua re totis precibus deprecamur , ut bonum hoc omnipotens deus serenitati dominorum , piaeque eorum sobolt , et in praesenti seculo , atque in perpetua remuneratione retribuat . epist . . mauritio augusto , he concludes with this prayer for him . omnipotens autem deus serenissimi domini nostri vitam , et ad pacem sanctae ecclesiae , et ad utilitatem reipublicae romanae per tempora longa custodiat . certi enim sumus quia si vos vivitis , qui coeli dominum timetis , nulla contra veritatem superbia praevalere permittetis , lib. . epist . . brunichildae reginae francorum : he ends with this prayer for her . omnipotens deus sua vos protectione custodiet , atque a perfidis gentibus regnum vestrum sui brachii extensione defendat . vosque post longa annorum curricula ad gaudia aeterna perducat . the like prayer he makes epist . theodelindae longobardarum reginae , videlicet , dei nostri misericordiam deprecamur , ut bonorum vicem & retributionem in corpore & in anima , hîc & in futuro compenset , &c. epist . . theoderico & theoberto regibus franciae , he begins and ends thus : summum in regibus bonum est , justiciam colere , ac sua cuique jura servare , & subjectis non smere quod potestatis est fieri , sed quod aequum est custodire , &c. quatenus per hoc aequitatem sacerdotibus custoditis , eorum precibus ante dei semper occulos floreatis . epistola . richaredo regi wisigothorum , he is verie copious in rendering thanks to god for him , as being a chief instrument in converting the goths to the christian faith , concluding with this prayer for him . omnipotens deus in cunctis actibus vestris , coelestis brachti extensione vos protegat , vobisque et praesentis vitae prospera , et post multa annorum curricula gaudia concedat aeterna . lib. . epist . . mauritio augusto ; he and the clergy thus prayed for him . pro quare lachrymabili prece omnes deposcimus , ut omnipotens deus qui clementiae vestrae corda compunxit , incolume in amoris sui constantia dominorum servet imperium , ut victorias eorum in cunctis gentibus auxilio suae majestatis extendat . see his epistola , , , , , , . to several kings and queens , wherein he renders thanks and makes prayers for them unto god , lib. . epist . . he recites the murther of the emperor mauritius , with all his . sons , brother , and some of his nobles by phocas ; after which phocas who usurped the empire , and leoutia his empresse sending their statues to rome , kal. maij , acclamatum est eis in lateranis in basilica julii , ab omni clero vel senatu , exaudi christe , phocae augusto et leontiae augustae vita : so much did they flatter this bloody murderer of his soveraign lord and his royal issue , and invader of his crown . and epist . . phocae augusto , pope gregory himself thus courts and prayes for him . considerare cum gaudiis & magnis gratiarum actionibus libet , quantas omnipotenti domino laudes debemus , quod remoto jugo tristitiae ad libertatis tempora sub imperialis benignitatis vestrae pietate pervenimus , &c. sancta itaque trinitas vitam vestram per longa tempora custodiat , ut de bono vestrae pietatis quod tardè suscepimus , diutius gaudeamus . lib. . epist . . brundechildae reginae francorum ; he concludes with this prayer for her , omnipotens deus excellentiam vestram in suo timore semper custodiat , atque ita vestra vota ad filiorum excellentissimorum regum nepotum vestrorum sospitate adimpleat , ut stabile vobis gaudium de eorum semper incolumitate sicut cupitis , habere concedat . and epist . . theodorico regi francorum , de pace in republica facienda , ( fit for our age and condition ) he prays thus for him . sancta trinitas in suo semper faciat vos timore proficere , & ita cor vestrum placita sibi moderatione disponat , ut & subjectis vestris de vobis , & postmodum vobis de se gaudium sine fine concedat . i shall conclude with his epist . l. . epist . . leontiae augustae fraught with thanksgivings , gratulations and prayers for her . quae lingua loqui , quis animus cogitare sufficiat , quanta de serenitate vestri imperii omnipotenti deo gratias debemus , quod tam dura longo tempore pondera cervicibus nostris amota sunt , & imperialis culminis leve jugum subiit , quod libeat portare subjectis . reddatur ergò creatori omnium ab hymnidicis angelorum choris gloria in coelo , persolvatur ab hominibus gratiarum actio in terra , quia universa respublica quae multa maeroris pertulit vulnera , nunc consolationis vestrae invenit fomenta . vnde nobis necesse est omnipotentis dei misericordiam enixius exorare , ut cor vestrae pietatis sua semper dextera teneat , ejusque cogitationes coelestis gratiae ope dispenset ; quatenus tranquillitas vestra tantò rectius valeat sibi servientes regere , quantò dominatori omnium noverit , minus deservire . in amore catholicae fidei faciat defensores suos , quos fecit ex benigno opere imperatores nostros . in undat in vestris mentibus zelum simul et mansuctudinam , ut semper pro fervore valeatis , et quidquid in deo exceditur non inultum relinquere , et si quid vobis delinquitur parcendo tolerare . det vobis in vestra pietate p●lcheriae augustae clementiam , quae pro zelo catholicae fidei in sacta synodo helena nova vocata est . omnipotens dei misericordialargiora vobis cum piissimo domino spacia vivendi concedat , ut quo vestra longius vita extenditur , subsectorum omnium , consolatio validius confirmetur , &c. ipse ergo sit vestri custos imperii , sit vobis protector in terra , sit pro vobis intercessor in coelo ; ut per hoc quod relevatis duris ponderibus in vestro imperio subjectos gaudere facitis , post multa annorum tempora in caelesti regno gaudeatis . the . council of toledo anno under king reccaredus , thus extoll and pray for him . cui à deo aeternum meritum ; cui aeterna corona ; cui praesens gloria & aeterna nisi verè catholico , orthodoxo reccaredo regi ? ipse sit deo & hominibus amabilis , qui tàm mirabiliter glorificavit deum in terris . marculfus a monk flourishing about the year of our lord , . in his * formularum , l. . c. . concessio regis ad privilegium granted to an abby : makes this the only usual form in that age of kings confirmations of lands , and privileges to monasteries , expressed in their charters : vt pro aeterna salute , vel faelicitate regis , constanster delected ipsis monachis , immensam domini pietatem fugiter implorare . and c. . confirmatio regis , de omni corpore facultatis monasterii : vt vos & successores vestri , uti necessitas fuerit , in conditionibus ipsius monasterii , pro salute nostra crebeius exorare valeant . and cap. . praeceptum de episcopatu : there is this clause in the usual form of kings grants of any vacant bishoprick : quatenus dum ecclesiam sibi à dispensatione divina commissam , strenuè regere atque gubernare videtur , nobis apud aeternum retributorem mercedem suffragia largiantur , & isle pro peccatorum nostrorum mole , indesinenter immensum dominum debeat deprecari . this being one principal end of kings erecting and endowing monasteries , bishopricks and churches , that the abbots , monks , bishops , priests and people might therein constantly pray for the safety , prosperity and felicity of them , their royal families , posterity , and realms ; as all their charters , confirmations , and instruments evidence . the . council of toledo , anno . under king sisenandus : as it denounced this solemn excommunication thrice one after another , against all traytors who should attempt to m●rder or dethrone the king , or usurp his crown , against their oath of allegiance to him . quicunque ergo ex nobis , vel totius hispaniae populis qualibet conjuratione , tractatu vel studio , sacramentum sidei suae quo pro patriae gentisque gothorum statu vel conservatione regiae salutis pollicitus est , temeraverit , aut regem nece attractaverit , aut potestate regni exuerit , aut praesumpsione tyrannica regni fastigium usurpaverit , anathema sit in conspectu dei patris & angelorum , atque ab ecclesia catholica , quam perjurio prophana verit , efficiatur extraneus , & ab omni coetu christianorum alienus , cum omnibus impietatis suae sociis . anathema maranatha , hoc est , perditio in adventu domini sint , & cum juda scarioth partem habeant ipsi & socii eorum . amen . so also they made this devout prayer for this king. pax , & salus , et diuturnitas piissimo & amatori christi domino nostro sisenando regi . corroboret ergo christi gratia regnum illius gentisque gothorum in fide catholica annis et meritis , protegat illum usque ad ultimam senectutem summi dei gratia , & post praesentis regni gloriam ad aeternum regnum transeat , sine fine regnet , qui in seculo feliciter imperat , ipso praestante , qui est rex regum et dominus dominorum , cum patre & spiritu sancto in secula seculorum . amen . the th council of toledo under king chintilla , anno as it provides for the safety of the kings person , the royal issue , and their possessions ; prohibiting all calculation of their nativities , or aspiring after their crowns , and reviling of them , under pain of excommunication : so all the bishops and nobles in it concluded with this prayer for their king. donet ei dominus & de inimicis triumphum , & de beatudine gaudium : custodiat eum protectione assidua ; muniat bonae voluntatis suae circumspectione tutissima , cujus regnum manet in secula seculorum . the . council of toledo under king suintilla , anno . as it provides for the safety of the kings person , and of the royal posterity : with a quis ferat , aut quis christianus toleranter videat regiam sobolem aut potestatem expoliari rebus , aut privari dignitatibus , & c ? cap. , . so it concludes with this prayer for the king , cap. . donet ei dominus optimo principi diuturnum in saeculo praesenti triumphum , & in parte justorum perpetuum reguum , felicibusque annis felix ipse in longa felicitate fruatur , et divinae dexterae protectione ubique muniatur . in the . general council of constantinople under constantinus pogonatus , pope agatho , and the synode of rome consisting of . bishops , prayed thus for him in their several epistles to him , pro incolumitate atque exaltatione fortissimi vestri imperii unanimiter incessabiles domino preces effundentes . dei majestatem fideliter obsecrare pro longe vitate atque perfecta prosperitate vestrae fortitudinis imperio divinitus concedenda , &c. and this whole general council thus unanimously cryed out with loud joyfull voyces , and prayed to god for him q sancta synodus exclamavit : multos annos imperatori : christo dilecto imperatori multos annos . pium & christianum imperatorem domine conserva ; aeternum permaneat vestrum imperium . orthodoxam fidem tu confirmasti . after which this whole council in their gratulatory oration to him , pray thus for him , omnes unanimiter atque consonanter acclamamus ; domine salvum fac regem nostrum , qui post te corroboravit fidei fundamentum : benedicito vitam ejus , dirige gressus cogitationum ejus , conterat virtutem inimicorum suorum , et resistentes ei continuo corruant , quia fecit judicium & justitiam sempiternam , &c. this emperor dying before this general council dissolved , and justinian succeeding in the empire , , all the fathers assembled therein in their r oration to him , close it with this prayer for him , dominus imperium tuum stabiliat ac confirmet in pace et justitia , et generationum generationibus transmittat , et terrenae quoque potentiae adjiciat , et etiam coelesti regno fruaris . a the . council of toledo under king chindasiundus , and the . bishops in it , make this prayer for him . vt memorato principi cum prosperitate praesentis regni , futuri etiam largiantur praemia gaudii , ipso praestante qui in trinitate unus deus vivit et gloriatur in saecula saeculorum . b in the council of toledo k. recesuinthus presented himself amongst the prelates , abbots , priors , earls then present , that they might commend him in their prayers to almighty god , which they did . c the . council of toledo held in the th . year of his reign , made this prayer for him , obsecrantes ejus misericordiam largam ut serenissimo domino et amabili christo recesuintho principi glorioso , ita praesentis vitae felicitatem impendat , ut angelicae beatitudinis gloriam , post longaeva tempora concedat : atque ita nos ejusdem felicitate laetos semper efficiat , ut in terra viventium remuner andos attollat . d the council of toledo in the . year of king recesuinthus , as it provides for the safety of his person , and crown in subjecting all clergymen and monks , who shall wittingly violate their general oaths made for the safety of his royal person and realm , to deprivation , and the kings justice , c. . so. c. . all present in it pray thus to god for him . a quo petimus et optamus , ut porrecta in longitudine felicium dierum sacratissimi principis vita , eam omni gloriarum decore perpetua faciat pollere salute . e the council of cavailon under king clodoveus assembled in the church of st vincent , pray the intercession of this holy martyr , ut longae vitatem supradicti principis suo suffragio mereamur . f the . council of toledo in the th . year of kingvuambanus ( or bamba ) made this prayer for him , det ergo eidem principi dominus , et cursum praesentis vitae in pace transire , et post diuturna tempora , ad se in pace , remissis iniquitatibus pervenire : qualiter et hîc selicia tempora ducat , et felix cum omnibus , quibus principatur , ad christum sine confusione perveniat : ut , quia per eum corona nostri ordinis in melius restauratur , coronam futuri regni capiat ex hoc in regione vivorum regnans cum christo insaecula saeculorum . amen . the council of * bracara in the same year , concludes with this prayer for king bamba , sit pax , salus et diuturnitas , piissimo & amatori christi domino nostro vuambano regi : divinam postulantes clementiam , ut gloria christi regnum ejus coroberet usque ad ultimam senectutem , praestante ipso qui cum patre & spiritu sancto vivit & gloriatur in trinitate deus , in saecula saeculorum . amen . the . council of toledo under king evingius , c. . is closed up with this prayer for him : * sanctae trinitatis poscimus inenarrabile numen & gloriosam ineffabilis potentiae majestatem , ut det amatori christi serenissimo domino nostro atque amantissimo evingio principi imperare clementer , regnare felicitor , , habere de elementis fructum , obtinere de justitia praemium , de pietate trophaeum , quò & hic invictus victor hostium semper appareat ; & post diuturna hujus seculi curricula , ad regnum aeternum cum suis omnibus coronandus pervenire , praestante deo & salvatore nostro jesu christo domino nostro , qui cum patre & spiritu sancto in trinitate vivit & regnat deus , in secula seculorum . amen . the synode of frankford on the mene under charles the great , thus prayed for him . catholicum atque clementissimum semperque inclytum dominum carolum regem , omnipotens & sancta trinitas sua cum gratia circumcingat , suaque dextra semper protegat et defendat , ut faciat semper quae illi sunt placita , quatenus coelestibus fretus armis inimicos nominis christi auxilio fultus de caelo , ad terram prosternat . barbaras etiam nationes , infinita deus omnipotens ditioni ejus potentia subdat , ut ex hac occasione ad agnitionem perveniant veritatis , et cognoscant verum et unum deum creatorem suum , &c. multipliceter pax in diebus ejus , ut sit sancta ecclesia libera , et ab omni strepitu mundi secura qua libertate christus eam liberavit , &c. indulgeat miseratus captivis , subveniat oppressis , dissolvat fasciculos deprimentes : sit consolatio viduaarum , miserorum refrigerium : sit dominus et pater ; fit rex et sacerdos , fit omnium christianorum moderantissimus gubernator , anxiliante domino nostro jesu christo , qui cum patre et spiritu sancto vivit et regnat deus in trinitate perfecta per omnia secula seculorum . amen . the judgements and practices of this kinde of our venerable beda ; of boniface archibishop of mentz , and lullus his successor ; of the council of clovesho and calchuth ; and of abbat alchuvinus and others : from the year , to . you have already cited in the * precedent chapter . the synod of * towers in france , under charles the great , c. . decreed : primò omnium admonuimus generaliter cunctos , qui nostri conventui interfuêre , ut obedientes sint domino excellentissimo imperatori nostro , et fidem quam ei promissam habent inviolabiliter conservare studeant . orationes quoque assiduas intentè fundere pro ejus stabilitate ac incolumitate omnes se velle secundum nostram admonitionem unanimiter professi sunt , ut misericordia divina longiori aevo illius mansuetudinem conservare dignetur , &c. the council of * mentz about the same time under charles the great , c. , &c. made this prayer for him and his posterity : in nomine patris et filii , et spiritus sancti ; gloriosissimo et christianissimo imperatori carolo augusto , verae religionis rectori , ac defensori dei ecclesiae , una eum prole sua , ejusque fidelibus , vita et salus , honor et benedictio , cum victoria sine fine mansura . the council of * cavailon the same year under this charles the great , thus decreed : omnis iste conventus gratissima deliberatione decrevit , ut ab omnibus indestuenter orationes fiant pro vita et incolumitate , pro salute animae et corporis domini imperatoris prolisque ejus ; pro statu regni , &c. the synod of * rhemes the same year under the same emperor decreed : ut pro domino imperatore suaque nobilissima prole , orationes et oblationes , quae pro ipsis hactenus deo omnipotenti oblatae sunt augeantur , ut eos suis temporibus in praesenti seculo cum omni faelicitate custodiat , et in futuro cum sanctis angelis suis pia miseratione gaudentes efficiat . the like is decreed in capitularia caroli magni & ludovici , l. . c. . fredericus lindebrogus codex legum antiqu . p. . the synod of paris under lewis & lotharius , anno . l. . c. . as it presseth all obedience , subjection , and loyalty to kings , so it prescribes constant prayers for them , from the tim. . concluding thus : si enim hieremias propheta dei , pro vita idololatrae regis nebuchadonozor orare admonet , quantò magis pro salute christianorum regum de omnibus ordinibus deo est humiliter supplicandum ? the * synod of paris under bishop odo made this decree : praecipitur districtè omnibus presbyteris ut pro domino rege faciant specialem commemorationem quando poterunt . a theodulphus abbas floriacensis , et aurelianensis episcopus in his poems to ludovicus the emperor thus prays for him . inclite caesar ave ludovice , serene , valeque , et tibi cunctipotens det bona cuncta deus . orbis te totus laudat , veneratur , amatque , et monitis paret , sedulus undè tuis , &c. grates pro vestra summa pietate rependam . aeterno patri , qui vos regnare potenter , et mores sanctos servare salubriter egit , prospera multiginis concedens cuncta triumphis , &c : vos pater , et gnatus , sanctus quoque spiritus omni tempore concedat domino praestante valere . in his poem , b in adventu caroli filii augustorum , he hath this salutation , and prayer for him . salve regum sancta proles . nullus ordo , nulla rerum , mens & lingua , cor , voluntas . salve regum sancta proles . salve regumsancta proles . chare christo carole . nunc silescat vastitas . laudem dando personet . chare christo carole , &c. clerus ipse primitus . dicat omnis plebis agmen , dives , pauper , sospes , aeger , consonent in laudibus . chare christo carole , &c. which salve is . times more repeated in that poem , with other prayers for prince charles . in his poem , e in adventu lotharii imperatoris , he useth these prayers for and acclamations to him . imperator magne vivas . gaudeat totum t●orum , omnis aetas , omnis ordo , imperator magne vivas , sancta lothari , maria virgo , et simul cum patre magno , imperator magne vivas , et valens junctis beatis , vestra pax in pace cunctos , intus , extra , longe , juxta , britto cedat , atque bulgar vita , virtus et potestas , fama felix te sequatur summa summae trinitati , quae gubernet et coronet , imperator magne vivas . semper et feliciter , which is ten times repeated . agmen hic fidelium , corde dicens intimo , semper et feliciter , te cum fratribus , servet , armet , protegat , semper et feliciter , hoc precetur omnibus , firmet apta subditos , fulgeat concordia , omnis ardor hostium , robur et victoria , atque vitae praemia , sit per aevum gloria , te per omne seculum , semper et feliciter . * walafridus strabus abbot of st. gall , in his poem to ludovicus the emperor makes this expression of his loyalty to , and prayes thus for him . vilia pro meritis sunt haec munuscula vestris , sed tamen ex pleno quae dat amore fides . quam vobis servare diu , totumque per aevum , hanc animam veluti nitar ad usque abitum . quid mihi , quid possit consistere clarius unquam , gloria quàm domini continuata pii , &c. * ipse pio vires , divinaque munera regi , et clarum aeterno tempore det columen . pacem consilio faciet retinere salubri , quem paci aeternae muneribusque parat , haec vos cum vestris repetitus saepius annis , haec ad festa deus provehat incolumes . in his verses to the a empresse judeth , he prayes thus for her , and hers . — orabo quod ipse hactenus orabam , quaeque petenda reor . vita , praesidio , pace et solamine christi , vos vestrosque simul tempus in omne frui . proxima sanctorum quod nos per festa dierum , plenius acturos credimus et volumus . in another b poem to her , in reference to her name judeth , he prays thus for her . nomine quem sequitur , factis da christe sequatux , pace , fide , pietate , animo , sermonibus , ausis , dogmate , consiliis , successu , et prole fideli , &c. laeta cubans , sit laeta sedens , sit laeta resurgens , laeteturque poli faelix in sede locata . in his other c verses to her , he prays thus . vos vestrosque dei semper miserata potestas , protegat , exaltet , ffrmet , regat , armet , adornet . and in his d poem to charles the emperors son by judeth , he prays thus for him . majestas tibi cuncta dei det prospera semper , et vitae aeternae dulcia dona seret . haymo bishop of halberstat in germany , interpretatio . in epist . tim. c. . v. , , . hath the self-same commentary , and words , pressing the duty of praying for kings , as remigius forecited . hincmarus archbishop of rhemes in france , flourishing under charles the great , and ●ewis his sonne , one of the learnedest scholars in that age , in his * epistola . ad ludovicum balbum regem , who desired his advice , how hee might settle and govern his distracted kingdom in peace , in such a time of confusion , as we now are in ; returns him this answer , in an epistle thus directed . domino ludovico regi glorioso , sit semper salus et vita . . that he should elect good counsellers of state , quia boni reges constituti bonos sibi consiliarios adhibuerunt , & per bonos reges & bonos consiliarios regimen populi multa bona habuerunt . ly . vt seniores et regni sui primores convocaret , ut omnes communi concilio de communi necessitate et vtilitate tractetis : ( the best means of publike peace and settlement , as he proves by sundry former presidents ; ) nec in exordio regni vestri inter primores regni de vestro regimine oriatur discordia , quae non sine impedimento possit esse sedata . et regni primores qui vobiscum sunt , sic seipsos & suas voluntates contemperent , ne alios istius regni primores ad scandalum per suam cupiditatem , aut negligentiam provocent . ly that when this great parliamentary council of the nobles , and great men of the realm should assemble , they should treat of these . heads , very pertinent and seasonable for our times . primò , qualiter vos in regimine regni cum honore & salvamento , ac supplemento de his quae necessaria sunt , cum regno ac domo vestro possitis insistere . secundò , ut capitulum , de honore sanctae ecclesiae & sacerdotum & servorum dei debito privilegio ad effectum perduci possit ; ut & ecclesiae in isto regno per occasionabiles cicadas & per indeletas consuetudinarias exactiones , quae tempore pipini , caroli & ludovici non fuerunt , ante annos viginti impositas , non affligantur . tertio , qualiter regni primores cum debita sereniate & honore ergà vos consistere possint , & caeteri nobiles homines in regno securitatem habeant , ne per diversa ingenia a suis opibus , quas habere potuerint , despolientur : quia postquam radix omnium malorum cupiditas in regno isto exarsit , ut nullus , aut poenè nullus honorem , aut aliquod bonum sine precio possit adquirere , aut tenere , aut securitatem habere ; pax , & consilium & justicia , atque judicium , sicut necesse fuerat , locum in isto regno non habuerunt . quartò , ut inveniatis cum deo & vestris fidelibus , qualiter istae rapinae & depraedationes in isto regno cessent , & miser iste populus , qui jam per plures annos perde praedationes diversas & continuas & per exactiones ad normannos repellandos affligitur , aliquod * remedium habeat , & justitia & judicium quae quasi emortua apud nos sunt , reviviscant : quia usque modo , jam ante plures annos locum in isto regno defensio non habent , sed redemptio & tributum , & non solum pauperes homines , sed & ecclesias quondam divites tàm emarciatas habent . quintò , ut concordiam quae secundum deum cst , inter fideles dei & vestros haberi , & vigere quantum potueritis , satagatis ; & vos talem ergà eos praeparetis , ut verum consilium vobis dare possint & audeant , &c. sexto , ut inveniatis cum deo & vestris fidelibus , qualiter pacem & amicitiam secundum deum eum vestris sobrinis , patrui vestri filiis , & juvenum adjutorium vobis ad dei voluntatem , & sanctae eccles●ae ac vestrum honorem , at communem fidelium vestrorum salvationem exhibeatis . caeterum qualiter haec ad effectum perveniant , et caetera necessaria inveniantur , et assequautur , deus est exorandus , &c. faciendum est judicium pro iniquorum correctione , et pro injuriam sustinentium directione , non pro malevolentiae ultione , nec pro justam causam habentium oppressione , &c. sollicitè unicuique ambulandum est cum deo suo , et regi precipuè , qui sub tantis erit in poenis in futuro seculo , si malus fuerit , super quantos fuerit in isto seculo , in quo se à malitia non correxit , et non fecit judicium et justitiam , et non ambulavit sollicitè cum deo suo . ‖ in the front of his d . epistle to the emperor charles the grosse , praesentem et futuram optat prosperitatem et gloriam ; advising him : ut ecclesiam gallicanam poenè collapsam restituat , regni dissidia tollat , justitiae leges apud primores aequè ac subditos sartas tectas conservare , divinum auxilium per preces crebro imperare , impios et sceleratos coercere ; orphanorum et pupillorum patrocinium suscipere ; humilitateni , caritatem , mansuetudinem erga omnes sectari , improborumque societatem et samiliaritatem defugere : as the readiest way to publick peace , unity and prosperity . his d. and th . epistles are full of excellent instructions for young kings : and his th . very pertinent to our condition . the emperor lewes the d . being dead , charles the bald king of france went into italy to obtain the imperial crown from the pope : which his brother lewes , king of germany , taking in ill part , attempted in his absence to invade the realm of france . whereupon divers bishops and nobles of france being doubtfull what to do in this difficult cause , craved the advice of their metropolitan , hincm●rus archbishop of rhemes ; who in this epistle adviseth them at large : in tanta discrimine , confugiendum esse ad arma spiritualia orationum , jejuniorum , aliorumque id genus praesidiorum ; et in fide proprii regis caroli , licet absit , fortiter persistendum ; nec oves ulla ratione , quantumvis ludovicus vi invadat regnum , deserendas , ipsosque reges libere de suis erratis commonefaciendos , ac si parere nolint , etiam à corpore christi abscindendos ; quod multorum s. patrum exemplis fusè probat . after his debate of the difficulties and dangers on both sides in resisting the unjust invador of his brothers realm , and deserting charles their absent lawfull king , he resolves thus : nos episcopi domini nostri caroli , si acciderit ut consulere ei non possimus , sicuti cupimus in temporali sui regni defensione atque tuitione , et consulamus et in debitae fidei observatione . consulamus et nobis dei cooperatione in pia dei erga illum observatione , et continua mentis devotione atque pro eo apud deum et sanctos ejus obsecratione , &c. consulamus et nobis ne pro quacunque cupiditate vel temporali emolumento ab illius debita fide exorbitantes , quenquam in illius regnum missis episcopis , vel quibuscunque internunciis , invitemus , nec pro abbatiis , vel honoribus temporalibus , atque rebus , vel facultatibus nos venundemus , iudae similes effecti , qui abiens ad iudaeos dixit ; quid vultis mihi dare , & ego vobis eum tradam ? est etiam , quoniam ab alio quocunque justè & rationabiliter credi non poterimus neque debemus , si quocunque terreno lucro vel illata injuria , salva in deum fide , seniori nostro ( regi ) fidem non servaverimus , &c. consulamus etiam quantum adjuvante domino poterimus , sociis & commilitonibus nostris , exhortantes eos , ut fidem debitam apud eum observent , &c. consulamus etiam ei , si fortè quis fuerit , qui in absentia ejus regnum ipsius moliatur subripere , ut moneamus eum de sacramentis inter se , et seniorem nostrum factis , quae rex noster se servare velle fatetur , et proponemus ei sententiam domini prolatam per jeremiam prophetam contra sedechiam , qui juravit nebuchadonozor gentili regi in nomine domini ezech. . & hierom. ibid. ( whose severe judgement on him for this perjury he recites at large out of king . together with the danger of perjury out of st. augustin , epist. . who stiles it , gravissimum peccatum ) si autem & contra praepositum suum agentibus consulere non potuerimus ; secundum verba a sancti ambrosii , consulamus nobis , ne faciamus quacunque cupiditate , vel adulatione , vel deceptione , vel communicatione undè vituperetur minister ium nostrum , & perdamus nomen bonum , &c. et non solum in vectigalibus stipendiariis militiae , & ecclesiis debitis , et regibus deservire jub●mur , verum et in orationibus , sicut augustinus in libro b de civitate dei ostendit , ( whose words he recites at large . ) after which he thus winds up this most learned and seasonable epistle , worthy reading . si denique rex noster-fuerit , annuente deo reversus , recipiamus eum cum gaudio , & de sibi ac ecclesiae at que regni necessariis in postmodum procurare episcopaliter illum commoneamus , et prosperitari suae congaudeamus ; si vero , quod non optamus , aliter judicio dei contigerit , devotionem ac fidem debitam erga illum sinceriter custodientes , sicut scriptum est dicamus corde , dicamus & ore domino , exultaverunt filiae iudae , id est , confessionis humillimae , in omnibus judiciis tuis domine . this was the advice of that learned loyal bishop in that age upon this occasion . gerbertus archbishop of rhemes , afterwards pope sylvester the d . as he hath this expression of his loyalty to the emperor otho , epist . . non dicatur reus , cui pro caesare stare semper fuit gloria , contra caesarem ignominia . so in his his . epistle , adelaidi imperatrici , he concludes thus : mea sententia haec est , quam fidem filio dominae meae ( imperatori ) asservavi , eam matri servabo ; si nequeo praesens , saltem absens , benè loquendo , bene optando , bene orando . he begins his . epistle othoni imperatori thus domino & glorioso othono semper augusto gerbertus gratia domini remorum episcopus , quicquid tanto imperatori dignum . and in his . epistle to diedericus the bishop , in the person of prince charles the emperors nephew , he thus brands him for his perjury and treachery to the emperor , and the republick . diederico hypocritarum ideae , imperatorum infidelissimo , prolisque parricidae , ac in communi hosti reipublicae . tu divina & humana confundisti jura . cur pastorali officio minas intendis ? quasi verò tu pastor , & non lupus rapax , & non potius alter judas apostolus , qui dominum suum . perdidit argenteis , & tu episcopus qui dominum tuum regem haeredem regni regno privasti spe famostssimi quaestus , &c. b fulbertus carnotensis episcopus , inscribes his , , & , & . epistles to robert king of france thus . domino suo regi roberto ●enignissimo , fulbertus dei & sui gratia carnotensis episcopus , in gratia regis regum semper manere ; statu plenae felicitatis ; in perpetuum regnare . cursum honesti continuum ad beatitudinem finis . he concludes his , , , & epistles to this king , with valete regaliter ; vale nunc & semper . vigeat excellentia vestra . he inscribes his . epistle with this option : aeterni regis consortium ; and ends it thus : omnipotens deus dilatet imperium vestrum , et dextra vos semper protegat ad pacem sanctae ecclesiae ; vitam vobis longae●am tribuat , et sua vos benedictione in omnibus exornet . his . epistle is thus directed : nobilissimo regi danemarchiae cnuto , fulbert . dei gratia carnotensium episcopus , cum suis clericis et monachis orationis suffragium . in which he writes : te non modo christianum , verum etiam erga ecclesias atque dei servos benignissinum largitorem agnoscimus . vnde gratias agentes regi regum , ex cujus dispositione talia descendunt ; rogamus ut ipse regnum tuum in vobis prosperari faciat , et animam tuam a peccatis absolvat , per aeternum & consubstantialem sibi unigenitum christum dominum nostrum in unitate spiritus sancti . amen . and his epist . is thus directed , dilectissimo domino sua roberto , regi ac reginae constantiae , verum in domino constantissimo fulbertus humilis carnot . episcopus fidelitatis obsequium et orationum suffragium , quantum scit et potest . i preterm it his other prayers and options of this kind , epist . , , , &c. oecumenius in his enarratio in tim. . , . useth the self-same words and passages touching prayers , intercessions and supplications for kings , as st. chrysostom and theodoret , forcited , p. , , , &c. the like doth theophylact , upon the tim. . , . whom they both follow . st. bernard abbot of clarevall thus begins and proceeds in his epistola . ad ludovicum regem francorum ( written in the name of all the cistercian abbots and monks ) eximio regi francorum ludovico , stephanus abbas cisterciensis , totusque conventus abbatum et fratrum cisterciensium , salutem , sospitatem et pacem in christo iesu . rex coeli et terrae regnum vobis in terra donavit , donaturus et in coele , si quod accepistis justè & sapienter amministrare studueritis . hoc est quod vobis optamus , et pro vobis oramus , ut et hic fideliter , et illic feliciter regnetis . caeterum vos quonam consilio , eisdem nostris pro vobis orationibus , quas , si recolitis , olim tàm humiliter requisistis , modo tàm acriter repugnatis ? qua enim fiducia manus pro vobis levare possumus ad sponsum ecclesiae , quam ita et sine causa , ut putamus , ausu inconsulto contristaris ? gravem siquidem adversum vos apud eundem sponsum , et dominum suum querimoniam deponit , dum quem acceperat defensorem , sustinet oppugnatorem , &c. alioquin si non meremur exaudiri , sed contemnimur , et nos , fratres et amici vestri , et qui quotidie oramus pro vobis , et filiis vestris , et regno ; ex hac jam noveritis parvitatem nostram , &c. he begins his epistle , ad ludovicum juniorem regem francorum , with this loyal preface , and seconds it with his constant prayers day and night . si totus orbis adversum me conjuraret , * ut quippiam molirem adversus regiam majestatem , ego tamen deum timerem , & ordinatum ab eo regem offendere temerè non auderem . nec enim ignoro ubi legerim ; qui potestati resistit , dei ordinationi resistit , &c. non contristabit per illum & de illo ecclesiam suam , in quem et de quo in tantis plura laetificavit : quem suo munere contulit , sua longanimitate servabit ; et si quid aliter sapitis , et hoc ipsum vobis revelabit , et erudiet corda in sapientia . hoc optamus , hoc oramus die et nocte . he begins his epistle to this king thus , libentèr quidem sicut ipse fateri dignamini , etiam propria testante conscientia , quae ad honorem vestrum et regni vestri utilitatem spectant , pro nostro exiguo posse et quaerimus & quaeremus : though he sharply reprehends him therein : in his epistle to this king ( who oppugned the church ) he writes thus . profectò stabimus & pugnabimus usque ad mortem , si ita oportuerit , pro matre nostra , armis quibus licet , non scutis et gladiis , sed precibus fletibusque ad deum . et ego quidem qui me memini praeter quotidianas preces , quas pro pace et salute vestra , atque regno coram domino supplex ipso teste fundebam . and why so ? insuper et fratri vestro , ejusque militibus balastariisque domos episcopales contra jus et phas inhabitandas , et res ecclesiae in hujusmodi nefarios usus profligandas audacter nimium exponitis . dico vobis non erit diu inultum , si haec ita facere pergitis , &c. his epistle begins thus , ludovico dei gratia excellentissimo regi francorum , bernardus clarevallis vocatus abbas , fidelis suus , salutem à rege regum , & domino dominantium ipsi , et dilectae ejus , et filiis ejus . regna terrae & jura regnorum tunc sanè sana suis dominis atque illaesa persistunt , si divinis ordinationibus ac dispositionibus non resistunt , &c. he addes , colligitur concilium . quid in hoc detrahitur regiae gloriae , regni utilitatibus ? ibi vniversae ecclesiae commendabitur ac rememorabitur excellentiae vestrae prompta et specialis devotio , qui regum primus , aut certè inter primos rabiei persequentium eandem matrem vestram strenuissimè , et christianissimè defendendo obviastis . ibi gloriosè ab ingenti illa multitudine debitae gratiae referentur vobis : ibi a millibus sanctorum orabitur pro vobis et vestris . he begins his epistle , thus . henrico illustrissimo regi anglorum , b. abbas dictus de clarevalle , honorem , sospitatem & pacem . and his epistle , thus . lothario dei gratia imperatori augusto , b. abbas de clarevalle . si quid potest peccatoris oratio , benedictus deus , qui vos elegit , et erexit cornu salutis nobis ad laudem et gloriam nominis sui , et reparandum imperii decus , ad subveniendum ecclesiae suae in tempore malo , postremo , ad operandum etiam nunc salutem in medio terrae . from all which passages it is most apparent , that this devout abbot , with all the abbots , monks , clergy , and councils in that age , did constantly pray for their own christian kings , their queens , sons , posteritie , and other kings & emperors , wishing all health , safety , happinesse , prosperity to them , and their realms , for the churches happinesse , and did blesse god for their reigns , exaltations , successes , piety , zeal , and government . petrus abbas cluniacensis , epist . l. . epist . . sigivardo norwegiorum regi , prefaceth his epistle with this salutation ; in praesenti faeliciter , in futuro , faelicissimè cum christo regnare : & begins it with this thanksgiving to god : omnipotenti et aeterno regi toto cordis affectu gratias agimus , qui menti vestrae favorem et amorem suum inspirare dignatus , in vobis amorem coelestium terrenis affectibus praevaluisse ostendit , &c. and thus closeth it , ipsi omnium bonorum largitori grates quas possumus agimus ; et ut hoc ad effectum perducere satagatis , votis omnibus exoramus . epist. . glorioso principi et magnifico constantinopolitanae urbis imperatori , ioanni cale , he wisheth , salutem ab eo qui dat salutem regibus : beginning with this thanksgiving . gratias omnipotenti regi regum , cujus regnum regnum est omnium seculorum , qui imperatoriam majestatem vestram super omnes christiani nominis principes exaltavit , et ad tenendam toto orbe ecclesiam suam , velut in medio orientis , occiedentis , aquilonis constituit , &c. et ut aliquid beneficii spiritualis vobis istud facientibus , rependamus , sicut praedecessores nostri ac nos ipsi , reges francorum , reges anglorum , reges hispanorum , reges romanorum , ipsos imperatores , ac vicinos vobis reges vngarorum confratres et comparticipes omnium beneficiorum cluniacensis congregationis fecimus ( by their daily prayers for them ) ità sublimitatem vestiam , ex parte omnipotentis dei , &c. in eisdem et spiritualibus beneficiis , plenè et perfectè , in quantum licet , suscipimus : ut omnipotens salvator et hîc temporale regnum vobis adaugeat et conservet , et in futuro , cum sanctis regibus vos ad sempiternum perducat . amen . he begins his . epistle to the king of i●rusalem with the like salutation and thanksgiving to god. epistola l. . epist . . illustri et religioso regi siciliae , domino et amico rotgerio , he useth the very same salutation , blesseth god for him , and ends with this prayer for him : inde laetamur , inde in domino gloriamur , inde celsitudinem vestram , etsi vultu incognitam , verae dilectionis brachiis amplectimur : et ut ad honorem nominis sui , et ad salutem populi sui omnipotens salvator vestram regalem potentiam magnificet et conservet , humiliter et frequenter precamur . epist . l. . epist. . to the same king rotgerio : he wisheth , bonorum regum dignitatem et honorem : beginning it with gratias omnipotenti regi regum , qui sublimitatem vestram inter universos christiani orbis reges ac principes quadam specialis magnificentiae gloria insignivit , quadam gloriosi nominis fama singulariter exaltavit . adding , personam vestram regnumque omnipotenti deo , religiosisque tam nostris , quam aliis congregationibus , studios●ssime commendavi . epistola illustri ac magnifico principi , domino ludovico regi francorum , is prefaced with this option : feliciter hîc regnare , regemque regum in regno ac decore suo videre : and begins with , licet regis aeterni militiam , quam per te regem terrenum contra inimicos crucis suae armare disposuit , ad peregrina euntem comitari non valeam : devotione tamen , oratione , consilio , et auxilio , quali quantoque potero , prosequi concupisco , &c. i shall only adde , epist . l. . epist . . magnifico principi , domino rotgero , regi siciliae , frater petrus humilis cluniacensium abbas , salutem praesentem et regnum sempiternum . audientes obitum filiorum , vestrorum valdè doluimus , et tàm pro sospitate vestra , quàm pro omnibus illorum , missas celebrari , orationes ad deum sundi , eleemosynas fieri , in conventu nostro praecepimus . non solum autem nunc sed et saepe diebus solempnibus et majoribus capitulis nostris , inter alios reges amicos et benefactores nostros , vestri memoriam frequentamus . stephanus tornacensis episcopus , thus ends his epistola . illustri , r. hungariae regi : valeat sanctitas vestra et regnum vestrum coram domino . and he inscribes his epistle thus . canuto illustri dacorum regi , salutem , vitam et victoriam , and concludes it in this manner , valeat et crescat in dies semper magnificentia vestra . i could draw down a continual series of authorities almost every year , from the year of our lord . till this present , pressing and practicing this duty of prayer for kings , in publick and private , in their commentaries , epistles , and other writings ; but to avoid prolixity , i shall refer the readers to hugo de sancto victore , petrus lombardus , nicholaus gorrhan , anselmus laudensis , petrus commestor , hugo cardinalis , dion . carthusianus , nicholaus lyranus , hugo de sancto victore , isiodor clarius , vitus theodorus , johannis sarisburiensis , alexander alesius , jo. arboreus , jo. eradmyllerus , tho. de vio cajetanus , calvin , bulinger , gualther , hemmingius , arrias montanus , nic. hemingius , and. hyperius , and. scaynus , nic. selneccerus , dan. tossanus , fran. titeburamus , jo. brand myllerus , jo. faber , egidius hunnius , jo. miyer , alf. salmeron , guil. estius , jo. gagneius , claud. guilliandus , cornelius a lapide , junius , beza , marlorat , lamb. danaeus , cl. espencaeus , ant. fayus , phil. melancthon , wolf. musculus , jo. piscator , frid. balduinus , deodatus , georg. dibuadius , georg. wenirichius , adam . sasbout , pet. steuartius , jodoc . willichius , hugo grotius , dr. hamond , and others in their commentaries , explanations , and annotations on the tim. . , , . the harmony of confessions , chapter of the civil magistrate , who all presse this duty in point of precept and practice , as well for pagan as christian , vitious and tyrannical , as virtuous and gracious , heretical and popish , as well as orthodox and protestant kings and emperors . as for the forms of publick and private prayers for them , i shall refer you to all antient and modern missals , processionals , pontificals , ceremonials , psalters , primers , letanies , manuals , books of prayers and devotions , which are almost infinite in all popish and protestant kingdoms throughout the world. i shall only recite a few publick prayers of this nature , for example sake . the . is missa aethiopum , or the usual forms of common prayers used in all the aethiopian churches : wherein there are these , preces pr● rege da domine pacem , regi nostro caludio , et principibus ejus , & judicibus ejus , & subditis ejus , orna eos omni genere pacis , rex pacis pacem da nobis , quoniam omnia dedisti nobis . the . is the antient prayers used for the roman emperors in churches : deus regnorum omnium & christiani maximè protector imperii : da servo tuo imperatori nostro r. triumphum virtutis tuae scienter excolere , ut qui tua constitutione est princeps , tuo munere sit potens , per eundem dominum nostrum . deus qui ad praedicandum aeterni regis evangelium , romanorum imperium praeparasti , praetende famulo tuo imperatori nostro r. arma coelestia , ut pax ecclesiarum nulla turbetur tempestate bellorum , per eundēm dominum nostrum . these two forms of publick prayers are still retained in missale romanum ex decreto concilii tridentini , printed salamanticae , . orationes ad diversa , p. , . and missale romanum ex decreto pii quinti antuerpiae . orationes ad diversa , p. , . to which there are these two prayers , pro rege subjoyned . quaesumus omnipotens deus ut famulus tuus , n. rex nostor , qui tui miseratione suscepit regni gubernacula , virtutum etiam omnium percipiat incrementa : quibus decenter ornatus , & vitiorum monstra devitare , & ad te qui via , veritas & vita es , gratiosus valeat pervenire . per dominum . munera quaesumus domine , oblata sanctifica , ut & nobis vnigeniti tui corpus fiant , et regi nostro ad op●●nendam animae corporisque salutem ; et ad peragendum injunctum officium , te largtente , usquequaque proficiant . per eundem dominum nostrum jesum christum . what other prayers have been used for them , i have before transcribed , p. . to which i shall adde , that in most * litanies , there is this prayer inserted . et regibus , et principibus christianis pacem et veram concordiam donare digneris ; te rogamus . never more seasonable to be used than now . in the pontificale romanum , restored and published by command of pope clement the . printed antuerpiae . p. , . there is this set form of receiving the emperor , when he comes to any city , or notable town , by the clergy thereof in way of procession , intituled , ordo ad recipiendum processionaliter imperatorem . quando imperator venit ad aliquam urbem vel oppidum insigne , clerus urbis obviam venit ei processionaliter , extrà portam , &c. imperator , ex equo descendens , &c. sub baldachino ducitur usque ad ecclesiam . processio praecedit immediate imperatorem , &c. whiles they go in procession towards the church , divers anthems and hymes are sung ; and when the emperor enters into the church , the bishop or chief minister , turning towards the emperor , saith , deum judicium tuum regi da : and the chorus answer , et justitiam tuam filio regis , v. salvum sac n. imperatorem nostrum domine . r. deus meus sperantem in te . v. mitte ei auxilium d●mine de sancto . r. et de sion tueri eum . v. nihil proficiat inimicus in eo . r. et filius iniquitatis non opponat nocere ei . v. fiat pax in virtute tua . r. et abundantia in turribus ejus . v. dominus exaudi orationem meam . r. et clamor meus ad te veniat . v. dominus vobiscum . r. et cum spiritu tuo . oremus . deus in cujus manu sunt corda regum , inclina ad preces humilitatis nostrae aures misericordiae tuae , et imperatori nostro famulo tuo n. regimen tuae sapientiae appone , ut haustis de tuo fonte consiliis , et tibi placeat , et super omnia regna praecellat . praetende domine quaesumus , famulo tuo n. imperatori nostro dexteram caelestis auxilii , ut te toto corde perquiret , et quae digne postulat assequi mereatur . per christum dominum nostrum . amen . after which follows p. , . ordo ad recipiendum processionaliter regem ; almost in the self-same words with ●ome variation only in the anthem ; and this prayer . deus , cui omnis potestas & dignitas famulatur , da huic famul● tuo regi nostro n. prosperum suae dignitatis effectum , in qua te semper timeat , tibique jugiter placere contendat . per christum dominum nostrum . amen . ibidem p. . follows , ordo ad recipiendum processionaliter principem magnae potentiae , little different from that of kings . and p. . ordo ad recipiendum processionaliter imperatricem vel reginam . where the respo●sory is fitted to these persons ; and then this prayer ensues . oremus . deus , cujus providentia insua dispositione non fallitur , ineffabilem clementiam tuam supplices exoramus , ut ficut esther reginam , israeliticae plebis causa salutis , ad regis assueri thalaemum , regnique sui consortium transire fecist● : ità hanc famulam tuam christianae plebis salutis gratia , ad gratiam tuam transire facias ; ut tibi super omnia jugiter placere desideret , et te inspirante , quae tibi placita sunt , toto corde perficiat , et dextera tuae potentiae illam semper hic et ubique circumdet . per christum dominum nostrum . amen . i shall cloze up this chapter with the decree of the * synod of towers in france , anno . imprimis , deo optimo maximo haec synodus referendas gratias censuit , ( prout refert ) quod divini ejus spiritus afflatu , christianissimus rex noster , ecclesiae dei statum ac ordinem modis omnibus roborare disponens ; conciliorum provincia lium in universo galliae regno celebrationem gratam non solum habuerit , sed eam etiam indici procuraverit : hinc futurum sperans , ut quae summo nostro malo diutius grassatae sunt haereses , radicitu extirpentur , & quibus turpiter ecclesia deformatur , prorsus aboleantur abusus , ac toti galliae multis jamdudum seditionibus , ac perturbationibus afflictae , omnium bonorum votis desiderata pax plenissime restituatur . idcircò summopere exoptat , et humilibus a deo precibus obnixe contendit haec synodus , ut regem tam pium , tamque religiosum fidei suae conservatione stabiliat , aequa justitiae rogatione muniat , pacem ei locupletem reddat , misericordiae fulciat affectibus , virium fortitudine roboret , commissa sibi regni gubernacula discreto moderamine tenere concedat , ut commissos sibi populos benigne regat , aeque judicet , et ad pietatis jura modi●●cetur , illum et piissimam religiosamque ejus sponsam virili prole fructuosoque regni successore locupletet , ejusque optimam matrem , quam diutissime conservet . itaque cum sancta sit et augusta regum majestas , sitque ut sacrilegus et parricida , qui vel re vel verbo ●enus regem violat ; quod priscis cautum est conciliis , quod que praesertim in synodo apud lauriacum pagum andegavensem habita pridem fuit constitutum , renovans haec synodus statuit . quandoquidem religioni inimicum , & hominibus constat esse perniciosum , futura curiosius perscrutari , & fata principum corumque casus inquirere , cum scriptum sit ; non est vestrum nosse momenta , vel tempora , quae pater posuit in sua potestate : hoc decreto censemns , ut quisquis inventus fuerit talia perquisivisse , et vivente principe ●●alio regni successore habendo cons●lium in●●sse , sib●que hac in re socios conciliasse , a conventu catholicorum excommunicationis sententia expellatur . qu●●tiam pro perversis hominum moribus ●mendan dis salubri deliberatione censemus , ne quis in principem maledicta congerat : scriptum est enim a legislatore ; principem populi tui ne maledixeri● . quod 〈◊〉 quis fecerit , excommunicatione ecclesiastica plectatur . nam si maledici regnum dei non possidebunt ; quantò magis talis ab ecclesiae necessariò pellitur , qui divinae sententiae violator , atque in principem peacans , invenitur ▪ si quis contra regiam dignitatem dolose , callide et perniciose machinari comprobatus suerit , nisi dignissime satisfecerit , anathematizetur . si quis potestati regiae ( quae non est nis● a deo ) contumaci ac 〈◊〉 spiritu , contra anthoritatem et rationem pertinaciter contradicere praesumpserit , et ejus in●●is imperils obtemperare noluerit , anathema sit . chap. viii . i now proceed in the last place to the solemn publick prayers , acclamations , supplications , thanksgivings , collects , usually made at the solemn coronations of christian emperors , kings and queens , and the homage and oaths of allegiance and fidelity then commonly sworn to them by their prelates and nobles , especially in england . i shall begin with a corippus , who poetically relating the manner of the coronation of the emperor justin , and his empresse sophia , anno , ( he living in that age ) brings in the patriarch of constantinople , thus praying for him , and the people supplicating and praying for their happiness , long life , and prosperous reign , with united reiterated shouts and acclamations . postquàm cuncta videt ritu praefecta priorum pontificum summus , plaenaque aetate venustus adstantem benedixit eum , coelique potentem exo●ans dominum , sacro diademate jussit augustum sancire caput , summoque coronam , imponens apici , &c. after which the people justinum , sophiamque pares duo lumina mundi esse ferunt . regnate pares in saecula , dicunt ; felices annos dominis felicibus orant ; insonuit vox illa diu ; tandemque quievit . cautacbuthenus , histor . l. . c . recording at large the ceremonies used at the coronation of the emperors of constantinople , and particularly of the inauguration of andronicus the younger , anno . informs us , that the patriarch of constantinople ascending upon a scaffold : patriarcha precationes ad imperatorum unctionem compositas , alias submissa , alias clara voce , omnibus andientibus ordine recitat , ac deum , ei qui ungendus est propitiat , &c. patriarcha verò ad soleam consistens , pro imperatore , imperatrice , et eorum populis preces pronunciat . after which diaconus sublata voce inquit , memor sit dominus deus potentiae imperii vestri , in regno suo ubique , nunc et semper , et in secula seculorum , addens , amen . deinceps et reliqui diaconi ac sacerdotes adeuntes , idem comprecantur . after his consecration he ascends into the catechumeum , where he may be seen of all , where there is a hymn sung to his prayse , et sanctis acclamationibus ab omnibus excipitur . as touching the ceremonies used at the coronations of the roman emperors , and the several prayers , collects , oaths made at them , you may consult at leisure , hieromymus balbus de coronatione ad carol. . c. , & . gunther . lib. . onuphrins de comitiis imperatoriis , c. , . bartholomeus chassaneus , catalog . glor. mundi pars . consid . . krantzius saxoniae hist . l. . c. . sigonius de regno ital. l. , , , . aventinus annal. boyorum , l. . antonius sabinus , georgius flammin . grimstones imperial history and others in the lives of the emperors charles the th . maximilian , & . matthias & ferdinand . the form of the emperors coronation in italian , printed and above all others melchior goldastus politica imperialia : part. . discurs . . the old b ordo romanus antiqu. de divinis catholicae ecclesiae officiis et ministeriis , compiled about . years after christ , as iodocus coccius , and others apprehend , prescribes this form of consecration , prayers , and collects at the emperors coronation , which i shall recite , because omitted by mr. selden ; it begins thus , incipit ordo romanus , ad benedicendum imperatorem orationem primam det episcopus de castello albanensi ante portam argenteam . oremus . deus in cujus manu corda sunt regum , inclina ad preces humilitatis nostrae aures misericordiae tuae , & principi nostro regimen tuae appone sapientiae , ut haustis de tuo fonte consiliis , & tibi placeat , & super omnia regna praecellat . per dominum . orationem secundam det episcopus portuensis intra ecclesiam beati petri apostoli , in medio rotae . deus inenarrabilis auctor mundi , ut supra scriptum est in ordinatione regis . deinde vadat ante confessionem beati petri apostoli , & prosternat se pronus in terram , & archidiaconus faciat litaniam . qua finita , episcopus ostiensis ungat ei oleo exorcizato brachium dextrum & inter scapulas , & dicat orationem istam . domine deus omnipotens cujus est omnis potestas & dignitas , te supplici devotione atque humillima prece deposcimus , ut huic famulo tuo n. prosperum imperatoriae dignitatis concedas effectum , ut in tua dispositione constituto , ad regendam ecclesiam tuam sanctam nihil praesentia officiant , futuraque non obsistant , sed inspirance sancti spiritus tui dono , populum sibi subditum aequo justitiae libramine regere valeat , & in omnibus operibus suis te semper timeat , tibi jugiter placere contendat . per. pontifex ergo stet sursum ante altare , & imponat ei diadema super caput , dicens : accipe signum gloriae in nominae patris , & filii , & spiritus sancti , ut spreto antiquo hoste , spretisque contagiis omnium vitiorum , sic judicium & justitiam diligas , & misericorditer vivas , ut ab ipso domino nostro jesu christo in consortio sanctorum aeterni regni coronam percipias . qui cum patre & spiritu tuo sancto vivit & regnat deus , per infinita secula seculorum . resp . amen . alia coronae impositio . accipe coronam à domino deo tibi praedestinatam , habeas , teneas , atque possideas , & filiis tuis post te futuris ad honorem deo auxiliante derelinquas . exaudi domine preces nostras , & famulum tuum n. ad regendum rom. imperium constitutum , ut per te regere incipiat , & per te fideliter regnum custodiat . qui vivit & regnat . oremus . prospice omnipotens deus serenis obtutibus hunc gloriosum imperatorem nostrum n. & sicut benedixisti abraham , isaac , & jacob , require supra in benedictione regis . alia . deus pater aeternae gloriae , sit adjutor tuus & protector , & omnipotens benedicat tibi , preces tuas in cunctis exaudiat , et vitam longitudine dierum adimpleat , et semper in sua voluntate custodiat , thronum regni corroboret , gentes populumque tuum ad nutum tuum subjiciat , et à peste et fame tuis temporibus conservet , inimicos tuos confusione induat , et super te christi sanctificatio floreat , et super caetera regna excellentiorem faciat , ut qui tribuit in terris imperium , ipse tibi in coelis cum electis suis conferat habere consortium . per. to this i shall subjoyn the ceremonies and prayers made at the coronation of the emperor of russia , recorded both in latin and english in the * marginal authors . the solemities used at the russe emperors coronation , are on this manner . in the great church of precheste ( or our lady ) within the emperors castle is erected a stage , whereon standeth a skreen , that beareth upon it the imperial cap and robe of very rich staff . when the day of the inauguration is come , there resort thither , first , the patriarch with the metropolitans , abchbishops , bishops , abbots , and priors , all richly clad in their pontificali●us . then enter the deacons with the q●ier of singers . who so soon as the emperor setteth foot into the church , begin to sing : many years may live noble theodore juanowich , &c. whereunto the patriarch and metropolitan , with the rest of the clergy , answer with a certain hymn , in form of a prayer , singing it altogether with a great noise . the hymn being ended , the patriarch with the emperor mount up the stage , where standeth a seat ready for the emperor . whereupon the patriarch willeth him to sit down ; and then placing himself by him upon another seat provided for that purpose , boweth down his head towards the ground and saith this prayer : o lord god , king of kings , and lord of lords , which by thy prophet samuel diddest choose thy servant david , and anoint him for king over thy people israel , hear now our prayers , and look from thy sanctuary upon this thy servant theodore , whom thou hast chosen , and exalted for king over these thy holy nations ; anoint him with the oyl of gladnesse , protect him by thy power , put upon his head a crown of gold and precious stones , give him length of daies , place him in the seat of justice , strenthen his arm , make subject unto him all the barbarous nations . let thy fear be in his whole heart ; turn him from an evil faith , and from all error , and shew him the salvation of thy holy , and universal church , that he may judge thy people with justice , and protect the children of the poor , and finally attain everlasting life . this prayer he speaketh with a low voyce , and then pronounceth aloud : all praise and power to god the father , the son , and the holy ghost . the prayer being ended , he commandeth certain abbots to reach the imperial robe , and cap : which is done very decently , and with great solemnity , the patriarch withall pronouncing aloud : peace be unto all . and so he beginneth another prayer to this effect : bow your selves together with us , and pray to him that reigneth over all . preserve him ( o lord ) under thy holy protection , keep him , that he may do good and holy things , let justice shine forth in his daies , that we may live quietly without strife and malice . this is pronounced somwhat softly by the patriarch , whereto he addeth again aloud : thou art the king of the whole world , and the saviour of our souls ; to thee the father , son , and the holy ghost , be all prayse for ever and ever . amen . then putting on the robe and the cap , he bl●sseth the emperor with the sign of the crosse : saying withall , in the name of the father , the son , and the holy ghost . the like is done by the metropolites , archbishops and bishops : who all in their order come to the chair , and one after another blesse the emperor with their two fore-fingers . then is said by the patriarch another prayer , that beginneth : o most holy virgin mother of god , &c. after which a deacon pronounceth with a high loud voyce : many years to noble theodore , good , honourable , beloved of god , great duke of volodemer , of mosko , emperor and monarch of all russia , &c. whereto the other priests and deacons , that stand somewhat far off by the altar or table , answer singing , many years , many years to the noble theodore ; the same note is taken up by the priests and deacons that are placed at the right and left side of the church , and then altogether they chaunt and thunder out , singing : many years to the noble theodore , good , honourable , beloved of god , great duke of volodemer , mosko , emperor of all russia , &c. these solemnities being ended , first commeth the patriarch with the metropolites , archbishops and bishops , then the nobility and the whole company in their order , to do homage to the emperor , bending down their heads , and knocking them at his feet to the very ground . to these prayers and acclamations used at the coronations of christian emperors , i shall only annex the prayer of the very turks themselves , as the coronation of their mahometan emperors ( which they doubtlesse derived from the christians ) thus briefly related by leunclavius . when * selim the d . after the death of his father soliman was placed in the imperial throne , inde per urbem , proclamationes more majorum factae , quibus , votae primum concipiebantur ut anima solimanis in paradiso foelix aevum ageret , ac in perpetua gloria quiesceret : deinde , multos ut annos viveret sultanus selimes chan , prosperique status incremento continuo frueretur . i now proceed to the prayers and benedictions used at the coronation of christian kings and queens , beginginning with those in forein parts . * ordo romanus antiquus , de divinis ecclesiae catholicae officiis , contains and relates them in this manner , incipit ordo ad regem benedicendum , quando novus à cler● & populo sublimatur in regnum . primum enim exeunte illo thalamum , vnus archiepiscopus dicat hanc orationem . omnipotens sempiterne deus , qui famulum tuum n. regni fastigio dignatus es sublimare , tribue ei quaesumus , ut ita in praesenti collecta multitudine cunctorum in commune salutem disponat , quatenus à tuae veritatis tramite non recedat . per , &c. postea suscipiant illum duo episcopi dextra laevaque honorificè parati , habentes reliquias collo pendentes . caeteri autem clerici solenni apparatu ornati , praecedente sancto evangelio & duabus crucibus cum incenso boni odoris , ducant illum ad ecclesiam , responsorium canentes : ecce mitto ang elum meum . cum vers . israel si me aud●eris . cuncta eum plebe sequente : ad ostium autem ecclesiae clerus subsistat , & dicat alius archiepiscopus hanc orationem . deus qui scis genus humanum nulla virtute posse subsistere , concede propitius , ut famulus tuus n. quem populo tuo voluisti praeferre , ita tuo fulciatur adjutorio , quatenus quibus potuit praeesse , valeat & prodesse . per. introeuntes autem clerici ecclesiam , hanc decantent antiphonam . domine salvum sac regem , & exaudi nos in die qua invocaverimus te . psal . exaudiat te dominus . totum . usque introitum chori . tunc dominus metropolitanus dicat hanc orationem . omnipotens sempiterne deus , coelestium terrestriumque moderator , qui famulum tuum ill . ad regni fastigium dignatus es provehere , concede quaesumus , ut à cunctis adversitatibus liberatus , & ecclesiasticae pacis dono muniatur , & ad aeternae paeis gaudia , te donante pervenire mereatur . p●r. tunc designatus princeps pallium deponat , atque inter manus episcoporum perductus in chorum usque ad altaris gradus incedat , cunctoque pavimento tapetibus & palliolis contecto , ibi humiliter totus in cruce prostratus jaceat cum episcopis & presbyteris hinc inde prostratis , caeteris autem in choro litaniam breviter psallentibus , id est , duodecim apostolos , totidemque martyres , confessores , & virgines . et inter caetera inferenda sunt i●●a . ut hunc famulum tuum illust . in regem eligere digneris . terogamus audi nos . ut eum benedicere , & sublimare digneris . te r●gamus audi nos . ut eum ad imperii fastigium perducere digneris . te rogamus audi nos . et caetera huic benedictioni convenientia . finita litania , erigant se episcopi , sublevatumque principem interroget dominus metropolitanus his verbis . vis sanctam fidem à catholicis viris tibi traditam tenere , & operibus justis observare ? resp . volo . vis sanctis ecclesiis ecclesiarumque ministris tutor & defensor esse ? respon . volo . vis regnum tibi à deo concessum , secundum justitiam patrum tuorum , regere & defendere ? respon . in quantum divino fultus adjutorio ac solatium omnium fidelium suorum valuero , ita me per omnia fideliter acturum esse promitto . deinde ipse dominus metropolitanus a●●atur populum his verbis . vis tali principi ac rectori te subjicere , ipsiusque regnum firma fide stabilire , atque jussionibus illius obtemperare , juxta apostolum , omnis anima potestatibus sublimioribus subdita sit , regi , quasi praecellenti : tunc ergo à circumstance clero & populo unanimiter dicatur . fiat . fiat . amen . postea vero eo devotè inclinato , dicatur ab episcopo haec oratio . benedic domine hunc regem nostrum illust . qui regna omnia moderaris à seculo , & tali eum benedictione glorifica , ut davidicae teneat sublimitatis sceptrum , & glorificatus in ejus protinus reperiatur merito . da eituo inspiramine cum mansuetudine ita regere populum , sicut salomonem fecisti regnum obtinere pacificum . tibi semper cum timore sit subditus , tibique militet cum quicte . sit tuo clypeo protectus cum proceribus , & ubique tua gratia victor existat . honorifica eum prae cunctis regibus gentium , felix populis dominetur , et feliter cum nationes adornent . vivat inter gentium catervas magnanimus , sit in judiciis aequitatis singularis , locupletet eum tua praedives dextera , frugiferam obtineat patriam , & ejus liberis tribuas profutura . praesta ei prolixitatem vitae per tempora , et in diebus ejus oriatur justitia . a terobustum teneat regiminis solium , et cum jocunditate et justitia , aeterno glorietur in regno . per dominum . omnipotens aeterne deus , creator omnium , imperator angelorum , rex regnantium , dominusque dominantium , qui abraham fidelem famulum tuum de hostibus trumphare fecisti : moysi & josue populo praelatis multiplicem victoriam tribuisti , humilemque david puerum tuum regni fastigio sublimasti , & salomonem sapientiae pacisque ineffabili munere ditasti , respice quaesumus ad preces humilitatis nostrae , & super hunc famulum tuum ill . quem supplici devotione in regem elegimus , benedictionum tuarum dona multiplica , eumque dextera tuae potentiae semper & ubique circunda , quatenus praedicti abrahae fidelitate firmatus , moysis mansuetudine fretus , josue fortitudine munitus , davidis humilitate exaltatus , salomonis sapientia decoratus , tibi in omnibus placeat , & per tramitem justitiae inoffenso gradu semper incedat , ecclesiamque tuam deinceps cum plebibus sibi annexis ita enutriat ac doceat , muniat , & instruat , contraque omnes visibiles & invisibiles hostes , eidem potenter regaliterque tuae virtutis regimen administret , & ad verae fidei pacisque concordiam eorum animos , te opitulante , reformet , ut horum populorum debita subjectione sultus , condigno amore glorificatus , ad paternum decenter solium tua miseratione conscendere mereatur . tuae quoque protectionis galea munitus , & scuto inseparabili jugiter protectus , armisque caelestibus cicundatus , optabilis victoriae triumphum fideliter capiat , terroremque suae potentiae infidelibus inferat , & pacem tibi militantibus laetanter reportent per dominum nostrum , qui virtute crucis tartara destruxit , regnoque diaboli superato , ad coelos victor ascendit , in quo potestas omnis regumque consistit victoria , qui est gloria humilium , & vita salusque populorum , qui tecum vivit & regnat deus per omnia secula seculorum . amen . deinde ab alio episcopo haec dicatur oratio . deus inenarrabilis auctor mundi , conditor generis humani , gubernator imperii , confirmator regni , qui ex utero fidelis amici●tui patriarchae nostri abrahae praeelegisti regem seculis profuturum , tu praesentem regem hunc ill . cum exercitu suo per intercessionem omnium sanctorum ubere benedictione locupleta , & in solium regni firma stabilitate connecte . visita eum sicut moysen in rubo , jesum nave in praelio , gedeon in agro , samuelem in templo , et in illa eum benedictione sidera , ac sapientiae tuae rore profunde , quam b. david in psalterio , salomon filius , te remunerante , percepit è coelo . sis ei contra acies inimicorum lorica , in adversis galea , in prosperis patientia , in protectione clypeus sempiternus , & praesta , ut gentes illi teneant fidem , proceres sui habeant pacem , diligant charitatem , abstineant se à cupiditate , loquantur justitiam , custodiant veritatem . et ita populus iste pullulet , coalitus benedictione aeternitatis , ut semper maneant tripudiantes in pace victores . quod ipse praestare dignetur qui tecum vivit . tunc dominus metropolitanus ungat de oleo sanctificato caput , pectus , & scapulas , ambasque compages brachiorum ipsius ita dicendo : vngo te in regem de oleo sanctificato in nomine patris , & filii , & spiritus sancti . et dicant , ame. pax tibi . et cum spiritu tuo . deinde ungat sibi manus de oleo sanctificato ita dicendo : vngantur manus istae de oleo sanctificato unde uncti fuerunt reges & prophet● , & sicut unxit samuel david in regem ut sis benedictus , & constititus rex in regno isto super populum istum , quem dominus deus tuus dedit tibi adregendum ac gubernandum . quod ipse praest . sequitur . prospice , omnipotens deus , serenis obtutibus hunc gloriosum regem , et sicut benedixisti abraham , isaac , et jacob , sic illum largis benedictionibus spiritualis gratiae cum omni plenitudine tuae potentiae irrigare atque perfundere dignare . tribue ei de rore coeli , & de pinguedine terrae abundantiam frumenti , vini & olei , & omnium frugum opulentiam ex largitate divini muneris longa per tempora , ut illo regnante , sit sanitas corporum in patria , & pax inviolata sit in regno , & dignitas gloriosa regalis palatii maximo splendore regiae potestatis oculis o●●nium fulgeat , luce clarissima clarescat , atque splendere quasi splendidi●●ima fulgura , maximo perfusa lumine videatur . tribue ei omnipotens deus , ut fit fortissimus protector patriae , & consolator ecclesiarum , atque coenobiorum sanctorum maxima cum pietate regalis munificentiae , atque ut sit fortissimus regum , triumphator hostium , ad opprimendas rebelles & paganas nationes . sitque suis inimicis satis terribilis prae maxima fortitudine regalis potentiae optimatibus quoque atque praecelsis , proceribusque at sidelibus sui regni sit magnificus & amabilis et pius , ut ab omnibus timeatur , atque diligatur . reges quoque de lumbis ejus per successiones temporum futurorum egrediantur regnum hoc regere totum , et post gloriosa tempora , atque felicia praesentis vitae gaudia sempiterna in perpetua beatitudine habere mereatur . quod ipse praestare , spiritus sancti gratia , humilitatis nostrae officio in te copiosa descendat , ut sicut manibus nostris indignis oleo materiali oblitus , pinguescis exterius , ita ejus invisibili unguine delibutus impinguari merearis interius , ejusque spirituali unctione perfectissimè semper imbutus , & illicita declinare tota mente & speinere discas seu valeas , & utilia animaetuae jugiter cogitare , optare , atque operare queas , auxiliante domino nostro jesu christo , qui cum deo patre & eodem spiritus . &c. alia . deus qui es justorum gloria & misericordia peccatorum qui misisti filium tuum preciosissimo sanguine fuogenus humanum redimere , qui conteris bella , et propugnator es in te sperantium , et sub cujus arbitrio omnium regnorum continetur potestas , te humiliter deprecamur , ut praesentem famulum tuum n. in tua misericordia confidentem benedicas , eique propitius adesse digneris , ut qui tua expetit protectione defendi , omnibus sit hostibus fortior . fac eum domine beatum esse et victorem de inimicis suis : corona eum corona justitiae et pietatis , ut ex toto corde et tota mente in te credens tibi deserviat , sanctam tuam ecclesiam defendat et sublimet : populumque à te sibi commissum justè regat , nullus insidiantibus malis eum in injustitiam vertat . accende domine cor ejus ad amorem gratiae tuae per hoc unctionis oleum , unde unxisti sacerdotes , reges , et prophetas , quatenus justitiam diligens per tramitem similiter justitiae populum ducens , post peracta à te disposita in regali excellentia annorum curricula , pervenire ad aeterna gaudia mereatur . per eundem dominum . per omnia secula seculorum . resp . amen . dominus vobiscum . resp . et cum spiritu tuo . sursum corda . resp . habemus ad dominum . gratias agamus domino deo nostro . respon . dignum & justum est . praefatio . vere dignum , &c. usque deus . creator omnium , imperator angelorum , rex regnantium , dominus dominantium , qui abraham fidelem famulum tuum de hostibus triumphare fecisti , moysi et josue populo praelatis multiplicem victoriam tribuisti , humilemque david puerum tuum regni fastigio sublimasti , et salomonem sapientiae pacisque ineffabili munere ditasti : respice quaesumus ad preces humilitatis nostrae , et super hunc famulum tuum n. quem supplici devotione in regem ●elegimus , benedictionum tuarum dona in eo multiplica : eumque dextera tuae potentiae semper et ubique circunda , quatenus praedicti abrahae fidelitate firmatus , moysis mansuetudine fretus , josue fortitudine munitus , davidis humilitate exaltatus , salomonis sapientia decoratus , tibi in omnibus placeat , et per tramitem justitiae inoffenso ingressu semper incedat . ecclesiam ergo tuam deinceps cum plebibus sibi annexis ita enutriat et instruat , contraque omnes visibiles et invisibiles hostes eidem potenter regaliterque tuae virtutis regimen administret , et ad verae sidei pacisque concordiam , eorum animos , te opitulante , reformet : ut horum populorum debita subjectione fultus , cum digno amore glorificatus , ad paternum decenter solium tua miseratione conscendere mereatur . tuae quoque protectionis galea munitus , & scuto insuperabili jugiter protectus , armisque coelestibus circundatus , optabilis victoriae triumphum feliciter capiat , terroremque suae potentiae infidelibus inferat , & pacem tibi militantibus laetanter reportet , per dominum nostrum qui virtute crucis tartara destruxit , regnoque diaboli superato , ad coelos victor ascendit , in quo potestas omnis , regumque consistit victoria , qui est gloria humilium , & vita salusque populorum , qui tecum vivit & regnat deus . s . dei filius jesus christus dominus noster , qui à patre oleo exultationis unctus est prae particibus suis , ipse per praesentem sacri unguinis infusionem , spiritus paraclyti super caput tuum infundat benedictonem , eandemque ad interiora cordis tui penetrare faciat , quatenus hoc visibili & tractabili dono invisibilia percipere , & temporali regno justis moderaminibus executo , aeternaliter cum eo regnare merearis : qui solus sine peccato rex regum , vivit & gloriatur , cum deo patre in unitate ejusdem spiritus sancti deus . postea ab episcopis ensem accipiat , & cum ense totum regnum sibi fideliter ad regendum sciat commendatum , & dicatur : accipe gladium per manus episcoporum licet indignas , vice tamen & auctoritate sanctorum apostolorum consecratas , tibi regaliter impositum , nosti aeque benedictionis officio in defensionem sanctae dei ecclesiae divinitus ordinatum . et esto memor , de quo psalmista prophetavit , dicens : accingere gladio tuo super femur tuum potentissime , ut in hoc per eundem vim aequitatis exerceas , molem iniquitatis potenter destruas , & sanctam dei ecclesiam ejusque fideles propugnes ac protegas , nec minus sub fide falsos , quam christiani nominis hostes execres ac destruas viduas & pupillos clementer adjuves , ac defendas , desolata restaures , restaurata conserves , ulciscaris injusta , confirmes benè disposita , quatenus haec in agendo , virtutum triumpho gloriosus , justitiaeque cultor egregius , cum mundi salvatore , cujus typum geris in nomine , sine fine merearis regnare . qui cum patre & spiritu sancto vivit et regnat . accinctus autem ense , similiter ab illis armillas & pallium et annulum accipiat , dicente metropolitano . accipe regiae dignitatis annulum , et per hunc in te catholicae fidei cognosce signaculum , quia ut hodie ordinaris caput et princeps regni ac populi , ita perseverabis auctor ac stabilitor christianitatis , et christianae fidei , ut felix in opere , locuples in fide , cum rege regum glorieris per aevum , cui est honor et gloria per infinita . postea sceptrum & baculum accipiat , dicente sibi ordinatore . accipe virgam virtutis atque aequitatis , quia intelligas mulcere pios , et terrere reprobos , errantibus viam pandere , lapsis manum porrigere , disperdasque superbos , et releves humiles , et aperiat tibi ostium jesus christus dominus noster qui de seipso ait , ego sum ostium : per me si quis introierit , salvabitur . et ipse qui est clavis david , & sceptrum domus israel : qui aperit , & nemo claudit , claudit & nemo aperit . sitque tibi auctor , qui educit vinctos de domo carceris , sedentemque in tenebris , et umbra mortis , et in omnibus sequi merearis eum , de quo david propheta cecinit , sedes tua deus in seculum seculi , virga aequitatis , virga regni tui , et imitando ipsum , diligas justitiam , et odio habeas iniquitatem : quia propterea unxit te deus tuus , ad exemplum illius , quem ante secula unxerat oleo exultationis prae participibus suis , jesum dominum nostrum postea metropolitanus reverenter coronam capiti regis imponat , dicens : accipe coronam regni , quae li●●t ab indignis episcoporum tamen manibus capiti tuo imponitur , eamque sanctitatis gloriam et honorem , et opus fortitudinis expressè signare intelligas , et per hanc te participem ministerii nostri non ignores , ita ut sicut nos in interioribus pastores , rectoresque animarum intelligimur , tu quoque in exterioribus verus dei cultor , strenuusque contra omnes adversitates ecclesiae christi defensor , regnique tibi à deo dati , et per officium nostrae benedictionis vice apostolorum omniumque sanctorum tuorum regimine commissi , utilis executor , regnatorque proficuus semper appareas , ut inter gloriosos athletas virtutum gemmis ornatus , et praemio sempiternae felicitatis coronatus , cum redemptore ac salvatore jesu christo , cujus nomen vicemque gestare crederis , sine fine glorieris , qui vivit et imperat deus , cum deo patre in unitate spiritus sancti , per omnia secula seculorum . amen . et ab eo statim dicatur benedictio super eum , quae et tempore synodi super regem dicenda est : benedicat tibi dominus , custodiatque te , et sicut te voluit super populum suum esse regem , ita in praesenti seculo felicem et aeternae felicitatis tribuat esse consortem . amen . clerum ae populum , quem sua voluit opitulatione in tua sanctione congregari , sua dispensatione et tua administratione , per diuturna tempora faciat feliciter gubernari . amen . quatenus divinis monitis parentes , adversitatibus carentes , bonis omnibus exuberantes , tuo imperio fideli amore obsequentes , et in praesenti seculo tranquillitate fruatur , et tecum aeternorum civium consortio potiri mereantur . quod ipse praestare dignetur , cujus regnum et imperium sine fine permanet in secula seculorum . benedictio dei patris et filii , et spiritus sancti , descendat super te . amen . deinde coronatus , honorificè per chorum ducatur de altari ab episcopis usque ad solium , canente clero : resp . desiderium animae ejus tribuisti ei domine . deinde dicit sibi dominus metropolitanus . sta , et tene amodo locum , quem hucusque paterna successione tenuisti , haereditario jure tibi delegatum per auctoritatem dei omnipotentis , et praesentem traditionem nostram , scilicet omnium episcoporum caeterorumque servorum dei. et quanto clerum sacris altaribus propinquiorem perspicis , tanto ei potiorem in locis congrius honorem impendere memineris , quatenus mediator dei et hominum , te mediatorem cle i et plebis , ( hoc in loco dominus metropolitanus sedere eum faciat super sedem , dicendo : ) in hoc regni solio confirmet & in regno aeterno secum regnare faciat jesus christus dominus noster , rex regum , & dominus dominantium , quicum deo patre et spiritu sancto vivit et regnat in secula seculorum , respon . amen . post haec det illi oscula pacis . cunctus autem coetus clericorum tali rectore gratulans , sonantibus campanis , hymnum alta voce concinant , te deumlaudamus . tunc episcopus metropolitanus missam celebret plena processione . incipit benedictio reginae in ingressu ecclesiae . omnipotens aeterne deus , fons & origo totius bonitatis , qui foeminei sexus fragilitatem , nequaquam reprobando aversaris , sed dignanter comprobando potius eligis , & qui infirma mundi eligendo , fortia quaeque confuudere decrevisti , quique etiam gloriae virtutisque tuae triumphum in manu judith foeminae olim judaicae plebi de hoste saevissimo resignare voluisti : respice quaesumus ad preces humilitatis nostrae , & super hanc famulam tuam n. quam supplici devotione in reginam elegimus , benedictionum tuarum dona multiplica , eamque dextera tuae potentiae semper & ubique circunda , ut ambone muniminis tui undique firmiter protecta , visibilis seu invisibilis hostis nequitias triumphaliter expugnare valeat , & una cum sara , atque rebecca , lia , & rachel , beatis reverendisque foeminis , fructu uterisui foecundari seu gratulari mereatur , ad decorem totius regni , statumque sanctae dei ecclesiae regendum , necnon protegendum per christum dominum nostrum , qui ex intemerato beatae mariae virginis alvo nasci , visitare ac renovare hunc dignatus est mundum , qui tecum vivit & gloriatur , deus in unitatc spiritus sancti per immortalia secula seculorum . item benedictio ejusdem ante altare . deus qui solus habes immortalitatem , lucemque habitas inaccessibilem , cujus providentia in sui dispositione non fallitur , qui fecisti quae ventura sunt , & vocas ea quae non suut , tanquam ea quae sunt : qui superbos aequo moderamine de principatu dejicis , atque humiles dignanter in sublime provehis , ineffabilem misericordiam tuam supplices rogamus , ut sicut hester reginam , israelis causa salutis , de captivitatis suae compede solutam , ad regis assueri thalamum , regnique sui consortium transire fecisti , ita hanc famulam tuam n. humilitatis nostrae benedictione christianae plebis gratia salutis , ad dignam sublimemque regis nostri copulam , regnique sui participium misericorditer transire concedas : & ut in regalis foedere conjugii semper manens pudica , proximam virginitati palmam obtinerc queat , tibique deo vivo & vero in omnibus & super omnia jugiter placere desideret , & te inspirante , quae placita sunt toto corde perficiat . per. sacri unctio olei . spiritus sancti gratia , humilitatis nostrae officio , in re copiosa descendat , ut sicut manibus nostris indignis , oleo materiali oblita pinguescis exterius , ita ejus invisibili unguine delibut a , impinguari merearis interius : ejusque spirituali unctione perfectissime semper imbuta , & illicita declinare tota mente & spernere discas seu paleas , & utilia animae tuae jugiter cogitare , optare , atque operari queas , auxiliante domino nostro jesu christo , qui cum deo patre , & eodem spiritu sancto vivit & regnat deus in secula seculorum . coronae positio . officio indignitatis nostrae seu congregationis , in reginam benedicta , aceipe coronam regalis excellentiae : quae licet ab indignis , episcoporum tamen manibus capiti tuo imponitur , undè velut exterius auro & gemmis redimita enites , ita & interius auro sapientiae , virtutumque gemmis decorari contendas : quatenus post occasum hujus seculi cum prudentibus virginibus sponso perenni deo nostro jesu christo digne & laudabiliter occurrens , regiam coelestis aulae merearis ingredi , qui cum deo patre , & spiritu sancto vivit & regnat deus , per infinita secula seculorum . amen . to these i shall subjoyn the prayers for and benedictions of christian kings and queens at their coronation , in pontificale romanum clementis ▪ viii . pontif. max. juss●● restitutum atque editum , antuerpiae . fol . &c. de benedictione et coronatione regis . cvm rex est coronandus , episcopi regni ad civitatem , ubi coronatio fieri debet , convocantur . rex triduanum jejunium devotè peragit , per hebdomadam praecedentem , videlicet quarta et . sexta feria , et sabbato . dominica veró proxima sequenti coronatur , qua ipse rex se ad communionem parat . ecclesia verò ipsa metropolitana , sive cathedralis , ubi solemnitas celebrabitur , paretur et ornetur , quò meli●s fieri poterit . ad altare majus parantur ea quae consueta sunt parari , pontifice celebrante ; et credentia juxta altare cum rebus opportunis . super altare ponitur gladius , corona , et sceptrum regi danda , et oleum catechumenorum , bombyx ad ligandum et extergendum brachium regis , et inter scapu●as post unctionem , fascia ad ligandum bombycem in brachio : paratur in ecclesia , in loco competenti , thalamus sive suggestum pro rege , in quo sit regalis sedes ornata , et thalamus ipse sit ornatus pannis sericeis , et aulaeis . sed advertendum est , quòd altitudo thalami non sit major quàm gradus supremus altaris . paratur etiam in loco convenienti tentorium , sive pap●lio , sub quo rex vestes regales , pro regni consuetudine , quae ibidem pro eo parantur , suo tempore recipit . et si regina etiam simul est coronanda , pariter pro ea illius thalamus , non longe à regio , sed illo atiquantulùm humilior ; et ita sunt situandi thalami , ut inde possint videri altare et pontifer celebrans . parantur etiam ante altare hinc et inde sedes , pro numero episcoporum coronationi interessentium . die autem dominica , qua rex benedicendus et coronandus est , omnes episcopi conveniunt manè in ecclesia , in qua hoc fieri debet ; et metropolitanus ▪ sive pontifex , ad quem spectat , parat se solemniter cum ministris , missam celebraturus , paramentis tempori convenientibus . episcopi verò induuntur supra rochetum ( vel supra superpelliceum , si sint religiosi ) amictu , stola , pluviali albo , et mitra simplici . quibus omnibus paratis , metropolitanus in faldistorio ante medium altaris posito sedet cum mitra , et episcopi parati hinc et inde super sedibus pro eis paratis , quasi in modum coronae sedentes , sibi assistunt . interim rex vestibus militaribus indutus , cum suis praelatis domesticis non paratis , ac baronibus , nobilibus , et aliis , venit ad ecclestam ; et cùm fuerit prope presbyterium , duo priores episcopi ex paratis veniunt e● obviàm , et cum mitris capita illi aliquantulum inclinantes , ipsum inter se medium , birreto deposito , usque ante metropolitanum deducunt : cui rex caput inclinans , humilem reverentiam exhibet ; qua facta , prior episcoporum deducentium stans , detecto capite , versus ad metropolitanum , dicit intelligibilt voce : reverendissime pater , postulat sancta mater ecclesia catholica , ut praesentem egregium militem ad dignitatem regiam sublevetis . interrogat metropolanus : scitis illum esse dignum & utilem ad hanc dignitatem ? ille respondet : et novimus , & credimus eum esse dignum , & utilem ecclesiae dei , et ad regimen hujus regni . metropolitanus dicit : deo gratias . tune sedet rex medius inter duos episcopos deducentes , congruenti spatio à metropolitano , ita ut illi faciem vertat ; ipsi etiam deducentes episcopi , sen●or ad dexteram , alius ad sinistram regis se collocant , ut et ipsi ad alterutrum facies vertant . quibus sic sedentibus , postquam aliquantulùm quieverint , metropolitanus coronandum regem admonet , dicens : cum hodie per manus nostras , optime princeps , qui christi salvatoris nostri vice in hac re fungimur ( quāvis indigni ) sacram unctionem et regni insignia sis suscepturus ; benè est , ut te priùs de onere , ad quod destinaris , moneamus . regiam hodie suscipis dignitatem , et regendi fideles populos tibi commissos curam sumis . praeclarum sanè inter mortales locum , sed discriminis , laboris , atque anxietatis plenum . verùm , si consideraveris , quòd omnis potestas à domino deo est , per quem reges regnant , et legum conditores justa decernunt , tu quoque de grege tibi commisso ipsi deo rationem es redditurus . primùm , pietatem servabis , dominum deum tuum tota mente ac puro corde coles . christianam religionem , ac fidem catholicam , quam ab incunabulis professus es , ad finē usque inviolatam retinebis , eamque contra omnes adversantes pro viribus defendes . ecclesiarum praelatis , ac reliquis sacerdotibus condignam reverentiam exhibebis . ecclesiasticam libertatem non conculcabis . justitiam , fine qua nulla societas diu consistere potest , erga omnes inconcussè administrabis , bonis praemia , noxiis debitas poenas retribuendo . viduas , pupillos , pauperes , ac debiles ab omni oppressione defendes . omnibus te adeuntibus benignum , mansuetum , atque affabilem , pro regia tua dignitate te praebebis . et ita te geres , ut non ad tuam , sed totius populi utilitatem regnare , praemiumque benè factorum tuor●m , non in terris , sed in coelo expectare videaris . quod ipse praestare dignetur , qui vivit et regnat deus , in saecula saeculorum . resp amen . rex electus accedit ad metropolitanum ; et coram eo , detecto capite , genuflexus , facit hanc professionem , dicens : ego n. deo annuente futurus rex n. profiteor , et promitto eoram deo , et angelis ejus , deinceps legem , justitiam & pacem ecclesiae dei , populoque mihi subjecto , pro posse & nosse , facere ac servare salvo condigno misericordiae dei respectu , sicut in consilio fidelium meorum meliùs potero invenire . ponti●icibus quoque ecclesiarum dei condignum & canonicum honorem exhibere ; atque ea , quae ab imperatoribus & regibus ecclesiis collata & reddita sunt , inviolabiliter observare . abbatibus , comitibus , & vasallis meis congruum honorem , secundum consilium fidelium meorum , praestare . deinde ambabus manibus tangit librum evangeliorum , quem metropolitanus ante se apertum tenet , dicens , sic me deus adjuvet , & haec sancta dei evangelia . posteà rex electus metropolitani manum reverenter osculatur . his expeditis , illo genuflexo manente , metropolitanus , deposita mitra , surgit , et stans versus ad ipsum coronandum , dicit competenti voce sequentem orationem , quam etiam dicunt omnes pontifices parati , similiter sine mitris stantes ; dicunt etiam omnia alia benedictionem et coronationem ipsam concernentia , voce submissa , metropolitanum tamen in omnibus observantes , et imitantes . oremus . omnipotens sempiterne deus , creator omnium , imperator angelorum , rex regum , & dominus dominantium , qui abraham fidelem servum tuum de hostibus triumphare fecisti , moysi & josue populo tuo praelatis multiplicem victoriam tribuisti , humilemque david puerum tuum regni fastigio sublimasti , & salomonem sapientiae pacisque ineffabili munere ditasti ; respice , quaesumus domine , ad preces humilitatis nostrae , & super hunc famulum tuum n. quem supplici devotione in regem eligimus , benedictionum tuarum dona multiplica , eúmque dexterae tuae potentia semper & ubique circumda : quatenus praedicti abrahae fidelitate firmatus , moysi mansuetudine fretus , josue fortitudine munitus , david humilitate exaltatus , salomonis sapientia decoratus , tibi in omnibus complaceat , & per tramitem justitiae inoffenso gressu semper incedat ; tuae quoque protectionis galea munitus , & scuto insuperabili jugiter protectus , armisque coelestibus circumdatus , optabilis de hostibus sanctae crucis christi victoriae triumphum feliciter capiat , terroremque suae potentiae illis inferat , & pacem tibi militantibus laetanter reportet . per christum dominum nostrum , qui virtute sanctae crucis tartara destruxit , regnoque diaboli superato , ad coelos victor ascendit , in quo potestas omnis , regnique consistit victoria , qui est gloria humilium , & vita salúsque populorum : qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . resp . amen . post haec metropolitanus cum mitra procumbit supra faldistorium . rex verò ad ejus sinistram in terram se prosternit , aliis praelatis paratis ante sedes suas similiter procumbentibus . tunc cantores incipiunt , et prosequuntur litanias , choro respondente . cum dictùm fuerit , ut omnibus fidelibus , &c. resp . te rogamus audi nos . metropolitanus surgit , et accepto baculo pastorali in sinistram manum , super electum regem prostratum , dicit : ut hunc electum in regem coronandum benedicere digneris . r. te rogamus audi nos . secundò dicit . ut hunc electum in regem coronandum benedicere et consecrare digneris . r. te rogamus audi nos . producendo semper super eum signum-crucis . idem dicunt et faciunt episcopi parati , genuflexi tamen permanentes . quo dicto , metropolitanus redit ad accubitum , cantoribus resumentibus , et perficientibus litanias . quibus finitis , metropolitanus , deposita mitra , surgit , illo prostrato , atque episcopis , deposita mitra , genuflexis manentibus , versus ad coronandum , dicit : pater noster . v. et ne nos inducas in tentationem . r. sed libera nos à malo . v. salvum fac servum tuum domine . r. deus meus sperantem in te . v. esto ei domine turris fortitudinis . r. a facie inimici . v. nihil proficiat inimicus in eo . r. et filius iniquitatis non apponat nocere ei . v. domine exaudi orationem meam . r. et clamor meus ad te veniat . v. dominus vobiscum . r. et cum spiritu tuo . oremus . praeteude domine , huic famulo tuo dexteram coelestis auxilii : ut te toto corde perquirat ; & quae dignè postulat , consequi mereatur . actiones nostras , quaesumus , domine , aspirando praeveni , & adjuvando prosequere : ut cuncta nostra oratio & operatio à te semper incipiat , & per te coepta finiatur . per christum dominum nostrum . r amen . post haec metropolitanus sedet , accipit mitram , et electus rex coram eo genuflectit ; et circumastantibus praelatis paratis cum suis mitris in modum coronae , metropolitanus intingit pollicem dexterae manus in oleum catechumenorum , et inungit , in modum crucis , illius brachium dexterum , inter juncturam manus , et juncturam cubiti , atque inter scapulas , dicens hanc orationem . deus , dei filius , jesus christus dominus noster , qui à patre oleo exultationis unctus est , prae participibus suis ; ipse per praesentem sanctae unctionis infusionem spiritus paracliti super caput tuum benedictionem infundat , eandemque usque ad interiora cordis tui penetrare faciat : quatenus hoc visibili & tractabili oleo , dona invisibilia percipere , & temporali regno justis moderationibus executo , aeternaliter cum eo regnare merearis , qui solus sine peccato , rex regum vivit & gloriatur cum deo patre in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . oremus . omnipotens sempiterne deus , qui hazael super syriam & jehu super israel per eliam , david quoque & saulem per samuelem prophetam in reges inungi fecisti ; tribue , quaesumus , manibus nostris opem tuae benedictionis , & huic famulo tuo n. quem hodie , licet indigni , in regem sacra unctione delinimus , dignam delibutionis ▪ hujus efficaciam , & virtutem concede : constitue , domine , principatum super humerum ejus , ut sit fortis , justus , fidelis , providus , & indefessus regni hujus & populi tui gubernator , infidelium expugnator , justitiae cultor , meritorum & demeritorum remunerator , ecclesiae tuae sanctae & fidei christianae defensor , ad decus & laudem tui nominis gloriosi , per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . quo facto , metropolitanus lavat et abstergit manus , surgit cum mitra , descendit ante altare ; ubi deposita mitra , stans cum suis ministris facit confessionem . rex verò electus ad partem se retrahit , et genuflexus cum suis praelatis d●mesticis idem facit . similiter et episcopi parati sine mitris stantes , bini et bin● confessionem dicunt . finita confessione , metropolitanus ascendit ad altare , et procedit in missa , more solito , usque ad allelujah , sive ultimum versum tractus , vel sequentiae , exclusive , prae●atis paratis juxta suas sedes stantibus , vel sedentibus , prout tempus requirit . interim schola inchoat introitum , et prosequitur in missa ; et rex à suis ducitur in sachristiam , vel sub papillione ad hoc parato , ubi inter scapulas et brachium inunctum bombyce benè abstergitur , et induitur regalibus indumentis , ex more regni paratus itaque rex , et ornatus , procedit cum suis praelatis , baronibus , et aliis ad eminentem et ornatum thalamum , in ecclesia sibi praeparatum , et ibi super aliquo faldistorio ornato genuflexus incumbens , audit missam , quam praelati sui non parati circumstantes etiam genuflexi legant usque ad allelujah , sive ultimum versum tractus , vel sequentiae , exclusivè . missa dicitur de die ; et cum oratione diei , dicitur pro ipso electo rege , sub uno per dominum , haec oratio . quaesumus , omnipotens deus , ut famulus tuus n. rex noster , qui tua miseratione suscepit regni gubernacula , virtutum etiam omnium percipiat incrementa ; quibus decenter ornatus , et vitiorum monstra devitare , et ad te , qui via , veritas , & vita es , gloriosus valeat pervenire . per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spitus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . graduali cantato , metropolitanus sedet ante altare cum mitra in faldistorio , et rex à suis associatus medius inter priores praelatos paratos ad metropolitanum reducitur ; cui facta reverentia , ut prius , genuflectit coram eo ▪ tunc metropolitanus accipit gladium , quem unus ministrorum sibi porrigit de altari , et illum evaginatum tr●●it in manus regis , dicens : accipe gladium de altari sumptum per nostras manus , licet indignas , vice tamen & auctoritate sanctorum apostolorum consecratas , tibi regaliter concessum , nostraeque benedictionis officio , in defensionem sanctae dei ecclesiae divinitus ordinatum ; & memor esto ejus , de quo psalmista prophetavit , dicens : accingere gladio tuo super femur tuum potentissime ; ut in hoc per eundem vim aequitatis exerceas , molem iniquitatis potenter destruas , et sanctam dei ecclesiam , ejusque fideles propugnes ac protegas ; nec minùs sub fide falsos , quàm christiani nominis hostes execres , ac dispergas ; viduas & pupillos clementer adjuves , ac defendas ; desolata restaures , restautata conserves ; ulciscaris injusta , confirmes benè disposita : quatenus haec agendo , virtutum triumpho gloriosus , justitiaeque cultor egregius , cum mundi salvatore sine fine regnare merearis . qui cum deo patre , & spiritu sancto , vivit et regnat deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . his expeditis , ensis à ministris in vaginam reponitur ; et metropolitanus accingit ense regem , dicens : accingere gladio tuo super femur tuum potentissime , & attende , quòd sancti non in gladio , sed per fidem vicerunt regna . et mox rex accinctus surgit , et eximit ensem de vagina , illumque viriliter vibrat ; deinde super brachium sinistrum tergit , et in vaginam reponit ; atque ●terum coram metropolitano genuflectit . tunc ei corona imponitur , quam omnes praelati parati , qui adsunt , de altari per metropolitanum samptam manibus tenent , ipse metropolitano illam regente , capiti illius imponente , ac dicente : accipe coronam regni , quae , licet ab indignis , episcoporum tamen , manibus capiti tuo imponitur . in nomine patris , & filii , & spiritus sancti , quam sanctitatis gloriam , et honorem , & opus fortitudinis , significare intelligas ; & per hanc te participem m●●●●terii nostri non ignores . ita , ut sicut nos in interiorious pastores rectoresque animarum intelligimur , ita & tu in exterioribus verus dei cultor , strenuusque contra omnes adversitates ecclesiae christi defensor assistas ; regnique tibi à deo dati , & per officium nostrae benedictionis in vice apostolorum , omniumque sanctorum , regimini tuo commissi utili executor , proficuusque regnator semper appareas ; ut inter gloriosos athletas , virtutum gemmis ornatus , & p●aemio sempite●nae felicitatis coronatus , cum redemptore ac salvato enostro jesu christo , cujus nomen vicemque gestare crederis , sine fine glorieris . qui vivit et imperat deus , cum patre & spiritu sancto , in saecula saeculorum r. amen . posteà metropolitanus dat ei adhuc genuflexo sceptrum , dicens : accipe virgam virtutis ac veritatis , qua intelligas te obnoxium mulcere pios , terrere reprobos , errantes viam docere , lapsis manum porrigere , disperdere superbos , & relevare humiles : & aperiat tibi ostium jesus christus dominus noster , qui de semetipso ait , ego sum ostium , per me si quis introierit , salvabitur : qui est clavis david , & sceptrum domus israel ; qui aperit , & nemo claudit ; claudit , & nemo aperit . sitque tibi ductor , qui educit vinctum de domo carceris , sedentem in tenebris & umbra mortis : & in omnibus sequi merearis eum , de quo david propheta cecinit , sedes tua , deus , in saeculum saeculi ; virga directionis , virga regni tui ; & imitando ipsum , diligas justitiam , et odio habeas iniquitatem , quia proptereà unxit te deus , deus tuus , ad exemplum illius , quem ante saecula unxerat oleo exultationis , prae participibus suis , jesum christum dominum nostrum , qui cum eo vivit & regnat deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen ▪ tunc regi surgenti discingitur ensis , et in vagina datur alicui , qui eum ante regem immediatè portat . et metropolitanus cum aliis pr●●latis paratis deducit regem , sceptrum in manu et cor●nam in capite ferentem ▪ medium inter se à dexteris , et digniorem praelatum paratum à sinistris regis incedentem , ad solium supra thalamum ; et adjuvante eum digniore prae●ato praedicto , inthronizat regem in solio , dicens : sta , & retine amodò locum tibi à deo delegatum , pe● auctoritatem omnipotentis dei , & per praesen●em traditionem nostram , omnium scilicet episcoporum , cae●erorumque dei servorum ; & quantò clerum sacris altaribus propinquiorem perspicis , tanto ei potiorem in locis congruis honorem impendere memineris ; quatenus mediator dei & hominum te mediatorem cleri et plebis permanere faciat . deinde metropolitanus , deposita mitra , stans versus ad altare inchoat , schola prosequente , hymnum : te deum laudamus . qui totus dicitur : quo incepto , metropolitanus accedi● ad dextram regis : ●bi continuò manens , usque ad finem hymni ; et eo finito , metropolitanus stans , ut priùs , ad dexteram regis sine mitra , dicit super illum versus . firmetur manus tua , et exaltetur dextera tua . r. justitia et judicium praeparatio sedis tuae . v. domine exaudi orationem meam . r. et clamor meus ad te veniat . v. dominus vobiscum . r. et cum spiritu tuo . oremus . deus , qui victrices moysi manus in oratione firmasti , qui quamvis aetate languesceret , infatigabili sanctitate pugnabat ; ut dum amalech iniquus vincitur ; dum profanus nationum populus subjugatur , exterminatis alienigenis , hereditati tuae possessio copiosa serviret ; opus manuum tuarum pia nostrae orationis exauditione confirma : habemus & nos apud te , sancte pater , dominum salvatorem , qui pro nobis manus suas extendit in cruce ; per quem ●tiam precamur , altissime , ut , tua potentia suffragante universorum hostium frangatur impietas ; populusque tuus , cessante formidine , te solum timere condiscat . per eundem christum dominum nostrum . r. amen . oremus . deus inenarabilis auctor mundi , conditor generis humani , confirmator regni , qui ex utero fidelis amici tui patriarchae nostri abrahae praeelegisti regem saeculis profuturum : tu praesentem insignem regem hunc cum exercitu suo per intercessionem beatae maria semper virginis , & omnium sanctorum , uberi benedictione locupleta , & in solium regni firma stabilitate connecte : visita eum , sicut visitasti moysen in rubo , josue in praelio , gedeonem in agro , samuelem in templo ; & illa eum siderea benedictione , ac sapientiae tuae rore perfunde , quam beatus david in psalterio , salomon filius ejus , te remunerante , percepit de coelo . sis ei contra acies inimicorum lorica , in adversis galea , in prosperis sapientia , in protectione clypeus sempiternus . et praesta , ut gentes illi teneant fidem , proceres sui habeant pacem , diligant charitatem , abstineant se à cupiditate , loquantur justitiam , custodiant veritatem : & ita populus iste sub ejus imperio pullulet , coalitus benedictione aeternit●tis ; ut semper tripudiantes maneant in pace , ac victores ▪ quod ipse praestare dignetur , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . quibus finitis , metropolitanus cum praelatis paratis redit ad sedem suam , vel faldistorium propè altare , et ( nisi sit coronanda regina ) dicitur alleluia , sive ultimus versus tractus , vel sequentiae evangelium , et alia usque ad offertor●um inclusivè . quo dicto , metropolitanus residet in faldistorio suo ante medium altaris cum mitra ; et rex à su●s praelatis , et baronibus associatus , venit ant● metropolitanum , coram quo genuflexus , detecto capite , offert ei aurum , quantum sibi placet , et manum metropolitan● recipientis osculatur . deinde ad solium suum revertitur . metropolitanus lavat manus , surgensque accedit ad altare , et prosequitur missam usque ad communionem . cum secreta diei dicitur pro rege , sub uno per dominum nostrum . secreta . munera , quaesumus domine , oblata sanctifica : ut et nobis unigeniti tui corpus et sanguis fiant ; et regi nostro ad obtinendam animae corporisque salutem , et ad peragendum injunctum officium , te largiente , usquequaque proficiant . per eundem dominum nostrum jesum christum ●ilium tuum , qui tecum vivit et regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . par datur regi per primum ex praelatis paratis , cum instrumento ad hoc ordina●o . postquam metropolitanus se de corpore , et sanguine , quem totum sumere debet , communicaverit ; rex , detecto capite , de thalamo suo accedit ad altar● , coram quo , in supremo gradu genuflectit , et metropolitanus conversus ad regem , ipsum communicat . rex , priusquam communionem suma● , osculatur manum dexteram metropolitani ; et sumpta communione , ex calice de manu metropolitani se purificat , et purificatus ad thalamum suum revertitur . metropolitanus verò ablutionem sumit ; et accepta mitra , lavat manus , et perficit missam . cum postcommunione diei , dicitur pro rege , sub uno per dominum , postcommunio . haec , domine , oblatio salutaris famulum n. regem nostrum ab omnibus tueatur adversis ; quatenus ecclesiasticae pacis obtineat tranquillitatem , & post istius temporis decursum ad aeternam perveniat haereditatem . per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . in fine metropolitanus dat benedictionem solemnem , ut suprà ; qua data , singuli ad sua revertuntur . de benedictione & coronatione reginae . siverò tunc regina benedicenda sit et coronanda , quàm primùm , ipso rege inthronizato , et orationibus expletis , metropolitanus cum praelatis paratis ad altare reversus in faldistorio sedet . rex de solio suo surgens , cum comitiva sua , coronam in capite et sceptrum in manu gestans , ante altare ad metropolitanum proficiscitur ; et facta ei reverentia , stans , detecto capite , petit reginam benedici , et coronari , sub his verbis : reverendissime pater , postulamus , ut consortem nostram nobis à deo conjunctam benedicere , & corona reginali decorare dignemini , ad laudem & gloriam salvatoris nostri jesu christi . deinde ad solium suum revertitur . tunc regina , quae in aliquo loco ad partem in ecclesia à principio steterat , à duolus episcopis paratis , non his qui regem deduxerunt , sed primis post eos , crine soluto , & capite velato , in vestibus suis communibus ad metropolitanum ante altare deducitur ; & facta metropolitano reverentia , coram illo genuflectit , & ejus manum osculatur . tunc surgit metropolitanus cum mitra , & in faldistorio procumbit . regina verò ad ejus sinistram in terram se prosternit ; & inchoantur ac perficiuntur litaniae , ut suprà : quibus finitis , metropolitanus , deposita mitra , surgit , & stans versus ad illam ante se genuflexam , dicit sequentem orationem intelligibili voce ; quam etiam , & alia sequentia , astantes praelati parati submissa voce dicunt . oremus . omnipotens sempiterne deus , hanc famulam tuam n. coelesti benedictione sanctifica , quam in adjutorium regni reginam eligimus ; tua ubique sapientia doceat , & comfortet , atque ecclesia tua fidelem famulam semper agnoscat . per eundem dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus . deinde , extensis manibus ante pectus , dicit : per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . v. dominus vobiscum . r. et cum spiritu tuo . v. sursum corda . r. habemus ad dominum . v. gratias agamus domino deo nostro . r. dignum & justum est . verè dignum & justum est , aequum & salutare , nos tibi semper & ubique gratias agere ▪ domine sancte , pater omnipotens , aeterne deus : honorum cunctorum auctor ac distributor , benedictionumque omnium largus infusor , tribue super hanc famulam tuam reginam benedictionis tuae copiam ; & quam humana electio sibi praeesse gaudet , tua supernae electionis & benedictionis infusio accumulet . concede ei , domine , auctoritatem regiminis , consilii magnitudinem , sapientiae , prudentiae , & intellectus abundantiam religionis ac pietatis custodiam ; quatenus mereatur benedici & augmentari in nomine , ut sara ; visitari & faecunda●i , ut rebecca ; contra omnium muni●i vitiorum monstra , ut judith ; in regimine regni eligi , ut esther . ut , quam humana nititur fragilitas benedicere , coelestis potius intimi ●oris repleat infusio . et quae à nobis eligitur & benedicitur in reginam , à te mereatur obtinere praemium aeternitatis perpetuae . et sicut ab hominibus sublimatur in nomine , ita à te sublimetur fide & operatione . illo etiam sapientiae tuae eam ro● eperfunde , quem beatus david in repromissine & filius ejus salomon percepit in locupletatione . sis ei , domine , contra cunctorum ictus inimicorum lorica ; in adversis galea ; in prosperis sapientia ; in protectione clypeus sempiternus . sequatur pacem , diligat charitatem , abstineat se ab omni impietate ; loquatur justitiam , custodiat veritatem ; sit cultrix justitiae et pietatis , amatrix religionis . vigeatque praesenti benedictione in hoc aevo annis plurimis , & in sempiterno sine fine aeternis . quod sequitur , dicit planè legendo ; ita tamen , quòd à circumstantibus audiatur . per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . qua praefatione expleta , sedet metropolitanus ; et accepta mitra , inungit in modum crucis cum oleo cate huminorum illius brachium dexterum , inter juncturam manus , et juncturam cubiti , atque inter scapulas , dic●●s : deus pater aetern● gloriae sit tibi adjutor , & omnipotens benedicat tibi , preces tuas exaudiat ; vitam tuam longitudine dierum adimpleat ; benedictionem tuam jugiter confirmet ; te cum omni populo in aeternum conservet ; inimicos tuos confusione induat ; et super te christi sanctificatio , atque hujus olei infusio floreat : ut , qui tibi in terris tribuit benedictionem , ipse in coelis conferat meritum angelorum ; ac benedicat te , et custodiat in vitam aeternam jesus christus dominus noster , qui vivit & regnat deus , in saecula saeculorum . r. amen . quo facto , surgit regina , et à suis ducitur ad sacristiam , seu papilionem , ubi rex regales vestes indutus est ; ibi et ipsa induitur vestibus reginalibus , quibus induta reducitur ad metropolitanum adhuc cum mitra in faldistorio sedentem , qui imponit illi ante genuflexae coronam , dicens : accipe coronam gloriae , ut scias te esse con●ortem regni , populoque dei semper prosperé consulas ; et quantò plus exaltaris , tantò amplius humilitatem diligas , et custodias , in christo jesu domino nostro . et mox da● ei sceptrum , dicens : accipe virgam virtutis ac veritatis , et esto pauperibus misericors , et affabilis ; viduis , pupillis , & orphanis , diligentissimam curam exhibeas ; ut omnipotens deus augeat tibi gratiam suam , qui vivit et regnat in saecula saeculorum . r. amen . quo facto , surgit regina ; & episcopi parati , qui ipsam ad altare deduxerunt , eam associant usque ad suum thalamum , ubi sedet in solio suo , matronis ejus ipsam comitantibus : deinde dicitur alleluia , sive ultimus versus tractus , vel sequentiae , evangelium , & offertorium . quo dicto , regina cum rege à suis tantùm associati , vadunt ad offerendum metropolitano in faldistorio ante medium altaris sedenti , de auro quantum volunt , & manum metropolitani recipientis osculantur : deinde revertuutur ambo ad thalamum suum , et proceditur in missa usque ad communionem . data pace regi et reginae per primum ex praelatis paratis , cum instrumento ad hoc ordinato ; rex et regina à suis tantùm associati descendunt de thalamis , et veniunt ad altare , ubi in supremo gradu genuflectunt : et percepta communione , metropolitanus ponit ambas hostias consecratas super patenam , et conversus ad regem et reginam , eos communicat . rex , priusquam communionem sumat , osculatur manum dexteram metropolitani ; cum simili modo communicat reginam , quae similiter ejus manum osculatur : et successivè ambos ex calice suo purificat ; qui purificati ad thalamos suos revertuntur , eo ordine quo venerunt . metropolitanus verò ablutionem sumit ; et accepta mitra , lavat manus , perficitque missam , et in fine dat benedictionem solemnem . qua data rex et regina vadunt ad palatium suum ; et metropolitanus atque alii praelati omnes deponunt vestes sacras , et ad proprie quisque revertitur . de benedicione et coronatione reginae solius . si rege ●am pridem coronato , regina sola , ut conjux illius , coronanda sit ▪ parantur duo thalami , et alius locus , in quo regina à principio officii usque ad tempus corona●ionis expectat . vocantur omnes praelati regni , atque omnia alia fiunt , quae supra pro coronatione regis ordinata sunt . die autem statuto , metropolitano et praelatis in ecclesia constitutis , et se vestientibus , rex vestibus regalibus indutus cum ●orona in capite , et sceptro in manu , ense praecedente , à suis associatus venit ad ecclesiam , et ascendit thalamum suum ; et metropolitano ac praelatis omnibus paratis incipitur missa more solito ▪ et continuatur usque ad alleluia , sive ultimum versum tractus , vel sequentiae , exclusivè . tunc rex coronam et sceptrum serens descendit de thalamo suo ; et metropolitono in faldistorio ante altare tum mitra sedente , stans , detecto capite , petit ab eo reginam benedici , et coronari , sub his verbis : reverendissime pater , postulamus ut consortem nostram nobis à deo conjunctam benedicere , et corona reginali decorare dignemini , ad laudem et gloriam salvatoris nostri jesu christi . deinde ad thalamum suum rever●itur : et regina , quae usque tunc in aliquo loco ad partem in ecclesia steterat , à duobus prioribus praelatis paratis , crine soluto , et capite velato , ducitur ad metropolitanum ante altare sedentem ; et facta ei reverentia coram eo genuflectit , et ejus manum osculatur . tunc surgit metropolitanus , et cum mitra procumbit supra faldistorium . regina verò ad ejus sinistram se in terram prosternit , et inchoantur litaniae , et perficiuntur , atque omnia alia fiunt , quae suprà in coronatione reginae dicta sunt , usque ad offertorium ; ad quod poterit rex cum regina procedere , vel regina sola , prout regi placebit . facta communione per metropolitanum , communicatur regina . deinde perficitur missa , et in fine metropolitanus dat benedictionem solemnem , &c. de benedictione et coronatione reginae ut regni dominae . si verò regina coronanda est ut regni domina , et absque rege , tunc paratur thalamus unus in ecclesia ; vocantur praelati regni , et omnia alia similiter fiunt , quae suprà pro coronatione regis ordinata sunt . die statuto , conveniunt in ecclesia , in qua coronatio fieri debet ; ubi metropolitanus , aut alius ad quem spectat , cum episcopis aliis parat ●e , et sedent ante altare , ut suprà dictum est . interim regina consuetis vestibus induta , cum suis praelatis , baronibus , et matronis , atque aliis domesticis venit ad ecclesiam ; et cùm fuerit prope presbyterium , duo priores episcopi parati veniunt ei obviàm , et cum mitris capi●a illi aliquantu●um inclinantes , ipsam inter se mediam usque ad metropolitanum deducunt : cui regina caput inclinans , humilem reverentiam exhibet ; qua facta , prior ipsorum deducentium detecto capite , versus ad metropolitanum , dicit : reverendissime pater , postulat sancta mater ecclesia catholica , ut praesentem circumspectam mulierem ad dignitatem reginalem sublevetis . tunc interrogat metropolanus : scitis illam esse dignam & utilem ad hanc dignitatem ? ille respondet : et novimus , & credimus eam esse dignam , & utilem ecclesiae dei , et ad regimen hujus regni . metropolitanus dicit : deo gratias . tunc sedet regina media inter ipsos episcopos deducen●es ▪ congruenti spatio à metropolitano , ita ut illi faciem vertat ; ipsi etiam deducentes episcopi , senior ad dexteram , alius ad s●nistram reginae se collocant , ut et ipsi ad alterutrum facies vertant . ipsis sic sedentibus , postquam aliquantulùm quieverint , metropolitanus coronandam reginam admonet , dicens : cum hodie per manus nostras , circumspecta mulier , qui christi salvatoris nostri vice in hac re fungimur ( quāvis indigni sacram unctionem et regni insignia sis suscepturus ; benè est , ut te priùs de onere , ad quod destinaris , moneamus . regiam hodie suscipis dignitatem , et regendi fideles populos tibi commissos curam sumis . praeclarum sanè inter mortales locum , sed discriminis , laboris , atque anxietatis plenum . verùm , si consideraveris , quòd omnis potestas à domino deo est , per quem reges regnant , et legum conditores justa decernunt , tu quoque de grege tibi commisso ipsi deo rationem es redditura . primùm , pietatem servabis , dominum deum tuum tota mente ac puro corde coles . christianam religionem , ac fidem catholicam , quam ab incunabuli● professa es , ad finem usque inviolatam retinebis , eamque contra omnes adversantes pro viribus defendes . ecclesiarum praelatis , ac reliquis sacerdotibus condignam reverentiam exhibebis . ecclesiasticam libertatem non conculcabis ; justitiam , fine qua nulla societas diu consistere potest , erga omnes inconcussè administrabis , bonis praemia , noxiis debitas poenas retribuendo . viduas , pupillos , pauperes , ac debiles ab omni oppressione defendes . omnibus te adeuntibus benignam , mansuetam , atque affabilem , pro regia tua dignitate te praebebis . et ita te geres , ut non ad tuam , sed totius populi utilitatem regnare , praemiumque benè factorum tuorum , non in terris , sed in coelo expectare videaris . quod ipse praestare dignetur , qui vivit et regnat deus , in saecula saeculorum . resp . amen . regina electa accedit ad metropolitanum ; et genuflexa facit hanc professionem , dicens : ego n. deo annuente futura regina n. profiteor , et promitto coram deo , et angelis ejus , deinceps legem , justitiam & pacem ecclesiae dei , populoque mihi subjecto , pro posse & nosse , facere ac servare , salvo condigno misericordiae dei respectu , sicut in consilio fidelium meorum meliùs potero invenire . pontisicibus quoque ecclesiarum dei condignum & canonicum honorem exhibere ; atque ea , quae ab imperatoribus & regibus ecclesiis collata & reddita sunt , inviolabiliter observare . abbatibus , comitibus , & vasallis meis congruum honorem , secundum consilium fidelium meorum , praestare . deinde ambabus manibus tangit librum evangeliorum , ( quem metropolitanus coram ea super genibus aper●um tenet , inferiori parte libri reginae versa ) dicens , sic me deus adjuvet , & haec sancta dei evangelia . et post regina electa metropolitani manum reverenter osculatur . quo facto , metropolitanus surgit , et cum mitra procumbit in faldistorio . regina verò ad ejus sinistram in terram se prosternit . et cantores incipiunt , schola prosequente , litanias ; in quibus cùm dictum fuerit , ut omnibus fidelibus , &c. r. te rogamus audi nos . metropolitanus surgit , et accepto baculo pastorali in sinistra , super illam dicit : ut hanc electam in reginam coronandam benedicere digneris . r. te rogamus audi nos . secundo dicit . ut hanc electam in reginam coronandam benedicere , & consecrare digneris . r. te rogamus audi nos . producendo semper super reginam signum crucis . idem dicunt et faciunt episcopi parati , genufieri tamen permanentes . quo dicto , metropolitanus redit ad accubitum , cantoribus litanias resumentibus , et perficientibus . quibus finitis , metropolitanus , deposita mitra , surgit , regina prostrata manente , et dicit super eam intelligibil● voce orationem sequentem ; quam astantes episcopi , etiam sine mitris in locis suis stantes , submissa voce pronunciant . oremus . omnipotens sempiterne deus , hanc famulam tuam coelesti benedictone sanctifica , quam in gubernationem regni reginam eligimus ; tua ubique sapientia doceat , et confortet , atque ecclesia tua fidelem famulam semper agnoscat . per eundem dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus . tunc surgit regina et coram pontifice genuflectit . deinde pontifex mediocri voce , extensis manibus ante pectus , dicit : per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . v. dominus vobiscum . r. et cum spiritu tuo . v. sursum corda . r. habemus ad dominum . v. gratias agamus domino deo nostro . r. dignum & justum est . verè dignum & justum est , aequum & salutare , nos tibi semper & ubique gratias agere , domine sancte , pater omnipotens , aeterne deus : honorum cunctorum auctor ac distributor , benedictionumque omnium largus infusor , tribue super hanc famulam tuam reginam benedictionis tuae copiam ; & quam humana electio sibi praesse gaudet , tua supernae electionis & benedictionis infusio accumulet . concede ei , domine , auctoritatem regiminis , consilii magnitudinem , sapientiae , prudentiae , & intellectus abundantiam , religionis ac pietatis custodiam ; quatenus mereatur benedici & augmentari in nomine , ut sara ; visitari & faecundari , ut rebecca ; contra omnium muniri vitiorum monstra , ut judith ; in regimine regni eligi , ut esther . ut , quam humana nititur fragilitas benedicere , coelestis potius intimi roris repleat infusio . et quae à nobis eligitur & benedicitur in reginam , à te mereatur obtinere praemium aeternitatis perpetuae . et sicut ab hominibus sublimatur in nomine , ita à te sublimetur fide & operatione . illo etiam sapientiae tuae eam rore perfunde , quem beatus david in repromissine & filius ejus salomon percepit in locupletatione . sis ei , domine , contra cunctorum ictus inimicorum lorica ; in adversis galea ; in prosperis sapientia ; in protectione clypeus sempiternus . sequatur pacem , diligat charitatem , abstineat se ab omni impietate ; loquatur justitiam , custodiat veritatem ; sit cultrix justitiae et pietatis , amatrix religionis . vigeatque praesenti benedictione in hoc aevo annis plurimis , & in sempiterno sine fine aeternis . deinde dicit planè legendo ; ita tamen , quòd à circumstantibus audiatur . per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . quibus dictis , sedet metropolitanus ; et accepta mitra , intingit pollicem dexterae manus in oleum catechumenorum ; et inungit , in modum crucis , brachium dexterum reginae inter juncturam manus , et inter juncturam cubiti , atque infer scapulas , dicens . deus pater aeternae gloriae sit tibi adjutor , & omnipotens benedicat tibi , preces tuas exaudiat ; vitam tuam longitudine dierum adimpleat ; benedictionem tuam jugiter confirmet ; te cum omni populo in aeternum conservet ; inimicos tuos confusione induat ; et super te christi sanctificatio , atque hujus olei infusio floreat : ut , qui tibi in terris tribuit benedictionem , ipse in coelis conferat meritum angelorum ; ac benedicat te , et custodiat in vitam aeternam jesus christus dominus noster , qui vivit & regnat deus , in saecula saeculorum . r. amen . quo-facto , surgit regina , et ad partem se retrahit ubi praelati sui domestici ei assistunt . metropolitanus verò lavat et abstergit manus , deinde accedit ante altare ; et deposita mitra , cum suis ministris facit confessionem . idem faciunt episcopi parati juxta sedes suas sine mitris stantes . facta confessione , metropolitanus ascendit ad altare , osculatur , incensat , et procedit in missa usque ad allelujah exclusivè , sive ultimum versum tractus , vel sequentiae , si dicitur , more consueto . regina verò ducitur à suis ad sacristiam , vel papillionem , ubi accipit vestes reginales . deinde redit cum illis ad thalamum , ubi manet usque ad dictum graduale ; non tamen sedet in solio , sed super aliquod scabellum sibi paratum genuflexa procumbit audiens missam . missa dicitur de die ; et cum oratione diei , dicitur pro ipsa electa regina sub uno , per dominum . oratio . quaesumus , omnipotens deus , ut famula tua n. regina nostra , qui tua miseratione suscepit regni gubernacula , virtutum etiam omnium percipiat incrementa ; quibus decenter ornata , et vitiorum monstra devitare , et ad te , qui via , veritas , & vita es , gratiosa valeat pervenire . per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spitus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . graduali cantato , metropolitanus sedet ante altare in faldistorio cum mitra , et regina à suis associata media inter priores duos praelatos paratos ad metropolitanum reducitur ; cui facta reverentia , ut prius , genuflectit coram eo . tunc imponitur ei corona , quamomnes episcopi parati , qui adsunt , de altari per metrolitanum sumptam manibus tenent , ipso metropolitano illam regente , et capiti illius imponente , ac dicente : accipe coronam regni , quae , licet ab indignis , episcoporum tamen manibus capiti tuo imponitur . in nomine patris , & filii , & spiritus sancti , quam sanctitatis gloriam , et honorem , & opus fortitudinis , significare intelligas ; & per hanc te participem ministerii nostri non ignores . ita , ut sicut nos in interioribus pastores rectoresque animarum intelligimur , ita & tu in exterioribus vera dei cultrix , strenuaque contra omnes adversitates ecclesiae christi defensatrix assistas , regnique tibi à deo dati , & per officium nostrae benedictionis in vice apostolorum , omniumque sanctorum , regimini tuo commissi utilis executrix , proficuaque regnatrix semper appareas ; ut inter gloriosos athletas , virtutum gemmis ornata , & praemio sempiternae felicitatis coronata , cum redemptore ac salvatore nostro jesu christo , cujus nomen vicemque gestare crederis , sine fine glorieris . qui vivit et imperat deus , cum patre & spiritu sancto , in saecula saeculorum . r. amen . et mox dat ei sceptrum in manum , dicens : accipe virgam virtutis ac veritatis , et esto pauperibus misericors , et affabilis ; viduis , pupillis , et orphanis , diligentissimam curam exhibeas ; ut omnipotens deus augeat tibi gratiam suam , qui vivit et regnat in saecula saeculorum . r. amen . tunc surgunt omnes , et metropolitanus cum omnibus episcopis paratis deducit reginam , coronam in capite et sceptrum in manu ferentem , mediam inter se et digniorem episcopum paratum , supra solium ; ubi stans cum mitra , unà cum eodem digniore episcopo , inthronizat eam in solio , dicens . sta , et retine a modò locum tibi à deo delegatum , per auctoritatem omnipotentis dei , et per praesentem traditionem nostram , omnium scilicet episcoporum , caeterorumque dei servorum ; et quantò clerum sacris altaribus propinquiorem perspicis , tanto ei potiorem in locis congruis honorem impendere memineris ; quatenus mediator dei & hominum te mediatricem cleri et plebis permanere faciat . deinde metropolitanus , deposita mitra , inchoat , schola sequente , hymnum : te deum laudamus . qui totus dicitur : quo incepto , metropolitanus accedit ad dextram reginae : ibi continuò manens , usque ad finem hymni ; finito hymno , metropolitanus stans , ut priùs , juxta reginam sine mitra , dicit super illam : v. firmetur manus tuà , et exaltetur dextera tua . r. justitia et judicium praeparatio sedis tuae . v. domine exaudi orationem meam . r. et clamor meus ad te veniat . v. dominus vobiscum . r. et cum spiritu tuo . oremus . deus , qui victrices moysi manus in oratione firmasti , qui quamvis aetate languesceret , infatigabili sanctitate pugnabat ; ut dum amalech iniquus vincitur , dum profanus nationum populus subjugatur , exterminatis alienigenis , hereditati tuae possessio copiosa serviret ; opus manuum tuarum pia nostrae orationis exauditione confirma : habemus & nos apud te , sancte pater , dominum salvatorem , qui pro nobis manus suas extendit in cruce ; per quem etiam precamur , altissime , ut , tua potentia suffragante universorum hostium frangàtur impietas ; populusque tuus , cessante formidine , te solum timere condiscat . per eundem christum dominum nostrum . r. amen . quibus finitis , metropolitanus cum episcopis paratis revertitur ad sedem suam , vel faldistorium propè altare , et dicitur alleluia , sive ultimus versus tractus , vel sequentiae , evangelium , et alia usque ad offertorium inclusivè . quo dicto , metropolitanus residet in faldistorio ante medium altaris cum mitra ; et regina à suis praelatis , magnatibus , et aliis associata venit ante metropolitanum , coram quo genuflexa , offert ei aurum , quantum sibi placet , et manum metropolitani recipientis osculatur . deinde ad solium suum revertitur . metropolitanus lavat manus , surgit , et accedit ad altare , et prosequitur missam usque ad communionem . cum secreta diei dicitur pro regina , sub uno per dominum . secreta . munera , quaesumus domine , oblata sanctifica : ut et nobis unigeniti tui corpus et sanguis fiant ; et reginae nostrae ad obtinendam animae corporisque salutem , et ad peragendum injunctum officium , te largiente , usquequaque proficiant . per eundem dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit et regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . pax datur reginae per primum ex praelatis paratis , cum instrumento ad hoc ordinato . postquam metropolitanus se communicaverit de corpore , et sanguine ; regina sine corona , et sine sceptro , de thalamo suo , à suis duntaxat associata , accedit ad altare , genuflectiti in supremo gradu altaris , et metropolitanus conversus ad reginam eam communicat . regina , antequam sumat sacramentum , osculatur manum dexteram metropolitani ; et sumpta communione , ex calice de manu metropolitani se purificat , et purificatus ad thalamum suum revertitur cum suis , ut venit . metropolitanus verò ablutionem sumit ; et accepta mitra , lavat manus , et perficit missam . cum postcommunione diei , dicitur pro regina sub uno per dominum . postcommunio . haee , domine , oblatio salutaris famulam tuam n. reginam nostram ab omnibus tueatur adversis ; quatenus ecclesiasticae pacis obtineat tranquillitatem , & post istius temporis decursum ad aeternam perveniat haereditatem . per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . r. amen . in fine metropolitanus dat benedictionem solemnem , qua data , omnes vadunt in pace . de benedictione & coronatione regis in consortem electi . cvm autem regina , jampridem , ut regni domina benedicta et coronata , deinde consortem sibi elegerit , quem posteà statuerit coronari , ab diem ordinatam vocantur omnes praelati regni ; parantur duo thalami , atque omnia alia ordinatur , prout suprà in coronatione regis posita sunt , f. . die autem statuto , metropolitano et praelatis in ecclesia constitutis , et se vestientibus , regina reginalibus vestibus induta , cum corona in capite et sceptro in manu , à suis associata venit ad ecclesiam , et ascendit thalamum suum . illis autem paratis , et suo ordine sedentibus , ut suprà in coronatione regis ordinatum est ; regina de thalamo suo descendens cum corona in capite , et sceptro in manu , venit coram metropolitano , à quo , facta ei reverentia , petit regem consortem suum benedici et coronari , sub his verbis : reverendissime pater , postulamus ut consortem nostram nobis à deo conjunctam benedicere , et corona reginali decorare dignemini , ad laudem et gloriam salvatoris nostri jesu christi . deinde ad thalamum suum revertitur . interim rex vestibus militaribus indutus veniat ad ecclesiam , à suis praelatis domesticis non paratis , et comitibus , magnatibus regni , et aliis associatus . qui cùm venerit propè presbyterium , duo priores episcopi ex paratis ei obviàm veniunt , et cum mitris capita illi aliquantulum inclinantes , ipsum , bireto deposito , usque ante metropolitanum deducunt ; coram quo rex caput inclinans , humilem ei reverentiam exhibet . qua facta , prior episcoporum deducentium stans , detecto capite , versus ad metropolitanum , voce intelligibili dicit : reverendissime pater , postulat sancta mater ecclesia catholica , ut praesentem egregium militem ad dignitatem regiam sublevetis . et omnia alia suo ordine fiunt , prout habetur suprà sub prima rubrica de benedictione et coronatione regis , fol. . usque ad aliam rubricam de coronatione reginae , fol. . quae hîc omittitur , cùm sit priùs coronata . these forms of prayers and ceremonies are used in most forein kingdoms , as spain , hungary , bohemia , poland , &c. with some little variation relating only to their particular kingdoms . m. paulus stranskie reipub. bohemiae , lugd. bat. . c. . sect . , to . p. , &c. describing at large the manner of the coronation of the kings of bohemia in later times , informs us , that after the supreme burgrave of prague hath in the name of the most blessed and undivided trinity pronounced such a one to be elected and accepted king of bohemia , all the multitude hearing this , presently cry out , vivat , vivat , vivat n. bohemiae rex : after which having taken his oath , the archbishop and bishops use several set prayers for him ; and all the people , as well those who are present as absent at the coronation feast , cry out with ingeminated joyfull shouts , vivat , vivat , vivat , triumphatis reipublicae hostibus n. bohemiae rex . * in france they have a particular pontical or form of prayers , benedictions and ceremonies used at the consecration of their kings , writen and used in the year . the first year of charles the th . king of france , by his special command , and thus subscribed . ce liure du sacre des roys de france est a nous charles le v. de nostre nom roy de france ; & le fimes corriger , ordeiner , escrier & istorier l' an . agreeing for the most part with that in laurentius bochellus , decretorum ecclesiae gallicanae , lib. . tit. . de consecratione & coronatione regis franciae , c. . p. , to . ordo ad inundgendum , & coronandum regem . primò paratur solium in modum eschafaudi aliquantulum eminens contiguum exteriùs choro ecclesiae inter vtrumque chorum positum in medio , in quo per gradus ascenditur . et in quo possint pares regni , & aliqui si necesse fuerit , cum eo consistere . rex autem die quo ad coronandum venerit , debet processionalitèr recipi tam à canonicis quàm à caeteris ecclesiis conventualibus sabbato praecedente diem dominicam in qua rex est consecrandus , & coronandus , post completorium expletum , committitur ecclesiae custodia custodibus à rege deputatis cum propriis custodibus ecclesiae . et debet rex intempestae noctis silentio venire in ecclesiam orationem facturus , & * ibidem in oratione aliquantulum , si voluerit , vigilaturus . cum pulsatur autem ad matutinas debent esse parati custodes regis introitum eccl. observantes , qui alijs hostijs ecclesiae firmius obseratis & munitis , canonicos & clericos ecclesiae debent honorificè intromittere ac diligentèr quotienscunque opus fuerit eis . matutinae more solito decantentur quibus expletis pulsatur ad primam , quae cantari debet in aurora diei . post primam cantatam debet rex cum archiepiscopis , & episcopis & baronibus & aliis quos intromittere voluerit in ecclesiam venire antequam fiat aqua benedicta , & debent esse sedes dispositae circà altare , hinc & indè , ubi archiepiscopi & episcopi honorificè sedeant . episcopis * paribus , videlicet , primò landunensi , postea beluacensi , deinde lingonensi , posteà cathalanensi , ultimum , noviomensi cum alijs episcopis a archiepiscopatus remensis sedentibus seorsum inter altare & regem ab oppositis altaris non longè à rege , nec multis indecentér interpositis . et debent canonici ecclesiae remensis processionalitêr cum duabus crucibus cereis , & thuribulo cum incenso ire ad palatium archiepiscopale . et episcopi landunensis & beluacensis , qui sunt primi pares de episcopis , debent esse in praedicta processione habentes sanctorum reliquias colle pendentes . et in camera magna debent reperire principem in regem consecrandum sedentem , & quasi jacentem supra thalamum decenter ornatum . et cum ad dicti principis praesentiam applicaverint , dicat landunensis episcopus hanc orationem . omnipotens sempiterne deus : qui famulum tuum n. fastigio dignatus es sublimare , tribue quaesumus ei , ut ita in hujus saeculi cursu multorum in communi salutem disponat , quatenus à veritatis tuae tramite non recedat . b per dominum . qua oratione dicta , statim suscipiant eum duo praedicti epistopi dextera laevaque honorificè , & ipsum reverentèr ducant ad ecclesiam canentes hoc c resp . cum canonicis praedictis . ecce mitto angelum meum qui praecedat te & semper custodiat semper . observa & audi vocem meam , & inimicus ero inimicis tuis , & affligentes te affligam , & praecedet te angelus meus . finito resp . cantetur d vers . israel si me audieris , non erit in te deus recens , neque adorabis deum alienum , ego enim dominus . observa * cunctoque eum populo sequente ad hostium ecclesiae clerus subsistat . et alter episcopus scilicet beluacensis , si praesens fuerit , dicat hanc orationem quae sequitur . deus qui scis humanum genus nulla virtute posse subsistere , concede propitius ut famulus tuus n. quem populo tuo voluisti praeferri , ità tuo fulciatur adjutorio e quatenus quibus potuit praeesse , valeat & prodesse . per dominum . introeuntes autem ecclesiam praecedentes canonici dicant usque ad introitum chori hanc antiphonam . domine in virtute tua laetabiter rex . finita antiphona metropolitanus cui in ecclesia expectanti ante altare per praedictos episcopos , rex consecrandus praesentabitur , f dicat hanc orationem sequentem . g h omnipotens deus , coelestium moderator , qui famulum tuum n. ad regni fastigium dignatus es provehere , concede quaesumus , ut à cunctis adversitatibus liberatus , & ecclesiasticae pacis dono muniatur , & ad aeternae pacis gaudia , te donante , pervenire mereatur . per dominum . qua oratione dicta ducant praedicti episcopi regem consecrandum ad sedendum in cathedra sibi praeparata in conspectu cathedrae archiepiscopi , & ibi sedebit donec archiepiscopus veniat cum sancta ampulla , cui venienti assurget rex reverentèr . quando sacra i ampulla debeat venire . inter primam & tertiam debent venire monachi beati remigii processionaliter cum crucibus & cereis cum sacrosancta ampulla quam debet abbas reverentissimè deferre sub cortina serica quatuor particis à quatuor monachis albis indutis sublevata . rex autem debet mittere de baronibus qui eam securè conducant , & cum v●nerit ad ecclesiam beati dionysii vel usque ad majorem januam ecclesiae propter turbam comprimentem , debet archiepiscopus super pilitio stola & capa sollempni indutus cum mitra & baculo pastorali sua cruce praecedente , cum caeteris archiepiscopis & episcopis , baronibus , necnon & canonicis , si fieri potest , occurrere sanctae ampullae , & eam de manu abbatis r●cipere , cum pollicitatione de reddendo bona fide , k & sic ad altare cum magna populi reverentia deferre , abbate & aliquibus de monachis pariter l cum comitantibus . caeteri verò monachi debeat expectare in ecclesia beati dionysii vel in capella beati nicholai , donec omnia peracta fuerint , & quousque sacra ampulla fuerit reportata . quid susceptâ ampullâ agendum sit . m archiepiscopus ad missam se praeparat cum diaconibus , & subdiaconibus vestimentis insignioribus , & pallio n induendus , & in hunc modum indutus venit o processionaliter ad altare more solito , cui venienti , rex debet assurgere reverenter . cum autem venerit archiepiscopus ad altare , debet pro omnibus ecclesiis sibi subditis à rege haec petere . ammonitio ad regem dicendo ità . a vobis perdonari petimus ut unicuique de nobis & ecclesiis nobis commissis , canonicum privilegium , ac debitam legem atque justitiam conservetis , & defensionem exhibeatis , sicnt rex in regno suo debet unicuique episcopo , & ecclesiae sibi commissae . responsio regis ad episcopos . promitto vobis & perdono , p quia unicuique de vobis , et ecclesiis vobis commissis , canonicum privilegium , et debitam legem atque justitiam q conservabo , et defensionem quantum potuero exhibebo domino adjuvante , sicut rex in suo regno unicuique episcopo , et ecclesiae sibi commissae per rectum exhibere debet . item haec dicit rex , & promittit & firmat juramento . haec populo christiano et mihi subdito , in christi nomine , promitto , in primis ut ecclesiae dei omnis populus christianus veram pacem nostro arbitrio in omni tempore servet ( r et superioritatem , jura , et nobilitates coronae franciae inviolabiliter custodiam , et illa nec transportabo nec alienabo . ) item , ut omnes rapacitates et omnes iniquitates omnibus gradibus , interdicam . item , ut in omnibus judiciis aequitatem et misericordiam praecipiam , ut mihi et vobis indulgeat per suam misericordiam clemens , et misericors dominus . item , de terra mea ac iurisdictione mihi subdita universos haereticos ab ecclesia denotatos pro viribus bona fide exterminare studebo . haec omnia praedicta firmo juramento . tunc manum apponat libro , & librum osculetur . his factis ſ processionibus , statim incipiatur , te deum laudamus . sed secundum usum romanum , & aliquorum regnorum non dicitur , te deum , usque post intronizationem quae est post t orationem . sta , et retine , & videtur melius ibi dici quam hic . et duo praedicti episcopi ducunt regem per manus ante altare , qui prosternit se ante altare usque in finem , te deum . u postmodum surgit jam anteà praeparatis , & positis super altare , corona regia , gladio in vagina incluso , calcaribus aureis , sceptro deaurato , & virga ad mensuram unius cubiti vel amplius habente desuper manum eburneam . item caligis sericis & x jacinctinis per totum intextis liliis aureis , & tunica ejusdem coloris & operis in modum tunicalis quo induuntur subdiaconi ad missam , necnon , & y socco prorsus ejusdem coloris & operis , qui est factus ferè in modum cappae sericae absque caperone , quae omnia abbas beati dionysii in francia de monasterio suo debet remis afferre , & stans ad altare custodire . tunc primo rex stans ante altare deponit vestes suas praeter tunicam sericam & camisiam apertas profundius ante & retro in pectore videlicet & inter scapulas z aperturis , tunicae sibi invicem connexis ansulis argenteis , et tunc in primis dicatur ab archiepiscopo oratio sequens . deus inenarrabilis auctor mundi , conditor generis humani , gubernator imperii , confirmator regni , qui ex utero fidelis amici tui patriarchae nostri abrahae praeelegisti regem saeculis profuturum , tu praesentem regem hunc n. cum exercitu suo per intercessionem omnium sanctorum , uberi benedictione locupleta , et in solium regnifirma stabilitate b connecta . visita eum sicut moysem in rubo , jesum nave in praelio , gedeon in agro , samuelem in templo . et illa eum benedictione siderea ac sapientiae tuae rore perfunde , quam beatus david in psalterio , salomon filius ejus , te remuner ante , percepit è coelo . sis ei contra acies inimicorum lorica , in adversis galea , in prosperis patientia , in protectione clypeus sempiternus . et praesta ut gentes illi teneant fidem , proceres sui habeant pacem , diligant caritatem , abstineant se à cupiditate , loquantur justitiam , custodiant veritatem . et ità populus iste pullulet coalitus benedictione aeternitatis , ut semper maneant tripudiantes in pace victores . quod ipse praestare , c &c. qua ●oratione dicta statim ibi à magno camerario franciae , regi dictae caligae calciant●r . et postmodum à duce burgundiae calcaria ejus pedibus astringuntur & statim tolluntur . benedictio super gladium . exaudi dominus quaesumus praeces nostras , & hunc gladium quo famulus tuus n. se accingi desiderat , majestatis tuae dextera d benedicere dignare , quatenus defensio atque protectio possit esse ecclesiarum , viduarum , orphanorum , omniumque deo servientium contra saevitiam paganorum , aliisque insidiantibus sit pavor , terror , et formido f postmodum rex , à solo archiepiscopo , gladio accingitur , quo accincto , statim idem gladius discingitur et è vagina ab archiepiscopo extrahitur , vaginâ super altare repositâ , & datur ei ab archiepiscopo in manibus cum ista oratione g dicendo quem rex in manu sua teneat cuspide elevato donec h a. confortare , &c. fuerit cantata & oratio sequens dicta per archiepiscopum . accipe i hunc gladium cum dei k benedictione tibi collatum in quo per virtutem sancti spiritus resistere et ejicere omnes inimicos tuos valeas , et cunctos sanctae dei ecclesiae adversarios , regnumque tibi commissum tutari atque protegere castra dei per anxilium invictissimi triumphatoris domini nostri jhesu christi . accipe inquam hunc gladium per manus nostras vice et authoritate sanctorum apostolorum consecratas tibi regalitèr impositum , nostraeque benedictionis officio in defensione sanctae dei ecclesiae ordinatum divinitus . et esto memor de quo psalmista prophetavit dicens , accingere gladio tuo superfemur tuum potentissime , ut in hoc per eundem vim aequitatis exerceas , l molam iniquitatis potenter destruas , et sanctam dei ecclesiam , ejusque fideles propugnes et protegas , nec minus sub fide falsos quam christiani nominis hostes execreris ac destruas , viduas , et pupillos clementèr adjuves ac defendas , desolata restaures , restaurata conserves , ulciscaris injusta , confirmes bene disposita , quatenus haec in agendo , virtutum triumpho gloriosus , justitiaeque cultor egregius cum mundi salvatore cujus typum geris in nomine , sine fine merearis regnare , qui cum patre , &c. m hic cantatur ista antiphona . confortare , et esto vir , et observa custodias domini dei tui , ut ambnles in viis ejus et custodias ceremonias ejus , et cepta ejus et testimonia et judicia n quocunque te verteris confirmet te deus . cantata ista antiphona dicitur ista oratio post dationem gladii . deus qui providentia tua coelestia simul et terrena moderaris , propitiare christianissimo regi nostro , ut omnis hostium suorum fortitudo virtute gladii spiritualis frangatur , à o te pro illo pugnante penitus conteratur , per dominum . gladium debet rex humiliter recipere de manu archiepiscopi , et devote flexis genibus offerre ad altare , et statim genibus regis in terram positis resumere de manu archiepiscopi , et p incontinenti dare seneschallo franciae , si seneschallum habuerit , sin autem , cui voluerit de baronibus ad portandum antese & in ecclesia usque in finem missae , et post missam usque ad palatium . tradito per regem gladio , ut dictum est , dicat archiepiscopus hanc orationem . prospice a omnipotens deus serenis obtutibus hunc gloriosum regem n. et sicut benedixisti abraham , isaac & jacob , b & sic illum largis benedictionibus spiritualis graciae , cum omni plenitudine potentiae irrigare atque perfundere dignare . tribue ei de rore coeli , & de pinguedine terrae , habundantiam frumenti , vini & olei , & omnium frugum opulentiam , ex largitate divini muneris longa per tempora● , ut illo regnante sit sanitas corporum in patria , & pax inviolata sit in regno , et dignitas gloriosa regalis palatii maximo splendore regiae potestatis oculis omnium fulgeat , luce clarissima c choruscare atque splendere , quasi splendidissima fulgura maximo perfusa lumine videatur . tribue ei omnipotens deus ut sit fortissimus protector patriae , & consolator ecclesiarum atque coenobiorum sanctorum maxima cum pietate regalis munificentiae , atque ut sit fortissimus regum , triumphator hostium ad opprimendas rebelles & d paganas nationes . sitque suis inimicis satis terribilis prae maxima fortitudine regalis potentiae , optimatibus quoque atque praecelsis proceribus ac fidelibus sui regni sit munificus , & amabilis , & pius , ut ab omnibus timeatur atque diligatur . reges quoque de lumbis ejus per successiones temporum futurorum egrediantur , regnum hoc regere totum . et post gloriosa tempora atque faelicia praesentis vitae , gaudia sempiterna in perpetua beatitudine habere mereatur . quod ipse praestare e dignetur , &c. alia benedictio . benedic domine quaesumus hunc principem nostrum quem ad salutem populi nobis à te credimus esse concessum , fac eum esse annis multiplicem , vigenti atque salubri corporis robore vigentem , & ad senectutem optatam , atque demùm ad finem pervenire faelicem . sit nobis fiducia eam obtinere gratiam pro populo quam aaron in tabernaculo , helyseus in fluvio , ezechias in lectulo , zacharias vetulus impetravit in templo ; sit illi regendi virtus atque auctoritas , qualem josue suscepit in castris , gedeon sumpsit in praeliis , petrus accepit in clave , paulus est usus in dogmate . et ita pastorum cura tuum proficiat in ovile , sicut isaac profecit in fruge te , jacob dilatatus est in grege . quod ipse f , &c. oratio deus pater aeternae gloriae sit adjutor tuus et protector , et omnipotens benedicat tibi , preces tuas in cunctis exaudiat , & vitam tuam longitudine dierum adimpleat , thronum regni tui jugitèr firmet , & gentem populumque tuum in aeternum conservet , & inimicos tuos confusione induat , & super te sanctificatio christi floreat , ut qui tibi tribuit in terris imperium ipse in coelis conferat praemium , qui vivit , &c. hucusque de gladio . posthaec praeparatur vnctio in hunc modum . sed quamdiu ab archiepiscopo paratur incipit cantor . resp . gentem francorum inclytam , simul cum rege nobili , beatus remigius sumpto , caelitùs crismate , sacro , santificavit gurgite , atque spiritus sancti , plenè ditavit munere , vers . qui dono singularis gratiae in columba apparuit & divinum crisma caelitus pontifici ministravit . vers . ora pro nobis beate remigi . resp . vt digni efficiamur promissionibus christi . oratio . oremus . deus , qui populo tuo aeternae salutis beatum remigium ministrum tribuisti , praesta , quaesumus , ut quem doctorem vitae habuimus in terris , intercessorem babere mereamur in coelis per christum . g crisma in altari ponitur super patenam consecratam , & archiepiscopus sacrosanctam ampullam , quam abbas beati remigii attulit super altare , debet aperire , & inde cum acu aurea , aliquantulum de oleo caelitus misso attrahere , & crismati parato in patena diligentiùs cum digito immiscere ad inungendum regem , qui solus inter universos reges terrae hoc glorioso praesulget privilegio , h ut oleo caelitùs misso singularitèr inungatur . paratâ unctione qua rex debet inungi ab archiepiscopo , debent dissolvi ansulae aperturarum vestimentorum regis ante et retrò , et genibus regis in terram positis , prostrato super faldistorium ; archiepiscopo etìam consimiliter prostrato . duo archiepiscopi vel episcopi incipiunt letaniam . tunc archiepiscopus ab accubitu surgens , et ad regem consecrandum se volvens , baculum pastoralem cum sinistra tenens dicat hos versus , choro post eum quemlibet integrè repetente . vt hunc praesentem famulum tuum n. in regem coronandum benedicere digneris . te rogamus audi nos . secundo dicit . benedicere , & sublimare digneris , te rogamus . tertio dicit . benedicere , sublimare , & consecrare digneris , te rogamus . quo dicto , et à choro responso , redit ad accubitum , episcopis resumentibus et prosequentibus letaniam . vt regibus , & principibus christianis pacem & concordiam donare digneris . te rogamus audi nos . vt cunctum populum christianum precioso sanguine tuo redemptum conservare digneris . te rogamus audi nos . vt cunctis fidelibus defunctis requiem aeternam donare digneris . te rogamus audi nos . vt nos exaudire digneris . te rogamus audi nos . f●li dei. te rogamus audi nos . agnus dei qui tellis peccata mundi , parce nobis domine . agnus dei qui tollis peccata mundi , exaudi nos domine . agnus dei qui tollis peccata mundi , miserere nobis . christe audi nos . kyrie eleyson . christe eleyson . kyrie eleyson . letania finita , metropolitanus surgens , rege et episcopis prostratis manentibus , annunciat . pater noster . et ne nos . salvum fac servum tuum . deus meus , sperantem in te . esto ei , domine , turris fortitudinis . a facie inimici . nihil proficiat inimicus in eo . et filius iniquitatis non opponat nocere ei . domine exaudi . et clamor . dominus vobiscum . et cum spiritu tuo . oremus . oratio . praetende quaesumus domine huic famulo tuo n. dexteram coelestis auxilii , ut te toto corde perquirat , & quae dignè postulat assequi mereatur . per dom. resp . amen . alia oratio . actiones nostras , quaesumus , domine aspirando praeveni , & adjuvando prosequere , ut cuncta nostra operatio & oratio , à te semper incipiat , & per te coepta finiatur . per dom. item archiepiscopus debet super regem dicere has oratiotiones , antequam eum inungat , et debet sedere sicut sedet quando consecrat episcopos . te invocamus domine , sancte pater omnipotens , aeternae deus , ut hunc famulum tuum n. quem tuae divinae dispensationis providentia in primor dio plasmatum usque in hunc praesentem diem , juvenili flore laetantem crescere concessisti : eum tuae pietatis dono ditatum , plenumque gratia veritatis de die in diem coram deo & hominibus ad meliora semper proficere facias , ut summi regiminis solium , gratiae supernae largitate gaudens suscipiat , & misericordiae tuae muro ab ●ostium adversitate undique munitus , & plebem sibi commissam cum pace propitiationis , & virtute victoriae regere mereatur , per dominum . alia oratio . deus qui populis tuis virtute consulis & amore dominaris , da huic famulo tuo spiritum sapientiae tuae cum regimine disciplinae , ut tibi toto corde devotus , in regni regimine semper maneat idoneus , tuoque munere ipsius temporibus securitas ecclesiae dirigatur , & in tranquillitate devotio ecclesiastica permaneat , ut in bonis operibus perseverans , ad aeternum regnum te duce valeat pervenire . per. alia oratio . in diebus ejus oriatur omnibus aequitas & justitia , amicis adjutorium , inimicis obstaculum , humilibus solatium , elatis cor●●ctio , divitibus doctrina , pauperibus pietas , peregrinis pacificatio , propriis in patria pax & securitas , unumquemque secundum suam mensuram moderatè gubernans , seipsum sedulus discat , ut tua irrigatus compunctione toto populo tibi placita praebere vitae possit exempla , & per viam veritatis cum grege gradiens sibi subdito opes frugales habundanter acquirat , simulque ad salutem non solum corporum sed etiam cordium à te concessam , cuncta accipiat . sicque in te cogitatum animi consiliumque omne componens , plebis gubernacula cum pace simul & sapientia semper invenire videatur . teque auxiliante praesentis vitae prosperitatem et prolixitatem percipiat , & per tempora bona usque ad summam senectutem perveniat , hujusque fragilitatis finem perfectum ab omnibus vitiorum vinculis tuae pietatis largitate liberatus , & infinitae prosperitatis praemia perpetua angelorumque aeterna commercia consequatur . per dom. consecratio regis . omnipotens sempiterne deus creator ae gubernator coeli , & terrae conditor , & dispositor angelorum et hominum , rex regum , et dominus dominorum , qui abrabam fidelem famulum tuum de hostibus triumphare fecisti , moysi et josue populo tuo praelatis multiplicem victoriam tribuisti , humilem quoque puerum tuum david regni fastigio sublimasti , eumque de ore leonis , et de manu bestiae atque goliae , sed et de gladio maligno saul et omnium inimicorum ejus liberasti , et solomonem sapientiae pacisque ineffabili munere ditasti ; respice propitius ad preces nostrae humilitatis , et super hunc famulum tuum n. quem supplici devoti devotione in hujus regni regem pariter eligimus , benedictionum tuarum dona multiplica , eumque dexter a potentiae tuae ubique circunda , quatenus praedicti abrahae fidelitate firmatus , moysi mansuetudine fretus , josue fortitudine munitus , david humilitate exaltatus , solomonis sapientia decoratus , tibi in omnibus complaceat , et per tramitem justitiae inoffenso gressu semper incedat , et totius regni ecclesiam deinceps cum plebibus sibi annexis ita enutriat ac doceat , muniat et instruat , contraque omnes visibiles et invisibiles hostes idem potenter regaliterque tuae virtutis regimen administret , ut regale solium videlicet a saxonum , merciorum , nordanchimbrorum sceptra non deserat , sed ad pristinae fidei pacisque concordiam eorum animos tè opitulante reformet , ut utrorumque horum populerum debita subjectione fultus , cum digno amore glorificatus per longum vitae spatium paternae apicem gloriae tua miseratione unitum stabilire et gubernare mereatur , tuae quoque protectionis galea munitus , et seuto insuperabili jugiter protectus , armisque coelestibus circundatus , optabilis victoriae triumphum de hostibus faelicitèr capiat , terroremque suae potentiae infidelibus inferat , et pacem militantibus laetantèr reportet , virtutibus necnon quibus praesatos fideles tuos decorasti , multiplici honoris benedictione condecora , et in regimine regni sublimiter colleca , et oleo gratiae spiritus sancti perunge . per dominum nostrum qui virtute crucis tartara destruxit , regnoque diaboli superato , ad coelos victor asoendit . in quo potestas omnis regnumque consistit et victoria , qui est gloria humilium et vita salusque populorum , qui tecum , &c. h●c inungatur inunctione crismatis et olei de caelo missi priùs ab archiepiscopo confecti in patena ficut superius dictum est . inungat autem archiepiscopus eum primò in summitate capitis de dicta unctione , secundò in pectore , tertiò inter scapulas , quartò in compagine brachiorum et dicat cuilibet unctioni . vngo te in regem de oleo sanctificto in nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti . dicant omnes . amen . dum haec unctio agitur cantent assistentes hanc antiphonam . vnxerunt solomonem sadoch sacerdos , et nathan propheta regem in gyon , et accedentes laeti dixerunt , vivat rex in aeternum . facta unctione et cantata antiphona , dicat archiepiscopus . hanc orationem . christe perunge hunc regem in regimen undè unxisti sacerdotes , reges , ac prophetas , ac martyres qui per fidem vicerunt●regna , operati sunt justitiam , atque adepti sunt promissiones . tua sacratissima unctio super caput ejus defluat , atque ad interiora descendat , et cordis illius intima penetret , et promissionibus quas adepti sunt victoriosissmi reges , tua gratia dignus efficiatur quatenus et in praesenti saeculo faelicitèr regnet , et ad eorum consortium in coelesti regno perveniat . per dominum nostrum jesum christum filium tuum , qui unctus est oleo laetitiae prae consortibus suis ; et virtute crucis potestates aerias debellavit , tartara destruxit , regnumque diaboli superavit , et ad coelos victor ascendit , in cujus victoria * manu omnis gloria et potestas consistunt ; et tecum vivit et regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus , per omnia saecula saeculorum . amen . alia oratio . deus electorum fortitudo et humilium celsitudo , qui in primordio per effusionem diluvii mundi crimina castigare voluisti , et per columbā ramum olivae portantem pacē terris redditam demonstrasti . iterumque sacerdotem aaron famulum tuū per unctionem olei sacerdotem sanxisti , et postea per hujus unguenti infusionem ad regendū populum israeliticum sacerdotes , reges , ac prophetas perfectisti , vultumque ecclesiae in oleo exhilarandum per propheticam famuli tui vocem david , esse praedixisti : ita quaesumus , omnipotens deus pater , ut per hujus creaturae pinguedinē hunc servum tuum sanctificare benedictione digneris , eumque in similitudinem columbae pacem simplicitatis populo sibi commisso praestare , et exempla aaron in dei servitio diligenter imitari , regnique fastigia in consiliis scientiae et aequitate judicii semper assequi , vultumque hilaritatis per hunc olei unctionem , tuamque benedictionem te adjuvante toti plebi paratum habere faciat . per dominum . alia oratio . deus dei filius dominus noster jesus christus , qui à patre oleo exultationis unctus est prae particibus suis , ipse per praesentem sacri unguinis infusionem spiritus paracliti super caput tuum infundat benedictionem , eandemque usque ad interiora cordis tui penetrare faciat , quatenus hoc visibili et tractabili dono invisibilia percipero , et temporali regno justis moderaminibus executo , aeternalitèr cum eo regnare merearis . qui solus sine peccato rex regum vivit , et gloriatur cum deo patre in unitate ejusdem spiritus sancti deus . per , &c. * his dictis orationibus connectuntur ansulae aperturarum vestimenti regis ab archiepiscopo vel sacerdotibus vel diaconibus propter unctionem . * benedictio cujuscunque regalis ornamenti . deus rex regum , & dominus dominantium , per quem reges regnant , & legum conditores jura decernunt , dignare propitius benedicere hocregale ornamentum , & praesta ut famulus tuus rex noster qui illud portaturus est ornamento bonorum morum & sanctarum actionum in conspectu tuo fulgeat , & post temporalem vitam aeternam quae tempus non habet sine fine possideat , &c. et tunc à camerario franciae induitur tunica * jacinctina , & desuper socco ita quod dexteram manum habet liberam in * apertura socci , & super soccum elevatum sicut elevatur casula sacerdoti . tunc ab archiepiscopo ungantur sibi manus de praedicto oleo caelitiùs misso ut supra , & dicat archiepiscopus . vngantur manus istae de oleo sanctificato unde uncti fuerunt reges , & prophetae , & sicut unxit samuel david in regem utsis benedictus , & constitutus rex in regnoisto quem dominus deus tuus dedit tibi ad regendum , & gubernandum . quod ipse praestare , &c. deinde dicat arichiepiscopus hanc orationem . deus qui es justorum gloria , & misericordia peccatorum , qui misisti filium tuum preciocissimo sanguine suo genus humanum redimere , qui conteris bella , pugnator es in te sperantium , & sub cujus arbitrio omninm regnorum continetur potestas , te humilitèr deprecamur ut praesentem famulum tuum n. in tua misericordia confidentem in praesenti sede regali benedicas , eique popitius adesse digneris ; ut qui tua expetit protectione defendi , omnibus hostibus sit fortior . fac eum domine beatum esse , & victorem de inimicis suis . corona eum corona justitiae & pietatis , ut ex toto corde , et tota mente in te credens tibi deserviat , sanctam ecclesiam tuam defendat , & sublimet , populumque à te sibi commissum justè regat , et nullis insidiantibus malis eum injustitia convertat . accende domine cor ejus ad amorem gratiae tuae , per hoc unctionis oleum , unde unxisti sacerdotes , reges et prophetas , quatenus justitiam diligens per tramitem similitèr incedens justitiae , post peracta à te deposita , in regali excellentia annorum currieula pervenire ad aeterna gaudia mereatur . per cundem , &c. facta autem manuum unctione , inungat rex ante pectus . poste● si voluerit rex cyrotecas subtiles induere sicut faciunt episcopi dum consecrantur , ob reverentiam sanctae unctionis ne manibus nudis aliquid tangant ; primò ab archiepiscopo benedicentur cyrotecae iu haec verba sequentia . oratio . omnipotens creator qui homini ad imaginem tuam creato manus digitis discretionis insignitas tanquam organum intelligentem ad rectè operandum dedisti , quas fervari mundas praecepisti , ut in eis anima digna portaretur , & tua in eis dignè contractarentur mysteria ; benedicere , & sanctificare digneris haec manuum tegumenta , ut quicunque reges hiis cum humilitate manus suas velare voluerint , tam cordis quàm operis munditiam tua misericordia subministret . per christum . et aspergantur cyrotecae aqua benedicta , deinde imponantur manibus regis per archiepiscopum dicentem . circunda domine manus hujus famuli tui n. munditia novi hominis qui de coelo descendit , ut quemad modum jacob dilectus tuus pelliculis * edorum opertis manibus paternam benedictionem oblato patri cibo potuque gratissimo impetravit , sic & iste gratiae tuae benedictionem impetrare mereatur . per eundem dominum nostrum jesum christum qui in similitudinem carnis peccati tibi obtulit semetipsum . amen . vel si rex maluerit cyrotecas non habere , tunc facta manuum unctione dictisque orationibus ad eam spectantibus episcopi adsistentes cum cotone manus regis abstergant , et mica panis vel cumsale friceut , deinde lavent sibi manus , quibus lotis et manibus etiam archiepiscopi , benedicat archiepiscopus annulum sic dicens . oremus . oratio . deus totius creaturae principium & finis , creator & conservator humani generis , dator gratiae spiritualis , largitor aeternae salutis in quo clausa sunt omnia , tu domine tuam emitte benedictionem super hunc annulum , ipsumque benedicere , et sanctificare digneris , ut qui per eum famulo tuo honoris insignia concedis , virtutum praemia largiaris , quo discretionis habitum semper retineat , & verae fidei fulgore praefulgeat , sanctae quoque trinitatis armatus munimine miles inexpugnabilis acies diaboli constantèr evincat , & sibi veram salutem mentis & corporis proficiat ▪ per christum . * benedictio annuli . deus coelestium terrestriumque conditor creaturarum , atque humani generis benignissimus reparator , dator spiritualis gratiae , omniumque benedictionum largitor , qui justitiam tuae legis in cordibus credentium digito tuo , id est , unigenito tuo scribis . tui magi in egipti resistere non valentes continuabant dicentes , digitus dei hic est , immitte spiritum sanctum tuum paraclitum de coelis super hunc annulum arte fabrili decoratum , & sublimitatis tuae potentiae ità eum emundare digneris , ac omni nequitia lividi venenosique serpentis procul expulsa metallum à te bono conditore creatum * munimine à cunctis fordibus inimici maneat . amen . alia oratio . benedic domine & sanctifica annulum istum , et mitte super eum septiformem spiritum tuum quo famulus tuus eo fruens annulo fidei subarratus , virtute altissimi sine peccato custodiatur , & omnes benedictiones quae in scripturis divinis reperiuntur super eum copiosè descendant , ut quaecunque sanctificaverit sanctificata permaneant , et quaecunque benedixerit , spirituali benedictione benedicantur . per , . &c. deindè datur ei ab archiepiscopo sceptrum in manu dextera , et virga in sinistra , et in datione sceptriet virgae dicentur istae orationes . sed notandum , antequam dantur sceptrum et virga , datur annulus , et in datione annuli dicitur haec oratio . hic detur annulus , et dicatur . accipe annulum signaculum videlicet fidei sanctae , solidatem regni , augmentum potentiae per quae scias triumphali potentia hostes repellere , haereses destruere , subditos coaduuare , & catholicae fidei perseverabilitati connecit . oratio post annulum deus cujus est omnis potestas & dignitas da famulo prosperum suae dignatatis effectum , in qua te remunerante permaneat , semperque timeat , tibique jugitèr placere contendat . per dominum . dato annulo , statim post detur sceptrum in manu dextera , et dicatur haec oratio . accipe sceptrum regiae potestatis insigne , virgam scilicèt regni , rectam virgam virtuti , qua te ipsum beneregas , sanctam ecclesiam populumque videlicet christianum tibi à deo commissum regia virtute ab improbis defendas , pravos corrigas , rectos pacifices , & ut viam rectam tenere possint tuo juvamine dirigas , quatenus de temporali regno ad aeternum regnum pervenias , ipso adjuvante cujus regnum , imperiū , sine fine permanet in saecula saeculorum . oratio post sceptrum datum . omnium domine fons bonorum , cunctorum deus institutor profectuum , tribue quaesumus famulo tuo n. adeptam bene regere dignitatem , & à te sibi praestitum honorem dignare corroborare , honorifica eum prae cunctis regibus terrae , uberi eum benedictione locupleta , & in solio regni firma stabilitate consolida , vistia eum in sobole , praesta ei prolixitatem vitae , in diebus ejus oriatur justitia , ut cum jocunditate , & laetitia aeterno glorietur in regno . per dominum . post statim datur ei virga in manusinistra , et dicitur . accipe virgam virtutis atque aequitatis , qua intelligas mulcere pios , et terrere reprobos , errantibus viam dare , lapsisque manum porrigere , disperdasque superbos , & releves humiles , ut aperiat tibi hostium jesus christus dominus noster , qui de ipso ait , ego sum hostium , ●er me si quis introi●rit salvabitur . et qui est clavis david , & sceptrum domus israel , qui aperit , & nemo claudit , claudit & nemo aperit . sit tibi adjutor . qui adduxit vinctum de domo carceris sedentem in tenebris , & umbra mortis , ut in omnibus sequi merearis eum de quo propheta david cecinit , sedes tua d●us in saeculum saeculi , virga aequitatis , virgaregnitui , & imiteris eum qui dixit , diligas justitiant , et odio habeas iniquitatem , proptereà unxit te deus , deus tuus oleo laetitiae ad exemplum illius , quem ante saecula unxerat prae particibus suis jesum christum dom. nostrum . benedictio coronae . deus * tuorum corona fidelium , qui in capitibus eorum ponis coronam de lapide precioso , benedic , et sanctifica coronam istam , quatenus sicut ipsa diversis preciosisque lapidibus adornatur , sic famula tua largiente gratia repleatur . per d. post istam orationem convoca●tur pares a nomine suo à cancellario suo si praesens est . sin autem , ab archiepiscopo . primò b laici , posted clerici , quibus vocatis & circumstantibus archiepiscopus accipit de altari coronam regiam , & solus imponit eam capiti regis . qua posita , omnes pares tam clerici quam laici manum apponunt c coronam , & eam undique sustentant , & soli pares . tunc archiepiscopus dicit istam orationem antequam coronam situet in capite , sed eam d tenet satis altè ante caput regis . oratio . coronet te deus corona gloriae atque justitiae honore , et opere fortitudinis , ut per officium nostrae benedictionis cum fide recta et multiplici bonorum operum fructu ad coronam pervenias regni perpetui , ipso largiente , cujus regnum et imperium permanet in saecula saeculorum . qua oratione dicta ponendo coronam in capite , * dicat archiepiscopus . accipe coronam regni in nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti , ut spreto antiquo hoste , spretisque contagiis vitiorum omnium , sic justitiam , misericordiam , et judicium diligas , et ita justè et misericorditer et piè vivas , ut ab ipso domino nostro jesu christo in consortio sanctorum aeterni regni coronam percipias . aecipe inquam coronam quam sanctitatis gloriam et honorem , et opus fortitudinis intelligas signare , et per hanc te participem ministerii nostri non ignores , it a ut sicut nos in interioribus pastores , rectoresque animarum intelligimur , b it à ut contrà omnes adversitates ecclesiae-christi defensor assistas , regnique tibi à deo dati , & per officium nostrae c benedictionis in vice apostolorum , omniumque sanctorum regimini tuo commissi utilis executor , perspicuusque regnator semper appareas , ut inter gloriosos athletas virtutum gemmis ornatus , et praemio sempiternae faelicitatis coronatus , cum redemptore ac salvatore nostro christo cujus nomen vicemque gestare crederis , sine fine glorieris ; qui vivit , & imperat deus cum deo patre in saecula saeculorum . amen . oratio post coronam . deus perpetuitatis , dux virtutum , cunctorum hostium victor , benedic hunc famulum tuum tibi caput suum inclinantem , & prolixa sanitate , & prosper à faelicitate eum conserva , et ubicunque pro quibus auxilium tuum invocaverit , citò assis , & protegas ac defendas , tribue ei quaesumus domine divitias gloriae tuae , comple in bonis desiderium ejus , corona eum in miseratione , et misericordia , tibique deo pia devotione jugitèr famuletur . per d. statim post istam orationem dicatur ista benedictio . extendat omnipotens deus dexteram suae benedionis , & circundet te muro faelicitatis ac custodia tua protectionis sanctae mariae ac beati petri apostolorum principis sanctique dyonisii e atque omnium sanctorum intercedentibus meritis . amen . alia benedictio . indulgeat tibi dominus omnia peccata quae gessisti , & tribuat tibi gratiam & misericordiam quam humilitèr ab eo deposcis , & liberet te ab adversitatibus cunctis , & ab omnibus inimicorum omnium visibilium & invisibilium insidiis . amen . alia benedictio . angelos suos bonos qui te semper & ubique praecedant committentur , & subsequantur ad custodiam tui ponat , & à peccato , sive gladio , & ab omnium periculorum discrimine sua potentia liberet . amen . alia bendictio . inimicos tuos , ad pacis , caritatisque benignitatem covertat , & bonis onmibus te gratiosum , & amabilem faciat , pertinaces quoque in tui insectatione & odio infusione salutari induat , super te autem participatio & sanctificatio sempiterna floreat . amen . alia benedictio . victoriosum te atque triumphatorem de invisibilibus atque visilibus hostibus semper efficiat , & sancti nominis sui timorem , paritèr & amorem conti●uum cordi tuo infundat , et in fide recta ac bonis operibus perseverabilem reddat , & pace in diebus tuis concessâ cum palma victoriae , te ad perpetuum regnum perducat . amen . alia benedictio . et qui te voluit super populum suum constituere regem , ut in praesenti saeculo folicem aeternae foelicitatis tribuat esse consortem . amen . quod ipse praestare , &c. alia benedictio dicenda super eum a benedic domine hunc regem nostrnm qui regna omnium regum à saeculo moderaris . amen . alia benedictio . et tali eum benedictione glorifica , ut davidica teneat sublimitate sceptrum salutis , & sanctificae propitiationis munere reperiatur locupletatus . amen . alia benedictio . da ei tuo speramine cum mansuetudine ita regere populum , sicut solomonem fecisti regnum obtinere pacificum . amen . alia benedictio . tibi cum timore sit subditus , tibique militet cum quiete , sit tuo clypeo protectus , cum proceribus , & ubique gratia tua victor existat . amen . alia benedictio . honorifica eum prae cunctis regibus gentium , foelix populis dominetur , & foelicitèr eum nationes adornent , vivat inter gentium nationes magnanimus . amen . alia benedictio . sit in judiciis aequitatis singularis , locupletet eum tua praedives dextera , frugiferam obtineat patriam , & ejus beris tribuas profutura . amen . alia benedictio . praesta ei prolixitatem vitae per tempora , ut in diebus ejus oriatur justicia , à te robustum teneat regiminis solium , & cum jocunditate & judicio aeterno glorietur regno . quod ipse praestare , &c. alia oratio . omnipotens deus det tibi de rore coeli , & de pinguedine terrae abundantiam frumenti , vini , & olei , & serviant tibi populi , & adorent te tribus , esto dominus fratrum tuorum , & incurventur ante te filii matris tuae , & qui benedixerit tibi benedictionibus repleatur , & qui maledixerit tibi maledictionibus repleatur , et deus erit adjutor tuus . alia oratio . omnipotens benedicat tibi benedictionibus coeli desuper in montibus , & collibus , benedictionibus abyssi jacentibus deorsum , benedictionibus uberum , et uvarum pomorumque , benedictiones patrum antiquorum abraham , isaac , et jacob , confortatae sint super te per dominum . alia oratio . benedic domine fortitudinem principis , opera manuum illius suscipe , et benedictione tua terra ejus de pomis repleatur de fructu coeli et rore , atque abyssi subjacentis , de fructu solis et lunae , et de vertice antiquorum montium , de pomis aeternorum collium , et de frugibus terrae , et de plenitudine ejus ; benedictio illius qui apparuit in rubo veniat super caput ejus , et plena sit benedictio domini in filiis ejus , et tingat in oleo pedem suum , cornua rinoceruntis cornua illius , in ipsis ventilabit gentes usque ad terminos terrae , quia ascensor coeli auxiliator suus in sempiternum fiat per d. deinde coronatus rex , et ducatur per manum ab archiepiscopo , concomitantibus paribu● , tam praelatis quàm laicis , de altari per chorum usque ad solium jam anteà praeparatum . et dum rex ad solium venerit archiepiscopus ipsum collecet in sede et hic regis status designatur , et dicat archiepiscopus . sta , et retine amodo statum quem huc paterna successione tenuisti , haereditario jure tibi delegatum per auctoritatem dei omnipotentis , & per praesentem traditionem nostram , omnium scilicet episcoporum caeterorumque servorum dei. et quanto clerum propinquiorem sacris altaribus prospicis ; tanto ei potiorem in locis congruentibus honorem impendere memineris , quatenus mediator dei & hominum , te mediatorem cleri & plebis constituat . hic faciat eum sedere archiepisc . tenendo eum per manum . in hoc regni solio confirmet & in regno aeterno secum regnare faciat , jesus christus dominus noster rex regum , & dominus dominantium . qui cum deo patre , &c. secundum usum aliquorum , maximè secundum usum romanorum post intronizationem & non ante , metropolitanus inchoat , canonicis prosequentibus . te deum laudamus . d quo finito , dicit super regem . vrs . firmetur manus tua & exaltetur dextera tua . resp . justitia & judicium praeparatio sedis tuae . domine exaudi . et clamor . dominus vobiscum . et cum spiritu tuo . oremus . oratio . deu● qui victrices moysi manus in oratione firmasti , qui quamvis aetate * latesceret infatigabili sanctitate pugnabat , ut dum amalech iniquus vincitur , dum prophanus nationum populus subjugatur , exterminatis alienigenis haereditati tuae poffessio copiosa serviret , opus manuum nostrarum pia mater orationis exauditione confirma . habemus & nos apud te , sancte pater , dominum salvatorem , qui pro nobis manus su●s tetendit in cruce , per quem etiam precamur altissme , ut ejus potentia suffragante , universorum hostium frangatur impietas , populusque tuus cessante formidine te solum timere e consistat . per eundem , &c. f hiis expletis archiepiscopus cum paribus coronam sustentantibus regem talitèr insignitum & deductu●… solium sibi praeparatum sericis stratum , & ornatum , tibi collocavit eum in sede eminenti , unde ab omnibus possit videri . quem in sede sua talitèr residentem , mox archiepiscopus mitrâ depositâ osculatur eum dicens . vivat rex in aeternum . et post eum episcopi & laici pares qui ejus coronam sustentant , hoc idem dicentes . a his expletis manebit rex sedens in suo solio , donec regina fuerit consecrata , quâ consecratâ & ad suam sedem reducta , missa à cantore primo & succentore chorum servantibus inchoetur , & suo ordine decantetur . oratio pro rege . quaesumus omnipotens deus , ut famulus tuus rex noster n. qui tua miseratione regni suscepit gubernacula , virtutum etiam omnium percipiat incrementa , quibus decentèr ornatus , & vitiorum monstra devitare , & hostes superare , & ad te qui via , veritas & vita es gratiosus valeat pervenire . per dominum . secreta . munera quaesumus domine oblata sanctifica , & ut nobis unigeniti tui corpus & sanguis fiant , & n. regi nostro ad obtinendam animae corporisque salutem , & ad peragendum injunctum officium te largiente usquequaque proficiant . per , &c. b postcommunio . haec domine oratio salutaris famulum tuum n. regem nostrum ab omnibus tueatur adversis ; quatenus & ecclesiasticae pacis obtineat tranquillitatem , post illius temporis decursum ad aeternam perveniat haereditatem . per dominum , &c. quando legitur evangelium , rex , & regina debent deponere coronas suas . notandum , quod lecto evangelio , major inter archiepiscopos & episcopos accipit librum evangelii , & defert domino regi ad deosculandum , & postea reginae , & postea domino archiepiscopo missam celebranti . post offertorium pares deducunt regem ad altare , coronam ejus sustinentes . rex autem debet offerre panem unum . vinum in urceo argenteo . tresdecem bisantos aureos , & regina similiter . in eundo autem & redeundo gladius nudus defertur coram eo . finita missa iterùm pares adducunt regem coram altari , & communicat corpus & sanguinem domini , de manu domini archiepiscopi missam celebrantis . sed notandum est , quod ille qui dedit ei evangelium ad deosculandum debet post pax domini , accipere pacem ab archiepiscopo missam celebrante & deferre regi cum oris osculo , & reginae a in libro . et post eum omnes archiepiscopi , & episcopi , unus post alium , dant osculum pacis regi in suo solio residenti . missa finita deponit archiepiscopus coronam de capite regis , & expoliato rege de insignioribus vestimentis , & aliis indutis , iterùm imponit capiti suo archiepiscopus aliam coronam minorem , & sic vadit ad palatium nudo gladio praecedente . et sciendum , quod ejus camisia propter sanctam unctionem debet comburi . de ampullae reductione . sciendum , quod rex debet recipere de baronibus suis nobilioribus & fortioribus in die coronationis suae in aurora diei b mittere apud sanctum remigium pro sancta ampulla , & illi debent jurare abbati & ecclesiae , quod dictam sanctam ampullam bona fide ducent & reducent ad sanctam ecclesiam beati remigii . abbas autem hoc facto , debet sanctam ampullam afferre sicut superius est notatum . finita consecratione & missa , debent iterùm iidem barones reducere sanctam ampullam usque ad sanctum remigium honorific● & securè , & eam restituere loco suo . c ordo ad reginam benedicendam . quae debet consecrari statim post factam consecrationem regis , debet ei parari solium in modum solii regis . debet tamen aliquantulum minus esse . debet autem regina adduci à duobus episcopis in ecclesiam , & rex in suo solio sedere , in omnibus ornamentis suis regiis sicut in solio residebat post inunctionem , & coronationem suam superiùs annotatam . regina autem adducta in ecclesiam debet prosterni ante altare , & prostrata debet orare , quâ elevatâ ab oratione ab episcopis , debet iterùm caput inclinare , & archiepiscopus hanc orationem dicere . oratio . adesto domine supplicationibus nostris , et quod huhumilitatis nostrae gerendum est mysterio tuae virtutis impleatur effectu . per dom. &c. deinde dicat archiepiscopus hanc orationem . omnipotens aeterne deus fons & origo totius bonitatis , qui foeminei sexus fragilitatem nequaquam reprobando , potiùs adversaris , sed dignantèr comprobando , potius eligis . et qui infirma mundi eligendo , fortia quaeque confundere decrevisti : quique etiam gloriae virtutisque tuae triumphum in manu judith foeminae , olim judaicae plebi de hoste sae vissimo designare voluisti : respice quaesumus ad preces humilitatis nostrae . et super hanc famulam tuam n. quam supplici devotione in reginam eligimus , benedictionum tuarum dona multiplica . eamque dextera tuae potentiae semper & ubique circunda , sitque bono muniminis tui undique firmitèr protecta , quatenus visibilis , seu invisibilis hostis nequitias triumphalitèr expugnare valeat . et una cum sara atque rebecca , lya et rachel , beatis reverendisque foeminabus , fructu uteri sui faecundari seu gratulari mereatur , ad totius decorem regni , statumque sanctae dei ecclesiae regendum , necnon protegendum . per christum dominum nostrum , qui ex intemerato beatae mariae virginis alvo nasci , visitare , ac renovare dignatus est mundum : qui tecum vivit , &c. alia oratio . deus qui solus habes immortalitatem , lucemque inhabitas inaccessibilem , cujus providentia in sui dispositione non fallitur , qui fecisti quae futura sunt , et vocas ea quae non sunt , qui suberbos aequo moderamine de principatu dejicis , atque humiles in sublime dignantèr provehis , ineffabilem misericordiam tuam supplices exoramus , ut sicut hester reginam , israelis causa salutis de captivitatis suae compede solutam ad regis assueti thalamum , regni que sui consortium transire fecisti . ità hanc famulam tuam n. humilitatis nostrae benedictione christianae plebis gratia salutis ad dignam sublimemque copulam regis nostri misericorditèr transire concedas . et ut in foedere conjugii semper manens pudica proximam virginitatis palmam continere queat ; tibique deo vivo & vero in omnibus & super omnia jugitèr placere desideret . et te inspirante quae tibi placita sunt toto corde perficiat . per dominum nostrum , &c. alia oratio . omnipotens sempiterne deus hanc famulam tuam coelesti benedictione sanctifica , et quam in adjutorio regni reginam eligimus , tua ubique sapientia doceat atque confortet , et ecclesia tua fidelem famulam semper agnoscat . per christum dominum nostrum . notandum , quod tunica reginae , & camisia debent esse apertè usque ad corrigiam , & dominus archiepiscopus debet inungere eam oleo sancto in capite , & in pectore , & dicere dum inungit in qualibet vnctione . in nomine patris , et filii , et spiritus sancti , profit tibi haec unctio olei in honorem et confirmationem aeternam in saecula saeculorum . amen . facta vnctione , dicat archiepiscopus , oremus . spiritus sancti gratia humilitatis nostrae officio in te copiosa descendat , ut sicut manibus nostris indignis oleo materiali oblita pinguescis exterius ; ità ejus invisibili unguine delibuta impinguari mereare interius ejus spirituali unctione perfectissimè semper imbuta , et illicita declinare tota mente , et spernere discas seu valeas , et utilia animae tuae jugitèr cogitare , optare , atque operare queas . alia oratio . deus pater aeternae gloriae sit tibi adjutor . et omnipotens benedicat tibi , preces tuas exaudiat , vitam tuam longitudine dierum adimpleat , benedictionem tuam jugitèr confirmet , te cum omni populo in aeternum conservet , inimicos tuos confusione induat , et super te christi sanctificatio ac hujus olei infusio floreat . ut qui tibi in terris tribuit benedictionem , ipse in coelis conferat meritum angelorum . benedicatte , et custodiat in vitam aeternam dominus noster jesus christus , qui vivit , &c. tunc debet ab archiepiscopo annulus immitti digito , et dicere . accipe annulum fidei signaculum sanctae trinitatis , quo possis omnes haereticas pravitates devitare , barbaras gentes , virtute tibi praestita ad agnitionem veritatis advocare . sequitur oratio , dominus vobiscum . oremus . deus cujus est omnis potestas & dignitas da famulae tuae signo tuae fidei prosperum suae dignitatis effectum in qua tibi semper firma maneat , tibique jugitèr placere contendat . per dominum , &c. post istam orationem datur ab archiepiscopo sceptrum modicum alterius modi quam sceptrum regium , et virga consimilis virgae regiae . et in tradendo dicat archiepiscopus . accipe virgam virtutis & aequitatis , & esto pauperibus misericors , & affabilis , viduis , pupillis , & orphanis diligentissimam curam exhibeas , ut omnipotens deus augeat tibi gratiam suam . qui vivit , & regnat . sequitur post dationem sceptri et virgae haec oratio . omnipotens sempiterne deus affluentem spiritum tuae benedictionis super famulam tuam nobis orantibus propitiatus infunde , utque per manus nostrae impositionem hodiè regina instituitur , sanctificatione tua digna , & electa permaneat , ut nunquam postmodum de tua gratia separetur indigna . per dominum . tunc debet ei imponi à solo archiepiscopo corona in capite ipsius , quam impositam sustentare debent undique barones . archiepiscopus autem debet dicere in impositionem orationem . accipe coronam gloriae et regalis excellentiae , honorem jocunditatis , ut splendida fulgeas , et aeternâ exultatione coroneris . ut scias te esse consortem regni , populoque dei semper prosperè consulas , et quanto plus exaltaris , tanto amplius humilitatem diligas atque custodias . unde sicut exterius auro et gemmis redimita enites , ità et interius auro sapientiae virtutumque gemmis decorari contendas , quatenus post occasum hujus saeculi cum prudentibus virginibus sponso perhenni domino nostro jesu christo dignè et laudabilitèr occurens , regiam coelestis aulae merearis ingredi januam , auxiliante domino nostro jesu christo , qui cum patre , et spiritu sancto vivit , et regnat per infinita saecula saeculorum . amen . post impositam coronam dicat archiepiscopus . omnium domine fons bonorum , & cunctorum dator provectuum , tribue famulae tuae n. adeptam benè regere dignitatem , & à te sibi praestitam in ea bonis operibus corrobora gloriam . per dom. domine sancte pater omnipotens , aeterne deus , honorum cunctorum auctor & distributor , benedictionumque omnium largus infusor , tribue super hanc famulam tuam reginam benedictionis gratiae tuae copiam , & quam humana sibi electio praeesse gaudet , tuae supernae electionis ac benedictionis infusio accumulet . concede ei domine auctoritatem regiminis , consilii magnitudinem , sapientiae , prudentiae , & intellectus habundantiam , religionis ac pietatis custodiam quatenus mereatur benedici , & augmentari in nomine ut sara , visitari , & faecundari ut rebecca , contra omnium muniri monstra vitioorum ut judith , in regni regimine eligi ut hester . vt quam humana nititur fragilitas benedicere , coelestis potius intimi roris & sacri olei repleat infusio . et quae à nobis coronatur & benedicitur in reginam à te mereatur obtinere in praemio aternitatis perpetuae . et sicut ab hominibus sublimatur in nomine ità à te sublimetur fide & operatione . illo etiam sapientiae tuae * cum rore perfunde quem beatus david in repromissione , & filius ejus solomon percepit in locupletatione . sis ei domine contra cunctorum ictus inimicorum lorica , in adversis galea , in prosperis sapientia , in protectione clypeus sempiternus . sequatur pacem , diligat caritatem , abstineat se ab omni impietate , loquatur justitiam , custodiat veritatem . sit cultrix justitiae , & pietatis , amatrix religionis , vigeatque praesenti benedictione in hoc aevo annis plurimis , & in sempiterne sine fine aeternis . praestante domino nostro jesu christo , qui cum patre & spiritu sancto vivit , & regnat deus . per omnia saecula saeculorum . amen . post istam orationem barones qui coronam ejus sustentant deducunt eam ad solium , ubi in sede parata collocatur circumstantibus eam baronibus et matronis nobilioribus in oblatione . in pace ferenda , in communione penitùs est ordo regis superius annotatus observandus . notandum , quod antequam archiepiscopus dicat , pax domini , &c. debet dicere hanc benedictionem super regem , et super populum . sic. benedicat tibi dominus , custodiatque te , & sicut voluit te super populum suum constituere regem , ita in praesenti saeculo faelicem , & aeternae faelic●tati tribuat esse consortem . amen . alia benedictio . clerum ac populum quem sua voluit opitulatione * tua sanctione congregari , tua dispensatione & tua administratione , per diuturna tempora facias faeliciter gubernari . amen . alia benedictio . quatenus divinis monitis parentes adversitatibus omnibus carentes , bonis omnibus exuberantes , tuo ministerio fideli amore obsequentes , & in praesenti saeculo pacis tranquillitate fruantur , & tecum aeternorum civium consortio potiri mereantur . amen . quod ipse parare dignetur cujus regnum & imperium sine fine permanet in saeculae saeculorum . amen . et benedictio dei omnipotentis patris et filii et spiritus sancti vos * descendat et maneat semper . amen . explicit ordo et officium in consecratione regis et reginae . having given you this account of the ceremonies and prayers used at the coronations of forein christian emperors and kings ; i shall next present you with the order , prayers , ceremonies and solemnities used at the coronations of our antient saxon and english kings ; especially with those in later ages , since our kings and queenes became protestants , never formerly published in print . for the manner and ceremonies of the unction , benediction and coronation of the kings of england , the oaths then taken by them , with the oaths and homages made by the prelates & nobles to them , mentioned in our histories , ( being not so pertinent to my theam ) i shall referr the readers to peruse them at their leisure , in mat. westm. flores hist . part . anno , , , , , . galfridus monumetensis , histor . regum brit. l. . c. , . &c. during the british kings reigns . willielmus malmesburiensis , de gestis regum angl : l. . c. . . . . mat. westminster , flores hist . pars . anno , , , , , , , , , , , , . leges edwardi confessoris , lex . in mr. lambards archaion , fox acts and monuments , london . vol : . p. . for our saxon and danish kings . malmesburiensis , hoveden , brompton , mat : paris , mat : westminster , tho. walsingham , speed , holinshed , grafton , stow , in the lives of king william , . henry . king stephen , henry . rich. . king john , h. . edw. , , . r. . h. , , . edward . richard . h. , & . edward , queen mary , queen elizabeth , and king james , whose respective coronations , oathes , and solemnities they recite . to which i shall adde rot. parl. anno r. . n. . & h. . n. . to . and robertus holcot in lib : sapientiae , lectio . fol. . a. b. where he mentions both the oath , vnction , ceremonies , and some prayers used at our kings coronations . i shall present you : with the antient form of our saxon kings coronations , and the prayers used at them ; recorded by mr : selden out of the old saxon ceremonial . ly : with the ceremonies and prayers used at the coronation of king richard the . ly : with the usual form of the coronation of the kings of england , and their queens , and of the prayers used thereat ( never hitherto published , and omitted by mr : selden , in his titles of honor ) extracted out of liber regalis , being the form used at the coronations of henry the , & . and their queens , king james , and queen anne , and our late king charles . ly : with the form of the coronation of the kings of scotland , used at the coronation of our late king charles , anno . for the : * mr : selden ( our most learned antiquary ) informs us ; that there remains in an old imperfect pontifical of the saxon times , a piece of a ceremonial for the coronation of the kings and queens of england , or of the english-saxons , wherein after divers prayers and benedictions , this follows for the anointing . omnipotens sempiterne deus , creator ac gubernator coeli & terrae , conditor & dispositor angelorum & hominum , rex regum , & dominus dominantium , qui habraham fidelem famulum tuum de hostibus triumphare fecisti ; moysi & josue populo tuo praelatis , multiplicem victoriam tribuisti ; humilem quoque david puerum tuum regni fastigio sublimasti , eumque de ore leonis & de manu bestiae atque goliae , sed & de gladio maligno saul , & omnium inimicorum ejus liberasti , & salomonem sapientiae pacisque ineffabili munere ditasti ; respice , quaesumus domine , ad preces nostrae humilitatis , & super hunc famulum tuum , illum quem supplici devotione in regem anglorum vel saxonum pariter eligimus , benedictionum tuarum dona multiplica . hunc dexterâ tuae potentiae semper ubique circunda , quatenus praedicti abrahae fidelitate firmatus , moysi mansuetudine fretus , josuae fortitudine munitus , david humilitate exaltatus , salomonis sapientia decoratus , tibi in omnibus complaceat , & per tramitem justitiae inoffenso gressu semper incedat . hic totius regni anglo-saxonum ecclesiam deinceps cum plebibus sibi annexis ita enutriat ac doceat , muniat , & instruat , contraque omnes visibiles & invisibiles hostes idem potenter regaliterque tuae virtutis regimen amministret , ut regale solium , videlicet anglorum vel saxonum * sceptro , non deserat , sed ad pristinae fidei pacisque concordiam eorum animos , te opitulante , reformet , ut populorum debitâ subjectione fultus , condigno amore glorificatus per longum vitae spatium , paternae apicem gloriae , tuae miseratione unita , stabilire & gubernare mereatur . tuae quoque protectionis galea munitus & scuto insuperabili jugitèr protectus , armisque coelestibus circundatus , optabilis victoriae triumphum de hostibus foeliciter capiat , terroremque suae potentiae infidelibus inferat , & pacem tibi militantibus laetantèr reportet . virtutibus , christe , hunc quibus praefatos fideles tuos decorasti , multiplici honoris benedictione condecora , & in regimine regni sublimiter colloca , et oleo gratiae spiritus sancti perunge , per dominum , in unitate ejusdem . the rubrique to this prayer , is thus ; consecratio regis ab episcopo qui arcem tenuerit super eum dicenda , which i understand for the archbishop : and after the prayer follows this rubrique . hic unguatur oleo & haec cantetur antiphona , the anthem being thus , vnxerunt salomonem sadoch sacerdos & nathan propheta regem in gion , et accedentes dixerunt , vivat rex in aeternum . quam sequatur oratio . christe perunge hunc regem in regimen unde uncxisti sacerdotes reges & prophetas ac martyres qui per fidem vicerunt regna , & operati sunt justitiam , atque adepti sunt repromissiones . tua sacratissima unctio super caput ejus defluat , atque ad interiora descendat & cordis illius intima penetret , & promissionibus , quas adepti sunt victoriosissimi reges , gratia tua dignus efficiatur , quatenus et in praesenti seculo felicitèr regnet , & ad eorum consortium in coelesti regno perveniat per dominum . alia . deus electorum fortitudo et humilium celsitudo , qui in primordio per effusionem diluvii , crimina mundi castigare voluisti , et per columbam ramum olivae p●rtantem pacem terris redditam demonstrasti , iterumque aaron famulum tuum per vnctionem olei sacerdotem sancxisti , et posteà per hujus unguenti infusionem ad regendum populum israeliticum sacerdotes ac reges et prophetas praefecisti vultumque ecclesiae — there the copy is defective ; nor hath it more that concerns anointing the king. but after the ceremonies that belong to the whole coronation of the king , follows the form of the crowning the queens also of that age , who were likewise anointed . sequitur consecratio reginae quae propter honorificentiam ( so are the words of the rubrique ) ab epis●opo sacri unguinis oleo super verticem perfundenda est , et in ecclesia coram optimatibus cum condigno honore & regia celsitudine , & in regalis thori consortium benedicenda & consecranda est , quae etiam annulo pro integritate fidei & corona pro aeternatatis gloria decoranda est . the words used at their anointing were , in nomine patris , & filii , & spiritus sancti , prosit tibi haec vnctio olei in honorem et confirmationem aeternam in saecula saeculorum : amen . — & cunctos sanctae dei ecclesiae adversarios regnumque tibi commissum tutari atque protegere castra dei , per auxilium invictissimi triumphatoris domini nostri ihesu christi , qui cum patre in vnitate spiritus sancti vivit & regnat . then it goes on thus , in the kings coronation . oratio post datum gladium . deus qui providentiâ tuâ coelestia simul & terrena moderaris , propitiare christianissimo regi nostro , ut omnis hostium suorum fortitudo virtute gladii spiritualis frangatur , ac te pro illo pugnante , penitùs conteratur per , &c. hic coronetur rex , eique dicatur . coronet te deus coronâ gloriae atque justitiae , honore & opere fortitudinis , ut per officium benedictionis cum fide recta & multiplici bonorum operum fructu , ad coronam pervenias regni perpetui , ipso largiente cujus regnum permanet in secula seculorum . amen . oratio super regem postquam corona fuerit imposita super caput ejus . deus perpetuitatis , dux virtutum , cunctorum hostium victor , benedic hunc famulum tuum n. tibi caput suum humilitèr inclinantem , & prolixâ sanitate & prosperâ felicitate eum conserva , ut ubicunque vel pro quibuscunque auxilium tuum invocaverit citò adsis & protegas ac defendas . tribue ei , quaesumus , domine divitias gratiae tuae ; comple in bonis desiderium ejus ; corona eum in misericordia tua , ut tibi domine pia devotione famuletur per , &c. which are the same almost in a syllable that in the latter ceremonials of the english coronation , are appointed for the particular time of the putting on the crown . by the same old ceremonial also , the queen after her vnction and receiving the ring , is to be crowned with these words , which are also in the latter forms . accipe coronam gloriae , et honorem jocunditatis , ut splendida fulgeas et aeterna exultatione coroneris per , &c. alia . omnium domine fons bonorum et cunctorum dator profectuum , tribue famulae tuae n. adeptam bene regere dignitatem , et àte sibi prestitam in ea bonis operibus corroborare gloriam , per dominum nostrum , &c. hic detur regi sceptrum eique dicatur . accipe sceptrum regiae potestatis insigne , virgam scilicet regni rectam , virgam virtutis , qua teipsum bene regas , et sanctam ecclesiam populumque videlicet christianum tibi à deo commissum regia virtute ab improbis defendas . pravos corrigas , rectos pacifices , et ut viam rectam tenere possint , tuo juvamine dirigas , quatenus de temporali regno ad aeternum regnum pervenias . ipso adjuvante cujus regnum et imperium sine fine permanet in secula seculorum . amen . oratio super regem postquam datum fuerit ei sceptrum . omnium domine fons bonorum , cun●torumque dominus institutor profectuum , tribue quaeso famulo tuo illi . adeptam bene regere dignitatem , et à te sibi concessum bonorem dignare corroborare . honorifica eum prae cunctis regibus britanniae , uberi eum benedictione locupleta , et in folio regni firma stabilitate consolida , visita eum in sobole , et praesta ei prolixitatem vitae . in diebus ejus superoriatur justitia , ut cum jocunditate et laeticia aeterno glorietur in regno per , &c. hic regi virga * detur eique dicatur . accipe * virgam virtutis atque aequitatis , qua intelligas mulcere pios & terrere reprobos . errantes viam doce , lapsisque manum porrige , disperdasque superbos , & releves humiles , ut aperiat tibi ostium ihesus christus dominus noster , qui de scipso ait . ego sum ostium , per me si quis introierit salvabitur , et ipse qui est clavis david & sceptrum domus israhel qui aperit & nemo claudit , claudit et nemo aperit . sit tibi adjutor qui educit vinctum de domo carceris , sedentem in tenebris et umbra mortis , ut in omnibus sequi merearis eum de quo propheta david cecinit . dominus in saeculum saeculi , virga recta est virga regni tui . imitare ipsum qui dicit , diligas justitiam & hodio habeas iniquitatem , propterea unxit te dominus deus tuus oleo laetitiae ad exemplum illius quem aute saecula unxerat prae participibus suis , ihesum christum dominum nostrum . benedictio ad regem . extendat omnipotens dominus dexteram suae benedictionis , et effundat super te donum suae protectionis , sanctae mariae , ac beati petri apostolorum principis , sanctique gregorii anglorum apostolici , atque omnium sanctorum intercedentibus meritis . amen . indulgeat tibi dominus omnia mala quae gessisti , et tribuat tibi gratiam et misericordiam quam humilitér ab eo deposcis , ut liberet te ab adversitatibus cunctis , et ab omnibus visibilium et invisibilium inimicorum insidiis . amen . angelos suos bonos semper et ubique qui te praecedant , comitentur , et subsequantur , ad custodiam tui ponat , et à peccato seu gladio , et ab omnium periculorum discrimine sua te potentia liberet . ameu . inimicos tuos ad pacis caritatisque benignitatem convertat , et bonis omnibus te gratiosum , et amabilem faciat , pertinaoes quoque in tui insectatione et odio , confusione salutari induat , super te autem sanctificatio sempiterna floreat . victoriosum te atque triumphatorem de invisibilibus atque visibilibus hostibus semper efficiat , et sancti nominis sui timorem pariter et amorem continuum cordituo infundat , et in fide recta ac bonis operibus perseverabilem reddat , et pace in diebus tuis concessâ , cum palma victoriae te ad perpetuum regnum perducat . amen . et qui te voluit super populum suum constituere regem , et in praesenti saeculo foelicem , et aeternae foelicitatis tribuat esse consortem . quod ipse praestare , &c. alia . benedic . domine hunc praeelectum principem qui regna omnium regum à saeculo moderaris . amen . et tali eum benedictione glorifica , ut davitica teneat sublimitate sceptrum salutis , & sanctificae propitiationis munere reperiatur locupletatus . amen . da ei à tuo spiramine regere populum sicut salomonem fecisti regnum optinere pacificum . amen . quod ipse praestare , &c. designatio status regis . sta & retine amodo statum , quem hucusque paterna suggestione tenuisti haereditario jure tibi delegatum per autoritatem dei omnipotentis & per praesentem traditionem nostram , omnium scilicet episcoporum , caeterorumque dei servorum ; & quantò clerum sacris altaribus propinquiorem prospicis , tanto ei potiorem in locis congruis honorem impendere memineris , quatenus mediaator dei et hominum , te mediatorum cleri & plebis in hoc regni solio confirmet , & in regno aeterno secum regnare faciat jesus christus dominus noster , rex regum , et dominus dominantium , qui cum deo patre & spiritu sancto , &c. sequitur oratio . omnipotens deus det tibi de rore coeli et de pinguedine terrae habundantiam frumenti et vini et olei , serviant tibi populi , et adorent te tribus . esto dominus fratrum tuorum , et incurventur ante te filii matris tuae , et qui benedixerit tibi benedictionibus repleatur , & deus erit adjutor tuus . omnipotens benedicat tibi benedictionibus coeli desuper et in montibus , et in collibus , benedictionibus abyssi jacentis deorsum , benedictionibus uberum et vulvae , benedictionibus uvarum pomorumque ; benedictiones patrum antiquorum , abraham , isaac , et jacob confortatae sint super te , per , &c. alia oratio . benedic domine fortitudinem hujus principis , et opera manuum illius suscipe , et benedictione tua terra ejus de pomis repleatur , de fructu coeli , et rore atque abyssi subjacentis , de fructu solis , et lunae , de vertice antiquorum montium , de pomis aeternorum collium , et de frugibus terrae et plenitudine ejus . benedictio illius qui apparuit in rubo veniat super caput illius , et plena sit benedictio domini in filiis ejus , et tingat in oleo pedem suum . cornua rinocerotis cornua illius ; in ipsis ventilabit gentes usque ad terminos terrae , et ascensor coeli auxiliator suus in sempiternum fiat , per dominum , &c. thus much for the saxon kings & queens coronations . i find this note of the principal officers used at the coronation of our king richard the first . officiarii principales in die coronationis regis . imprimis , officium magni elemosinarii pertinet domino nicholao de bello campo bedford , qui pannum sub pedibus regis stratum in processione praedicta , de aula ad ecclesiam extendi faciet , et tum per extra ostium ecclesiae westmonasteriensis inter pauperes distribui faciet . item episcopus dunelm . & bathon . episcop . regem supportabunt in coronatione sua preciosioribus induti . item cancellarius angliae , ( si episcopus fuerit ) pontificalibus indutus coram rege in processione ecclesiae sancti edwardi regale portabit . item thesaurarius angliae ( si episcopus fuerit ) dalmatica indutus et pontificialibus , patenam dicti calicis ante regem portabit , & ante cancellarium ibit . item duo duces sive comites excellentiores regni qui attinent regi , propinquiores in sanguine , sceptrum regni cum cruce , et virgam auream cum columba ante regem in processione por●abunt . item comes cestriae portabit in processione coram rege , gladium vocatum curtana , ex cujus parte dextra comes huntingdon alium gladium portabit , & tertium ex sinistra parte portabit comes warwick . item unus de nobilioribus dominis & magnatibus regni , portabit magna calcaria deaurata in processione . item comes in regno superior ensem circa regem incinctum in coronatione oblatum super altare , redimet , & redemptum ante regem in palatium revertentem portabit . item comes lycestriae serviet regi die coronationis suae de officio senescalliae . item dux eboracensis , & heredes sui portabunt coronas regis & reginae in eorum coronatione . item comes norfoliciae serviet de officio marescallis . item comes arundel serviet de pincerna . item comes hereford serviet de constabulario . item comes oxoniae serviet officio camerarii . item dominus nicolaus hastings serviet regi de mappis . item dominus nicolaus de bello campo de duneley serviet de sallsario & cultellis . item dominus nicolaus furnival sustentabit brachia regis et reginae in ipsorum coronatione . item duo episcopi , ad hoc per regem assignati , sustentabunt reginam in coronatione sua . item una de nobilioribus dominatus angliae semper assistet reginae in sua coronatione . , & ei sednle ministrabit . stephanus de peuchest . constabularius dover et custos quinque portuum . anno ri. fil . regis h. sic certificavit . for the d . it is thus related by thomas of walsingham , hist . angliae , p. , to . die jovis , id est die julii , videlicet calend. augusti , vigilia sancti kenelmi regis , convenientibus archiepiscopo et episcopis regnique proceribus ad westn●onast . summo mane , ordinata processione monachorum in capis , episcopi cum monachis ad ostium regii thalami pervenerunt , et paratum regem reperientes ibidem , per manus qui ejus lateribus astiterunt , perduxerunt in ecclesiam sancti petri , cantantes antiphonam in honorem apostoli , cum oratione competenti adjuncta et hac oratione : deus humilium visitator , qui nos tua misericordia consolaris , praetende super famulum tuum regem nostrum misericordiam tuam , ut per eum tuum in nobis adesse sentiamus adventum . rex verò mox ut altare pervenit , prostravit se solo tenùs ante altare , pavimentum autem stratum fuit palliis et tapetis . prosecuta ut diximus oratione , archiepiscopus cum episcopis qui aderant , prostravit se super pavimentum circa regem . interim duo episcopi letaniam devote cantarunt . qua expleta , erectus rex , ductus est ad fedem suam : choro hanc antiphonam decantante , firmetur manus tua . tunc episcopus sermonem f●cit de materia regis et regni ad populum , qualiter rex se haberet in populo , & in quibus populus sibi debuit obedire . quo completo , juravit rex coram archiepiscopo et proceribus qui ibi aderant , quoniam ipsi soli ejus juramentum audire potuerunt , quòd ecclesiam suis permitteret gaudere libertatibus , et eam ac ministros ejus honoraret , et fidem rectam teneret , rapacitatem et omnes iniquitates in omnibus gradibus interdiceret . secundò , ut leges terrae bonas ubique servari faceret , et praecipuè leges s. edwardi regis et confessoris qui in eadem requiescit ecclesia , et malas leges faceret abrogari . tertio , ut non esset personarum acceptor , sed judicium rectum inter virum et virum faceret , et praecipuè misericordiam observaret , sicut sibi suam indulgeat misericordia clemens , et misericors deus . quibus expletis , archiepiscopus praecedente eum mareschallo angliae domino henrico percy , convertit se ad omnes plagas ecclesiae , indicans populo regium juramentum , et quaerens , si se tali principi ac rectori subjicere et ejus jussionibus obtemperare vellent ? et responsum est à plebe tisone clamore , quòd libenter sibi parere vellent . archiepiscopus regem his orationibus benedixit , videlicet , omnipotens et sempiterne deus , benedic domine hunc regem nostrum , qui regna omnium moderaris à saeculo , tali eum benedictione glorifica , ut davidicae teneat sublimitatis seeptrum , et glorificatus in ejus propitius reperiatur merito ; da ei tuo inspiramine , cum manfuetudine ita regere populum , sicut solomon fecisti regnum obtinere pacificum . tibi cum timore semper si● subditus , tibique militet cum quiete ; ●it tuo clypeo protectus cum proceribus , et ubique tua gr●tia victor existat . honorifica eum prae cunctis regibus gentium . felix populis dominetur , et faeliciter eum nationes adorent , vivat in gentium catervis magnanimus , fit in judiciis aequitatis singularis , locupletet eum tua praedi●● gratia , fructiferam habeat patriam , et ejus liberis tribuas profutura . praesta ei prolixitatem vitae per tempora , ut in diebus ejus oriatur justicia , à te robustum teneat regiminis solium , et cum jucunditate et justicia aeterno gloriatur in regno . ista praemissa benedictio post primam orationem ad modum praefationis ab archiepiscopo cantabitur , qua cantata , dicta est & alia oratio super eum scilicet ; deus ineffabilis , cum antiphona , comfortare & esto vir fortis , &c. tunc archiepiscopus accessit ad eum , & vestimenta sua discindens manibus suis à summo usque ad imum , exuit eum praeter camisiam vestimentis suis . custodes verò quinque portuum ex officio tam in processione quam in unctione & missa , et post missam dum iret ad palatium ab ecclesia , semper tenuerunt umbraculum sericum magnum coloris aërii , . hastis per quatuor angulos colligatum . sed non obstante umbraculo supradicto , mox antequam archiepiscopus eum suis vestibus exuisset , allatus est pannus aureus à comitibus , sub quo latuit dum unctionis perciperet sacramenta . archiepiscopus ( ut diximus ) eo nudato , unxit manus ejus de oleo sanctificato , undè uncti fuerunt reges & prophetae , & sicut unxit samuel davidem in regem , ut sis benedictus & constitutus rex in regno isto super populum istum , quem dominus deus tuus dedit tibi ad regendum & gubernandum . item dixit orationem , propice omnipotens deus . post haec unxit archiepiscopus caput ejus , & pectus , & scapulas , ambasque compages brachiorum , dicens : unguantur caput istud , pectus , & scapulae , & compages brachiorum de oleo sanctificato , &c. ut supra . et interim chorus cantavit antiphonam , unxerunt regem salomonem in gyan , sadock sacerdos , & nathan propheta , & ascendentes laeti dixerunt , vivat . alleluia . postquam subjunxit metroplitanus , deus dei filius jesus christus dominus noster , qui à patre oleo exultationis unctus est prae participibus suis , ipse per praesentem sacri unguinis infusionem spiritum paracleti super caput tuum infundat , benedicti●●mque eandem usque interiora cordis tui penetrare faciat , quaten●s hoc visibili & tractabili dono invisibilia percipere & temporali regno justis moderaminibus executo aeternaliter cum eo regnare merearis . mox finita oratione , archiepis●opus cum episcopis , hymnum , veni creator spiritus , rege interim prostrato in longa venia , & circa eum metropolitano cum suffraganeis suis . expleto hymno , erectus est rex ab archiepiscopo , & indutus est primò tunica s. ed. & post ejusdem dalmatica , projecta circa collum ejus stola , archiepiscopo orationes competentes interim prosequente . post haec archiepiscopus cum episcopis tradidit ei gladium , ita dicens : accipe gladium per manus episcoporum , licet indignas , vice tamen & autoritate sanctorum apostolorum consecratas tibi regaliter impositum , nostraeque benedictionis officio defensionem sanctae ecclesiae divinitus ordinatum , & esto memor de psalmista qui prophetavit , dicens : accingere gladio tuo super femur tuum potentissime , ut per eundem vim aequitatis exerceas , molem iniquitatis potenter destruas , & sanctam dei ecclesiam , ejusque fideles propugnando protegas , nec minus sub fide falsos quam christiani nominis hostes execreris ac destruas ; viduas & pupillos clementer adjuves ac defendas , desolata restaures , restaurata conserves , ulciscaris injusta , confirmes bene disposita , quatenus haec in agendo virtutum triumpho gloriosus justiciae cultor egregius , cum mundi salvatore , cujus typum geris in nomine , sine sine merearis regnare . tunc duo comites eum gladio accinxerunt : quo facto , archiepiscopus armillas dedit ei , dicens : accipe armillas sinceritatis & sapientiae , divinaeque circundationis indicium , quibus intelligas omnes operationes tuas contra hostes visibiles & invisibiles posse esse munitas . posteà inducit eum archiepiscopus regali pallio , ita dicens : accipe pallium quatuor nunciis formatum , per quod intelligas quatuor mundi partes divinae potestati esse subjectas , nec quenquam posse faeliciter regnare in terris , nisi cui potestas regnandi fuerit collata de coelis . interim dum archiepiscopus benedixit coronam regiam duo comites calcariaverunt , ad quorum officium pertinebat . benedicta corona archiepiscopus imposuit super caput , dicens : coronat te deus corona gloriae atque justiciae , honore & opere fortitudinis , ut officium nostrae benedictionis , cum fide recta , & multiplici bonorum operum fructu ad coronam pervenias regni perpetui . tunc dedit ei archiepiscopus anulum , cum his verbis : accipe anulum regiae dignitatis , & per hunc , vitae catholicae fidei signaculum , quia ut hodie ordinaris caput & princeps regni ac populi , ita perseverabis author & stabilitor christianitatis & christianae fidei , ut faelix in opere , locuples in fide , cum rege regum glorieris statim post haec accessit dominus de furneval , ex officio offerens ei rubeam chirothecam , quam archiepiscopus benedixit & imposuit manui regiae , dans ei soeptrum his verbis , dicens : accipe sceptrum regiae potestatis infigne , virgam scilicet regni rectam , virgam virtutis qua te ipsum bene regas , sanctam ecclesiam , populum videlicet christianū tibi à deo commissum , regia virtute ab improbis defendas , pravos corrigas , rectos pontifices , & ut viam rectam tenere possint tuo juvamine dirigas , quatenus de temporali regno ad aeternum regnum pervenias . tunc dedit ei archiepisc . virgam in alia manu , habentē in summitate columbā , nam sceptrum quod susceperat consurrexie de rotundo globo aureo quē tenebat in manu chirothecata , & habebat in summitate signum crucis , & accepit virgam praedict . cum verbis his : accipe virgā virtutis & aequitatis qua intelligas te mulcere pios , et terrere reprobos , errantes viam doce , lapfisque manum-porrige , disperdasque superbos , & reveles humiles , ut apareat tibi hostium jesus christus dominus noster . post haec benedictus est rex ab archiepiscopo ita dicente : benedicat te deus custodiatque te , ficut te voluit super populum suum esse regem , ita in praesenti saeculo felicem aeternae felicitatis tribuat esse consortem . his itaque peractis , osculatns est rex episcopos omnes & abbates , à quibus statim ductus est postea ad regale solium , episcopis inchoantibus hymnum te deum laudamus . finito hymno , archiepiscopus ita eum allocutus est : sta & retine amodo locum quem hucusque paterna successione tenuisti haereditariè , indico tibi delegatum per authoritatem dei omnipotentis , & praesentem traditionem nostram , scilicet omnium episcoporum caeterorumque dei servorum , & quantò clerum sacris altaribus propinquiorem , tantò ei potiorem in locis congruis honorem impendere memineris , quatenus mediator dei & hominum , te mediatorem plebis in hoc regni solio confirmet , & in regnum aeternum regnare faciat jesus christus dominus noster . his itaque peractis , inchoata est missa congruens coronationi regiae , cujus officium fuit , protector noster aspice deus , &c. epist . subj●cti estote omni humanae creaturae propter deum , &c. gradale . dirigatur domine oratio mea . alleluiah . domine in virtute . evangelinm . abevntes pharisaei : quod legit episcopus elieusis , epistolam episcopus wigorniens . offertorium . intende orationi meae rex meus . lecto evangelio , rex de regali solio ductus est ad offerendum . primò igitur obtulit archiepis●opo gladium suum quem susceperat , & postea quantum placuit , sed non minus marca propter consuetudinem : nam plus potest offerre deo & sancto petro si placuerit . post oblationem pecuniae , obtulit archiepiscopo panem & vinum ad modum monachorum , undè posteà , tam metropolitanus , quàm ipse rex , communicati fuerunt . quo facto , comes ad cujus officium pertinebat portare gladium coram rege , gladium quem obtulerat dato precio redemit , & assumens eum , portabat coram illo . percelebrata missa usque ac communionem reductus est rex ad altare , & genuflexo coram archiepiscopo , dixit , confiteor . quo absoluto , communicatus est , & iterum reductus est ad sedem suam . interea praeparavit se quidam miles dominus johannes cognomento dimmock , qui clamabat se habere jus ad defendendum jura ●egis illo die , & etiam si opus esset duello cōfligendum , si aliquis praesumeret affirmare regem non habere jus in regno angliae , quanquā per ante dominus baldwinus frevill idem officium calumniasset , sed-minimè obtinuisset . iste ergo dominus johannes memoratus circa finem missae incessit ad valvas ecclesiae armatus decentissimè , insidens dextrarium pulcherimè phaeleratum , caput etiam & pectus armatum , quem idem dominus johannes assump●it de stabulo regio , utens videlicet avita consuetudine tam in aequo quàm armis eligendis de thesauro regis . nam & optimum equum praeter unum , & praeter unam praecipuam armaturam facturus dictum officium elegit ad vota sua . veniens igitur ad ostium monasterii , praequitantibus duobus , qui ejus lanceā & clypeum portaverunt , expectavit ibidem finem missae . mareschallus autem dom. henr : percye facturus viam coram rege cum seneschallo angliae , scilicet duce & constabulario dom. tho. woodstock atque fratre ejusdem marescalli domino thoma percy , qui omnes magnos inequitavêre dextrarios , venit ad dictum militem , dicens , non debere eum ea hora venire , sed quod usque ad prandium regis differret adventum suum . quapropter monuit ut rediret , et deposito tanto onere armorum , quiesceret ad illud tempus . miles verò juxta confilium mareschalli facturus abscessit . illicò post decessum militis praeequitantibus regem dominis supradictis super dextrarios suos , necnon praecedente magno numero diversi generis histrionum , portatus est in humeris militum usque ad regale palatium , ductus quoque in cameram , paulisper quievit : debilis enim fuerat prae labore parum commedens . postea veniens in aulam , creavit quatuor novos comites antequam accessit ad mensam . dominum namque thomam woodstock avunculum suum comitem buckingam , datis sibi milles marcis annuatim de thesauro regio donec sibi de terris tanti valoris providisset . dominum etiam gifardum de angolismo quondam magistrum suum fecit comitem huntington , dacis insuper sibi mille marcis annuis usquequo providisset sibi de redditibus tanti valoris : domino de moubray dedit comitatum notyngamiae , et domino henrico percy northumbriae comitatum : milites quoque fecit novem eodem die . quibus expletis , ascendit ad mensam , ubi epulabantur cum eo splendidè episcopi , comites & barones , et innumera multitudo plebis confluxerat in illam aulam praegrandem , quòd nisi dux lancastriae , videlicet senescallus angliae , et comes buckinghamiae regni constabularius , et dominus henricus percy mareschallus , cum multis aliis , viam super equos grandes servientibus in aula fecissent , ferentes fercula ad convivas minimè pernetrassent . si numerare contenderem convivii apparatum , divitias utensilium , varietatem ferculorum , forsitan lector percussus tam tantarum rerum precio quàm magnitudine credere formidaret . unum solum quod ad magnificentiam regiam ostendendam fuerat ordinatum , aliis omissis aestimo proferendum . in medio regalis palati ; elevata fuerat quaedam columna marmorea , concava super certos gradus , cujus summitatem occupabat grandis aurata aquila , sub cujus pedibus in capitello columnae per quatuor partes vina diversi generis dec●rrebant per totum diem eoronationis regiae , nec erat qui aliquem vel pauperem virum haurire vetaret : facta est coronatio haec anno . aetatis ipsius regis . in crastino facta est generalis processio pro rege et pace regni , cui revestiti interfuerunt omnes praelati , videlicet archiepiscopus cum episcopis et abbatibus qui coronationi interfuerant , necnon ipse dux cum magnatibus et plebis multitudine copiosa . in progressù autem processionis concionatus est ad populum episcopus roffensis , hortans ut dissentiones et discordiae ortae , et diu continuatae , inter plebem et dominos sopirentur , probans per multa argumenta hujuscemodi diffentiones deo plurimum displicere : hortatus insuper dominos , ne tantis de caetero sine causa taxationibus populum onerarent . monuit etiam ut si causa subesset rationabilis qua oporteret eos omninò juvare regem & regnum , ut patienter & sine murmure atque seditionis scrupulo facerent quod oporteret insuper exhortatur eos generaliter qui regi puero & innocenti adhaererent , ut relictis vitiis quibus inserviebant , videlicet stupris in fornicationibus , & adulteriis , ejus puritati & innocentiae se conformare studerent , asserens hoc omninò patri patriae oportunum ▪ perfacileque regi a recto deviare , regnum & populum periclitari , si tales essent qui ei sedulò & ejus consilio ministrarent . sermone finito , domini & universi praelati ad sua secedunt . forma coronationis regum & reginarum angliae , ( written , as i conceive , in the reign of king richard the ii. ) in primis , princeps noviter coronandus ante diem coronationis suae ●obili & decentissimo cultu apparetur equitando a turri london : usque ad palatium regii westmonasterii capite denudato , equitantibus cum eo dominis temporalibus , & universitate civitatis london , cum aliis proceribus & populis . item providea●ur quod in die coronationis praedictae in magna aula regis westmonasterii sit sedes regalis , eminens , pannis cericis , & inauratis cum quissimis & tapetis decenter ornata . item provideatur quod in ecclesia westmonaster : sit unum pulpitum cum gradibus utraque parte ejusdem , et bene ornetur cum pannis ex omni parte , & in area ejus . item provideatur quod in dicto pulpito sit thronus regalis et sedes , in quo rex sedere debet decentissimè ornatus cum palliis sericis , & quissimis inauratis . item notandum , quod abbas westmon . qui pro tempo●efuerit , per biduum vel triduum ante coronationem regis aut reginae informabit eos de observantiis eorum faciendis in eorum coronatione , & ad mundandas eorum conscientias ante perceptionem sac●ae unctionis . et si abbas fuerit mortuus , infirmus , aut in partibus remotis , aut legitime impeditus , tunc debet eligi unus monachus de gremio ecclesiae per conventum w●stmon . qui vices abbati supplebit in hoc casu . item dicto die coronationis princeps coronandus in praesata sede regali elevabitur in dicta aula , ipso tamen prius balneato . et post balneum praeparentur sibi tunica , & camisia serica aperta usque ad pectus , & inter scapulas , & in compagibus brachiorum , aperturis tunicae & camisiae praedictarum sibi invicem connexis ansulis argent . & super dictam tunicam induatur aliis vestimentis nobilibus , & tantummodo caligis sine sotularibus calcietur . item ordinetur processio per abbatem & conventum westmon . solemnis in capit . de ecclesia westmon . ad sedem regalem praedictam in aula praedicta in qua princeps expectatur . in qua processione erunt archiepiscopi episcopi , & alii praelati . et tunc descendit princeps et sequitur processionem in ecclesiam westmon . & ibit super pannum stagulatum positum in dicta sede super terram usque ad pulpitum in praedicta ecclesia westmon . ambulabunt & cantabunt in dicta processione quae in receptione regum & reginarum debent ex solito decantari item crux sceptrum & virga & virga regia quae sint de regalibus deferentur in processione per abbatem , priorem , & seniores monachos westmon . in palatium , & ibi tradentur diversis magnatibus ad ea deferenda coram principe ad ecclesiam in processione assignatis . item barones quinque portuum portabunt hastas argent . per picturam cum c●mpanellis argent . & deaurat . et hastis erit affixus pannus sericus protegens regem & reginam in processione supradicta ad dictam ecclesiam westmon . item abbas westmon . aut monachus supplens vices ejus , semper debet regis & reginae lateri adhaerere pro eorum informatione continua . item postquam princeps paululum quieverit in cathedra seu throno in dicto pulpito ordinat . tunc archiepiscopus cantuariensis quatuor partes dicti pulpiti alta voce inquiret à plebe voluntatem de dicti principis coronatione , ipso principe interim stante in dicto throno seu cathedra , atque ad quatuor partes dicti pulpiti , dum archiepiscopus populum alloquitur , se vertente . et post dictam interrogationem cantetur antiphona : firmetur manus tua . item finita antiphona praedicta , descendat rex de pulpito praedicto usque ad magnum altare ducentibus eum super quod tenetur offere pallium unum , & unam libram auri , ejus complendo praeceptum qui dixit : non apparebis vacuus in conspectu domini dei tui . item post oblationem factam prosternat se rex super pavimentum ante altare prius per regis ministros pannis & quissimis decentibus sericis stratum , donec archiepiscopus superdixerit orationem , domine sanctum , &c. et tunc fiat sermo ad populum . item finito sermone accedat rex ad altare ad fa●iendum juramentum suum , quod debet confirmate cum sacramento dominici corporis . item tunc incipiatur hymnus , veni creator spiritus , & solenniter decantetur , quo inchoato , prosternat se rex , ut prius coram magno altari super letania & lectio ex toto decantetur , quibus decantatis surget rex , & resideat in cathedra sua paululum quiescens item postea surgat rex de cathedra , & vadat ad altare & deponat vestes suas praeter tunicam & camisiam prae dictas , ut recipiat unctionem , choro canente antiphona : unxerunt salomonem , cum oratione subsequenti . ft tunc ungatur in quinque locis , viz. in manibus internis , in pectore , inter scapulas , in compagibus brachiorum , & in capite , in modum crucis cum oleo sancto . et postea in capite faciendo crucem cum chrismate , ansutis praedictarum tunicae & camisiae prius apertis . item post unctionem praedictam & lineis panniculis detersis , qui postea debent comburi , connectantur ansutae aperturarum praedictae propter unctionem , ab abbate westmon . vel ejus vices supplente . item post unctionem capitis regis , idem caput cooperiatur pileo lineo propter unctionem sanctam : et sic permanebit usque ad octavum diem unctionis . ad quem diem abbas westmon . aut ejus vicemgerens veniet at regem , & deponet dictum pileum , & caput regium lavabit & mundabit . item post dictam unctionem abbas westmon . aut ejus vicem gerens induet regem regalibus indumentis , viz. sindonis , colobio ad modum dalmaticae formato , caligis & sandaliis . et tunc sequantur benedictiones ornamentorum regalium ab archiepiscopo , ut patet in libro . item hiis expletis praefatus rex ab abbate westmon . aut ejus vices gerente tunica longa intexta magnis imaginibus aureis ante & retro induetur super praedictum collobium , cum caligis , sandaliis & calcaribus tibiis ejus coaptatis . item posthac benedicatur ensis regius , & dictum ensem idem rex ab episcopis accipiet , & se ipsum praecinget cum dicto ense , et armillas recipiet : & deinde pallio regali induatur . quod quidem pallium quadrum est , & aquilis aureis contextum . item postquam hiis omnibus induatur dictus rex , tum benedicatur corona , et imponatur capiti regis per archiepiscopum . et postea benedicatur annulus , & regi detur in manibus ab episcopo . item post haec offerat rex ensem praedictum super altari deo , quam comes dignior tunc praesens redimat per centum solidos , & deferat nudum ante regem , cujus ensis praedictus dicto altari pertinet . item post haec accipiat rex chirothecas , & postea sceptrum cum cruce in dextera manu , et virgam in sinistra . deinde benedictione data super eum , osculabitur episcopos : a quibus etiam et aliis proceribus ducetur honorifice ad regale solium , choro cantante : te deum laudamus . item statim postea faciant praelati et magnates fidelitatem suam & homagium ligeum domino regi : et tunc incipiatur missa . item dum cantatur gloria in excelsis , rex incensabitur à diacono , & ad credo osculabitur librum textus . item dum cantatur offertorium , procedat rex ad altare , & faciat oblationem panis et vi● ; et postea offerat marcam auri , quo facto rex caput suum inclinet paululum , dum archiepiscopus sibi benedicat cum duabus orationibus , et benedictione finita , rex reducatur ad thronum sive solium suum . item oscnlo pacis , post agnus dei ab eo receptum , descendat rex de solio , & accedat humiliter ad altare , percipiatque corpus domini & sanguinem . quo recepto , abbas westmon : ministrabit ei vinum de calice lapideo de regalibus , & tunc immediate redibit rex ad solium suum . item expleta missa , descendat rex de folio suo , & procedat ad magnum altare : et ibi archiepiscopo , episcopis & magnatibus ipsum praecedentibus , usque ad feretrum sancti edwardi est incessurus : ubi deponet archiepiscopus coronam sancti edwardi de capite regis , ponetque omnia super altare sancti edwardi . item tunc magnus camerarius , scil . comes oxoni . exuet regem regalibus antedictis in loco clauso prope feretrum : quae regalia sigillatim , ficut à rege auferentur , tradentur abbati westmon . super dictum altare reponenda . item hiis expletis , rex aliis vestibus indutus honorificè procedet ad altare feretri sancti edwardi praedicti , ubi archiepiscopus imponat aliam coronam capiti regis , reverenter , lege potins ( et revertentur . ) item postquam rex sic coronatus , & sceptrum de regalibus in manibus portans , à dicto f●retro ad magnum altare , et sic usque ad pulpitum , deinde per medium chorum descendet eadem via , qua venerat in ecclesiam , praenominatis comitibus praedictos gladios coram rege deferentibus , cum magna gloria sunt reversuri usque ad palatium regium ad prandium . item finito prandio , & rege thalamum ingresso , dictum sceptrum liberabitur abbati westm . vel ejus vicegerenti per manus dicti domini regis in ecclesia reponendum . et nota , quod in coronatione reginae fiet processio : & si ipsa coronata sit cum rege , tunc debet ungi in vertice capitis , & in pectore . si ipsa sola coronata fuerit , tunc debet ungi in vertice capitis tantum in medio crucis cum chrismate . juramentum domini regis in die coronationis suae . archiepi copus cantuar. regem interrogat , dicens ei : si leges & consuetudines ab antiquis , justis , & deo devotis regibus plebi anglorum concessas , cum sacramenti firmatione eidem plebi concedere , & servare voluit , & praesertim leges , consuetudines , & libertates à glorioso regi edwardo , clero , populoque concessas ? dicto principe se promittente omnia praemissa facturum & servaturum , tunc exponet sibi archiepiscopus articulos , de quibus jurabit , sic dicens . . servabis ecclesiae dei , cleroque & populo pacem ex integro & concordiam in deo secundum vires tuas ? respondebit , servabo . . facies fieri in omnibus judiciis tuis aequam & rectam justiciam , & discretionem cum misericordia & veritate ? respondebit , faciam . . concedis justas leges & consuetudines esse tenendas , et permittes eas per te esse protegendas , et ad honorem dei roborandas , quas vulgus eligerit , secundum vires tuas ? respondebit , concedo et promitto . concordat . garter principal king of armes . sequitur monitio episcoporum ad regem , & legatur ab uno . domine rex , à vobis perdonari petimus , ut unicuique de nobis , et ecclesiis nobis commissis canonicum privilegium ac debitam legem , atque justitiam conservetis , & defensionem exhibeatis : sicut rex in suo regno debet unicuique episcopo et abbatibus , et ecclesiis sibi commissis . respondebit sic rex . animo libenti et devoto , promitto vobis , et perdono unicuique de vobis et ecclesiis vobis commissis canonicum privilegium , et debitam legem , atque justitiam servabo et defensionem , quantum potero , adjuvante deo , exhibebo : sicut rex in suo regno unicuique episcopo , abbatibus et ecclesiis sibi commissis per rectum exhibere debet . juramentum domini regis in gallicis . . syre , voulez vous granter & garder , & per vostre serment confirmer a peuple d' angleterre lez leys & customs a eux grantez per les anciens roys d' angleterre droyturels , & devotez a dieu ? & nomement les loys & custums & franchises grantes a clergye & a peuple per le glorious roy st. edovard ? respondebit rex , je lez garderey . . syre , garderez vous a dieu & a saynct eglise & a clergye , & a peuple paix & accord en dieu , entierement selon vostre pouvier ? respondebit rex , je lez garderey . . syre , faires vous faire en toutz voz jugements & promettes vous a defendre les loyz & costumis droictturels , lez quels la communautè de vostre royaume aver a es●u , & les enforceres al honour de dieu selonc vostre pouvier ? respondebit rex , je les grant & promise . . syre , fairez vous faire en touts voz iugements ou le & droyct justice & discretion , & misericorde & veritè ? respondebit rex , je les feray . syre , grantez vous a tenir et accomptir , et promittez vous a defendre lez loyz et custumes droiturels , lez quels la communautè de vostre royaume avera eslu , et les enforcerez al honour de dieu selon vostre pouvoir ? respondebit rex , je les grant et les promes . juramentum homagii facti regi . i become your man lege of lyfe and lymme , and trowthe , and eartlyche honor to you shall bear again all men that now lyffe and dye : so help me god and holy dome . et memorandum , quod archiepiscopus cantuar. primo faciat fidelitatem , deinde episcopi , & alii proceres regni . officiarii principales domini regis in die coronationis . in primis , officium magni eleemosinarii pertinet domino nicholao de bello campo bedford . qui pannum sub pedibus regis stratum in processione praedicta , de aula ad ecclesiam westmon . extendi faciet , et totam partem extra ostium dictae ecclesiae westmonasteriensis inter pauperes distribui faciet . item episcopus dunelmensis , & episcopus bathoniensis regem in sua coronatione sustentabunt pontificalibus induti . item cancellarius angliae , ( si episcopus fuerit ) pontificalibus indutus coram rege in processione calicem sancti edwardi regalem portabit . item thesaurarius angliae ( si episcopus fuerit ) dalmatica indutus patenam dei calicis ante regem portabit , & ante cancellarium praedictum ibit . item duo duces sive comites excellentiores regni qui attinent regi , propinquiores in sanguine , sceptrum regni cum cruce , et virgam auream cum columba ante regem in processione portabunt . item comes cestriae portabit in processione coram rege , gladium vocatum curtana , ex cujus parte dextra comes huntingdon alium gladium portabit , & tertium ex sinistra parte portabit comes warwick . item unus de nobilioribus dominis & magnatibus regni portabit magna calcaria deaurata in processione . item comes in regno superior ensem circa regem accinctum in coronatione oblatum super altare redimet , & redemptum ante regem in palatium revertentem portabit . item dominus nicholas hastings serviet regi de mappis , & post prandium mappas habebit . item comes leycestriae serviet regi die coronationis suae de officio senescalli . item dominus nicholaus de bello campo de dunely serviet regi de salsario & cultellis , cujus est ipsum officium . item dux ebor. & haeredes sui portabunt coronam regis & reginae in coronatione ipsorum . item comes de arundel . serviat de pinternapio . item comes herford . serviet de constabulario , cujus est ipsum officium . item comes oxon. serviet de camera , cujus est ipsum officium . item comes norfol. serviet de marescalia , cujus est ipsum officium . item dominus nicholaus furnel . sustentabit brachia regis vel reginae , in coronatione ipsorum . item duo episcopi ad hoc per regem assignati sustentabunt reginam in sua coronatione . item una de nobilibus dominabus angliae semper assistet reginae in sua coronatione & ei sedulo ministrabit . item memorandum , quod archiepiscopus cantuar. unget regem & reginam , & capitibus eorum coronas ponet & deponet : ad quem pertinet jure ecclesiae suae coronatio & unctio regum & reginarum angliae : vel episcopus suffraganeus ecclesiae cantuar , cui dictus archiepiscopus , ipso absente , hujusmodi coronationis officium committet per literas suas patentes , vel ipse episcopus , cui capitulum , sede vacante , officium commiserit exequendum et item archiepiscopus in die coronationis , in pulpito stans interrogabit publice a populo , si istum venerabilem principem justum haeredem regni acclamare , eligere , & ei subjicere , & ejus jussionibus obtemperare voluerit ? tunc à circumstantibus clero & populo elevatis brachiis , & manibus extensis , respondebit , volumus & concedimus fiat , fiat , amen . the coronation of king edward the sixt . this day the lord protector and others his coexecutors , whose names be hereunto subscribed , upon mature and deep deliberation had amongst them , did finally resolve , that forasmuch as diverse of the old observances and ceremonies to foretimes used at the coronation of the kings of this realm , were by them thought meet for sundry respects to be corrected , and namely for the tedious length of the same , which should weary and be hurtsome peradventure to the kings majestie , being yet of tender age , fully to endure and bide out . and also for that many points of the same , were such as by the laws of this realm , at this present , were not allowable . the kings majesties coronation should be done and celebrated upon shrovesunday next ensuing in the cathedral church at westminster , after the form and order ensuing . first the archbishop of canterbury shall shew the king to the people at . parts of a great pulpit or stage , to be made for the king , and shall say on this wise . sirs , here i present king edward , rightfull and undoubted inheritor , by the laws of god and man , to the royal dignity and crown imperial of this realm , whose consecration , enunction and coronation is appointed by all the nobles and peers of this land , to be this day . will you serve at this time , and give your good wills and assents to the same consecration , enunction and coronation , as by your duty of allegiance ye be bound to do ? the people do answer , yea , yea , yea , and cry , king edward , king edward , king edward . this done , the archbishop of canterbury , being revested as he should go to masse , with the bishops of london and winchester on both sides , with other bishops , and the dean of westminster , in the bishops absence , to go in order before the king. the king shall be brought from his seat by them that assisted him to the church , to the high altar : where after his prayer made to god for his grace , he shall offer a pall , and a pound of gold , . l. in coin , which shal be to him delivered by the lord great chamberlain . then shall the king fall groveling before the altar , and over him the archbishop shall say this collect , deus humilium , &c. then the king shall rise , and go to his chair to be prepared before the altar , his face to the altar , and standing one shall hold him a book , and the archbishop standing before the king , shall ask him with a loud and distinct voice , in manner and form following . will ye grant to keep to the people of england , and other your realms and dominions , the laws and liberties of this realm , and other your realms and dominions ? i grant and promise . you shall keep to your strength and power , to the church of god , and to all the people , holy peace and concord . i shall keep . you shall make to be done , after your strength and power , equal and rightfull justice in all your dooms and judgements , with mercy and troth . i shall do . do ye grant to make no new laws , but such as shall be to the honor and glory of god , and to the good of the common-wealth , and that the same shall be made by the consent of your people , as hath been accustomed ? i grant and promise . then shall the king rise out of his chair , and by them that before assisted him , be led to the high altar , where he shall make a solemn oath upon the sacrament layed upon the said altar , in the sight of all the people , to observe the premisses , and laying his hand again on the book shall say . the things which i have before promised , i shall observe and keep , so god help me and these holy evangelists , by me bodily touched upon this holy altar . that done , the king shall fall again groveling before the high altar , and the said archbishop kneeling before him , shall with a loud voice begin , veni creator , &c. which done , the said archbishop standing shall say over the king , te invocamus , &c. and at the end shall kneel again : and then shall the king rise , and be set in the chair again . and after a little pawse , he shall rise , and assisted with those that did before that office , goe again to the high altar , where he shall be unclothed by his great chamberlain unto his coat of crimson satten , which , and also his shirt , shall be opened before and behind on his shoulders , and the bought of his arms by the said great chamberlain , to the intent that on those places he be anointed , and whilest he is in the anointing , sir anthony denny , and sir william herbert must hold a pall over him . and first the said arch-bishop shall annoint the king kneeling in the palmes of his hands , saying these words : vnguantur manus , &c. with this collect , respice omnipotens deus . after he shall annoint him in the breast , in the middest of his back , on his two boughts of his arms , and on his head making a crosse . and after making another crosse on his head with holy cream , saying as he annointeth the places aforesaid , vngatur caput , ungantur scapulae , &c. during which time of unction , the quier shall continually sing , ungerunt regem , and the psalm , domine in virtute tua laetabitur rex . and it is to be remembred , that the bishop or dean of westminster , after the kings enunction , shall dry all the places of his body where he was anointed , with cotten , or some linnen cloth , which is to be burnt . and forthwith the places opened for the same are to be clozed by the lord great . chamberlain . and on the kings hands shall be put by the said archbishop of canterbury , a pair of linnen gloves , which the lord great chamberlain shall before see prepared . this done , the king shall rise , and the archbishop of canterbury shall put upon the king a tabert of tarteron white , shaped in manner of a dalmatick . and he shall put upon the kings head a coiff , the same to be brought by the great chamberlain . then the king shall take the sword he was girt withall , and offer it himself to god , laying it on the altar , in token that his strength and power should first come from god. and the same sword he shall take again from the altar , and deliver to some great earl to be redeemed of the bishop or dean of westminster for one hundred shillings . which sword shall be borne naked afterwards before the king. then the king being set in his chair before the altar , shall be crowned with king edwards crown , and there shall be brought by the bishop or dean of westminster , the regal sandals and spurs to be presently put on by the lord great chamberlain , and the spurs again immediately taken off , that they do not incumber him . then the archbishop with all the peers and nobles , shall convey the king sustained as before , again into the pulpit , setting him in his siege royal , and then shall the archbishop begin , te deum laudamus , &c. which done , the archbishop shall say unto the king , sta et retine amodo locum . and being the king thus set , all the peers of the realm and bishops holding up their hands , shall make unto him homage as followeth , first the lord protector alone , then the archbishop of canterbury and the lord chancellour , so two and two as they be placed . i. n. become your liege man of lieff and limme , and of earthly worship , and faith and troth i shall bear unto you , against all manner of folks , as i am bound by any allegiance , and by the laws and statutes of this realm , so help us god and all-hallows . and then every one shall kisse the kings left cheek : which done , all there holding up their hands together , in token of their fidelitie , shall with one voice on their knees say , we offer to sustain and defend you and your crown , with our lives , lands and goods , against all the world . and with one voice to cry , god save king edward , which the people shall cry accordingly . then shall the king be led to his traverse to hear the high masse , and so depart home crowned , in order as he set forth accordinglie . t. cantuar. t. wriothesly cancellar . w. saint-john . john russel . j. lisle . cuthb . duresme . anth. brown. will. paget . anthony denny . william herbert . the order of bringing the king and queen into the church , with other ceremonies touching their coronation . . bishops to support the king . bishops to support the queen . bishops to sing the lerany . bishop to carry the paten . bishop to bear the regal the dean of westminster to be in the whole action . bishops to attend the archbishop . bishop to preach . to demand the fourth question of the king . nobleman to carry the spurs . special noblemen to carry the . swords to carry the . scepters . to carry the rod with the dove before the king. . nobleman to carry the crown . nobleman to carry the scepter . to carry the ivory-rod before the queen . the marshal of england is to go before the archbishop , to the . sides of the stage , when he demandeth the question of the people touching their willingnesse , &c. the archbishop undoeth the loops of the kings apparel , and shirt , and openeth the places to be anointed . the anointing ended , the dean of westminster closeth the loops again which were opened . then a shallow quoiff is put on his head , because of the anointing oyl . then the collobium or dalmatica is put on him by the dean of westminster . and after a prayer ended . the said dean arrayeth the king. first with the supertunica or close pall. then with the tynsin hose . then with the sandals . then are the spurs put on by a nobleman appointed by his majestie . after the archbishop hath delivered the sword unto the king , the same sword is girded about him by a peer thereto appointed by his majestie . then the armil is put about his neck , and tied to the boughts of his arms by the dean of westminster . so is likewise the mantel or open pall put on him by the said dean . then the king putteth on the linnen gloves . then the king offereth up his sword , wherewith he was girt before . then a peer redeemeth the sword , taketh it again from the altar , draweth it out , and carrieth it before the king so drawen from that time during the whole solemnitie . the coronation , inthoronization , and other ceremonies ended , and homage done by the archbishop , bishops , and noblemen , the king delivereth the scepter and the rod with the dove , hiis qui stirpi regali sunt proximiores , who ease the king of them , and carry them before him . touching the solemnity for the queen . the solemnitie of the kings inthoronization and coronation being performed , the archbishop leaveth the king in his throne , and goeth again down to the altar . then the queen who hath all this while reposed her self in her chair beneath , ariseth and commeth to the steps of the altar , and kneeleth down , &c. and when the queen ariseth from her prayer , the chiefest lady present , taketh off her coronet , and after that done , openeth her breast for the anointing , &c. then the queen kneeleth down again , and the archbishop anointeth her , &c. then the chiefest lady attendant , clozeth the queens robe at her breast , and after putteth on her head a linnen quoiff , &c. then the archbishop putteth on her ring , and then crowneth her . and after that , putteth the scepter into her right hand , and the ivory rod into her left hand . the communion ended , and other ceremonies performed , the king and queen with all solemnitie return to their thrones above , from whence after a while they return down again in all solemn manner into st. edwards chapel , &c. where the king in the traverse is disrobed of st. edwards robes , by the lord great chamberlain , which robes are then delivered to the dean of westminster . then the king is newly arrayed by the lord great chamberlain , with his robes royal , prepared for his majesties wearing that day . then the archbishop setteth the crowns imperial provided for the king and queen to wear that day upon their heads . the king and queen so crowned , taking into their hands each of them their scepter and rod , after the train is set in order before them , go from st. edwards altar , out to the great altar , and so up to the stage , and so thorough the midst of the quire and church , and return the same way they came . the scepters and rods of st. edward , which the king and queen carried in their hands , are after dinner to be re-delivered to the church of westminster , to be kept with the residue of the regalia . it hath pleased his majestie to give order to me the archbishop , for the appointing of these bishops , . bishops to support the king. . bishops to support the queen . . bishop to carry the regal . . bishop to carry the paten . your lordships are to understand the king his pleasure , which of the noblemen it will like his majestie to appoint . to carry the spurs . to bear the , , and . sword . to bear the . scepters . to bear the rod with the dove before the king. . to carry the crown imperial , which the king is to wear that day . . to bear the crown . to bear the scepter . to bear the ivory rod before the queen . . to put on the kings spurs . . to girt on the kings sword. . to redeem the sword after it is offered , and to bear it drawn before him . . to ease the king of the carriage of his scepter and rod. the manner of the proceeding at the coronation gentlemen and esquires , . and knights having no liveries . sewers of the chamber . aldermen of london . esquires of the body . clerks of the signet . clerks of the privy seal . clerks of the counsel . clerks of the markets of england . chaplins having dignity . secretaries of the latin and french. solicitor , attorny , and the kings sergeants . masters of the requests . lord chief baron of the exchequer . lord chief justice of the common pleas. master of the rolls . lord chief justice popham . nunc privati consilii . knights of the bath . sergeant porter . sergeant of the vestry . the kings chapel in copes . the prebends of westminster . master of the jewel-house . master of the gardrobe . counsellors being knights . bishops in their robes . barons in their robes . secretary . controuler . thresorer . earls in their robes . their coronets on their caps in their hands . clarencieux . lion. vlster . lord keeper . lord archbishop alone . an earl with the spurs . an earl with saint edwards scepter . an earl with the pointed sword. an earl with the sword called curtana . an earl with the third sword. the mayor of london with his mace. garter principal king at arms. gentleman usher of the privy chamber . the lord great chamberlain of england . the constable with his mace. the sword in the scabbard . the marshal with his rod. an earl bearing the scepter of the dane . an earl bearing the crown . an earl bearing the orb. barons of the cinqueports for the canopy . his majestie led by the bishops of duresm and wells . the chamberlain assisting the train . master of the horse . gentlemen of the privy chamber to the king. grooms of the privy chamber . gentlemen-ushers to the queen an earl bearing the queens scepter . an earl bearing the queens crown . an earl bearing the queens ivory rod. a bishop . the queen in a purple robe , her hair dependent , under a canopie borne by the barons of the cinqueports . a bishop . train-bearer . the queens chamberlain supporting the train . marquesses . countesses . baronesses . ladies of the privy chamber . gentlemen of the queens privy chamber . captain of the guard , with all the guard following . for the third , i shall present you with the ceremonies and prayers used at king james , queen annes , and our late king charles their coronations at westminster , ( of which i have two authentick copies ) never formerly printed . processio ad templum de palatio . ascentio ad thronum . interrogatio populi . descentio ad altare . himnus , veni creator . litaniae . unctio regis . investitura regis . benedictio regis . ascentio ad thronum . inthronizatio . homagium . caeremoniae supportationis coronae . communio sacra . descentio ad oblationem . communicatio regis . ascentio ad thronum . finis communionis . oblatio . concio . juramentum regis . colobii , &c. tunica . gladii . armillae . pallii . coronae . annuli . oblatio gladii . sceptri . virgae . descentio ad tumulum edwardi confessoris . depositio coronae sacrae & vestium . indutio coronae novae & vestium . discessio de templo ad palatium . a brief out of the book of the rites of the coronation , called , liber regalis . . the person that is to annoint and crown the king , is the lord arch-bishop of canterbury . . the place is the church of vvestminster , to which it is by divers charters granted , to be locus constitutionis & coronationis regiae & repositorium regalium . . the time ( if it may well be ) some sonday or holy-day . the preparation . . there is a stage set up , square , close to the four high pillars , between the quire and the altar , railed about , which stage is to be spread with tapestry , and the railes of it to be richly covered . . it is also to have stairs , out of the quire up to it : and down from it to the altar , other staires eastward . . there is a throne of estate for the king to be erected on the said stage , adorned in all points as is meet . . there is also another chair of estate for the king , to be set below by the altar , on the right side of it , and a fald-stool , with cushions for the king to pray at . . there is a traverse also to be made in st. edwards chappell , for the king to disrobe himself in , after the ceremonies of his coronation ended . the evening before the coronation . . the evening before the coronation , the king is to be put in minde to give himself a certain space to contemplation and prayers . in what sort it is set down , in libro regali . it appertaineth by office to the * abbot of westminster , to remember his majesty of this and other observances . . there is then also to be delivered by his majesties appointment to such persons , as he shall like to assigne to carry them ; . the regall . . the paten . . the two scepters . . the rod with the dove . . the spurs . . there is then also to be delivered to his majesty , the tunica , or shirt of red silke , with the places for the annoynting opened , and looped close , which he is to wear next over his shirt . the morning of the coronation . . it is to be provided , that all the regalia ( that is , king edward the confessors ) crown and other ornaments , together with the ampull wherein is the oyle , with which antiently the kings and queens have been anoynted , be laied ready upon the altar . . it is to be provided , that the crown and other robes royal , which the king is to put on and wear after the rites of the coronation ended , be brought and laid ready in the traverse within saint edwards chappel . . there is cloth to be spread on the ground , from the pallace hall door unto the stage in the church , for his majesty to tread on all the way , by the heir of the lord beauchamp of bedford almoner for the coronation day . the receiving of the king into the church . . the archbishop and bishops of the realm then present , together with the church and quire of westminster onely , are to meet the king at the pallace gate , in procession wise . . two bishops assigned by the king , are to bear the one the regal , the other the paten . . after them , three peers ( by the king likewise to be appointed ) are to bear , the one the scepter with the crosse , the other the long scepter , the third the rod with the dove . . after them the three swords to be born , per comitem . cestriae . . huntingdon & . warwick . . after them a peer by the king , appointed to bear the spurs . . then the king under a canopy born by the barons of the cinque ports . the king supported by the two bishops of durham and bathe . . abbas westomonaster semper lateri regis adhaerendo praesens debet esse pro dicti regis informatione in hiis quae dictae coronationis concernunt solennitatem . ad ipsum vero hoc officium solummodo spectat . the king is to be received into the church with an anthem . protector noster . protector noster aspice deus , & respice in faciem uncti tui , quia melior est dies una in atriis tuis super millia . quam dilecta , &c. gloria patri , &c. behold o lord , our protector , and look upon the face of thine anointed , because one day in thy court , is better then a thousand . psal . quam dilecta , &c. . . gloria patri , &c. the king passing up the body of the church , and so through the quire goeth up the staires unto his throne of estate , and there reposeth himself . the king set in his throne , the archbishop going to every of the four sides of the stage , viz. north , south , east and west , ( the marshall of england , going before him to all the said places ) asketh the people if they be willing to accept of the king as their soveraigne , that he may be anointed and crowned ? his verbis . the people demanded if they be willing . sirs , here i present unto you king james , the rightful inheritor of the crown of this realm , wherefore all you that be come this day to do your homage , service , and bounden duty , be ye willing to do the same ? or thus , sirs , here present is james rightfull and undoubted inheritor by the laws of god and man , to the crown and royal dignity of england , with all things thereunto annexed and appertaining , elect , chosen and required by all three estates of this same land , to take upon him this said crown and royal dignity , whereupon you shall understand that this day is fixed and appointed by all the peers of the land , for the consecration , enunction and coronation of the said most excellent prince james . will you serve him at this time , and give your wills and assents to the same consecration , enunction , and coronation ? or thus , will you take this worthy prince james , right heir of the realm , and have him to your king , and become subjects to him , and submit your selves to his commandements ? this while , the king standing up , turneth himself to every of the four sides , as the archbishop is at every of them speaking to the people . the people signifying their willingnesse , by answering all in one voice , yea , yea , god save king james . the quire singeth the anthem . firmetur manus . firmetur manus tua , & exaltetur dextra tua justitia & judicium preparatio sedis tuae , misericordia & veritas precedent faciem tuam , allelutah . firmetur manus tua . let thy hand be strengthned , and thy right hand be exalted . let justice and judgement be the preparation of thy seat , and mercy and truth go before thy face . alleluia ps . misericordias dei. glory be to the father , &c. while the quire singeth the anthem , the archbishop goeth down to the altar , and revesteth himself there . the archbishop being there ready , the king , supported by the two bishops , ( as before ) and attended by the abbot of westminster , goeth down from his throne to the altar . the kings offering , and the sermon . there he maketh his first oblation , which is , pallinm unum , & una libra auri . after the king hath offered , he kneeleth down at his fald-stool . the archbishop saith the prayer . deus humilium . deus humilium visitator , qui nos sancti spiritus illustratione consolaris , pretende super hunc famulum tuum jacobum gratiam tuam , nt per eum , tuum in nobis addesse sentiamus adventum per d●minum christum nostrum , &c. deus visitator humilium . o god which dost visit those that are humble , and dost comfort us , by the light of thy holy spirit , send down thy grace upon this thy servant james , that by him we may feel thy presence amongst us , through jesus christ . then doth the sermon begin , which the king heareth in his chair of estate by the altar on the south side of it . the sermon being done , the archbishop goeth to the king , and asketh his majesty concerning his willingness to take the oath , usually taken by his predecessors . the king ( shewing himself willing therewithall ) ariseth and cometh to the altar . the archbishop ministreth the three first questions , and the king answereth them severally . scilic●t . quaestio . si leges & consuetudines ab antiquis justis & deo devotis regibus , plebi anglorum concessas , cum sacramenti confirmatione eidem plebi concedere & servare voluerit , & praesertim leges consuetudines & libertates à glorioso rege edwarde clero & populo concessas ▪ &c. dicto autem principe se promittente omnia praemissa concessurum & servaturum . tunc exponat ei metropolitanus de quibus jurabit . ita dicendo , &c. prima quaestio . servabis ecclesiae dei , cleroque & populo pacem ex integro & concordiam in deo , secundum vires tuas ? respondebit , servabo . secunda quaestio . facies fieri in omnibus judiciis tuis equam & rectam justitiam & discretionem in misericordia & veritate secundum vires tuas ? resp . faciam . tertia quaestio . concedis instas leges & consuetudines esse tenendas , & promittis per te eas esse protegendas , & ad honorem dei corroborandas , quas vulgus elegerit secundum vires tuas ? respondebit , concedo , & promitto . sequitur admonitio episcoporum ad regem , & legatur ab uno episcopo coram omnibus clara voce . sic dicendo . domine rex à vobis perdonari petimus , ut unieuique de nobis , & ecclesiis nobis commissis , canonicum privilegium ac debitam legem atque justitiam conservetis , & defensionem exhibeatis , sicut rex in suo regno debet , unicuique episcopo & ecclesiiis sibi commissis . respondebit , animo libenti & devoto , promitto vobis & perdono , quia unicuique de vobis & ecclesiis vobis commissis canonicum privilegium & debitam legem atque justitiam servabe , & defensionem quantnm potuero , adjuvante domine , exhibedo , sicut rex in suo regno unicuique episcopo & ecclesiis sibi commissis quod rectum exhibere debet . adjiciantur praedictis iuterrogationibus quae justa fuerint . pronunciatis omnibus supra dictis , dictus princeps confirmet se omnia praedicta esse servaturum . sacramento super altare coram cunctis protinus praestito . juramentum gallice . sire , voulez vous granter & garder , & per vostre serment confirmer au peuple de angleterre les leys & les custumes a eulx grantee par les roies de angleterre & voz predecesseurs droictereulx & devoutez a dieu , & nommement les leys , les custumes , & les franchisez granter au clergie , & au peuple par le glorieus roy saint eduard vostre predecesseur ? responsio regis . ie les grant & promet . episcopus . sire , garderez vous a dieu & au seinte eglise , au clergie & au peuples , paix & accord en dien entirement selonque vostre poer ? resp . regis . ie le garderay . episcopus . sire ferez vouz faire en toutz voz jugements droit , justice , & discretion in misericorde & verite a vostre poer ? resp . regis . ie le feray . episcopus . sire , granterez vouz a tenir & a garder les leys , & les custumes droicturelles les quelux la communaute de vostre reaume auera es leus , & lez defenderez & afforcere ; al honor de dieu , a vostre poer ? resp . regis . ie les grant & promet . the kings oath in english . sir , will you grant and keep , and by your oath confirm to the people of england , the lawes and customes to them granted by the kings of england , your lawful and religious predecessors ; and namely the laws , customes , and franchises granted to the clergy and to the people , by the glorious king st. edward your predecessor ? rex resp . i grant and promise to keep them . episcopus . sir , will you keep peace and agreement entirely ( according to your power ) both to god , the holy church , the clergy and the people ? rex . i will keep it . episcopus . sir , will you to your power , cause law , iustice , and discretion in mercy and truth , to be executed in all your judgements ? rex . i will. episcopus . sir , will you grant to hold and keep the lawes and rightfull customes , which the commonalty of your kingdom have , and to defend and uphold them to the honour of god , so much as in you lye ? responsio regis . i grant and promise so to do . this done the king sweareth to the observation of what he hath promised then upon the altar . after the oath thus taken , the king returneth to his chair of estate again . the archbishop beginneth the hymn , veni creator spiritus , and the quire sing it . the hymn ended , the king kneels down at his fald-stool , and the archbishop saith the prayer , te invocamus , &c. te invocamus domine . te invocamus domine sancte , pater omnipotens eterne deus , ut hunc famulum tuum jacobum , quem tuae divinae dispensationis providentia in primordi● plasmatum usque hunc praesentem diem juvenili flore letantem crescere concessisti ; eum tuae pietatis dono ditatum plenumque gratia veritatis de die in diem coram deo & hominibus ad meliora semper proficere facias , ut summi regiminis solium , gratiae supernae largitate gaudens suscipiat : et misericordiae tuae muro ab hostium adversitate undique munitum . plebem sibi commissam cum pace propitiationis & virtute victoriae feliciter regere mereatur , per jesum christum . we beseech thee , o lord holy father , almighty and everlasting god , for this thy servant james , that as at the first thou broughtest him into the world by thy divine providence , and in the flower of his youth , hast preserved him untill this present day , so thou wilt evermore enrich him with the gift of piety , fulfill him with the grace of truth , and increase him daily in all goodnesse in the sight of god and men , that he may joyfully receive the seat of supreme government , by the gift of thy supernal grace ; and being defended from all his enemies , by the wall of thy mercy , he may happily govern the people committed to his charge . after the prayer done , beginneth the letany to be sung by two bishops . vel duo cantores . infra letaniam haec adjungantu● . ut praesentem famulum tuum in tua pietate , justicia & sanctitate confirmare & conservare digneris , te rogamus audi nos . postea sequantur hae orationes . omnipotens sempiterne deus creator omnium imperatorum , angelorum rex regnantium , dominusque dominantium , qui abraham fidelem famulum tuum de hostibus triumphare fecisti ; moysi & josuae populo praelatis multiplicem victoriam tribuisti ; humilemque david puerum tuum regni fastigio sublimasti . salomonem sapientiae , pacisque ineffabili munere ditasti . respice nos ad preces humilitatis nostrae , & super hunc famulum tuum quem supplici devotione in regem consecramus benedictionum tuarum dona multiplica , eumque dextrae tuae potentia semper & ubique circunda , quatenus praedicti abrahae fide firmatus , moysis mansuetudine fretus , josuae fortitudine munitus . davidi humilitate exaltatus . salomonis sapientia decoratus , tibi in omnibus placeat . et per tramitem justitiae inoffenso gressu semper incedat . ecclaesiamque tuam deinceps cum plebibus sibi annexis ut enutriat ac doceat , muniat & instruat . contraque omnes visibiles & invisibiles hostes eidem potenter regaliter que virtutis regimen administret , et ad verae fidei pacisque concordiam eorum animos ( te opitulante ) reformet , ut horum populorum debita subjectione fultus , cum digno amore glorificatus , ad paternum decenter solium tua miseratione concendere mereatur . tuae quoque protectionis galea munitus , & scuto insuperabili jugiter protectus , armisque coelestibus circundatus , optabilis victoriae triumphum feliciter capiat , terroremque suae potentiae infidelibus inferat , et pacem in militantibus letanter reportet per dominum nostrum qui virtute crucis tartara destruxit , regnoque diaboli superacto , ad coelos victor ascendit , in quo potestas omnis regum consistit & victoria , qui est gloria humilium & vita salusque popnlorum , quitecum vivit . amen . o almighty and everlasting god , creator of all things , ruler of angels , king of kings , and lord of lords , who didst cause thy faithful servant abraham to triumph over his enemies ; didst give many victories to moyses , and joshua , the governors of thy people , didst exalt thy lowly servant david , unto the height of a kingdome ; didst enrich solomon with the unspeakable gift of wisdome and peace . give ear we beseech thee unto our humble prayers , and multiply thy blessing upon this thy servant , whom in lowly devotion we do consecrate our king ; that he being strengthned with the faith of abraham , indued with the mildnesse of moyses , armed with the fortitude of joshua , exalted with the humility of david , beautified with the wisdome of solomon , he may please thee in all things , he may alwaies walk uprightly in the way of righteousnesse , he may nourish and teach , defend and instruct thy church and people , and like a mighty king , minister unto them the government of thy vertue against all enemies visible and invisible , and by thy help reform their mindes to the concord of true faith and peace , that being underpropped by the due obedience , and honoured by the condign love of these his people , he may , by thy mercy royally ascend up to the throne of his forefather , and being defended with the helmet of thy protection , covered with thy invincible shield , and all clad with heavenly armour , he may gloriously triumph , and by his power both terrifie infidels , and bring joyfull peace to those that fight for thee , through our lord , who by the power of his crosse hath destroyed hell , and having overthrown the kingdome of the devil , is with victory ascended into heaven , in whom doth consist all power , kingdome and victory , who is the glory of the humble , the life and salvation of his people , who liveth with thee and the holy ghost . benedic domine , &c. hunc regem nostrum jacobum , qui regna moderaris a seculo , & tali eum benedictione glorifica , ut davidis teneat sublimitas sceptrum & glorificatus in ejus te propitio reperiatur merito . da ei tuo inspiramine cum mansuetudine ita regere populum sicut salomonem fecisti regnum obtinere pacificum . tibi cum timore semper sit subditus , tibique militet cum quiete . sit tuo clipeo protectus cum proceribus , & ubique tua gratia major existat . honorifica eum prae cunctis regibus gentium . felix populis dominetur , & feliciter eum nationes adorent . vivat inter gentium catervas magnanimus . sit in judiciis aequitatis singularis . locuplet eum tua praedives dextera frugiferam obtineat patriam . et ejus libris tribuis profutura praesta ei prolixitatem vitae per tempora , ut in diebus ejus oriatur justitia . a te robustum teneat regiminis solium , & eum jocunditate & justitia eterno glorietur in regno . amen . o lord , thou that governest all kingdomes from everlasting , blesse we beseech thee this our king , that he may rule like david , and by thy mercy obtain his reward . grant that by thy inspiration he may govern with the mildenesse of solomon , and enjoy a peaceable kingdome . grant that he may serve thee with fear , and fight for thee with constancy . protect him and his nobles with thy shield , and alwaies give him victory by thy grace . honour him before all the kings of the earth : let him rule over countryes , and let nations adore him . let him be singular in judgement and equity , and make him rich with thy rich right hand . give him a fruitful country , and give to his children all good things . give him a long life in this world , and in his dayes let justice flourish . strengthen thou the throne of his government , and with gladnesse and righteousnesse , let him glory in thy eternal kingdome , through jesus christ . deus ineffabilis author mundi , conditor generis humani , gubernator imperii confirmator , regni , qui utero fidelis amici tui patriarchae nostrae abrahae praeelegisti regem seculis profuturum . tuum presentem regam hunc cum exercitu suo per intercessionem omnium sanctorum uberi benedictione locupleta , & in solium regni firma stabilitate connecte visita eum sicut moysem in rubro , josuam in praelio , gedeon in agro samuelem in templo . et illa eum benedictione syderia , ac sapientiae tuae rorae perfunde , quantum beatus david in psalterio , salomon filius ejus , te remunerante precepit è coelo . sis ei contra acies inimicorum lorica , in adversis galea , in prosperis patientia , in protectione clipeus sempeternus , & presta ut gentes illi teneant fidem . proceres sui habeant pacem , diligant caritatem , abstineant se à cupiditate , loquantur justitiam , custodiant veritatem . et ita populus iste pullulet coalitus benedictione aeternitatis ut semper permaneant tripudiantes in pace victores , per christum dominum nostrum , &c. god the unspeakable author of the world , the creator of mankinde , the governor of empires , the establisher of kingdomes , who out of the loynes of thy faithfull friend our father abraham , didst choose a king that should save all nations . blesse we beseech thee this our present king , and his army with a rich blessing . establish him in the throne of this kingdome . visit him , as thou didst visit moses in the bush , josua in the battel , gedeon in the field , and samuel in the temple ; besprinkle him with the dew of thy wisdome , and give unto him the blessing of david and solomon . be thou unto him a coat armour against his enemies , and an helmet in adversity . give him patience in prosperity , and protect him alwaies with thy shield . grant that other countries may keep faith unto him , and that his nobles may live in peace , embrace charity , abstain from covetousnesse , speak justice and maintain truth ; and so this people may grow up together with the blessing of eternity , that having overcome , they may rejoyce in everlasting peace , through christ our lord. deus qui populus tuis virtute consulis , & amore dominaris , da huic famulo tuo jacebo spiritum sapientiae , cum regimine disciplinae , ut tibi toto corde devotus in regni regimine maneat semper idoneus , tuoque munere ipsius temporibus securitas ecclesiae dirigatur , & in tranquillitate devotio christiana permaneat , ut bonis operibus perseverans ad aeternum regnum te duce valeat pervenire , per dominum jesum christum , &c. god which providest for thy people by thy power , and rulest over them in love , grant unto this thy servant james , the spirit of wisdome and government , that being devoted unto thee with all his heart , he may so wisely govern this kingdome , that in his time the church may be in safety , and christian devotion may continue in peace , that so persevering to the end in good works , he may by thy mercy come unto thine everlasting kingdome , through thy son our lord jesus christ , who liveth and reigneth with thee world without end . amen . the letany being ended , the archbishop begineth to say aloud , sursum corda . resp . habemus ad dominum . lift up your hearts , &c. answ . we lift them up unto the lord. verè dignum & justum est aequum & salutare , os tibi semper & ubique gratias agere , domine sancte , pater omnipotens , eterne deus , electorum fortitudo & humilium celsitudo , qui in primordio per effusionem diluvii crimina mundi castigare voluisti , & per columbam ramum olivae portantem pacem terris redditam demonstrasti . iterumque aaron famulum tuum per unctionem olei sacerdotem sanxisti , & posteà per hujus unguenti infusionem ad regendum populum israeliticum sacerdotes ac reges & prophetas praefecisti , vultumque ecclesiae in oleo exhilerandum per prophaeticam famuli tui vocem davidi esse praedixisti . ita quaesumus omnipotens pater ut per hujus creaturae pinguedinem hunc servum tuum jacobum sanctificare tua benedictione digneris , eumque in similitudine columbae pac●m simplicitatis populo sibi subdito praestare , & exemplo aaronis in dei servicio diligenter imitari , regnique fastigia in consiliis scientiae & aequitate judicii semper assequi , vultumque hilaritatis per hunc olei unctionem tuamque benedictionem ( te adjuvante ) toti plebi paratum habere facias per christum dominum nostrum , &c. it is very meet , right , and our bounden duty , that we should at all times , and in all places , give thanks unto thee , o lord , holy father , almighty and everlasting god , the strength of thy chosen , and the exalter of the humble , which in the beginning , by the pouring out of the flood , didst chasten the sins of the world , and by a dove conveying an olive branch , didst give a token of reconcilement unto the earth , and again didst consecrate thy servant aaron a priest , by the anoynting of oyl , and afterward by the effusion of this oyl , didst make priests , and kings , and prophets , to govern thy people israel , and by the voice of the prophet david , didst foretell that the countenance of thy church should be made cheerfull with oyl . we beseech thee almighty father , that thou wilt vouchsafe to blesse and sanctifie this thy servant james , that he may minister peace unto his people , and imitate aaron in the service of god. that he may attain the perfection of government in counsel and judgement , and a countenance alwaies cheerful , and amiable to the whole people , through christ our lord. this done , the king ariseth from his devotion , and reposeth him a while in his chair of estate . after a while , he goeth to the altar , and there disrobeth himself of his uppper garments ( his under apparel being made open with loops only closed ) at the places which are to be anoynted . the archbishop undoeth the loops , and openeth the places which he is to anoynt . the archbishop first anoynteth his hands : saying , unguantur manus , &c. istae de oleo sanctificato unde uncti fuerunt reges & prophetae . et sicut samuel david in regem , ut sis benedictus & constitutus rex in regno isto super populum istum quem dominus deus tuus dedit ribi ad regendum & gubernandum ; quod ipse prestare dignetur , qui cum patre & spiritu sancto , &c. let these hands be anoynted , as kings and prophets have been anoynted , and as samuel did anoynt david to be king , that thou maist be blessed , and established a king in this kingdome over this people , whom the lord thy god hath given thee to rule and govern , which he vouchsafe to grant , who with the father and the holy ghost , &c. the mean while the quire singeth the anthem , sadoc . sacerdos . sadock the priest , and nathan the prophet , anoynted solomon king , and all the people rejoyced , and said , god save the king for ever . the archbishop saith this prayer . prospice omnipotens deus sereuibus obtutibus hunc gloriosum regem , & sicut benedixisti abraham , isaack , & jacob , sic illum largis benedictionibus spiritualis gratiae cum omni plenitudine tua potontia irrigare atque perfundere dignare . tribue ei de rore coeli & de pingue dine terrae habundantiam frumenti vini , & olei , & omnium frugum opulentiam ex largitate divini muneris long a per tempora , ut illo regnante sit sanitas corporum in pa●ria , & pax inviolata sit in regno , & dignitas gloriosa regalis pallatii maximo splendore regiae potestatis oculis omnium fulgeat , luce clarissima choruscare atque splende scere qui splendidissima fulgura maximo profusa lumine videatur . tribue ei omnipotens deus , ut sit fortissimus protector patriae , & consolator ecclesiarum ac coe●obiorum sanctorum , maxima cum pietate regalis munifieentiae atque ut sit fortissimus regum triumphator , h●stium ad opprimendas rebelles , & paganas nationes . sitque suis inimiciis satis terribilis pro maxima fortitudine regalis potentiae . optimatibus quoque atque pr●ecelsis praceribus ac fidelibus sui regni munifious & amabilis , & pius ; ut ab omnibus timeatur atque deligatur . reges quoque de lumbis ejus per sueccssiones temporum futurorum egrediantur , regnum hoc regere totum , & post glorio sa tempora atque faelicia praesentis vitae gaudia sempiterna in perpetua beatitudine habere mereatur . per christum , &c. look down almighty god with thy favourable countenance upon this glorious king , and as thou didist blesse abraham , isaac and jacob , so vouchsafe we beseech thee by thy power , to water him plentifully with the blessings of thy grace . give unto him of the dew of heaven , and of the fatnesse of the earth , abundance of corn , and wine , and oyl , and plenty of all fruits of thy goodnesse long to continue , that in his time here may be health in our countrey , and peace in our kingdome , and that the glorious dignity of his royal court , may brightly shine as a most clear lightning , far and wide in the eyes of all men . grant almighty god , that he may be a most mighty protector of his countrey , a bountifull comforter of churches and holy societies , the most valiant of kings , that he may triumph over his enemies , and subdue rebels and infidels ; that he may be loving and amiable to the lords and nobles , and all the faithfull subjects of his kingdome , that he may be feared , and loved of all men , that his children may be kings to rule this kingdome by succession of all ages , and that after the glorious and happy dayes of this present life , he may obtain everlasting joy and happinesse through christ our lord. the prayer ended , the archbishop proceedeth with his anoynting . . of the breast . . between the shoulders . . of both the shoulders . . of the boughes of both his armes . . of his head in the crown . the anoynting being done , the abbot of westminster closeth the loops again which were opened . the archbishop saith these prayers . deus dei filius . deus dei filius jesu christe dominus noster qui à patre oleo exultationis unctus est , participibus suis , ipse per praesentem sacriung uinis infusionem spiritus paracliti super caput tuum infundat benedictionent , candemque usque ad interiora cordis tui penetrare faciat , quatinus hoc visibili & tractabili dono invisibilia percipere , & temporali , regno justis moderaminibus exeeuto aeternaliter cum eo regnare merearis , qui solus sine peccato rex regum cuivit , & gloriatur cum deo patre & spiritu sancto . god the son of god , christ jesus our lord , which was anoynted by his father with the oyl of gladnesse above his fellowes , he by his holy anoynting , pour down upon thy head the blessing of the holy ghost , and make it enter into the inward part of thy heart , so that thou maist receive invisible grace , and having justly governed thy temporall kingdome , thou maist raign with him eternally , who onely being without sin , doth live in glory with god , and the father , and the holy ghost . deus qui es justorum gloria , & misericordia peccatorum , qui misisti filium tuum pretioso sanguine sue gennus humanum redimere qui conteris bella , & propugnatores in te sperantium , eujus arbitrio omnium regnorum continetur potestas . te humiliter deprecamur , ut praesentem famulum tuum jacobum in tua misericordia confidentem , in praesenti sede regali benedicas , eique propitius adesse digneris ; ut qui tua expetit protectione defendi , omnibus sit hostibus fortior . fac eum domine beatum esse , & victorem de invictissimis . corona eum coronae justitiae & pietatis , ut ex toto corde & tota mente in te credens tibi deserviat . sanctum tuam ecclesiam defendat & sublimet , populumque sibi commissum , juste regat , nullis insidiantibus malis eum in justitiam convertat . accende domine cor ejus ad amorem tuae gratiae , per hoc unctionis oleum , unde unxisti sacerdotes , reges & prophetas , quatinus diligens justitiam per tramitem similiter justitiae populum ducens , post peracta à te disposita in regali excellentia annorum curricula , pervenire ad aeterna gaudia mereatur . per christum jesum , &c. god which art the glory of the righteous , and the mercy of sinners , who hath sent thy son to redeem mankinde with his precious blood , who bringest wars to an end , and defendest those that trust in thee , upon whose good will and pleasure doth depend the strength of all kingdomes ; we humbly pray in this royal seat , to blesse this thy servant , who putteth his confidence in thy mercy , vouchsafe in thy favour to be present with him , that he which desireth to be defended by thy protection , may be stronger then his enemies : crown him with the crown of justice and piety , that with all his heart , and all his minde , he may trust in thee , serve thee , defend and advance thy holy church , and govern the people committed to his charge in justice and equity . kindle o lord his heart with the love of thy grace by the inward annoynting wherewith thou hast annoynted priests , kings and prophets , that he loving justice , and leading his people by the wayes of righteousnesse , after the glorious course of this life which thou hast appointed , he may come to eternall joy , through christ . the prayers being ended . first a shallow quoife is put on the kings head ( because of the annoynting ) if his majesties haire be not smooth after it ; there is king edwards ivory combe for that end . then the colobium or dalmatica is put on him . after the putting on whereof , the archbishop saith the prayer . deus rex regum , &c. the king putteth on the linnen gloves ( part of the regalia . ) then he taketh off his sword , wherewith he was girt before . he goeth to the altar , and there offereth it . the chief peer then present offereth , and redeemeth the sword. which having done , he draweth the sword out , and carryeth it naked before the king , from that time all the solemnity . the archbishop taketh the scepter with the crosse , and delivereth it into the kings right hand , with these words ; accipe sceptrum regiae potestatis insigne , virgam scilicet regni rectam , virgam virtutis , qua teipsum benè regas , sanctam ecclesiam populumque videlicet christianum tibi à domino commissum regia virtute ab improbis defendas , pravos corrigas , rectes pascifices , & ut viam rectam tenere possint tuo juvamine dirigas , quatenus de temporali regno ad aeternum regnum pervenias , ipso adjuvante cujus regnum permanet in secula seculorum . amen . receive the scepter , the signe of kingly power , the rod of the kingdome , the rod of vertue , that thou maist govern thy felf aright , and defend the holy church and christian people committed by god unto thy charge . punish the wicked , and protect the just , and lead them in the way of righteousnesse , that from this temporal kingdome , thou maist be advanced to an eternal kingdome , by his goodnesse whose kingdome is everlasting . after the archbishop saith this prayer . omnium domine fons bonorum , cunctorumque deus institutorum perfectuum , tribue quaesumus famulo tuo jacobo adeptam benè regere dignitatem , & à te sibi praestitum honorem dignare corroborare . honorifica eum praecunctis regibus , uberi eum benedictione locupleta , & in solio regni firma stabilitate consolida ; visita eum sobole , praesta eum prolixitatem vitae . in diebus ejus semper oriatur justitia , ut cum jocunditate & latitia eterno glorietur in regno . o lord the fountain of all good things , and the author of all good proceedings , grant we beseech thee to this thy servant james , that he may order aright the dignity he hath obtained . vouchsafe to confirm the honour which thou hast given him , honour him before all kings , and enrich him with a rich benediction ; establish him in the throne of this realm ; visit him with increase of children , let justice spring up in his dayes , and with joy of gladnesse , let him reign in thine everlasting kingdome . then the archbishop delivereth the rod with the dove into the kings left hand , saying . accipe virgam virtutis atque aequitatis , qua intelligas te mulcere pios , & terrere superbos , errantes viam doce , lapsisque manum porrige , disperdasque superbos , & releves humiles , ut aperiat tibi ostium jesus christus dominus noster , qui de se ipso ait ; ego sum ostium per me si quis introierit salvabitur . et ipse qui est clavis david & sceptrum domus israel , qui aperit , & nemo claudit , claudit & nemo aperit , sit tibi adjutor , qui educit vinctum de domo carceris , sedentem in tenebris & umbra mortis , ut in omnibus sequi merearis eum dequo propheta david cecinit , sedes tua deus in seculum seculi , virga recta est virga regni tui , & imitare ipsum qui dicit . diligas justitiam & edio habeas iniquitatem , propterea unxit te deus deus tuu● oleo laetitiae ad exemplum illius , quem ante secula unxerat praeparticibus suis , iesum christum dominum nostrum , &c. receive the rod of vertue and equity , learn to make much of the godly , and to terrifie the wicked , shew the way to those that go astray . offer thy hand to those that fall . repress the proud . lift up the lowly , that our lord jesus christ may open to thee the dore , who saith of himself , i am the dore , by me if any man enter in ●he shall be safe ; and let him be thy helper , who is the key of david and the scepter of the house of israel , who openeth and no man shutteth , who shutteth and no man openeth , who bringeth forth the captive out of prison , where he sate in darkness and in the shadow of death , that in all things thou mayest follow him of whom the prophet david saith , thy seat o god endureth for ever , the scepter of thy kingdome is a right scepter ; thou hast loved righteousness , and hated iniquity : wherefore god , even thy god hath anointed thee with the oyl of gladness above thy fellows , even jesus christ our lord. after this he blesseth the king , saying . benedicat tibi , &c. dominus , custodiatque te , & sicut te voluit super populum suum esse regem , ita in presenti seculo faelicem , & aeternae faelicitatis tribuat esse consortem . amen . the lord blesse and keep thee , and as he hath made thee king over his people , so he still prosper thee in this world , and make thee partaker of his eternal felicity in the world to come . amen . grant o lord that the clergy and people gathered together by thy ordinance , for this service of the king may by the gracious assistance of thy goodnesse , and the vigilant care of thy servant and king , be continually governed , and preserved in all happinesse . amen . grant that they obeying thy holy will , may be freed from all adversities , and enjoying the riches of thy grace , may with fervent love walk in the waies of thy commandements , that in this life being made partakers of thy peace , they may be citizens of thy kingdome in the life that is to come , through jesus christ our lord. amen . the king kisseth the archbishop , and the bishops then assistant . after this , the king goeth up from the altar to the stage ( all the peers solemnly attending his majesty in their places . ) in the mean time the quire sing ; te deum laudamus , &c. which being ended , the archbishop inthronizeth the king into his throne there : saying , sta & retine à modo locum , quem huc usque paterna successione tenuisti haereditario judicio tibi delegatum per autoritatem dei omnipotentis & praesentem traditionem nostram & omnium episcoporum caeterorumque dei servorum , & quanto clerum sanctis altaribus propinquiorem prospices , tanto ei potiorem in locis congruis honorem impendere memineris , quatenus mediator dei & hominum te mediatorem cleri & plebis in hoc regni solio confirmet , & in regnum aeternum regnare faciat jesus christus dominus noster , rex regum & dominus dominantium , qui cum patre & spiritu sancto vivit , & regnat in secula seculorum . amen . stand and hold fast from henceforth , that place whereof hitherto thou hast been heir by the succession of thy fore-fathers , being now delivered unto thee , by the authority of almighty god , and by the hands of us , and all the bishops and servants of god ; and as thou seest the clergy to come nearer unto the altar , so remember that in places convenient thou give them greater honour , that the mediator of god and man may establish thee in this kingly throne , to be the mediator betwixt the clergy and the laity , and that thou maist raigne for ever with jesus christ , the king of kings , and the lord of lords , who with the father and the holy ghost , liveth and reigneth for ever . amen . which done , all the peers do their homage to the king. his verbis . i become your leige-man of life and limb , and of earthly worship , and faith and troth shall bear unto you , to live and dye with you against all manner of folk . so god me help . and after , put their hands and touch the crown ( by way of ceremony , as promising to support it with all their power . ) then the king to ease himself of the scepter and rod in his hands , giveth them to carry to such as it pleaseth his majesty . the archbishop kneeled down , and made his homage as followeth , out of the coronation of edward the . j. a. shall be faithfull and true , and faith and troth bear unto you our soveraign lord , and to your heires kings of england , and i shall do and truly knowledge the service due of the lands i claim to hold of you , as in the right of your church , as god shall help me . and so kissed the kings left cheek , &c. or these words taken out of another book . i become your man leige of life and limb , and troth and hearty honour to you shall bear , against all men that now live and dye . so help me god , &c. the archbishop goeth down to the altar , and begins the communion . the prayer . quaesumus omnipotens , &c. quaesumus omnipotens deus , ut famulus tuus jacobus rex noster , qui tua miseratione suscepit regni gubernacula , virtutum etiam omnium percipiat incrementa . quibus decenter ornatus ; & vitiorum voraginem devitare , & hostes superare , & ad te qui veritas & vita es gratiosus valeat pervenire , per dominum iesum nostrum . amen . o almighty god , we beseech thee that this thy servant james our king , who by thy mercy hath received the government of this realm , may also receive an increase of all vertues , whereby he may be acceptable to thee , and avoid the gulfe of vice , and overcome all his enemies , and finally come to thee in glory , who art the way the truth , and the life , thorough christ our lord. the epistle , pet. . the gospel , matth. . by two bishops . the nicene creed . the offertory . the king cometh down from the throne to offer . he offereth twice . . bread and wine . . a mark of gold. then the prayer , omnipotens deus , &c. omnipotens deus det tibi de rore coeli & de pinguedine terrae habundantiam frumenti , vini & olei , & serviant tibi populi , & adorent te tribus . esto dominus fratrum tuorum , & incurventur ante te filii matris tuae , & qui benedixerit tibi benedictionibus repleatur , & deus erit adjutor tuus . opus benedicat tibi benedictionibus coeli desuper in montibus , & in collibus benedictionibus abyssi jacentibus deorsum , benedictionibus uberum , & uvarum pomarumque , benedictiones patrum antiquorum abraham & isaac & jacob confortatae sint super te . almighty god , give thee of the dew of heaven , and of the fat of the earth , abundance of corn and wine . let the nations serve thee , and the tribes adore thee , and let him be blessed that blesseth thee , and god shall be thy helper . almighty god , blesse you with the blessing of heaven above , in the mountains and hills , and with the blessings of the earth beneath , with the blessings of corn and wine , and fruit , and let the blessings of the old fathers , abraham , isaac , and jacob , be established upon thee , through christ our lord. blesse o lord , the vertuous courage of this king , and accept the work of his hands , replenish his realm with the increase of thy blessings , with the fruit of the heavens , and the dew of the water , and the depths . let the influence of the sun and the moon , drop down fatnesse upon the high mountains , and the clouds rain plenty upon the low vallies , that the earth may abound with store of all things . let the blessings of him that appeared in the bush , descend upon his head , and the fulnesse of his blessings fall upon his children and posterity . let his feet be dipped in oyl , and his horn be exalted , as the horn of an unicorn , by which he may scatter his enemies from on the face of the earth ; the lord that sitteth in heaven be his defender for ever and ever , through jesus christ our lord. amen . blesse we beseech thee , o lord , these thy gifts , and sanctifie them unto this holy use , that by them we may be made partakers of the body and bloud of thy only begotten son jesus christ . and thy servant our king james may be fed unto everlasting life of soul and body , and inabled to the discharge of his great place and office , whereunto thou hast called him of thy great goodnesse : grant this o lord for jesus christs sake our only mediator and advocate . amen . deus rex regum , & dominus dominantium , per quem reges regnant , & legum conditores jura decernunt , dignare propitius benedicere hoc regale ornamentum , & presta ut famulus tuus rex noster qui illud portaturus ornamente bonorum morum , & sanctarum actionum in conspectu tuo fulgeat , & post tempora alieni vitam aeternam & gloriam quod tempus non habet sine fine possideat , per dominum nostrum , &c. o god the king of kings , and lord of lords ▪ by whom kings do reign , and law-givers do make good lawes , vouchsase in thy favour to blesse this kingly ornament , and grant that thy servant our king , who shall wear it , may shine in the spirit , with the ornament of good life , and holy actions , and after this life ended , he may forever enjoy that life , and glory which hath no end , through christ our lord. the prayer done , the abbot of westminster arrayeth the king. . with the supertunica , or close pall. . then with the tynsin hose . . then with his sandalls . the spurs are put on by a nobleman , thereto by the king appointed . then the archbishop taketh the sword , and layeth it before him on the altar , and saith the prayer , exaudi domine , &c. quaesumus , domine preces nostras , & hunc ensem quo his famulus tuus jacobus se circumcingi desiderat , majestatis tuae dextera benedicere & sanctificare dignare , quatenus defensio atque protectio ecclesiarum esse , viduarum orphanorum omnium que deo servientium contra savitiam paganorum , aliisque insidiantibus sit pavor , terror & formido , per dominum nostrum , &c. hear our prayers , we beseech thee , and vouchsafe by thy right hand of majesty , to blesse and sanctifie this sword , wherewith this thy servant james desireth to be girt , that it may be a defence , and protection of churches , widows , orphans , and all the servants of god , against the savage cruelty of pagans and infidels ; and that it may be a fear and terror to all those that lye in wait to do mischief , through christ our lord. then the archbishop delivereth the sword into the kings hands , saying , accipe gladium . which sword is girt about him by a peer thereto appointed . accipe gladium per manus episcoporum licet indignas , vice cum & authoritate sanctorum apostolorum consecratas , tibi regaliter impositum , nostraque benedictionis officio in defensionem , sancta fidei ecclesiae divinitus ordinatum . et esto memor de quo psalmista prophetavit dicens . accingere gladio tuo super femur tuum potentissime , ut per eundem vin● aequitatis exerceas molem iniquitatis potenter destruas , & sanctam dei ecclesiam ejusque fideles propugnando protegas . non minus sub fide falsos quam christiani-nominis hostes execreris ac destruas , viduas & pupillos clementer adjuves ac defendas , desolata restaures , restaurata conserves , ulciscaris injusta , confirmes bene disposita , quatenus haec in agendo virtutum triumpho gloriosus . justitiaeque cultor egregius cum mundi salvatora , cujus typum geris in nomine sine fine merearis regnare . qui cum patre & spiritu sancto , &c. receive this kingly sword ( which is hallowed ) for the defence of the faith of christs holy church , and delivered unto thee by the hands of bishops , though unworthy , yet consecrated , in the place of the holy apostles ; and remember of whom the psalmist did prophesie , saying , gird thy self with thy sword upon thy thigh , o thou most mighty ; and with this sword , exercise thou the force of equity , and mightily destroy the growth of iniquity ; protect the holy church of god , and his faithful people , and pursue hereticks , no lesse then infidels , defend and help widdows , and orphans . restore the things that are gone to decay , and maintain those things that are restored , be revenged of injustice , and confirm things that are in good order , that doing these things thou maist be glorious in the triumph of vertue , and excellent in the ornament of justice , and reign for ever with the saviour of the world , whose image you bear , who with the father and the holy ghost . then the armill is put about his neck ( in the manner of a stole ) and tyed to the boughts of his two arms. the archbishop saying ; accipe armillas sinceritatis , & sapientiae divinaeque circumdationibus judicium , quibus intelligas omnes operationes tuas contra hostes visibiles , & invisibiles posse esse munitas , per dominum nostrum , &c. recive the armill , as a token of gods embracing , whereby all thy works may be defended against thy enemies , both bodily and ghostly , through christ our lord. then the mantle or open pall is put on by the abbot of westminster . the archbishop saying , accipe pallium , quatuor initiis formatum , per quod intelligas quatuor mundi partes divinae potestati esse subjectas . nec quenquam posse feliciter regnare in terris , nisi cui potestas regnandi fuerit collocata de coelis . receive this pall which is formed with four corners , to let thee understand , that the four quarters of the world , are subject to the power of god , and that no man can happily reign upon earth , who hath not received his authority from heaven ; then the archbishop taketh the crown into his hands , and saith this prayer . deus perpetuatis , dux virtutum cunctarum , hostium victor , benedic hunc famulum tuum jacobum , tibi caput suum inclinantem , & prolixa sanitate , & prospera felicitate eum conserva , & ubicunque auxilium tuum invocaverit , cito adsis , & protegas ac defenda . tribue ei quaesumus domine divitias gratia tuae , comple in bonis desiderium ejus , corona eum in misericordia tua , tibique domino opia devotione jugiter famuletur , per dominum nostrum iesum christum filium , &c. o god of eternity , the commander of all powers , the vanquisher of all enemies , blesse this thy servant , who boweth his head unto thy majesty , preserve him in long health , and prosperous felicity , be present with him , protect and defend him , whensoever he calleth upon thee . give him , we beseech thee , the riches of thy grace , fill his soul with goodnesse , and crown him with thy mercy , and let him alwaies in godly devotion wait upon thee , through thy son our lord iesus christ . the archbishop crowneth the king , saying : coronet te deus corona galeaque justitiae , honore & opere fortitudinis , ut per officium nostrae benedictionis cum fide recta , & multiplici bonorum operum fructu ad coronam pervenias regni perpetui . ipse largiente , cujus regnum permanet in secula seculorum . god crown thee with a crown of glory , and righteousnesse , with the honor , and work of fortitude , that thou by our ministery , having a right faith , and manifold fruit of good works , maist obtain the crown of an everlasting kingdome , by the gift of him whose kingdome indureth for ever . in the mean time the quire singeth the anthem . confortare . be strong and of a good courage , and observe the commandements of the lord , to walk in his wayes and keep his ceremonies , precepts , testimonies and iudgements , and almighty god prosper and strengthen thee whithersoever thou goest . the lord is my ruler , therefore i shall want nothing . deus in virtute . the king shall rejoyce in thy strength , o lord , exceeding glad shall he be of thy salvation , for thou hast granted him his hearts desire , and hast not denyed him the request of his lips : for thou hast prevented him with blessings of goodness , and hast set a crown of pure gold upon his head . then he putteth the ring on his wedding finger : saying , accipe regiae dignitatis annulum , & per hunc in te catholicae fidei signaculum , quatenus ut hodie ornaris caput , & princeps regni ae populi , ita perseveres auctor & stabilitor christianitatis , & christianae fidei , ut felix in opere , locuples in fide cum rege regum glorieris cui est honor & gloria per aeterna secula seculorum . amen . receive the ring of kingly dignity , and by it the seal of christian faith , that as this day thou art adorned the head and prince of this kingdome and people , so thou maist persevere as the author and establisher of christianity , and the christian faith , that being rich in faith , and happy in works , thou maist reign with him who is king of kings , to whom be glory and honour for ever and ever . after this the archbishop saith this prayer : deus cujus est , &c. omnis potestas , & dignitas , da famulo tuo , propriae suae dignitatis effectum in quâ te remunerante permaneat , semperque te timeat tibique jugiter placere contendat , per dominum nostrum , &c. o god , to whom belongeth all power and dignity , give unto thy servant the fruit of his dignity , wherein grant he may long continue and fear thee alwaies , and alwaies labour to please thee , through christ our lord. the king cometh to the step of the altar , to receive the sacrament . the archbishop ministreth the bread. the abbot of westminster the cup. the king returneth to his throne , and there staieth the end of service . the communion being done , the king cometh down in estate to the altar . thence into king edwards chappell . the king taketh off his crown , and delivereth it to the archbishop , who laieth it on the altar there . the king withdraweth himself into the traverse . there the great chamberlain of england , disrobeth him of the robes of king edward the confessor . these robes he immediately delivereth to the abbot of westminster . the king is arrayed with his own royal robes provided for his majesty to wear that day . the king being newly arrayed , cometh forth of the traverse , and goeth to king edwards altar . there the archbishop putteth on him the crown which is provided for his majesty to wear that day . the king taketh again his scepter with the cross into his hand , and the rod with the dove . the king with his whole train , in most solemn manner , goeth back to his pallace , by the same way he came . dinner being done , and the king withdrawing himself , the scepter which the king carried in his hand , with the rod ( being the regalia ) are to be re-delivered to the abbot of westminster againe , to be kept as they have been . consecratio reginae . the queen must be supported by two bishops , from the west door of the church of westminster , &c. the queen must be anoynted , &c. after the homage done by the lords , and the kings coronation finished . the queen following the king down to the altar , going before the lords , bearing her crown , scepter and rod , two bishops sustianing her , and for her there shall be made on the left side of the altar a folding stool . she shall sit while the king be required for the keeping of the customes , &c. and that done , while veni creator is singing , and all the while the king is anoynting . dicetur ab episcopo ad ingressum ecclesiae , at the west door of westminster church . this prayer . omnipotens sempiterne , &c. o almighty and everlasting god , the fountain and well-spring of all goodnesse , which dost not reject the frailty of the woman , but rather dost vouchsafe to allow and choose it , and by choosing the weak things of the world , dost confound those things that are strong , which didst sometime cause thy people to triumph over a most cruel enemy , by the hand of judith a woman , give ear we beseech thee to our most humble prayers , and multiply thy blessings upon this thy servant , whom in all humble devotion , we do consecrate our queen . defend her alwaies with thy mighty right hand , and with the buckler of thy favour , protect her on every side , that she may be able to overcome , and triumph over all her enemies , both bodily and ghostly , and that with sarah and rebecca , leah and rachel , and other blessed and honourable women , she may multiply and rejoyce in the fruit of her womb , to the honour of the whole kingdome , and the good government of the holy church of god , through christ our lord , who vouchsafed to be born of a most pure virgin , that he might visit and redeem the world , who liveth and reigneth with thee , in unity of the holy ghost , through all ages world without end . another blessing of the queen before the nobles , to be said at the altar before she be anoynted . deus qui solus , &c. god which onely hast immortality , and dwellest in light which cannot be approached , whose providence is never deceived , which hast made all things ●hat are to come , and callest those things that are not , as the things that are , which castest down the proud from their seat , and dost exalt the humble and meek , we humbly beseech thy unspeakable mercy , that as for the good of the people of the jewes , thou didst deliver queen hester from captivity , and didst bring her to the bed of king assuerus , and the society of his kindome ; so for the good of thy christian flock , thou wilt of thy mercy by our ministery , advance this thy servant , to the most high and royall company of our king , that she continuing alwaies in the chastity of princely wedlock , she may obtain the crown that is next unto virginity , and may in all things , and above all things , study alwaies to please thee the living god , and by thy holy inspiration to perform those things that are acceptable unto thee , through christ our lord , amen . here the holy oyle shall be poured upon the crown of her head in the manner of a crosse . the queen is to be anoynted two times , first in the forepart of her head , the bishop saying these words ; in the name of the father , the son and the holy ghost , let the anoynting of this oyl increase thy honour , and establish thee for ever and ever . secondly on her breast , saying the same words ; in the name of the father , the son , and the holy ghost , let the anoynting of this oyl increase thy honour , and establish thee for ever and ever . after the anoynting , this prayer is to be said : omnipotens sempiterne deus . o almighty and everlasting god , we beseech thee of thy goodnesse , poure out the spirit of thine abundant blessing , upon this thy servant , that as by the imposition of our hands , she is this day crowned queen , so she may by thy sanctification , continue alwaies thy chosen and worthy servant , that she may never hereafter fall from thy grace , through christ our lord. here the ring must be given her , and put on the fore-finger of her right hand , the bishop saying , accipe annulum . receive this ring the seal of a sincere faith , that you may avoid all infection of heresie , and by the power of god compell barbarous nations , and bring them to the knowledge of the truth . this prayer must follow . deus cujus est . god , to whom belongeth all power and dignity , grant we beseech thee to this thy servant , by the signe of christian faith , prosperous successe in this her honour , and that she may continue firm in the same , and endevour alwaies to please thee , through christ our lord. then the blessing of the crown . deus tuorum . o god , the crown of the faithfull , which dost crown their heads with pretious stones . blesse and sanctifie this crown , that as the same is adorned with many precious stones , so thy servant that weareth the same , may of thy grace be replenished with the manifold gifts of all pretious virtues , through christ our lord. amen . then the crown is set upon her head , the bishop saying ; accipe coronam . receive the crown of glory , and the honour of joy , that you may shine in righteousnesse , and be crowned with everlasting gladnesse . this also . officio nostre . seeing you are by our ministery solemnly consecrated for our queen , receive the crown of royal excellency , which is placed upon your head by the episcopal hands of us , though unworthy , and as you are crowned without , with gold and pearl , so labour to be beautified within with the gold of wisdome , and the pearl of vertue , that after this life ended , you may with the just virgins , decently meet the everlasting bridegroom , our lord jesus christ , and enter the kingly gate of the heavenly court , by his help , who with the father , and the holy ghost , liveth and reigneth for ever and ever . amen . then the archbishop purteth the scepter in her right hand , and a rod of gold in her left hand , saying , omnium domine . o lord the fountain of all good things , and the giver of all perfection , grant unto thy servant , that she may order aright the high dignity she hath obtained , and with good works establish the glory that thou hast given her , through christ our lord. amen . then is the queen carryed back into the throne , by the two bishops . as she passeth by the king she boweth to him . she is placed in her throne , and thus continueth , untill she come down with the king , to offer and receive the communion . the queen going with the king into saint edwards chappell , putteth off her crown there at the altar , before which altar she stayeth untill the king hath made himselfe ready in the traverse . after they both put on their crowns imperial , and so go to the pallace . for the fourth , i shall communicate to the world this form of king charles the i. his coronation in scotland , anno . written with mr. dells own hand , secretary to the late arch-bishop of canterbury dr. laud. the form of coronation , and rites to be used therein ; collected from other the like solemnities known to have been used either in this kingdom , or by other great princes abroad . leaving the choice of the place and church to his majesties own appointment , wheresoever the coronation shall be done . a stage must be set up made square and fastned to four pillars of the church , railed about , and the rayles and stage overspread and covered with carpers and tapestry . the stage being made of some convenient height and breadth , must have some steps for ascent on the west part , about the mid'st thereof , and as many for descent to the altar or table , which is to be placed on the east . upon the stage another little scaffold must be erected of two foot high ; which two steps to ascend , on which the throne of state must be placed , and adorned as is meet . a chayre of state must also be set on the stage , on the right hand of the little scaffold , with a fald-stoole and cushions , for his majesty to do his devotion . a little traverse is to be made on the south side of the altar or table , for the king to repose and disrobe himself . round about on the right and left hand of the stage , there must be scaffolds for noblemen , barons , knights , gentlemen of the chamber , and others to rest and behold . within the compass of the altar or table a pulpit must be set for sermon . over against it a chayr of state for his majesty , with a foldstool to kneel at . on the west side of the pulpit a foarm covered with tapestry , for the arch-bishop , and bishops serving at the coronation . the evening before , the king would be at service in chappel , besides his private devotion , whereof the bishop of dunblane , now dean of the chappel , must have care to remember his majesty . the regal , crown , scepter , and sword , with the great seal of the kingdome , and spurs are to be delivered to such persons as his majesty will appoint for carrying the same . there is likewise to be provided a red silken coat , having the places for the anointing opened and looped , which his majesty is to weare next to his shirt . the sacred oyl is to be provided also , and put in some silver vessel . cloath of some colour , red or blew , must be prepared and spread on the ground from the palace hall dore , to the stage in the church , for his majesty to walk upon all the way , which way must be rayled on every side . this must be done in the morning of the coronation by some nobleman that his majesty will make almoner for that day . and this concerning the preparation . the morning of the coronation . the bishops , noblemen , and commissioners of burroughes to the number of six , are at that morning to come unto the presence . the constable and marshal ( who are to carry their battones in their hands all that day ) having brought the king from his bed chamber to the presence , and after he is placed in his chaire , they all making the reverence that becomes ; some one of the church , or noblemen speaks to this purpose . sir , the estates of this your native and ancient kingdom , calling to mind the great happiness they enjoyed under the government of your majesties father of blessed memory , and acknowledging your highness to be the rightful heir of this crown , by a long and lawful descent , do beseech your majesty to receivet hem into your highness protection , to govern them by the laws of the kingdome , and defend them their rightes and liberties by your royal power : offering their service in most humble manner to your majesty , with their vows to bestow land , life , and what else is in their power , for the safety of your majesties sacred person , and maintenance of your crown , which they intreat your majesty to accept , and pray almighty god that you may happily , and for many years enjoy the same . the king answers . i do esteem your affections more then the crowns of many kingdomes , and will by gods assistance bestow my life for your defence , wishing to live no longer then i may see this kingdom flourish in all happiness . then kissing his majesties hands , they prepare all to go in their ranks as they are appointed , towards the church . the lyon k. of arms having an open crown upon his head , carries in his hand the vessel containing the sacred oyl . two of his brethren walk on either of his hands one . the trumpets sound , and so they march . the receiving of the king into the church . the arch-bishop and bishops , with the musitians of the chappel are to meet the king at the entry in procession wise . the king is received under a canopy , supported by four barons . two bishops walk , one on his majesties one hand , and another upon the other . the dean of the chappel is alwayes by to inform the king of the rites of the solemnity , as need shall be . the king is received with an anthem into the church , protector noster , &c. behold oh lord our protector , and look upon the face of thine anointed , because one day in thy court , is better then a thousand &c. quam dilecta &c. the king passing up the church , goeth to the stage , and reposeth himself a little . the regal crown , scepter , sword , great seal , and spurs are laid down on a taffel besides the altar or table . the sacred oyl is delivered by lion k. of armes to the dean of the chappel , who brings it to the arch-bishop , and he sets the same on the table . then the king comes down from the stage , and the sermon begins . which ended , the king ascends again to the stage , and ls ; it s down in the chair of state. then the arch-bishop ( the marshal of scotland going before him ) goeth to all the quarters of the stage , and speaks to the people in these words ; sirs , i do present unto you king charles , the rightful and undoubted inheritor of the crown and dignity of this realm . this day is by the peers of the kingdome , appointed for his coronation . and are you not willing to have him for your king , and become subject unto him and his commandements ? the king stands up in this time , and as the arch-bishop goes from one part of the stage to another , turneth himself that he may be seen of the people . the people declare their willingness by their acclamations , and shouts , crying , god save king charles ; or let the king live . then is sung this anthem , firmetur manus tua , &c. let thine hands be strengthened , and thy right hand be exalted , let judgement be the preparation of thy seat , mercy and truth go before thy face . hallelujah . psal . . misericordias dei , &c. glory be to the father , &c. whilest the anthem is singing the arch-bishop goeth down to the altar or table , and resteth there . then is the king supported by two bishops , brought to the altar , and makes his oblation ; after which he kneels at his fald-stool , and the arch-bishop sayes this prayer ; deus visitator humilium : o god who dost visit those that are humble , and dost comfort them by thine holy spirit , send down thy grace upon this thy servant king charles , that by him we may feel thy presence amongst us , through jesus christ our lord. amen . the prayer ended the king sits down in his chair , and the archbishop goeth unto him , and asketh , if he be willing to take the oath appointed to be given at the coronation of kings ? his majesty declaring his willingness , the archbishop ministreth the questions following . archbishop . sir , will you promise to serve almighty god , and as every good king in his kingdom ought to do , maintain the gospel of iesus christ in this your kingdom , against all atheism , profaneness , heresy , schism , or superstition whatsoever ? rex . i promise faithfully so to do . archbishop . sir , will you promise to rule this people subject to you , and committed to your charge , according to the laws , constitutions and customes of this your kingdom , causing ( asmuch as in you lyeth ) iustice and equity to be ministred without partiality ? and to endevour the peace of the church of christ and all christian people ? rex . i grant , and promise so to do . archbishop . sir , will you likewise promise to preserve the rights and priviledges of the crown of scotland ? rex . i promise so to do . archbishop . sir , we do also beseech you to grant and preserve unto us of the clergy , and to the churches committed to our charge all canonical priviledges , and that you will defend and protect us , as every good king ought in his kingdom to defend his bishops , and the churches that be under their government ? the king answers . with a willing heart i grant the same , and promise to maintain you and every one of you with all the churches committed to your charge , in your whole rights and priviledges , according to law and justice . then the king rising from his chair is led to the altar , where in sight of all the people , laying his hands upon the bible , he takes his oath and sayes . all the things which before i have promised , i shall observe and keep . so god me help ; and by the contents of this book . after the oath , the king returns to his chair of state , and then is sung the hymn , veni creator , &c. the hymn finished , the king kneeleth at his foldstool , and the archbishop sayes this prayer . we beseech thee o lord , holy father , almighty and everlasting god , for this thy servant king charles , that as at the first , thou broughtest him into the world by thy divine providence , and in the flower of his youth hast preserved him untill this present time ; so thou wilt evermore enrich him with the gift of piety , fill him with the grace of truth , and daily increase in him all goodnesse , that he may happily enjoy the seat of supreme government , by the gift of thy supernal grace . and being defended from all his enemies , by the wall of thy mercy , may prosperously govern the people committed to his charge . after the prayer , the letany is sung , and at the close thereof this is to be added . that it may please thee to keep and strengthen in the true worshiping of thee , in righteousnesse and holiness of life , this thy servant charles , our king and governor , and so to the end . then is said this prayer by one of the bishops that sings the letany . o almighty and everlasting god , creator of all things , ruler of angels , king of kings , and lord of lords , who madest thy servant abraham triumph over his enemies ; didst give many victories to moses , and joshuah , the governors of the people ; didst raise and exalt david thy servant to be a king over them ; didst enrich solomon his son with the gift of wisdome and understanding , and blessedst him with peace and great prosperity . give ear we beseech thee unto our humble prayers , and multiply thy blessings upon this thy servant , who is now to be consecrated our king , that he being strengthned with the faith of abraham , endued with the mildness of moses , armed with the fortitude of joshuah , exalted with the humility of david , and beautified with the wisdom of solomon , may please thee in all things , and ever walk uprightly in thy wayes . defend him by thy mighty arm , compass him with thy protection , and give him to overcome all his and thine enemies . honour him before all the kings of the earth . let him rule over countries , and let nations adore him . establish his throne with judgement and equity , let justice flourish in his dayes , and grant that he underpropped by the due obedience and hearty love of his people , may sit on the throne of his forefathers for many years , and after this life may reign with thee in thine everlasting kingdome , through jesus christ our lord and saviour . amen . the letany thus ended , the archbishop beginneth to say aloud , lift up your hearts and give thanks unto the lord. answer : by the bishops that sings the letany . we lift them up unto the lord , and to give thanks unto him it is meet and right . then the archbishop says , it is very meet and right and our bounden duty so to do , and at all times , and in all places to give thanks to thee o lord , holy father , almighty and everlasting god , the strength of thy chosen , and the exalter of the humble , who in the beginning by sending the floud of waters didest punish the sins of the world ; and by a dove bringing an olive branch in her mouth , didst give a token of reconcilement to the earth ; who afterwards didst consecrate thy servant aaron a priest , by the anointing of oyl , as also by the pouring out of the same didst make kings , priests , and prophets to govern thy people israel : and by the voice of the prophet david didst foretel , that the countenance of thy church should be made joyful with oyl : we beseech thee to bless and sanctifie this thy servant king charles , that he may minister peace unto this people , that he may attain to the perfection of government in counsel and judgment , and that his countenance may be alwayes cheerfull and amiable to all his people , through jesus christ our lord. amen . this prayer said the king rises from his devotion , and reposeth himself awhile in the chair of state , in which he is to be crown'd . afterwards he goeth to the altar , and standeth with his back close unto it , disrobes himself of his upper garment , his under coat having the loops opened in the places where he is to be anointed . then he comes to the pulpit side , and sitting in a chair , a canopy is held over his head all the time of his anointing . the archbishop first anoints his hands in the palms saying ; in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost ( which wordes he repeats in all the several anointings ) let these hands be anointed with oyl , as kings and prophets have been anointed : and as samuel did anoint david to be king , that thou mayest be blessed and established a king in this kingdome over the people , whom the lord thy god hath given thee to rule and govern : which he vouchsafe to grant , who with the father and the holy ghost is one , and reigns in glory everlasting . amen . in this time the singers do sing the anthem , sadocke the priest and nathan the prophet anointed solomon king , and all the people rejoyced and said , god save the king for ever . then the archbishop says this prayer . look down almighty god upon this thy servant , our dread soveraign king charles , with thy favourable countenance , and as thou didst bless abraham , isaac , and jacob , so vouchsafe we beseech thee to water him plentifully with the blessing of thy grace ; give unto him of the dew of heaven , and of the fatness of the earth , abundance of corn , wine , and oyl , with all plenty of fruites , and other good things . grant him long to continue , and that in his time there may be health and peace in this kingdome . grant o almighty god that he may be a mighty protector of this country , a bountiful comforter of churches , and holy societies , the most valiant of kings , terrible to rebels and infidels , amiable to his nobles , and to all his faithful subjects . make his royal court to shine in princely dignity as a most cleer lightning , far and wide in the eyes of all men . finally let him be blessed with happy children , that may reign as kings , after him , and rule this kingdom by succession of all ages , and after the glorious and happy dayes of present life , give him of thy mercy an everlasting kingdome with thee in the heavens , through jesus christ our lord. amen . the prayer ended , the archbishop proceeds in the anointing . . his breast . . betwixt the shoulders . . both the points of the shoulders . . boughs of his arms. . the crown of his majesties head . the anointing done : the dean of the chappel closeth the loops again , which were opened . then the archbishop reads this benediction . god the son of god , christ jesus our lord , who was anointed of his father with oyl of gladness above his fellows ; pour down upon thy head the blessing of the holy ghost , and make it enter into the inward parts of thy heart , so that thou mayest reign with him in the heavens eternally . amen . this pronounced , a shallow quoife is put upon the kings head , because of the anointing . then the king goeth to the altar , and the robe is put upon him , at which the archbishop says this prayer . o god the king of kings and lord of lords , by whom kings do reign , and law-givers make good laws , vouchsafe in thy favour to bless this thy servant charles , in all his government , that living godly , and leading his people by the way of righteousness , after a glorious course in this life he may attain that joy which hath no end , through our lord. amen . then the sword is brought to the archbishop , who laying it on the altar , prayes in this manner . hear our prayers , we beseech thee o lords and vouchsafe by thy right hand of majesty to bless and sanctifie this sword , wherewith thy servant charles desires to be girt , by the same he may defend churches , widdows , orphans , and all the people of god , against the savage cruelty of pagans and infidels ; and that it may be a terrour , and fear to all those that lie in wait to do mischief ; through jesus christ our lord. amen . then the archbishop takes up the sword , and puts it in the kings hand saying . receive this kingly sword for the defence of the faith of christ , and protection of his holy church ; and remember him of whom the psalmist did prophecy saying . gird thy self with thy sword upon thy thigh , o thou most mighty ; and with thy sword execute thou equity and justice . persue all hereticks and infidels , defend widdows and orphans , restore the things that are gone to decay , maintain and confirm the things that are restored and in good order , destroy the growth of iniquity , and take punishment of all injustice , that you may be glorious in the triumph of vertue , and reign with him whose image you bear , for ever and ever . amen . the sword is girt to the kings side by one of the peers thereto oppointed . then the king returns to the chair , wherein he was anointed , and hath the spurs put on by the lord marshal . after which the archbishop taking the crown in his hand sayes this prayer . o god the crown of all the faithful , who dost crown their heads with pretious stone that trust in thee , bless and sanctifie this crown , that as the same is adorned with many precious stones , so this thy servant that weares the same may be replenished of thy grace with the manifold gifts of all precious virtues , through christ our lord. amen . then the archbishop crowneth the king saying . god crown thee with a crown of glory and righteousness , with the honour and vertue of fortitude , that by a right faith , and manifold fruits of good works you may obtein the crown of an everlasting kingdome , by the gift of him whose kingdome endureth for ever . amen . then the king goes to the stage and sits in the chair of state , which is placed by the throne . then the lyon by direction of the marshal calls the nobles , who set their hands to the crown , and say every man these words . so god not help me , as i shall support thee . and when they have done , they all hold up their hands , and swear to be loyal and true subjects . the marshal having in his hand the obligatory oath of the people , goeth to the four corners of the stage , and reads the same to the lyon , who cries it down to the people , and they all hold up their hands and say . amen . the oath of the people is this . we swear , and by the holding up of our hauds do promise all subjection and loyalty to king charles , our dread soveraign , and as we wish god to be merciful unto us , shall be to his majesty true and faithful , and be ever ready to bestow our lives , lands , and what else god hath given us , for the defence of his sacred person and crown . when the king is crowned the earles and viscounts put on their crownes , and the lyon his . the other barons and lords continue bare and uncovered . then is this anthem sung . be strong and of good courage , and observe the commandements of the lord to walk in his wayes , and keep his ceremonies , precepts , testimonies and judgements . and almighty god strengthen and prosper thee , wheresoever thou goest . the lord is my ruler , therefore i shall want nothing . the king shall rejoyce in thy strength oh lord , exceeding glad shall he be of thy salvation . for thou hast granted him his hearts desire , and hast not denyed him the request of his lips , for thou hast prevented him with blessings of goodness , and hast set a crown of pure gold upon his head. after this the king goes down again , looses his sword wherewith he was girt , and offers it , laying the same upon the altar , which one of the chief nobles redeems with an offering , and then draws it forth , and carries the same naked before the king. then the archbishop takes the scepter , and delivers it in the kings right hand with these words . receive the scepter the sign of royal power , the rod of the kingdome , the rod of vertue , that thou mayest govern thy self aright , defend the holy church , and all the christian people committed by god to thy charge , punishing the wicked , and protecting the just . and then he saith this prayer . o lord the fountain of all good things , and the author of all good proceedings , grant we beseech thee , to this thy servant that he may rightly use the dignity which he hath by inheritance ; vouchsafe to confirm the honour which thou hast given him before all kings , and enrich him with all benedictions . establish his throne , visit him with increase of children , let justice spring up in his dayes and his soul be filled with joy and gladness , till he be translated to thine everlasting kingdome . amen . after this the archbishop blesseth the king saying . the lord bless thee and keep thee , and as he hath made thee king over his people , so he still may prosper thee in this world , and in the world to come make thee partaker of his eternal felicity . amen . the king then kisseth the archbishop and bishops assistant . after that the king ascendeth the stage attended by the nobles , and the singers sing te deum laudamus , &c. which ended , the archbishop enthrones the king saying . stand and hold fast from henceforth the place whereof you are the righteous and lawful heir by a long and lineal succession of your forefathers , which is now delivered unto you , by the authority of almighty god , and by the hands of us the bishops , and servants of god ; and as you see the clergy come more near to the altar then others , so where it is convenient you will remember to give them that honour and respect which is due to their places , that the mediator of god and man , may establish you in this kingly throne , and that with him you may reign and live for ever . then goeth the chancellour to the four coruers of the stage , and proclaims his majesties pardon , with offer of the same under the great seal of scotland , to all who shall require it . upon which the people make their acclamations crying , god save the king. this done the archbishop and bishops kneel down , and make their homage , their hands being betwixt the kings hands , and these words are read unto them . j. a. b. shall be faithful and true , and faith and truth bear , unto you our soveraign lord , and your heirs kings of scotland , and i shall do , and truely acknowledge the service of the lands , which i shall claim to hold of you in the right of the church , as god help me . and they shall kiss the kings left cheek . after them the temporal lords in like manner kneeling and holding their hands betwixt the kings hands , have these words read unto them . j. a. b. become your liege man and truth and faith i shall bear unto you , live and die against all manner of folks whomsover in your service . so god me help . they kiss likewise the kings left cheek . the king giveth the scepter to such as it shall please his majesty for carrying the same , and goeth down to the chair of estate ouer against the pulpit . and the archbishop going to the altar or table , beginneth the communion . the communion ended and blessing given , the king with the crown on his head , and scepter in his hand returns with the whole traine in most solemn manner to his pallace . the trumpets sound , the canons shout , and other small shot are discharged . silver and gold pieces coyned for that purpose are cast among the people . and then the king goeth to his feast , which is ordered as his majesty shall give direction . god save the king . having given you this large account of the ceremonie , and prayers used at the coronations of our own and other christian kings and emperors ; i shall thereunto subjoyn this memorial passage of * diodorus siculus , touching the form of prayer and solemnities used at the inauguration of the ancient pagan kings of egypt . when the egyptian king was to be inthroned , he had such a copy of the laws delivered to him , by which he was to conform himself in all things , and an exact estate of the realm presented to him by letters written from all parts : tum lotus & regni insignibus splendidâque trabea ornatus , diis sacrificatum ibat . adductis tum ad aram victimis , mos erat principi sacerdotum regi astantem magna voce in conferta aegyptiorum corona preces enuntiare , u● dii sanitatem , cum bonis caeteris omni●us regi , jus et aequumerga inferiores tuenti largiantur , singulae etiam regis virtutes depraedicandae tum erant , quod videlicet piam ergâ deos , & mitissimam erga homines affectionem gerat , ut qui sit continens , justus , magnanimus , alienus à mendatio , benignus honorum communicator , & tandem omnis concupiscentiae victor , qui minores delictorum meritis paenas irroget , & ampliorem beneficio gratiam rependat benemeritis . haec & multa alia his affinia ubi peroravit antistes , ignorantiae ad extremum peccata execratur , regem quidem culpa eximens , sed & noxam & paenas in ministros & doctores malorum retorquens : quod ideo peragebat , simul ut ad metum numinis , & vitam diis gratam regem exhortaretur , simul ut non admonitionis acerbitate , sed laudum ille cebris virtuti maxime congruis , ad vitae modestiam illum adsu efaceret , post haec cum extis victimae inspectis , rex perlitasset , à sacris libellis sacerdos ; consulta quaedam & facta clarissimorum viorum ad vitam conducentia , è commentariis sacris praelegebat , ut princeps reipublicae honestissimorum rationes consiliorum animo consideratas ad praescriptam singulorum administrationem simili modo accommodaret . non enim agendi ad populum & indicia obeundi tantummodo , sed etiam de ambulandi & laudandi , & cum uxore dormiendi , omniumque adeo per vitam agendorum tempus definitum erat , simplici praeterea nutrimento uti , & vitulorum anserumque carnibus vesci , & certam bibere vini mensuram , quae nec ad repletionem immodicam , nec ad ebrietatem faceret , in morem habebant . breviter , tam moderata victus ratio praescripta fuit ut non legislator , sed midicorum optimus , ad sanam valetudinem omnia referens , eam instituisse videatur . whereupon their kings strictly conforming themselves to their laws in all things without the least deviation , he subjoyns hâc ergà subditos justitiâ cum rege , uterentur , majore in se cives benevolentia quàm amore cogna●os , propensos habebant : non enim sacerdotum duntaxat collegia , sed universa aegyptiorum naetio adeòque sirguli , non tàm de uxoribus liberisque & bonis suis privatis , quàm de regis incolumitate solliciti erant . quocirca longissimo eiiam tempore sub regibus memoratis integrum reipublic aestatum conservarunt , in summa vitam felicitate exigentes , quamdiu haec legum constitutio vigebat . ad haec plurimae ab eis gentes subactae maxima vis opum collecta , provinciae inimitabili operum magnificentiâ illustratae , ur besque variis & sumptuosissimis donariis exornatae . which god grant may be england condition for the future as well as theirs and its too in times past , by a speedy happy cordial legal restitution & conjunction of k. and subjects in the strictest bonds of mutual love and loyalty , without any adulation or self-seeking on either part . then shall we sing with the elegant poet : a non quaerit pretium , vitam qui debet amori . o quantum populo secreti numinis addit imperii praesens species ? quantamque rependit majestas alterna vicem , cum regia circi , connixum gradibus veneratur purpura vallis , plebis adoratae reboat fragor , unaque totis intonat augustus septenis arcibus echo ? b fallitur egregio quisquis sub principe credit servitium : nunquam libertas gratior extat quam sub rege pio ; quos praeficit ipse regendis rebus ad arbitrium plebis patrumque reducit , concorditqus libens , meritis seu praemia poscant seu punire velint , posito jam purpura fastu de se judicium non indignatur haberi . sic docuit regnare pater , sic casta juventae froena dedit , teneros his moribus imbuit annos verior augusti genitor , fiducia belli , pacis consilium ; per quem squalore remoto pristina romuleis infloruit artibus aetas : per quem fracta diu , translataque penè potestas in proprium reducta larem , victricia reddit fata solo , fruiturque iterum , quibus haeserat olim auspiciis , capitique errantia membra reponit . i shall conclude this whole treatise with the usual thanks and prayer of the prelates , lords , and commons assembled in parliament in the name all of other subjects of england ( whom they represent ) entred upon every general pardon of the king passed in parliament , wherein they pray god to give him a peaceable , good and long life , in these words . les prelates , seigneurs , & commones en cest parleament assembles , au nom de touts vous autres subjects , remercient treshumblement vostre majesty , & prient deiu vous doner en sante , bone die , & longe . and with these prayers and collects for the king of england in the book of common prayer . priest . o lord save the king . answer : ( by all the people . ) and mercifully hear us when we call upon thee . almighty god , whose kingdome is everlasting and power infinite , have mercy upon the whole congregation , and so rule the heart of thy chosen servant , charles our king and governour , that he ( knowing whose minister he is ) may above all things seek thy honour and glory , and that we his subjects ( duly considering whose authority he hath ) may faithfully serve , honour and humbly obey him , in thee , and for thee , according to thy blessed word and ordinance , through jesus christ our lord , who with thee and the holy ghost , liveth and reigneth one god , world without end . amen . almighty and everlasting god , we be taught by thy holy word , that the hearts of kings are in thy rule and governance , and that thou dost dispose and turn them as it seemeth best to thy godly wisdome ; we beseech thee , so to dispose and govern the heart of charles , thy servant our king and governor , that in all his thoughts words and works , he may ever seek thy honour and glory , and study to preserve thy people committed to his charge , in wealth , peace , and godlinesse : grant this , o merciful father for thy sons sake jesus christ our lord. amen . sam. . , , , , . the lord killeth and maketh alive , he bringeth down to the grave , and bringeth up again ; the lord maketh poor and maketh rich , he bringeth low and lifteth up : he raiseth up the poor out of the dust , and lifteth up the beggar from the dunghil , to set them among princes and to make them inherit the throne of glory , &c. the adversaries of the lord shall be broken in pieces , out of heaven shall he thunder upon them , the lord shall judge the ends of the earth , and he shall give strength unto his king , and exalt the horn of his anointed . god save king charles the second . amen . finis . errata . courteous reader , correct those mistakes at the press . pag. . line . read finierunt . p. . l. . r. catholicae . l. . r. seculi . p. . l. . r. stabilitate . p. . l. . r. liberatus . p. . l. . r. subventionis . p. . l. . r. processionale . p. . l. . sermons . l. . charles . r. james . p. . l. . countenance . r. continuance . p. . l. . multiplicetur . p. . l. . firmet . p. . l. . r. circundatus . p. . l. . perfunde . p. . trisone . p. . l . mille . p. . l. . penetrassent . p. . l. . r. liberis tribue . p. . l. . . populis . p. . l. . . nos . p. . l. . vivis . l. . corona . p. . l. . profectuum . p. . l. . r. salvatore . p. . l. . pice . margin . p. . l. . . r. . p. . l. . fection . p. . l. . ibidem . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e a tim. . . rev. . . b dan. , . c. . . job . , , . sam. . . psa . . , . c psal . . . exod. . . deut. . . d dan. . . . e psal . . , , . f tim. . , , . g ps . . . h num. . . ● . . . i sam. . . to . a psal . ● . , , . b isa . , , . c bellarmin . de notis eccles . c. . b●shop jewels def. of the apology of the ch. of engl. ch . divis . d. john white his way to the true church , sect digress . * psal . . . see surius , lippomanes , ribadenira , in their lives of the saints . * deut. , . a exod. . , , , . b psal . . , , &c. * psal . . * chron . , , . * regis ad exemplum totus componitur orbit . claudian . notes for div a -e a see here , p , . . and ch . . throughout . ( b ) histrioma . p . e. . . . to . * see the homelies against rebellion , and on whitsunday , deus & rex , jac. c. . . * page . page . * page . . * see my plea for the lords and house of peers , p. . . * a new discovery of the prelates tyranny , p. . . &c. e interest will not lie . f * collect. . notes for div a -e * tertulliani apologeticus , c. . to . athenagoras apologia pro christianis . * see beatus rhenanus , & la cerda on the place . * a great republican at first ; afterward a greater protectorian , christning one of his sons by the name of cromwel hull . * rom. . , , . * see cooks rep. calvins case , f. , . instit . f. b spelmanni glossarium , tit. fidelitas , & ligeantia . ‖ see rom. . , . heb. . , to . * exod. . , to the end . c. . , , . c. . , , , . acts . to . e exod. . c. . , to . act. . , to . hebr. , , . f exod. . , to . acts . , to . g exod . , to c. . , to . c . , to . acts . , to . ps . . h numb . . . ps . . . ps . . . i exod. , & , to c. acts . , to . ps . . , to . mat. . , , see page . sam. . . c. . , c . , c. . . . josephus antiqu . judai l. . c. , , . * josephus antiq judaic . l. . c. . . * basil , augustin , arnobius , mercer , & others . * kings . , to . chron. c. . & . * kings c. . & . chron. c. . & . ‖ kings . , to . chron. . , to . * kings . , to . chron. . , to . . * kings . , to . . * kings . . chron. . . * kings . , to . ‖ kings . , &c. chron. . * rhemigius haymo . * ps . . jer. , & . * iosephus antiqu . iudae . l. . c. . ut non desinentes quotidie sacrificare , tam pro me , quam pro persarum gente deum deprecantur . * josephus antiqu. jud. l. . c. , . philo de legatione ad caium . fusebius eccles . hist . l. . c. . nicephorus , l . c. . dr. hamonds annotations on tim. . , . * chrysostom , theophylact , and marolat . on the place . a ps . . . b mat. . . c. . . lu. . . c , . c. . john . . col. . . tim. . heb. . . pet. . . rom. . ▪ * see mr. smith his gagg for the quakers , p. , . r ephes . . . kings . . ſ ps . . . i. say . lu. . . acts . . rom. . . t sam. . ps . . . ps . . . mat. . . lu. . , &c. thes . . . thes . . . ephes . . . thes . ● . tim. . . jam. . . pet . . col. . , . c. . , . acts . . c. . u see chrysostom , hierom , remigius , beda , the divi●es and dr. hamonds notes on the tim. . , . . augustin . epist . . * see the assemblies notes thereon , and on pet. . , . * chrysostom , theodoret , oecumenius , theophilact , ambrose . * the divines notes on tim. . , . * hierom , chrysostom , sedulius , primasius , ambrose , theodoret , rhemigius , oecumenius , beda , theophylact. * see eusebius , socrates scholasticus , nicephorus , dorotheus , baronius , spond●nus , the centuries , mr ▪ fox , and others . * in hymno acrostr de●vita christi . * rex iste qui natus est non venit reges pugnando superate , sed moriendo mirabiliter , veni● enim non ut regnet vivus sed ut triumphat occisus . claudius l. . in matth. bishop usher of the religion professed by the antient irish , p. , mat. . , . john . c . . anno christi . c bibliotheca patrum , coloniae agrip. . tom. . p. . g. anno . d bibliotheca patrum tom. . p. . g. h. * ibid. p. . anno ● . d bibliotheca patrum , tom. . p. . d. anno . anno . f bibliotbeca patrum , tom. . p. , , . anno . g ad scapulam , lib. p. , . h apologia , c. , &c. cent. magd. . c. . col . . see la cerda , & rhenanus annotations , * see clement alexandrinus stromatum , l. . d mat. . , . lu. . , . k tim. . , , . * see plinii epist . l. . epist . . anno . tim. . anno . * edit . pam. . p. . * euseb . eccl. hist . l . c. . centur magd. . c. . col . . anno . anno . anno . * socrates , eccles . hist . l. . c. ruffinus , l . c. . theod. l. . c. . sozomen , l. . c. . cent. magd. . c . col . . * bibliotheca patrum , tom. . pars . p. . ier. . . a tacitus , aelius lamprid. flavius vopiscus , eutropius , aelius spartianus , josephus , suctonius , dion cassius , grimstons imperial history , p. . . tertull. ad scapnlam , & apolog arnobius adversus gentes , cent. magd. , , , . c . de gentilisimo : la cerda annotationes in tertulliani apologiam . b de ponto , l. . elegia . see l. . eleg. . c annal. l. . c. . see alexander ab alexandro , gen. dierum , l. . c. . d ibid. c. . * suetonii tranquilli caliguli c. . pedro mexia & grimston in his life . * annalium , l , . sect. . a grimstons imperial history , p. . * see his book de clementia , l. . c , . l. . c. , . * quae. * vincat mortalia tempora vitae . ludus de morre claudii caesaris . * see l. lipsii dissertatiuncula thereon . * virgil. geor. lib. . nota. g suetonii titns , c. . . * praebuimus . * an●u●rpiae , cum juui lipsi perpetuo commentario , anno , p. , , , , , . * ibidem , p. , . * page . * page , . h rerum romanorum , l. . p. . imperial hist . j. lipsii commentarius in panegyr . trajano dict . i antonius pins , p. . k in the life of avidius cassius , p. . l herodi●n . pedro mexia , grimston , and others in his life . m antoninus diadumenus , p. , . n alexander se verus , p. , , , , ▪ . * grimstons imperial history , p. . & pedro , mexia . m aelius lampridius , alex. sev. p. . * lib. . see la cerda annot : in tertull . apolog. f apologia pro christianis . * see aelii , spartiani , severus , piscenias niger , & claudius albinus , vulcatii gallicani avidius cassius , & la cerda in tertul. apolog . n julii capito●●ni maximini duo , p. , . , . o julii capitolini gordiani duo p. , . p julii capitolini gordianus tertius p. , . q julii capitolini maximus & balbinus p. , , . r ibid. p. , , . ſ divus claudius p. , . t ibid. p. . u flavii vopasci aurelianus , p. , , . x flav. vopisci tacitus , p. , , , , . . y flavii vopisci probus , p. , , , . * pet. . . a ps . . . ps . . . ps . . . ps . . . ps . . . ps . . ps . . . ps . . . ps . . . ps . . . ps . . . ps . . , , . ps . . . isa . . . jer. . . c. . . c. . . john . . c. . . chron . . c. . . jer. . . lam . . c . . jam. . , . acts . . . cor. . . phil. . . thes . . . heb. . . isa . . , &c. c. . . b see my concordia discors . c act. . , , , . c. . , , , , , . d dan. . , to . e jam. . , , . rev. . . * tho. lister . g isa . . . * ezra , , &c jonah . . , . * ascetica , pro●emium de judicio dei. b acts . , . c judges . . c. . . c. . . * as our army councils , junctoes and grandees have done , and do . * see caelius rhodiginus antiquarum lectionum , l. . c. , . * see seneca here , p. , . * de monarchia hisp . c. . a psal , , , . b psal . . . c psal . . . d psal . . . psal . . . e psal . . . * in their declaration of march . . * jan. . . notes for div a -e anno ▪ . a usserius de britan. ecclesiarum primordiis p. . and the authors there quoted . b lambardi archaion , antiquit . ●cel . brit. p. , . spelman concil p , to bishop jewels reply against harding . art. . divis . . p. , . fox acts and monuments , vol. . harrisons description of england , l. . c. . bishop usher de eccl. brit. primordiis , p. , , . c eutropius , hist . l. . orosius , l. . c. , . socrat. eccl. hist . l. . c. . eumenius panegyr . . cambdens brit. essex , p. . vsserius de brit. eccl. primordiis , c. . c eusebius de vita constantini , l. . c. , , , . d euseb . devita constantini , l. . c , . e euseb . devita constant . l. . c. , . f nicephorus eccles . hist . l. . c. . spelman . concil . p. , , . anno . g majore chronico , l. . c. . wintoniensis ecclesiae , hist , c. , . usserius de brit. eccles . primordiis , c. . p. ● . anno . * mat. westm . anno . p. , . 〈◊〉 anno . ● mat. westm . an. . p. , . anno . k mat. westm . anno . p. . usserius de brit. eccl. primordiis , p. , . * epist . l. . ep●st . . spelmanni concilia , p. anno . * epist . l. . epist . . beda eccles . hist . l. . c. . spelmanni concilia , p. anno . * henrici huntindon , hist . l. p. . anno . * will. malme●burienfis , de gestis pontif. angl. l. . p , . anno . m beda ecclesiast . hist . l. . c. . ● . mat. west . ●n . . n●ldem , l. . c. . anno . n beda eccl. hist . l. c. . spelman . concil . p. , . hen. huntindon . hist . l . p. . anno . n beda eccl. hist . l. . c . o mat. westm . p. . anno . p beda eccl. hist . l. c. . anno . p beda eccl. hist. i. c. anno . q beda eccl. hist . l. . c. . a gul●elmus malm de gest . pontif. angls. 〈◊〉 . . p. . anno . b spelmanni concil . p. . anno . c monasticon angl. pars . p. . londini . d spelmanni concil . p. . anno . anno . e monast . ang. pars . p. . anno . * beda eccl. hist l. . c. . spelmanni concil . p. , . * ingulphi hist . p. , , . anno . anno . * operum coloniae agrip. . tom . col. , . * spelmanni concil p. , , . anno . anno . bibliotheca patrum , tom. . p. , . malm. de gestis regum angl. l. . c. . p. . * bibl. patrum , tom. . p. . * bibl. patrum tom. . p. , . anno . anno . * spelmanni concil . p. , . a dan. . . c. . . c. . . b pet. . , . c rom. . , , . d eccles . . . a rom. . . b esther . , , . c. . . c kings . , . d sam. . &c. . . anno . e see balaeus scriptornm brit. cent. . c. . * epist . , , , , , , to . & . * ephes . . * mat. paris in vita offae , secundi , p. . mat. westm . an. . anno . a wil. malmesburiens . de gestis regum , l. . c. . anno . anno . b ex registro de abendon cap. . monasticon angl. p. . anno . c ingulphi hist . p. . anno . d monasticon angl. p. . f mat. westm . ann. . p. , . malm● de gestis regum , l. . c. . ingulphus , p. . spelmanni concilia , p. , . mr. seldens history of tithes , c. . p. . &c. anno . * will. malm●sbury de gest . pontif. angl. l. . p. . anno . h mr. seldens history of tithes , c. . p. . anno. chron. glocestr . caenobii . monast . angl. p. . anno . * monast . angl. pars . anno . malmesbur . l. . c. . p. , . a chron. ioh. brompt . col . . spelman . concil . p. . anno . b monasticon angl. . anno . c monast . angl. p. , . anno . d matthae●-parisiensis auctuarium additamentorum , p. . anno . anno . a monasticon angl. p. . anno anno . b chro johannis brompton col. . spelm. confilia p. . c ailredus abbas , de vita & miraculis edwardi confessoris , col. . malmes● . de gestis regum , l. . c. . de gestis pontif . angl. l. . p. . mat. westm . anno . p. . hen. huntindon hist . l. . simeon dunelmensis hist . col. . chron. john brompton , col . . hen. knyghton de eventibus angl. l. . c. . antiq. eccles . brit. p. , . ribadenira & capgrave in the ●ffe of edward the confessor , speeds hist . p. . anno . * antiqu. ecclesiae brit. p. , , . monast . angl. p. . anno . * spelmanni concilia , p. , , . ailredns de vita & miraculis edw. confess . col . , . b spelm. concil . p. . ailredus abbas : de vita et miraculis edw. confess . p. , &c. the d. part of my seasonable and legal historical vindication , p. , , &c. , to . ibid. p. . * col. . anno . r monast . angl . p. . anno , &c. s monasticon angl. p. , , . anno , &c. t ibid. p. , , , , , , , , , , , ● . anno . hist . elienfis eccl. lib. . f. , . monast . angl. p. . * eadmerus hist novorum , l. . p. , , , , , , , . anno . h bibliotheca patrum , tom. . pars . p. . eadmerus hist . nov. l. . p. , , . anno . a monasticon angl. p. , , , , . pat. . r. . pars . n. . ch. e. . n. . pat. . h. . m. . b monasticon angl. p. , , , , . c. . e. . n. . anno . anno . c monasticon angl. p. , , , , , , , , , , , , , . ch. . ● . . n. . ch. . h. . m. . ch. . r. . n. . ch. e. . n . a huntingdon hist . l. . p. , . anno . t roger hoveden , annal. posterior pars , p. , , , , . anno . anno * hoveden , p. , , , , , , , b bibliotheca patrum , tom. . pars . p. . c. c ibidem p. , , , , , , , . anno , &c. * monast . angl. p. , , , , , , , . ch . e. . n. . pat r. . p●t . . m. . ch . h. n . anno . &c. a monast angl. p. , , . , , , , , ch . joh. m. n. ●o ch . . ioh. m . n. . pat . e. . m. . ch . ioh. m. n. . ch e. n. . ch . h. . m. ch . . ioh. n. ch . . ioh n. . ‖ anno , &c. ‖ monasticon angl. p. , , , . , , , , , , , , , , , , , . ch. h. . m. . pat. . e. ● . m. . part . . m. . ch. . h. . m ch. . h. . m. . pat. . h. . m. . ch. . h. . m. . ch. . h. . m. , . rot. fin. . h. . m. . a mat. paris vitae . sancti . albani abbat . p. , . anno . b in the leger book of the priory of bath . anno . ‖ mat. paris hist . angl. p. . edit . londini . anno . anno . * mat. westm . anno . p. . ‖ mat. westm . p. , . anno . h georgii cassandri opera , parysiis , . , . pro p imp. rege , vel principe . a cl. e. . dors . . o. cl. e. dors . . cl. e. . dors . . cl. . e. . d. . cl. e. . dors . . cl. . e . dors . . cl. e. . dors . . pro rege de precibus . de orando pro rege . de orando pro rege & regina ac eorum liberis . de orando pro rege & regina ac eorum liberis . de ora●do pro rege & regina & liberis suis . nota. de orando pro rege . nota. de orando pro rege & regina ac eorum liberis . nota. de orando pro rege . de orando pro rege & regina ac eorum liberis . nota. ch. e. . n. ch . e. . n. . monast angl. p. , . de orando pro statu regis & regni . ‖ nota. vestram igitur devotionem , &c. & illud idem toti conventui , & subditis vestris universis , &c. de exequiis pro anima r. e. fac . & orando pro anima ejus . de orando pro rege & regina . de orando pro rege & statu regni . de exort●●ionibus pro rege & statu ●egni faciend . de supplicatione pro rege & statu regni facienda . * monast . ang. p. , , , , , . pat. e. . part . m. . pat. e. . part . m. . pat. e. . part . m. . pat. e. . part . . m. de devotis laudibus clemenc . summi salvatoris attollend . pro victoria scotorum prope berewicum nuper concessa . de orando pro pace . * ex de orando pro rege . de orando pro pace . de oraudo pro rege . * exponere . pat. . r. . part . m. . monost angl. p. , . . cl ● . r. . m. . dorso . pat. . & h. . m. pat. h. . part . m. . monast . angl p. . . ‖ monasticon angl. p. . pat. h. . m. . monast . angl. p. . anno . anno h. . anno . * here p. . * laertius cherubinus de nursia . bullarium , tom. . p . petri matthaei . sum. constit . pontif. in leone , . p. . speeds history . an. . seldens titles of honour , p. , . * in his works in folio , london . vol. . p. . anno . a in his works vol . f. , . b ibid. fol. . e tim. . apoc. . . deut. . josh . . rom. tim. . tit. . pet. . cap. , & . d ibid. f. , . e ibid. f. . f sap. . rom. . tim. tit. . pet. . acts . rom , . g mat. . luc. . mar. . anno . h fox acts and monuments , vol. . p. . anno . i see arch-bishop cranmers life , in antiq. eccles . brit. godwin , and before his answer to stephen gardener . fox acts and monuments vol. . p. , . k fox acts & monuments . vol. . p. , , . anno . anno . anno . * page . anno . nota. nota. a cooks . rep. calvins case f. , . instit . p. . brook treason . graftons cronicle p. , &c. fox acts and monuments , vol. . holinshed , and speed , . mariae . my plea for the lords , p. , to . see devotions of the antient church , &c. printed . * see dr. john whites defence of the way . bishop bilson , bishop andrews , arch-bishop abbot , bishop buckridge , bishop abbot , bishop davenant , bishop usher , dr. featly , &c. anno . * those who prayed thus cordially could not shorten his life by a violent death . * tertullian apologet. feb. . . a see the vindication of the secured and secluded members , and the history of independency part . b see the d . part of the history of independency where it is likewise printed . d see the proclamations printed during the reign of king henry , . edw. . queen mary and elizabeth , king james & king charles , the antienter proclamations are entred in the dorse of the clause rolls in the tower. ovid. anno . a eutychii annales , p. . * see part . p. , . anno . b eutychii annal. p. , , . euscbius eccl. hist l. . c. , . niceph. eccles . hist . l. . c. , , . c nicephorus eccl hist . l. . c. , . d eusebius eccl. hist l. . c. , l. . c. , , , , . e see archbishop vsher , de brit. eccl. primordiis , c. . euseb . eccl. hist . l. . c. . niceph eccl. hist . l. . c. , . anno . f eusebius eccl hist . l. . c. . niceph. l. . c. . i eusebius de vita constant . l. c. , , . k here p. . * euseb . de vita constanr . l. . c. . anno . l bishop vsher de eccles . brit. primordiis , p. . m de vita constant . l. . c. . anno . n euseb de vita constant . l. . c. . * euseb . ibid . l. . c. . n eusdbius de vita constant l. . c. . anno . o euseb . de vita constant . l. . c. , , , , , . * see bishop ushers answer to the jesuites challenge : secton praying for the dead . anno . q operum graecolatin . 〈◊〉 , . tom. p , , , . anno . * hilarius ad constantium , l. . see bisons true difference , p. . anno . * socrates scholasticus eccles hist . l. c . cassidorus , tripa●t . hist . l. . c. . sozomen , eccl. hist . l. . c. . nicephorus , eccl hist l. . c. . bilsons true difference , p . * socrates scholasticus ib. theodoret eccles . hist . l. . c . quo possumus &c. pro tuo regno consuetas preces cum populo fundere , sicut ante semper fecimus & adhuc facere non desistemus . anno . * cateches . . dr. hamonds annotations on tim. . anno . * see bishop vshers answer to the jesuites challenge , p. , . * annales , oxoniae , . p. , , , . anno . anno . u sozomen , eccles . hist . l. . c. surius concil . tom. . p. . centur. magd. . col . . anno . see centur. magd. . col . . surius concil . tom. . p . theodoris l. . c ▪ . anno . anno . * rom. . , , , , , . * mat. . * tom. . operum parisiis , , col . . * tom. . col . a. b. . c. . c. anno . tim. . . jer. . . rom. . cor. . anno . esth . . * historia sanctorum patrum , p. . anno . * surius concil tom. . p. , . anno . anno . * surius concil . tom. . p. , , , , . surius concil . tom. . p. , , , , . * surius concil . tom. . p. , . annno . * bibliotheca patrum . tom. ● . pars . p. . jer. . . anno . * here p. . . anno . surius concil . tom. . p. . anno . * bibliotheca patrum tom. p. , . anno . surius concil . tom. . p. , . anno . * surius concil . tom. . p. , . anno . * surius concil . tom. . p. , . anno . * surius concil . p. , , . q ibid p. , . r ibid. p. . a surius tom. . p. . anno . b surius ibid. p. . anno c surius , tom. . p. . anno . d surius , tom. . p. , . anno . e surius ibid. p. . anno . f surius concil . tom. . p. . anno . * surius concil . tom. . p. , , . anno . anno . * surius ibid. tom. . p. . anno . surius ibid tom. ▪ p. * here p. , to . * surius concil . tom. . p. , &c. bochellus decret . eccles . gal. l. . tit. . c. . p. . anno . * surius concil . tom. . p. . anno . * surius concil tom p. . bochellus deciet . eccl. gal. p. . anno . * surius concil . tom. . p. . bochellus decret . eccl. gal. p. . anno . anno . * bochellus decret . eccl. gal. l. . tit. . c. . p , . a bibl. patrum tom. . pars . p. . h. . anno . b ibid. p. . e ibid. . &c. * bibliotheca patrum , tom. . pars . p. . anno . * deus . a ibid. p. g. b ibid. p. . ● f. c ibid. p. . c. d ibid. p. . b. anno . anno . * bibl. patrum tom. . p. , . * remissum . ‖ ibid. p. , , , &c. ibid. p. , . a in epist. ad tim. epist . . tim. . b lib. . c. , . anno . bibliotheca patrum , tom . p. a. . h. . c. ibid. p. . b bibliotheca patrum , tom. . p. . f. p. . a. p. . . p. , , , , . anno . anno . anno . anno . * see epistola . anno . h bibliotheca patrum , tom. . pars . p. . , , , , , , . anno . bibliotheca patrum . tom. . part p. , . b bibliotheca patrum , tom. . p. a. georgii cassandri preces ecclesiasticae p. . * see sacrae litaniae variae antuerpiae . p. . psal . . * laur enrius bochell●s decret . eccl. gal. l. . tit. . de rege c. . p. . anno . a corippus , lib. . la cerda annotat. in tertull. apologet . mr. seldens titles of honor , p. . cedren . histor . col . . zonaras , annal . tom p. 〈◊〉 . anno . * see mr. seldens titles of honor , part . ch . p. , ● , . anno . b bibliotheca patrum . tom. . p. , . * paul od ●rburn in vita theod. resp . moscovinca l●gd . bat. . ● . p . dr. giles fletch●r his treatise of the state of russia , c. ● . mr. samuel purchas his pilgram , l. c ▪ p , . se●dens titles of honor. part . ch . p. , . * supplementum annal. turcorum , anno . seldens titles of honor , p. . * bibl. patrum tom. . p. , , , . rom. . gen. . exod . . reg. . reg. . exod. . & . judic . . reg. . reg. . . gen. . exod . . reg. . reg. . psal . . joan. . psal . . nota. judith . * seldens titles of honor , p. . to . the ceremonial for coronation of the french king. this was most ordinarily at rhemes , but at the kings pleasure , also in any other church . * ibidem is not in bochellus . the coronation of an elected king according to the pontificale of rome . * spiritual peers , the bishop of beauvais , laon , langres , chaalons sur marne noyon . a istius arch. bochell . b that is , per dominum n. iesum christū filium tuum qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate s. s. deus per omnia saecula saeculorum . for those words are ordinarily denoted by per dominum only . c responsorium . d versus . * et audi vocem meam & inimicus , ero inimicis , &c. e quanto ▪ quibus bochellus . f reverenter dicat , bochell . g metropolitanus super regem orat ante altare . bochellus . h in the margin of this place of that ritual subscribed by king charles , is added this prayer , deus humilium visi●ator qui nos s. s illustratione consolaris praetende super hunc famulum tuum n. gratiam tuam ut per cum , tuum nobis adesse sentiamus adventum . i sancta bochellus . k in bochellus these words are inserted there in a different character ( abbas s. dionysii stat ad dextram altaris servans ampullam . ) l so in the ms. perhaps it should be concomitantibus or eum comitantibus . but in bochellus that place is deferre abbati & aliquibus de monachis paritèr committendo . m in bochellus after that quid suscepta ampulla agendum sit , follows in susceptione ampullae sacrae ad portam ecclesiae majoris cantatur antiphona . o pretiosum munus : o pretiosa gemma quae pro uncti●ne francorum regum ministerio angelico coelitus est emissa . versus . inveni david servum meum . resp . oleo sancto meo unxi eum . oremus , omnipotens sempiterne deus qui pietatis tuae dono genus regum francorum oleo perungi decrevisti , praesta quaesumus , ut famulus tuus rex noster perunctus hac sacra & praesenti unctione sancto pontifice ( so it is printed ) remigio emissa divinitus & in tuo servitio semper dirigatur , et ab omni infirmitate misericorditer liberetur , per dominum nostrum dum cantatur terria , facta aqua benedicta , archiepisc . ad missam se praeparat cum diacono & subdiacono in sacristia . this being as a title , next follows , archiepiscopus dum cantatur tertia facta aqua benedicta ad missam , &c. as in this copy . n et rationali ●ind . bochellus . o eduobus suis suffraganeis associatus process . bochellus . p quod. bochellu . q servabo . bochellus . the oath of the french king. see bodin , de repub. l. . c. . r the words between these ( 〈◊〉 ) are not in bochellus . ſ promissionibus . bochellus . t see before . u here this title is inserted in bochellus . praeparatio in signium & ornamentorum regalium . x sacinthinis . bochellus . y sacco bochellus . z apturis bochellus . b connecte bochellus . c praestare dig●netur , qui tecum & cum spiritu sancto sine fine permanet in saecula saeculorum . amen . bochell . d benedicere . bochellus . f per christum bochellus . the sword given to the french king. g so in bochellus . h antiphona bochellus . i as a title to this in bochellus , we read traditio gladii quem rex tenet erectum & nudum usque ad finem orationis sequentis antiphonam . k benedictione bochellus . l so in bochell . but it should be molem ▪ that and some other passages are in that of the roman pontificale . m patre & s s. vivit & regnat deus per omnia saecula saeculorum . amen . bochellus . n iudicia & quocunque . bochellus . o ac te pro illo . idem . p statim dare . idem . a to this , the title is in bochellus super regem genuflexum with oremus . b iacob , sic bochellus . c coruscante atque . bochellus . d paganorum , idem . e digneris qui cum unigenito filio tuo , &c. bochellus . f praestare , &c. ut supra . g in that place in bochellus , his copy hath this note ; hic debet fieri mistio de crismate & oleo caelitùs misso . h privilegio , ut crismate juxta cum oleo caelitùs misso , modo alio , quàm caeteri reges , singulariter inungantur , alii enim reges inunguntur solùm in humero ; iste verò in capite & in aliis membris sicut inferiùs distinguetur . parata , &c. so it is in bochellus . but whoever drew in this glosse , was vainly deceived . for the use in england as well as france , was antient , and so also ( by the ordo romanus ) in other kingdoms , where anointing was allow'd , to anoint the head , notwithstanding what we find otherwise in the popes canons , which princes obeyed at their pleasure . but for this matter , see before p. . a plainly this prayer was first made for the english saxon kings . for what had ever any of the french kings to do with these people ? but the wonder is most strange , that this place of the prayer ( which might have been sitted for any king ) is thus left here . in bochellus , nordam , cimbrorum , is for nordanchimbrorum , which should have been doubtlesse nordhanhumbrorum , for those beyond humber , and it is plain , that the very syllables of the saxon ceremonial are afterwards used in this of the french. the annointing the french king. * manu , victoria omnis , gloria . bochellus . * connectuntur ansulae aperturarum vestiment●rum regis per diaconum . bochellus . * this and the prayer following is not in bochellus . * hyacinthina . * copertura bochellus . the anointing of the french kings hands . the benediction of his gloves . the putting on his gloves . * haedorum . the wiping the french kings hands being anointed , if he will have no gloves . the benediction of the ring . * this , with the two prayers or benedictions following is wanting in bochellus , and is written in the margin of the copy of king charles , and directed to come in here . * l. immune . the giving him the ring . the giving him the scepter . the giving him the rod or verge , which they now call , i think , la maine de justice . the benediction of the crown . * this is in the margine of the copy of king charles , and directed in here , but not in bochell . a exnomine à cancellario si , &c. bochell . b et vocantur primò laici posted clerici ; & clerici vocantur eo ordine quo dictum est superius , de sedendo quibus , &c. bochellus . c coronae bochell . d tenet bochell . and after this presently follows these words , teneat metropolitanus coronam altè primò duabus manibus , posteà sinistra tantum quando benedicit . * quam semper tenet manu finistrâ . bochellus . b ita tu contra . bochellus . c bonedictionis bochellus . e dyonisii atque beati remigii atque . bochellus . a statim fiat ista secunda benedictio . boc●e●lus . d laud●mus ▪ non dicitur nisi post coronationem sequentem . quo , &c. bochellus . * lacesseret . bochellus . e condiscat , bochellus . f there follows in bochellus , in ordinatio sancti dyonisii post inthroni●ationem regis ponitur professio ejus ante osculum parium . a in bochellus there follows , hic incipiet achiepiscopus , te deum , quo incoepto recedat . b here the copy of bochellus hath this note , notandum antequam pax domini sit semper vobiscum dicatur , archiepiscopus debet dicere hanc benedictionem super regem & super populum . and then follow both that benediction , and benedictio vexilli , or of the oriflamb , which are both at the end of this , anon added . a cum libro . bochellus . b dici & m●ttere , &c. boch . c thus far also that in bochellus . and here it is concluded with explicit consecratio & coronatio regis franciae . but he hath not the ceremonial for the queens coronation which here followeth . the coronation of the french queen . the an●inting of the french queen . the ring given to the french queen . the scepter given to the french queen , and the rodor verge . the crown put on the french queen . l. eam . * et tua , boche●lus . * defendat . * titles of honor , part . ch . . p. , , , , , , , . ● . sceptr●m . * this was given into the left hand , as the scepter into the right . see mat. paris pag. . edit . londin . * this is in the old ritual called ordo romanus this is almost the same in the old ritual called ordo romanus . elemosin . magnus . episc . dunelm . & bathonien . portatio calicis sancti edwardi . portatio patenae dicti calilis . portatio sceptri & virgae aureae . portatio gladiorum . portatio calcarium . portatio ensis redempti . senescallcus . portatio coronarum . marescallus . pincerna . constabularius . camerarius : panetria . salsaria . furnival . assistentes reginae . dom. assisten● reginae . ordo coronationis richardi secundi . iur amentum regis ante coronationem suam . preces dicendae in coronatione . solemnizatio missae in die coronationis . ioh●… regis . coronatio regis . generalis processio . conc. roff. ep. rex equitabit . sedes regalis . pulpitum . thronus regalis . abbas westmonast . tunica & camisia . processio . crvx & caetera . barones . portuum . a●●as wes●m . archiepiscopus inquiret voluntatem populi . oblatio regis . rex prosternitur . rex praestat juramenta . vnctio regis . abbas westmonast . deponet pi●eum regi . rex induitur tunica longa per abbatem . benedictio ensis . impositio coronae capiti regis . oblatio ensis . acceptio sceptri . praelati & alii facient homagium . oblatio panis & vini . corona s. edwardi . renovatio regalium . alia corona . regis reversio in palatium . liberatio sceptri . coronatio reginae . juramentum domini regis . eleemozinarius magnus . episc . dunel . episc . bathon . cancellarius angliae . thesaurarius angliae . comes cestriae , & alii . comes leycestriae est senescallus . dux ebor. comes de arundel . comes herford . comes oxon. comes norfol. furnel . the arch-bishop kneeleth . the arch-bishop anointeth kneeling . five pound to redeem the sword. the king is crowned with st. edwards crown . homage . nota. * since to the dean thereof . nota. nota. from the new dore . anthem . sermon . anthem . he offered twenty pieces . the oath . veni creator . letany . nota. by the lord chamb. by the earl of bohun . by the earl of bohun . ● deum . nota. * bibliothecae histor . lib. . sect . . p. . . a claudian . de . consulatu honorii . p. . b claudian . de laudibus stil●conis . l. . p. , . a free discourse wherein the doctrines which make for tyranny are display'd the title of our rightful and lawful king william vindicated, and the unreasonableness and mischievous tendency of the odious distinction of a king de facto, and de jure, discover'd / by a person of honour. person of honour. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing h a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : or : ) a free discourse wherein the doctrines which make for tyranny are display'd the title of our rightful and lawful king william vindicated, and the unreasonableness and mischievous tendency of the odious distinction of a king de facto, and de jure, discover'd / by a person of honour. person of honour. defoe, daniel, ?- . howard, robert, sir, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed for john lawrence ... and richard baldwin ..., london : . ascribed to daniel defoe in wing ( st ed.), but not included in dottin's or in hutchins' lists of defoe's works; ascribed to sir robert howard in wing ( nd ed.). pages and misnumbered as and respectively. page lacking with page bound in its place in wing h a. includes advertisements: p. [ ]-[ ] at end. item at reel : identified as wing d (number cancelled). reproduction of originals in yale university library and university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng william -- iii, -- king of england, - . kings and rulers. despotism. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a free discourse wherein the doctrines which make for tyranny are display'd . the title of our rightful and lawful king william vindicated . and the unreasonableness and mischievous tendency of the odious distinction of a king de facto , and de jure , discover'd . by a person of honour . quo sis africane alacrior ad tutandam rempublicam , sic habeto , omnibus qui patriam conservaverint , adjuverint , auxerint , certum esse in coelo , ac definitum locum , ubi beati sempiterno aevo fruantur . somn. scip. è l. . ciceronis de republica . london : printed for john lawrence at the angel in the poultrey , and richard baldwin near the oxford-arms in warwick-lane . . a free discourse wherein the doctrines which make for tyranny are display'd . i have never been conscious to my self , that the temptation of any base interest , or the apprehension of any threatning danger , could corrupt me to betray , or force me to decline , that which i well knew to be the true interest of my king and country ; and therefore have i constantly look'd upon those , that made it their business to break in upon the just rights of the one , or the other , as unhappy contrivers to involve the nation , in a consuming debt to tyranny , or confusion , which the people shall be sure to pay , out of their enjoyments in life , liberty , and property . of consequence therefore , i must with grating affliction have observ'd , how strenously this vile design has been labour'd , from towards the latter end of king charles the d , to this present time . under the screening shelter of that prince , popery and arbitrary power were favour'd , and cherish'd with all the art and industry , which men of slavish principles , and profligate consciences , could devise and apply , till the twin monsters were thought arriv'd at that fulness of prodigious stature , as no longer to need his life , for their concealment or protection . as a good preparative for the introduction of arbitrary power , in which are all the hopes of popery , pernicious * pamphlets were publish'd , in which it was magisterially asserted , that the realm of england was such a compleat imperial soveraignty , as wherein the king had full , perfect , and intire jurisdiction from god alone ; and that his subjects ought rather to suffer death wrongfully , than resist him . it was speciously granted indeed , that there were political laws to secure the rights of the subject : but it was stifly maintain'd , that the imperial laws , which ascertain'd the rights of the sovereign prince , were superiour to the political , and might and ought to determine when the political laws should be observ'd , when not . as much as to say , the rights of the subject should be secure from all invasion , but that of their king. well! that 's worth something , tho' the clown in the greek epigram , would not have much valued it ; for , said he , a little irreverently indeed , but very plainly , and to the purpose , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hercules , that defends my flock from the wolf , has ever and anon , a fat sheep for sacrifice , the wolf has no more for prey . i lose on both sides ; for 't is all one to me , whether the god has it roasted , or isgrim raw . the judges , in king james's time , very leernedly stated , and decided the matter ; pronouncing , that in cases of necessity , the king might dispense with the laws , and that he was judge of the necessity . these gentlemen seem to have had some modesty , tho' no more conscience than the other ; or , perhaps this little show of modesty , was a cast of their wit , they made use of the fowler 's cunning , stalkt under shelter , to get a full shoot at the peoples liberties , which was the quarry they aim'd at ; and dead they laid it , beshrew their hearts for their pains . but 't was a sorry piece of cunning , which would never have taken , but that the game they shot , was ' tangled in a net before . who sees not , that if the king may dispense with the laws in cases of necessity , and be judge of the necessity , he may dispense with them as often as he pleases ? wherefore his learned sages of the law might have spar'd their wit , and more ingenuously with open boldness , have asserted and declar'd like richard the d , that the king's will was the law. this is what the false coiners of the cheating distinction of imperial and political laws , and the corrupt putters of necessity-cases [ which makes the people's slavery the one thing necessary ] would fain be at . but the design is so wicked and odious , that to own it in plain words , were the way to overthrow it : in truth , subtle distinctions , and cases which have never happen'd , are like to make the most of this bad market . thus all in the land of metaphysicks , where every period or page of famous school-divinity , harbours wild notions of religion , which cannot be explain'd , and made intelligible , much less prov'd and ascertain'd by clear reason ; the sons of science supernatural , the mystic adepti introduce them , with proper terms of art , [ terms useless to any other purpose ] and settle and ' stablish them for ever , [ i.e. as long as ever they can be settled and establish'd ] on the unexamin'd foundation of perplexing distinctions . there were not wanting among the eminent clergy , who , as if they would go a length k. richard never dream't on , seem'd to intimate , that the king's will was not only the law , but the religion of the country too ; and passive obedience , the only wretched portion of the unpeopled people ; for then they were no longer a people , but a plunder'd and enslav'd rabble , left only tenants at will for their lives , liberties , and properties . in such a wretched case , it would become the unpeopled people , to have always their loins girt , shoes on their feet , and staves in their hands ; not like israelites taking leave of their hard masters , and going to set up for themselves ; but like the shepherds of cremona , waiting for the terrible sentence — veteres migrate coloni . be gone ye old english race of strubborn free-holders , ne're trouble your selves how ye shall drive your flocks , but leave such things behind you ; haste , haste , you have nothing to pack up , unless your old wives , and young children ; haste , and make room for naked colonies of tres humble monsieur serviteurs , that shall not dare to call their wooden shoes their own ; but soul and body become all obedience , let [ with spiritual curb , or temporal snaffle ] priest or tyrant ride them . the design of changing our legal , into an arbitrary government , was copy'd from the french original . in france t was laid in the reign of lewis the xi . and took effect to the destruction of the rights of the people , by destroying the power of parliaments . the destruction of the power of parliaments was carried on by very sober paces , by the most easie and modest encroachments , that people weary of their liberties could have wish'd for . the king did not pretend to raise money , when he pleas'd , — by himself , — and without his parliament ; no , — good prince , — not he. all that he desir'd , was only to be permitted to raise money , — now and then , — upon occasion , — in the intervals of parliament ; and not that neither , but in cases of pure necessity , when the safety of his good subjects absolutely requir'd it . and how could it be deny'd him , who lov'd his people so well , to judge of cases of necessity . but the power of raising money being once gone , the deluded people presently perceiv'd , that they had purchas'd their slavery with it . for now all power fell easily into the hands of the king. in vain it was to dispute with him any civil rights not yet parted with by name , or even the publick profession of religion . for the power of raising money is , in effect , the power of doing all things ; just so is it with the article of infallibility , admit but that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that first false article , and you must stand with his holiness for nothing , but believe thro' thick and thin , in spight of sense and reason . well! the french king became , by the abovesaid artifice , at perfect liberty to be , or not be a tyrant , which he pleas'd . let no one ask how he govern'd himself ; for , did ever man grasp at the power to do mischief , without the purpose ? if there have been such mysterious riddles of irregular vertue , yet the french king 's after lewis xi . were no instances of it . in them it plainly appear'd how effectually the temptation of unlimited power works on ambitious nature . ambitious nature seldom or never esteems any thing enough , if there be any thing at all out of her possession . it has not been enough for lewis the xiv . to be the law , but he must be the religion also of his slaves . with a great many it was argument enough to be of the religion he requir'd , because it was his : while his spiritual dragoons disputed more forcibly with those of a more backward faith ; the priests had stood altogether idle , and unconcern'd in this conversion , but for the merit of that flattering doctrine . a king is accountable to none but god , but to make amends for their being less serviceable than the military men , their unaccountable king shall be stil'd , the vicegerent of god , nay the very image of the most high , tho' they spoil the argument in the first chapter to the hebrews , for the divinity of christ. i wonder they do not maintain , that their king is accountable to none but himself . for if he prescribes them their religion , as well as dictates their law , he is their idol god , as well as their royal tyrant . but , as i noted , ambitious nature never esteems any thing enough , when there is yet something out of her possession , therefore lewis the xiv . is for advancing his tyranny over his neighbours also . to this purpose , his method has long time been to corrupt the courts of princes by his lovis d'ors ; to surprize un-armed countries , and ill-provided forts , by breach of his oaths : thus his treachery has many years purvey'd for his cruelty , and his cruelty shed torrents of blood to quench the raging thirst of his ambition . he has plunder'd the monuments of the dead , and the altars of his own gods , nor fearing , nor reverencing one more than the other . he has broke his leagues with christian princes , as long as they would trust him ; has kept them , something better indeed , with the turk , for it was his interest , tho' the turk is not his only allie , for he has the devil , and the pope beside . what good understanding there is between him and the pope , the world sees , and he that will not grant him to be in league with the foul fiend also , must believe that there 's no devil in hell , or no monkish conjurer in france , to bring those mighty potentates together . is there any difference between neighbouring states ? lewis will interpose to settle it , and never leave 'till he has settled , or made it wider . is any prince or princess to be married ? he proposes a match for them , some bastard son , or daughter of his own , well pre-instructed what returns to make him , for their preferment . is there any candidate labouring for a sovereign bishoprick , or coadjutorship , who has very little reason to support his pretences ? lewis the grand will serve his hopeless interest , out of his own free mischievous generosity . when he prospers , he fights for the glory of his majesty ; when his affairs are in some danger , he labours only to extirpate heresie ; but in neither of these cases , thinks it improper to assist an heretical noble revolter against his catholick lord and master . in sending abroad embassadors , he choses huguenot ravigni for england , a stout toper for germany , a bold marquess for rome , a grave clergy-man for spain . in short he makes himself all things for all , that he may confound all nations , and turn the world into a wilderness . this is the french original , which some unhappy men among us have studiously set themselves to copy . now in the first place god be prais'd , then due thanks paid to king william our deliverer , and every noble afferter of our english liberties in the convention-parliament , for that , the work of those unhappy copyers was disturb'd , and so they could never finish their piece ; but they gave us a plaguy sketch of it in the last reign . but there is another original draught of a tyrant , set forth in that excellent history of the revolution in sweden , wherein many particulars bear a perfect resemblance of our late times , as to the great transactions both in france and england , which is not to be wonder'd at , but rather to be consider'd as a good evidence , that all tyranny is alike ; for tho' the streams from the same fountain may run in several ways , and channels , yet they all tend to the same ocean of blood. after the death of the brave steno , the worthy administratour of sweden , christiern ii. succeeded his father in the kingdom of denmark , and obtain'd the crown of sweden by conquest . this prince was not more ambitious to make others his slaves , than he was , himself to become the slave of sigebrite , a woman who had neither the charms of youth , or beauty to captivate him . but this notwithstanding , her power was as great over him , as if she had seem'd intit'led to it , by all the perfections , which nature could have bestow'd upon her . it is hard to be imagin'd how an old dutch woman could obtain this absolute dominion over a haughty monarch , unless it were by perswading him to assume the same over others . the inhumane polities of this she-favourite were extremely agreeable to the fierce and cruel disposition of christiern ; he look'd upon the antient liberties of his subjects , as inconsistent with his royal honour and dignity ; and she tempted him to sacrifice a whole senate to his arbitrary ambition . this , this was the pleasing conjuration , that charm'd him , whose nature was not so pardonably wicked , as to dote on youth and beauty ; the tyrant receiv'd the malitious addresses of his furious mistress , as testimonies of her passionate fondness for him , and so gave her that dominion over himself , which he resolv'd to have over the swedes . he found the pulse of the church beat as high as his own , they were even impatient to make their king , their tyrant , supposing that their share in the ecclesiastical part would be as flourishing , as his in the civil ; and the violent arch-bishop of vpsal fancied he should not be much the lesser monarch of the two . christiern ill enough dispos'd of himself , and always animated to mischief by his hellish erinnys , quickly came to a resolution of destroying all the senatours and principal noblemen , that had been , or were like to be enemies of his imperial arbitrary authority . to facilitate the fatal execution , he put on a better countenance , than the withered hagg his spightful favourite wore , no cloud sate on his royal brow ; but all was clear and calm there , proper as could be to perswade them to trust , who once suspected him . with this show of gentleness and affection then , he invites the lords to a magnificent feast at sockholm , two days they were highly treated , and on the third massacred . yet was not the imperial tyrannick thirst of christiern satisfied , for the great gustavus , with some few illustrious patriots escap'd the slaughter , wherefore he sends fresh bloody orders to his troops , who presently put the whole town to the sword , sparing none except the old and ugly , but them , perhaps in complement to sigebrite . nay so utterly averse did this tyrant then show himself to all humanity , that when a swedish gentleman could not restrain his grief , beholding such a scene of horrour , he had him fastned to a gibbet , and his bowels torn forth , because of his tenderness and compassion . this surprizing bloody start from a king to a tyrant , terrified the people so extreamly , that it dispos'd them to do their parts to free themselves from their deplorable condition . slavery may be the misfortune of a people , but to submit to it , can never be their duty ; and i much question whether in the like case , our advocates of imperial absolute sovereignty would not have been of the same mind with the swedes ; and not by their passive obedience have acknowledg'd their ruine for their religion . well! in a short time , what the swedes long'd for , a deliverer appear'd . he was the injur'd gustavus ericson , descended from the ancient kings of sweden , and nephew to king canutson . christiern had now not only abdicated his government , by his tyranny , in the utter subversion of the laws , rights , and properties of the people , but being generally hated , beaten , and forsaken , he consumated his abdication by flight , and gustavus the generous deliverer , was by a convention of the estates , with the joy of the people chosen king of sweden , which he govern'd happily all the days of his life . a philosopher being ask'd , which was the most dangerous of all beasts , answer'd , of wild ones , a tyrant ; of tame ones , a flatterer ▪ these tame ones hunt the game like jacalls , and with their plaguy yelping excite , and guide the wild ones to the prey ; and this they do , in hopes , that , when their lawless masters are cloy'd , they may satisfie their own appetites with reliques of that destruction , in which they had been instrumental . this jacall yalping in england was never more fierce , eager , and loud , than in the reign of king charles ii. and it was a proper time for the enemies of england , and the protestant religion , with the advantage of the shelter which he gave them , to make preparation for the triumphant entrance of popery and slavery . and at that time they did not neglect the opportunity , witness the dover treaty ; the popish plot discover'd by doctor oates , and many a bantering sham , that could not be brought to pass upon the people ; but then something that could make its one way came on , quo warranto's like bombs were thrown into corporations , which miserably destroy'd their antient charters ; dispensing judges were advanc'd ; proper sheriffs chosen , and all unjust arts used to dispose things for the easier plundering the nation of their liberties , properties , and religion . these unrighteous proceedings would hardly have been ventur'd on , but for the countenance that was giv'n them by the doctrine of passive obedience , a doctrine not reveal'd by jesus christ , nor recorded in his gospel , but stamp'd by latter creation , under the protection of which , any king may play the christiern , or the lewis safely , and without controul . this creation stamped doctrine grew in such credit , and esteem , that not a man , who did not give his assent and consent to the same , could be allow'd to be a true son of the church , scarcely to be a christian. the unlimited power of a king having been so strenuously asserted , and so sucessfully in the proceedings of those times , seem'd to make the death of king charles very seasonable for the opening the execution of the grand design , in a barefac'd subversion of the religion and laws of england . king james at his first coming to the crown seem'd to endeavour to take away the apprehension , and terrour that was justly imagin'd to fill the minds of people . and in his first speech declar'd so much tenderness for them , and such a respect for the preservation of their liberties and properties , that the cajol'd parliament from an excess of satisfaction , shew , [ i may safely say ] more affection to him , than ever parliament did to a protestant prince , and gave money , till he himself put a stop to the profuse and excessive expressions of their satisfaction . it must be granted that the lives of some professors are not so bad as the consequences of their erroneous opinions : and it was charitably thought by the parliament , that king james , tho' a papist , would not govern so arbitrary , as the encourag'd doctrines of the age gave him leave ; but they quickly perceiv'd their error , and found to their sorrow , that popery , and arbitrary power could no more be seperated , than the double monster that was shown in london of two brothers , one growing out of the side of the other , who were so intimately conjoyn'd , that the life , decay , or death of the one was equally the concern , and fate of the other . for now he began to put his imperial laws in execution , and by dispensing with , fairly abrogated all the political , which should have secur'd the rights of the people , but alas ! they were betray'd into his hands , and he without mercy dispatch'd them . to me it seems almost impossible , but that the spiritual defenders of the absolute power of an english king — who deliver'd that power to be gospel , and the slavish judges who declar'd it to be law , should have deplor'd the wounds they have given to the religion , and laws of their country , unless the hopes of a share in the spoiles had prevail'd above all honest considerations , and unless they had been themselves as ready to embrace the popish religion , as they had been instrumental to set it up . together with the first exercise of an arbitrary power , the popish religion began to appear on the stage ; and the monks and friars enter'd to act in their proper habits ; seminaries were set up in several places , and houses fill'd with those religious furies ; father peter , a jesuit was made of the privy council , and reign'd chief minister . thus from the spring of imperial [ i.e. arbitrary ] power , an over-flowing deluge broke forth , threatning miserable occasions for the religious exercise of that fatal duty , passive obedience . king james no sooner altered from what he seem'd to be in his first speech , but the people alter'd from what they were . their satisfaction in their new king vanish'd , and from the hopes of living happy subjects under him , they sank into the apprehensions of becoming despis'd , and ear-boar'd slaves . a general consternation fell upon the whole body of the people ; and even those clergy-men that were the tools to subvert their own religion , and the civil rights of their brethren , were afraid that themselves should feel the thunder with which they had arm'd their tyrant . this brought them quickly to interpret away the grammatical , plain , mischievous sense of passive obedience ; and as for the exercise of it , that they were so far from practising [ being above their own ordinances ] that no honest men were more forward to invite and joyn with a deliverer , than these shifters . the miserable condition of england at that time , did not only move compassion in our neighbours , but [ as we have reason to believe ] put them in mind , that the disease we labour'd under was catching ; and if it was not timely repell'd by their assistance , it would not be long before they lamented their own fate . they were therefore , for our , and for their own sakes , aiding and assisting to our rightful and lawful king , the then prince of orange , whom god and his own vertue prompted to attempt our deliverance . the difficulties that threatned this attempt were great and discouraging , but he , who was incapable of fear , despis'd the dangers , landed some forces at torbay , and met a success answerable to the justness of his cause , and the greatness of his courage . but before he set forward , to take off all suspicions that might reasonably arise , where an army came , that might pretend to conquer , as well as to relieve , he put forth a glorious declaration proclaiming that his expedition was intended for no other end , but to have a free and lawful parliament assembled , soon as possible , to secure to the whole nation the free enjoyment of their laws , rights , and liberties , to preserve the protestant religion , and cover such as would live peaceably under the government , [ as becomes good subjects ] from all persecution on the account of religion , papists themselves not excepted . king james was now reduc'd , to that , wherein he seem'd always to place his greatest trust , an army , [ for the preachers had forsook him , and their own slavish doctrines sometime before ] with the army then he advanced to salisbury , but found that they were a part of injur'd english men ; seeing himself therefore deserted by them , as well as by his chaplains [ who invested him with his illegal arbitrary power , ] and all the honest english ; he left the kingdom , thus he did , as it were , sign and seal his own abdication , which was grown as full and perfect as obstinate tyranny could make it ; and as his act and deed the nation took it , then the lords , and the commons represented in their chosen trustees , settled the crown and royal dignity on king william and queen mary , the exercise of regal power , on their glorious deliverer only . thus did they restore the old constitution of redem'd england in king , lords , and commons . there was before the settlement of the crown , ( feb. . . ) a great conference between the lords , and commons , chiefly on two particulars voted by the commons . . that king james had abdicated the government . . that thereby the throne became vacant . the lords insisted on altering the word , abdicated , and in the place thereof , to insert deserted . also they were not willing to willing to admit those words — the throne is thereby become vacant . the exception against the word abdicated was , that in the common acceptation of the civil law , it imports a voluntary express act of renuntiation , which was not in this case , and did not follow from the premises . to this the commons answer'd , that the doing an act inconsistent with the being and end of a thing about which it is conversant , or which shall not answer the end of that thing , but go quite contrary , that act shall be construed an abdication , and formal renunciation of that thing . this they exemplified . thus the government is under a trust , and any acting contrary to that trust , is a renuntiation of that trust , tho' it be not a renuntiation thereof by a formal deed. for act and deed is as plain and full a declaration , as a writing can be . he that acts contrary to a trust is a disclaimer of that trust , tho' he does not disclaim it by a formal deed. from all this they drew these just consequences — that king james having acted contrary to his trust , had abdicated his government ; and that having abdicated it , the throne is thereby become vacant . but the lords insisted , that the throne could not be vacant , because there was an heir , and that in a successive kingdom , an abdication of the government by a tyrannous breach of trust , could be a forfeiture only as to that person , who tyrannically breaking his trust , does abdicate the government ; but not as to the next heir , so as to put him by , and make the government elective . therefore the abdication of king james the ii. could not prejudice the next heir , and then by consequence the throne was not vacant . the commons upon this demanded , that the lords would tell them , with whom the throne was fill'd . the lords only answer'd in general , that it was sufficient to know , that there were heirs to take by lineal succession , tho' they did not , or could not expressly name the particular person , whose right it was to fill the throne . and therefore tho' they could not say who fill'd the throne , yet they had reason to conclude , it was not vacant . the commons then represented to the lords , that their lordships would neither agree , that the throne was vacant , nor say how it was full , and desir'd to know who was king , if king james was not , or were they to be always in that doubtful condition ? for none could be king james his heir , during his life , the crown could not descend till his death . the lords replied , that tho' the king be not dead naturally , yet if he is so civilly , the next of course ought to come in as by hereditary succession . the commons replied , that their lordships held it a difficult thing , to go upon the examination who is heir , and demanded , if that was not clear , whether they were always to remain under the difficulty . as for the commons , they were not concern'd what words were us'd , fill up , nominate , or elect , 't was the thing they were to take care of , and 't was high time it were done . it was farther demanded of the lords , whither , if there had been an heir , to whom the crown had descended in the line of succession , and this heir certainly known , their lordships would have assembled without his calling ? or would have either administer'd the government themselves , or advis'd the prince of orange to take it upon him ? a known successor being in possession of the throne , this would amount to high treason , and such a one must be in possession if the throne were not vacant . their lordships were press'd to consider that they had concurr'd with the commons in this vote — that it is inconsistent with our religion and our laws to have a papist to reign over us . upon this it was askt , must not we come to an election if the next heir be a papist ? the concluding stroke was , that if their lordships would not allow the throne to be vacant , nor name the heir who fill'd it , the nation would be left in in confusion and distraction ; but the lords were not willing that should be left at their doors , therefore , after they return to their house , they sent a message to the commons on febr. . . that they had agreed to the above said votes of the commons without any alteration . i thought it necessary to the chief purpose of this discourse , to set down some general arguments of this conference , which is to be seen at large in print , and is most worthy to be read by all that think it worth their while to look into the constitution of the english government , and to understand the reason and grounds of our late settlement . i would now demand of any one , that had not given double security to the goddess of errour , by swearing first to be always of his present opinion ; and secondly , never to examine the reasons of it ; i would , i say , demand of any , but such an over-prejudic'd man , by what other way , or means , the nation could have been justly settled , besides that way , and those means , by which the representatives of the people conventionally assembled did settle it . the commons came to a vote , jan. . . that king james the second , having endeavoured to subvert the constitution of the kingdom , by breaking the original contract between king and people ; and by the advice of the jesuites , and other wicked persons , having violated the fundamental laws , and having withdrawn himself out of the kingdom , hath abdicated the government , and that the throne is thereby become vacant . and after a long conference betwixt the lords and commons , the lords on febr. the th , next following , sent a message to the commons , to acquaint them , that they had agreed to the vote sent them up of the th of january , without any alterations . here now was the whole body of the nation , the lords by themselves , in their own persons , and the people by their representatives , agreed , that king james had abdicated the government , and that the throne was vacant ; by which it is evident , that there was as great a necessity to provide a supply , and that by way of election , as there was to have any government at all ; for if a people without government , and desirous to settle a government , must not choose for themselves , i would fain know who must ? it is not to be expected that god should miraculously interpose , and for any enemies or neighbours to intermeddle , is against the nature of the thing ; because the end which the people seek in government , is to secure themselves against all that are , or may be enemies . it remains therefore , that they must choose for themselves , both who shall govern them , and by what measures . the lords indeed , in the great conference , spake much of an heir , and argued strenuously for his rights ; but knew not who that heir was , nor where to find him ; and there 's no being govern'd by the lord knows who , that is to be found the lord knows where ; or , as old maynard phras'd it , in the clouds . if the lords had known of any heir , they had not admitted a vacancy ; if the votes of the majority of the representatives of the people had not supplied the vacancy by resetling the old constitution , or framing a new [ which at that time they were at liberty to have done ] every one of them must have been left in a state of nature , which 't is every man's interest to get out of as soon as he can : for tho' in a state of nature , no man has a lisence to do what he pleases , every one being under obligation to the dictates of reason , which is the law of nature ; yet , in that state , no man has the advantage of more than his single wit and strength to do himself justice when he happens to be injur'd , which inconvenience is the great motive that inclines men to unite in society , and put themselves under such form of government as they like best . when the representatives of the people were conven'd to supply the vacancy , [ after that king james had sufficiently published that he would have nothing to do with the government upon the terms of the constitution , and according to the original contract ] the condition of the nation seem'd to be the same , as when the original contract was first made , the people choosing their ruler , and agreeing the laws , by which he should rule them ; which original right can never be justly taken from them , until the champions of the imperial laws of a tyrant , and the preachers of passive obedience slavery , can prove , that the people were made for the advantage of their kingly ruler , and not the kingly ruler for their advantage . i know it has been affirm'd , that breaking the original contract , is a language that hath not been long in use , nor is known in any of our law-books , or publick records ; but is taken from some late authors , and those none of the best received . 't is strange with what confidence some men by the help of a little artifice will advance the denial of truths obvious and evident enough , presuming , that at the same time , they shall by their intimations and insinuations , establish their own wild , pernicious , and novel notions . imperial laws controuling the political , jure divino tyranny , quiet submission to illegal violence , commonly called non-resistance , sometimes disguis'd under the absurd phrase of passive obedience , this without controversy is barbarous language , no man ever yet in our law-books or publick records could find either name or thing . of what antiquity these doctrines may be in the writings of some clergymen , is not material , for neither christ , nor his apostles , nor natural reason requires any man quietly to submit to illegal violence , and look upon a tyrant as the ordinance of god. but yet there are among the clergy some good men who abhor these unchristian and unnatural doctrines , and none among them that can bring themselves up to the practice of the same ; but even the apologists are now fain to trim the matter with loose general talk , and softning interpretations . but then the sense of original contract runs thro' all our law-books , the unanswerable mr. johnson has cited so many , so clear testimonies of this , that i will only mention the confession of an english monarch , king james i. who , tho' he uses not the word contract , yet he does a synonimous , if paction signifies the same as contract : in his speech to the parliament . he sets down the just distinction between a king and a parliament : but in his speech to them . he hath these words : the king binds himself by a double oath to the observation of the fundamental laws of his kingdom ; tacitly , as by being king , and so bound to protect , as well the people , as the laws of his kingdom ; and expresly , by his oath at his coronation : so as every just king , in a setled kingdom , is bound to observe that paction made to his people by his laws , in framing his government agreeable thereunto . but he that is most a stranger to our law-books , may easily be able to prove , that the beginnings of all forms of government could not but proceed from the choice or consent of the people . it is true , god is the fountain of all power , but he does not communicate it immediately to man , at least he has not done so in these later ages ; nay , in the designation of saul , and david , which is recorded to have been from god , 't is remarkable that after the divine unction , the people assembled , and by their votes freely chose them , and before the peoples choice they were not actually kings of israel . but i will make short of this matter — original contract there must have been between king and people , wherever lawful power is exercised by a king , because kings are not immediately chose of god : but such a thing , as a power to do mischief , which ought not to be resisted , never could be , because 't is against the nature of god to give such a power to any man , and that which inclines people to set up a king over them , restrains them from giving him such a power . if this be a digression , i beg the readers pardon , but i hope i have fully prov'd that at the time of the convention , [ when 't is confess'd we were without a setled form of government ; so that the lords of their own free motion address'd the prince of orange to take upon him the administration for a while ] the government could not have been setled otherways than it was setled , viz. by the choice of the community ; and if they had not made so wise a choice as they did in the person of king william ; yet his title would have been lawful and rightful , because his person was the free choice of the community at that time when they had no king. but notwithstanding this plain state of the case , and , as i presume to think , these unanswerable reasons , the old tyrannical doctrine had still a spreading root , and tho' the common sense and honesty of the nation , long provok'd , and almost undone by it , was ready to check the incouragements formerly given it , and blast its open growth , yet now it began to shoot forth its baneful branches under the sheltring distinction of a king de facto , and a king de ivre . of all the mischievous doctrines , that ever were topt upon a nation by holy priestcraft , none ever stood more in need of shelter . the doctrines of popery commit but slight depredations on the liberties , and properties of a people : but by imperial laws controuling the political , by quiet submission to illegal violence , they are with a vengeance swept quite and clean away . our comfort is , that no parliament men can possibly believe , that the people have no right to their liberties , because the people chuse knights , and burgesses to defend their liberties and properties , and 't were the most disingenuous injustice in the world , for gentlemen to accept such a trust , if they are of opinion , that the people are not rightfully possess's of their liberties and properties : no parliament men can possibly believe , that king william is only a king de facto , because it were the most infamous self-contradiction to joyn with a king to make laws , in whom they did not own a right to give them a sanction . indeed when i look back on the beginning of this king's reign . i call to mind those things , which somewhat amaze , and puzzle me . for who can take notice , without some extraordinary emotion , that any of the king 's chief councellours should urge him not to insist on his title de ivre , or that , when the owning him rightful and lawful king was started , and propos'd in the house of commons , it should be coldly received and rejected . for if the king shall not hold his title to be de iure , he must be an enemy to his own quiet possession , and if the commons shall not own him for their rightful and lawful king , they must needs look upon themselves as slaves , not subjects , holding their honours , estates , and interests precariously . for my part i cannot but conceive , that when the lords and commons in the grand convention , declared the prince and princess of orange , king and queen of england , &c. and setled the full and sole exercise of regal power on the prince , they made him their lawful and rightful king. they made him their lawful and rightful king , or they made him nothing . can any man think or talk so absurdly , as that the lords , and representatives of the people chose the prince of orange to the infamous honour of an usurper and a tyrant , praying him to play the tyrant , and administer that government , which he had no right to meddle with ? or that , at one and the same time they own'd king james his right to govern them , and would not admit him to exercise that right ? these are absurd contradictions , which cannot consist with the honour and wisdom of english senators . but whatever any enemy of our settlement may pretend was meant by the convention , who made choice of the prince and princess of orange to be king and queen of england , &c. and of the prince alone to exercise the regal power , this i am sure that the distinction of a king de ivre , and a king de facto , is ill-grounded , and mischievous . . it is ill-grounded . this distinction can be trac'd no higher than edw. the iv. and his first parliament invented , and made use of it , not as a salvo , for the justification of any thing done by , and under the kings of the house of lancaster , but in contra-distinction to a king de ivre , and that parliament did thereby denote that they held a king in possession , to be a king falsly so call'd only , and to have no right to the allegiance of the people . but our ancient common lawyers , bracton , fortescue , &c. knew nothing of this distinction . a de facto king of england , according to their sense of words , is as perfect nonsense and contradiction , as ever was made use of , to illustrate the romish anti-evangelical mysteries of priestcraft . a king de facto is just as much as a rightful and lawful usurper , or a mild and gracious tyrant . our honest ancient lawyers were not wont to flatter ambitious princes with such odd , and wickedly devis'd distinctions , at the expence of their countries honour and safety . a king , with them , was but of one sort , viz. the creature of the law , the ordinance of the people . the king , says bracton , has a superiour , god , also the law , by which he is made king. a king is made , and ordain'd , says fortescue , for the defence , or guardianship of the laws of his subjects , and of their bodies , and goods , whereunto he receiveth power of his people . let kings therefore [ it is the monition of bracton ] temper their power by the law , which is the bridle of power . these famous , and learned lawyers would certainly have thought it very ridiculous , that the title of a king , should be deriv'd only from the notion of a fact ; and the exercise of his kingship made to consist in the execution of the imperial law of his will. between such a king as this , and a people , there can never be a good understanding , but they will be eternally at variance , for their interests are distinct , and separate , and cannot but often happen to be directly contrary to one another . i wish the clergy advocates of imperial power , would but well weigh the reasoning of the reverend mr. hooker , a justly celebrated writer , and i hope they will take his word , for more than a ceremony . i will transcribe a passage , they that like it not , let them answer it . he says , that for any prince , or potentate on earth , of what kind soever , to exercise government , and not either by express commission immediately , and personally receiv'd from god , or else by the authority deriv'd at first from the consent of the people , upon whom he imposes laws , is no better than meer tyranny , for laws they are not , which poitical approbation hath not made so , but , approbation they only give , who personally declare their consent , or by others in their names , by right originally deriv'd from them , as in parliaments , &c. but all of this learned , wise , and good man's order are not of his excellent true christian spirit , some of them , among those that best understand this matter , in spight of reason , and common use of speaking , will set themselves up for such imperious dictators of words , that the word king must needs signifie an absolute monarch . but what if it should be admitted to signifie so sometimes in some countries , yet this is plain and undeniable , it does not signifie so always , nor so at all , in england . the bare word or title king does not distinstly inform us , what power belongs to him , that must be known by examining the constitution of the state , wherein he presides . perhaps some may object , that if a king has not an absolute power , he is dignified with a name which does not belong to him . but this is like all the rest , a positive stroke of arbitrary philosophy . words signifie as custom , and common consent make them , there is nothing in the nature of words themselves , but that tyrant might have signified a just , a gracious prince , a father of his country ; and king , a faithless cruel tyrant , a lewis , or a james . the gibberish of a king de facto , and the cant of an imperial law , are of the same nature and design , levell'd at the two northern , equal , and equally hated heresies , the protestant religion , and monarchy limited by law. mr. johnson observing how long , and how troublesomely the nation had been haunted with the word de facto , out of pure kindness to his countrymen try'd to lay the goblin ; but tho' he had exercis'd many a stubborn devil in his time , nay once not only rescued , and restor'd some possess'd creatures , but thrown the very devil himself into flames , yet has he not been able to lay this de facto goblin . perhaps i ought not to pretend to more powerful charmes than he , however i will repeat the exorcism , there may be something in that : and who knows but 't is towards day-break with the common people , if they once begin to discern the priestcraft , and state-craft of the distinction , a little matter will rid all king william's dominions of the mischeivous phantom . the plain english of a king de facto is of , or from fact , or deed. a king de facto must denote one , that by the means of some fact , or deed , is denominated a king . de facto in contradistinction to de ivre implies an unrighteous forcible , an illegal violent act. a king de facto then is a false king , a wrong king , a king who carries usurpation , and tyranny in his very title . a king so far remov'd from rightful and lawful , that he has not , no , not a right by law , unless the law of his sword ; a king that has no right to govern the people , but the people a very good one to take away his de factoship from him . but there is nothing in this false , and dishonourable title of a king de facto , that can be affix'd to king william , without the most impudent and malicious injustice : tho more of it , than the advocates of the late king are well aware of , really agrees to their abdicatour . if they who administred the coronation oath to the late king left out the provision in the ancient oath , for the peoples enjoying st. edward's laws , and added a special clause in favour of the clergy's , canonical priviledges ; if they clogg'd the promise of securing the civil rights of the nation with a salvo for kingly prerogative , then we may safely say that the late king was no more than a king de facto from the very first , and all the oaths that were made to him , are of no obligation , he not being the person he was taken for . but supposing that the late king did oblige himself by solemn oath to govern according to law , without any unrighteous omission , addition or salvo ; yet when he notoriously violated that sacred oath , by claiming an imperial arbitrary power , above and contrary to law , and by exercising the same in very many , and those the most dangerous instances that could be , then he disclaimed all the legal title he could ever be supposed to have had , tho' he continued indeed but too long afterwards a king de facto , a king in possession doing all the despight he could to our old english constitution , and our holy reform'd religion . but this false and dishonourable title of a king de facto [ as i said just now ] cannot be affix'd to king william without the most impudent and malicious injustice ; for he came over upon the earnest sollicitation of lords spiritual and temporal and other subjects of all ranks , to deliver the nation from popery and slavery : to this purpose he declar'd himself in words , the truth of which was clear enough from matter of fact , for the forces he brought over with him were proportion'd to the design of relief and assistance , not of invasion and conquest . he took not on him the administration of affairs for a time , but at the request of the lords spiritual and temporal assembled in the house of lords , and of those parliament men that had serv'd in the reign of charles ii. being assembled in the house of commons : and at the meeting of the convention he gave up that trust , which had been committed to him but for a time , and and left it to the convention to lay such a foundation for the security of their religion , laws and liberties , as they themselves should think good . it was never yet objected to him by his most inveterate enemies , that by any acts of force , or arts of corruption , he endeavour'd to work on the members of either house to labour his own advancement : but that was the free election of the majority , after long debates and consultations on other expedients : he did not lay violent hands on the crown , but only accepted it when offer'd , and upon the conditions offer'd with it . it is a truth undeniably manifest , that king william did not purchase to himself the title of a king by any fact of his own , save that by his vertue and his merit he recommended himself to the community , and their choice it was that made him king , that 's the fact and deed he claims by , and 't is the most righteous and lawful that can be , without a miracle , which i think the jure divino doctors do not pretend that we ought to wait for , that so we may have a lawful king. the election of the prince of orange to supply the vacancy of the throne gives him as rightful and lawful a title , as the election of any community ever gave to the first elected king. there 's nothing in the nature of a king de facto , but king william has shown his abhorrence of it ; when he took the oath , together with the crown offer'd him by the scotch commissioners , he demurr'd at one dubious expression , and call'd witnesses that he did not intend by it to oblige himself to be a persecutor , as if he had said , he would not be obliged by any means , to govern in any instances as a tyrant , he would be no other than a legal king. in short , if the choice of a people , whose king has broke the original contract , and will not govern by law , but be the law himself , or nothing ; if this choice cannot create a rightful and lawful king , then the fault must be in the office ; but if the office has no fault in it , and it has none that i know of , i am sure there is no flaw in the present possessor's title . it is impossible that every member of the community should be pleas'd with the settlement of the crown : but if a party think much to be concluded by the votes of the majority , they ought to withdraw their persons from this kingdom thus setled contrary to their likings , and seek out some country where government is model'd more to their mind : for while they stay here and question the right of king william , what do they but ridicule and reproach their own act ? in their supposition , that they have set up a king de facto , and no more , they suppose that they have given a man authority to play the tyrant and do mischief , they suppose that they have made slaves of themselves , and given away their liberties and properties , they suppose they have done all that against their own interest , which they were angry that the late king attempted to do : they will never vindicate their honour , unless they renounce their distinction , which i have prov'd ill-grounded . i will next show the mischievous consequences of it . the mischievous consequences of it are these : i. it lessens the honour of the king. this distinction was reviv'd in the first infancy of our present settlement , by some disappointed persons , who , when they found they could not serve their turns of the prince of orange , [ whom with humble supplications they had call'd in to their rescue from popery and slavery ] nor prevent his election to the crown , presum'd that they should take from him , by artifice , that which was confirm'd upon him [ maugre all their opposition ] by law. it would have pleas'd them well , to have been screen'd from the tyranny of king james , and protected in their tyranny over their brethren ; but missing their point there , they thought they might safely restore the divine right to their late king , who could no longer hurt them ; and as for the new elected successor , who seem'd not made to serve their party-interest , before all things else , he should be to them but as an usurper , not have more than the empty name of a king. de facto , and de jure nick'd this contrivance to an hair , impair'd the fame of their envied deliverer , and gave them the ravishing hopes of having their old master again upon their own terms . they could not have started , had they studied for it , a more mischievous reproach than this against their generous deliverer ; for thus they charg'd his honest and well aim'd declarations with want of truth and sincerity , they rob'd his heroick actions of their civic garland , they plunder'd his happy successes of much of the just welcom and esteem , which was due to them from every free-born english-man . every dissatisfied person that reviles the king's honour with this illegal de facto title , assassinates his glorious fame , and comes but little behind [ if he does not exceed nor equal ] a granvil , friend or perkins . we have reason to believe that our glorious king william values his honourable fame more than his life ; his honourable fame may last thro' many ages , his life cannot ; the nation indeed is most concern'd in his life , posterity in his fame : but we ought to be tender of the last , for they who hold him but a king de facto , appear by their common discourses very tender even of the fame of his murderous assassines , what little stains a brace of those miscreants had contracted , are thought to have been done away by a triumvirate of absolvers . i should be glad to see that affront to the government reproved by other arguments , besides what our reverend teachers use . the vncanonicalness and vnrubricalness of the bold deed , not but that it might be uncanonical and unrubrical too , for ought i know ; but i will swear that the publick absolution of traytors , who are not pretended to have declar'd their sorrow for that devillish treason which brought them to the gallows , no , not so much as in the ear of the absolver , was a more impudent piece of roguery , than ever was committed by the gown , in the face of the sun , with a reverend grace and solemnity . i am afraid i digress , but i hope i am within the purlues of the forest. it is the distinction of de facto and de jure which i am to arraign , and i charge it to be mischievous , because it lessens the honour of the king , it draws king william's picture too like that of king james ; there 's difference enough , let but an ordinary painter have the shadowing it , between a tyrant that will not be limited by law , and a rightful king who pretends to no power but what the law gives him . between the sternness of the one awing the poor scholars of maudlin , and the martial heat of the other forcing proud boufflers out of namur . it ought not to be forgot , that this de facto injury to king william's honour , is an instance of unparalell'd ingratitude , for he ventur'd life , and fortunes for the deliverance of our enthrall'd nation , and that , upon the humble requests of the chief of those very men , who now requite him , with this wicked , shameful , and ingrateful distinction . one would think it was not politickly done of them , as it is plain , was not done honestly ; for , who would serve their interest another time , if this be their way of testifying their sense of the obligation ? they are a generation difficult , and hard to be pleas'd , and possibly it were easier to teach them their duty , and make them subscribe to rightful and lawful king , than to gratifie all their pretensions , for , whether they know it or no , the honest english men , who were enough to carry it , for the election of king william to supply the vacant throne , are enough to defend his right , and establish his throne , maugre all their restless endeavours to supplant him . ii. as their malevolent distinction lessens the honour of the king , so it weakens the government . unto a king de facto only , there is no esteem , no thanks , no allegiance due . we may admire a difficult , and great atchievment , but it must be a vertuous , honest , and beneficent , which wins our esteem , and love ; we must be the better for it , if it deserves our thanks , we must have paid our thanks in giving the hero the right of a king or he can have no just claim to our allegiance . some men teach , [ and pretend the authority of the church of england for it , but therein they wrong their holy mother ] that allegiance is due to successful usurpers , and that providence , together with success , grants them that authority , which the people ought to obey for conscience sake . when an unhappy interest with-holds us from professing our assent to an evident truth , we are many times tempted to profess , and defend an evident and shameful untruth : so it is in the case before us . the de facto men refusing to own the rightful , and lawful title of king william , are forc'd to say that allegiance is due to usurpers , for well they know , should they pursue their principle as far as it would carry them , they could have no pretence at all to his protection ; besides , open and declar'd enmity against the government under king william's administration , was too much in all conscience to be endur'd . hence they found it requisite to labour to perswade the king , that they were oblig'd to obey him , tho' he had no right to govern them . 't was a strange paradox this , so very strange , that , had they not been endued with the uncommon wit , and bouldness of guilding and varnishing it at the expence of the honour of god almighty , they had made bold with the honour of the king to very little purpose . but it is my business to wash off the guilt and varnish , and show the odd paradox naked , that no consciencious weak mind be cheated thereby hereafter . they would perswade the king , that they were oblig'd to obey him , tho' he had no right to govern them . this is pretended , first to have been the opinion of some of the best lawyers of former days , and instance is offer'd in sir edw. coke , the judges in baggett's case , the lord chief justice hales and the lord chief baron bridgman . but the lord chief justice hales for what he says , quotes sir ed. coke only , against sir edw. coke's authority many things are obvious , besides that it stands singly on baggett's case ; the parliament roll recited in that case , is pointed directly against what sir edw. coke is suppos'd to have asserted ; lord chief baron bridgman has said nothing in favour , but much against the paradox . for a fair and full illustration of these particulars , i refer to the review of dr. sherlock 's case of allegiance , printed in the year . as our law is not chargeable with so foolish and unrighteous an injunction , as that , which requires obedience to kings in possession , kings falsely so call'd , who have no right to govern ; so much less is it to be defended from the words of holy scripture . but as it sometimes happens in other cases , so in this , where men have the least reason for it , there they put the greatest trust . there is not a text in the bible which commands obedience to tyrants or usurpers . the scope of the places , and the evident reason of things all along evinces , that the kings , magistrates , and other superiours , whom we are commanded to obey , have a lawful authority to govern . yet by artifice , and dextrous shifting the sails , our de facto men hope to weather the point . their method is , to refer all events to the over-ruling disposals of providence ; so as if providence left nothing to the free will of man. indeed if it were the positive will of god , that ambitious men should grasp sceptres , and arbitrarily lord it over cheated or conquer'd people , then we ought to obey tyrants , and usurpers for conscience-sake , but then the argument would prove too much , for such ambitious men being the ministers of god's providence , and executing only what he would have them , they ought not to be called tyrants and usurpers , they have according to this reasoning , from providence , a lawful tittle . but the sophistry , in this way of arguing from providence , is plainly discover'd , and refuted by distinguishing between the will , and the permission of god almighty . when those things , that ought to be done and which are just and good , are done , then the will of god is complied with ; when contrary things are done , then the will of god is resisted , and oppos'd , for as dr. sherlock has excellently observ'd , we are to learn our duty from the law of god , not from his providence ; the providence of god will never justify any action which his law forbids . let me add , nor can we , without the highest impiety , ascribe an unlawful action , to his over-ruling influence ; he does not so much as give leave to the attempts of ambitious men , he is not pleas'd with usurpation and tyranny , and therefore it is impossible for him to require , that obedience be paid to usurpers and tyrants . god , for many wise reasons , permits the affairs of the world to go on , as they are mov'd by the force of natural causes , thence it comes to pass ; that craft , and cruelty often prevail over right , and innocence : but god has not made the misfortunes of honest men their duty ; neither reason , nor revelation forecloses them , from using the lawful means to free themselves from oppression and slavery . when the calvinists are charg'd with making god the author of sin , they commonly answer , that the divine decrees do indeed necessitate every action , taken materially , not formally ; i acknowledge this distinction , to be an empty nominal distinction , not containing any sound reason to invalidate the heavy charge brought against them ; but however , it showes that the men have some modesty , for , whatever may be the consequence of their doctrines , which they pretend not to see , they will not charge god so foolishly , as to say in direct terms , that he is the author of sin ; but the defenders of the de facto notion applied to king william , are not afraid to make god the author of usurpation . they blasphemously affirm , that allegiance is due , not to legal right only , but to the authority of god who sets up kings , without any regard to legal right , or humane laws . if there be any doctrine which more than another deserves to be call'd a doctrine of devils , it must be this , which boldly flies in the face of god himself , and in downright terms proclaims , that the judge of all the world does wrong . the publishing and defending such notions as this , naturally tends to promote all flagitious and unjust attempts , and thereby to bring confusion and ruin upon a nation . the great god has a just authority over all men , for he made them ; they ought to obey him , for his commands are just , when he expostulates with disobedient sinners , he appeals to them , whether his laws are not reasonable . he gives none but reasonable commands , but to obey usurpers and tyrants is not reasonable , nor any command of his . the success of ambitious usurpers is not promoted by any favourable assistance from heaven ; but is only the consequence of the wit , vigour , and industry of those usurpers , the almighty permiting , and leaving the course of things to the force of natural causes . it is a most impious thought to imagin , that the righteous god should require us to be aiding , and assisting to wicked usurpations . it might as well be thought , that he should bid us disobey lawful powers , as bid us to obey usurpers . in short , even the de facto men themselves have granted all this , in their discourses of god and providence , when they have not had a by-cause to serve . what i have now mention'd and censur'd , was all , which for some while , envy and ingratitude against our glorious deliverer , and rightful king , could advance in behalf of that shameful paradox — which requires allegiance to be paid to a successful usurper , a king de facto , who has no right to govern . but when it was observ'd , that neither our law-books , nor bibles , by all the artful application of ill-affected lawyers , and priests , could be perswaded to spread a sheltring umbrage over that shameful paradox of theirs , which the denial of king william's right forc'd them to devise , some more refin'd phoilosophers , with a particular court-like address , thought to save its credit . the throne ( say they ) being fill'd , [ no matter how ] we are protected by it , and the benefit of protection requires the reciprocal duty of obedience . by this one argument , they would have us believe , that all differences may be compromiz'd , their consciences sav'd , and the government in no danger . but by their favour , tho' perhaps their consciences may shift well enough , come what will ; yet i think the government cannot be safely ventur'd upon their gratitude , we have had so many plots , and trayterous correspondencies of discontented men , who were not only protected , but some of them trusted , and honour'd ; that there 's no avoiding such a suspicious thought . but to speak close to their argument : they make possession of the throne , tho' obtain'd by bloody , and violent mischiefs , the same thing as protection ; to an usurper's administration they give the name of a benefit , and to such a violent benefit obtruded upon men against their wills , they would have obedience paid , as duty . more absurdities cannot well be crowded into so few words . a violent possessour is like to give but an odd sort of protection to them , who do not uphold his violent possession , as far as they are able ; his dealing to all but the friends of his usurpation will look more like tyranny than protection , and must more properly be called an injury than a benefit . a violent possessor does , by his first unjust violence a present great injury , to all them on whom he imposes his yoke ; and how should they expect any future benefit from him ? for , by his usurpation , they are depriv'd of all right to claim , or expect it by any obligation of laws , or claim of justice ; what they shall chance to meet with of that kind , they must have from his unconfin'd will and arbitrary power , which is a very capricious and fortuitous thing . are we oblig'd to obey a prince , whom not our law , but his own might advanc'd over us ? then it must be his might that obliges us , and the obedience which we pay , is obedience per force , obedience falsly so call'd , in truth , it is no more obedience than possession is protection , and governing us whither we will or no , a benefit ; true obedience is from choice , and always paid for real and valuable considerations . the due allegiance of subjects is paid for the enjoyment of life , liberty and property , defended by such laws as the subjects have consented to , the execution of which laws is committed to his trust , who is by due course of law made their governor , under what high character or title soever . he that is advanc'd to the throne by due course of law and consent of the people , becomes a king de jure , a rightful and lawful king , and to him obedience is really due ; for , from his legal possession , we have a real and not an imaginary benefit under his government ; we have a protection from certain and known laws , not from uncertain and unknown will and power . from this plain and clear state of the case it appears , that our refin'd philosophers in their neat argument are guilty of a wilful or weak mistake in putting one word for another , in calling violent possession protection , an injury , a benefit , suffering obedience : whether i should call it a wilful or weak mistake , i know not , for ' t is not plain to me which they value most , their wit , or honesty , but a manifest mistake it is , and will not pass upon the nation , unless they who take such pains to dress things in disguises , had that command in rhetorical sophistry which the old declamators at athens so valued themselves upon , pretending to be able to make the worst cause look well ; unless they could by artificial studied words , and strains of wit , make the people esteem it as great a benefit to live in the apprehension and expectation of being slaves , as in the condition of subjects ; unless they could by wheedling amusements , persuade them , that their lives , liberties and properties are as safe under uncontrouled and arbitrary power , as under a power limited by those laws , which they themselves had a share in making . in short , if this be good reasoning , he that fills a throne , tho' he has no right to fill it , does , by filling it , give protection to the people ; and by governing them without their consent , bestows a benefit upon them , in return for which they are oblig'd to obey him : then thieves that break open a house , and spare the lives of the family , may be said to give them protection , and in disposing the goods at their own pleasure , to bestow a benefit on the true owners , and what the owners suffer under such a terror , may be called obedience : nay , according to these measures , the man that is hang'd may be said to pay obedience , and he that trusses him up , right or wrong , is his ruler de facto . the preachers of passive obedience made it their business to abuse the people with a very pernicious false doctrine , but they gave it a proper , agreeable , and true name ; for , the plain signification of passive obedience is , suffering , actual suffering , irremediable suffering : with a bareface it teaches , that if we receive no manner of protection or benefit by the laws of the land , but on the contrary , are depriv'd of our liberties and properties , yet we must submit and suffer : but the authors of the argument which i am reproving , are pleas'd to call suffering , obedience ; the one would enslave us by a confident belying of religion , the other by a subtle misuse of seeming reason . i have prov'd in general , that the distinction of a king de jure and de facto , as applied to king william , weakens the government . i will now exemplisy the same in some particulars . i. they that do not believe king william to be their king de jure , i. e. their true and lawful king , are not like to bear true faith and allegiance to him . they have no motive , no temptation to induce them : if they bear true faith and allegiance to a king , in their opinion , an usurper , they must contradict the principles which god and nature have implanted in them , they must cross their own present inclinations without the prospect of a future advantage . it is as much as ever our preachers can do , to keep men from indulging their present inclinations by the hopes of a recompence hereafter ; but 't would puzzle all their eloquence to persuade them to this , when the instance is not a moral action fit to be done , nor any thing to be got by it . the wonderful and unreasonable confidence of those jacobizing authors , who would persuade their readers , that allegiance ought to be paid to a king , whom they believe to have no right to require it , made me with a strict thoughtfulness consider , on what bottom they could pretend to ground the obligation ; but bottom could i find none , save that from the christian precept of loving enemies , a merry man might make a jest on 't . by the way , this most difficult of christian precepts , had been recommended to the world before our blessed master's time , by wise heathens , grotius in his book de ver. rel. christianae , quotes several , but no wise heathen or christian , ever explain'd that precept so far , as to exact the payment of good offices to an enemy at the expence of the just rights of a friend , or allegiance to an arbitrary king in possession , to the wrong of the lawful king unhappily dispossess'd : and i am opinion , that the consideration of this , or a less justifiable cause mov'd a good doctor to mince the matter thus : it is our duty to pray for the king in possession , while we take care to do it in such terms , as not to pray against the dispossess'd prince . which is as much as to say , we may pray that god would do such a king some small personal kindnesses , or so ; but not to discomfit his enemies , or establish his throne , and this justifies my position . that they who do not believe king william to be their king de jure , are not like to bear him true faith and allegiance ; we have but too long seen the effects of the doctor 's caution , one while many were contented to pray for king william only from the desk in appointed forms , they abstain'd from mentioning his name in the pulpit ; the most thought it enough in general terms to pray god to be gracious to king william ; not one of a hundred at this day dares pronounce him rightful and lawful king ; they will , 't is true , not grudge to call him the king that god has set over them ; but that 's an oblique reflexion , for , the same is their phrase also for an usurper . the questioning king william's title , was always the profess'd cause of the refusal of swearing to bear faith and true allegiance to him . indeed the above mention'd doctor was pleas'd to tell the nation , that he did not refuse the oaths out of any fondness for the government of king james , nor zeal for his return : but i am confident he did not refuse them out of any persuasion of the right of king william , nor zeal for his establishment ; in truth , his refusal of the oaths , was a plain declaration of his sense against king william's right ; but when he took the oaths , then to insinuate that king william had no legal right — hic nigrae succus soliginis , haec est aerugo mera . yet this doctor is a saint , in comparison with that loyal rector , who essay'd to prove , that notwithstanding his oath to king william and queen mary , he had not put himself out of a capacity to perform what he swore to the late king : which makes it plain that they who are not persuaded of king william's rightful title , cannot be willing to give him , no , not their oaths , unless it be for the better opportunity to betray him . in short , i would sooner hope to find an atheist , zealous to promote the practise of vertue and piety , than that the government under king william should be rightly serv'd , by those that are persuaded of the right of the late king. when the late king sent forces against the late duke of monmouth he was in the right , not to put his trust in the county troops , for he look'd upon many of them to have no opinion of his title , but rather to think well of the cause of the invader . 't is the ordinary policy of every tyrant to oppress his own people with mercenary foreigners , or such subjects of his own , as are souldiers , who have nothing but fortune , and his bounty to trust to ; 't were as foolish to go about to suppress them by other instruments , as 't is wicked to oppress them at all . perhaps a hungry lawyer may plead for his fee against his conscience , but a lover of his country will not be the chief justice of an arbitrary monarch . ii. they that do not believe king william to be their righful and lawful king , are bound in conscience to endeavour to dispossess him . i know there be some casuists , who contend earnestly , that an erroneous conscience does not oblige a man to follow it ; in proof of their negative , they muster many zealous , and some witty pleadings , proper to amuse , and entertain one sort of readers , but no man can be convinc'd by them . for god gave us conscience to be our guide , and nature will have us to follow it , whether in the doing good or evil . i prove it by this plain reason — if we are not oblig'd to obey an erroneous conscience , then we are not oblig'd to obey a right and well perswaded conscience , for the erroneous conscience thinks it self in the right , as well as the conscience that both thinks so , and is so . a man who is erroneously perswaded in moral matters cannot but sin ; he sins in following his erroneous conscience , when it prompts him to an immoral action , because by the word of god , and right reason , he might have inform'd his conscience better : he sins most audaciously when he acts against his conscience , because he thinks it his duty to obey it . bishop taylor teaches , that it is a greater sin to do a good action against our conscience , than to do an evil action in obedience to it . the example he brings answers exactly but to one part of his rule , but comes near the other , and leads to our purpose . fryar clement the jacobine thinks erroneously , that it is lawful to kill his king : the poor damosel faucette thinks it unlawful to spit in the church ; but it happen'd , that one day she did it against her conscience ; and the fryar one day with his conscience and a long knife kill'd the king. if the question be here who sinn'd most , the disparity is next to infinite , the poor woman was to be chidden for doing against her conscience , and the other to be hang'd for doing according to his . thus say i , those assasines deserve to be hang'd who attempt to kill , and those also who consult , and labour to disposses our rightful and lawful king william ; but while with an erroneous conscience , they believe him to be only king de facto , i.e. a false king , but a real usurper , i do not see how they can avoid treason , and the danger of the gallows . now , bless us ! and deliver us ! some friends of the party may say , from so barbarous doctrine as this . what! hang men for obeying their consciences ? and doing what in their circumstances they could not avoid . but to abate their wonder , and let them into the cruel mystery , i reply , it is but a just , reasonable , and necessary doctrine ; for why should their consciences disturb our settlement , and endanger the life of our king. they should labour to inform their consciences better , or carry them to some other country , where our government , and the life of our king , may be as safe from the treacherous practices of their consciences , as their consciences from the just , and but too slow , vengeance of the government ; for , as mr. johnson told them long agoe . he ought not to live under any government , who refuses to give it the customary and legal caution . they shall put you out of the synagogues , said christ to his apostles , yea the time cometh , that whosoever killeth you , will think , that be doth god good service . friend , and perkins , and their fellow assassines thought themselves oblig'd in conscience to take off king william , because they look'd upon him only as a king de facto , a meer usurper : in conscience they held themselves oblig'd to endeavour the restoration of the late king , because they look'd on him as king de ivre . and rather than not effect these purposes they engage to promote a french invasion , which would have made bloody work among us , but what car'd they for that , as long as it was to reinstate the right heir . a more mischievous distinction cannot be imagin'd than this of a king de ivre , and de facto , the former being applied to the late king , the latter to king william ; but i will descend to some particular instances . this wicked distinction , thus mischievously applied , long encourag'd troublesom commotions in scotland , but more fatally delay'd the reduction of ireland . it famish'd some thousands in london-derry , kept a gallant army from action one summer for six weeks , that was , till the season for action was over ; so that the victory of the next year cost the king some of his own blood , and the life of his brave general . it betray'd our councils , and brought the french fleet into our channel , prevented the pushing on our successes , so that our dishonour is not yet reveng'd , as it ought , and perhaps might be , it expos'd our merchants , and ruin'd our trade , it hatch'd many a hellish plot in ireland , in flanders , in england , against the life of king william and queen mart , against the liberties of this nation , and the lives of all honest protestants , it hinder'd the due examination of discover'd plots , and rescued traytors convict , without obliging them to confession . this wicked , and mischievously applied distinction contriv'd the last hellish conspiracy , laid it deep , and spread it wide , urg'd it on with a steddy zeal , and unwearied application under the auspices of an exil'd tyrant , and at the vast expence of his proud protector , watch'd all opportunities to begin the bloody execution ; conceal'd it obstinately , pursued it after disappointments , and we have reason to believe , that we are not got so far into the horrid secret , but they have their hopes to retrieve it . however , blessed be god , who has brought so much of it to light , that we shall not perish — that we shall not perish , — unless it be our own fault ; — if we please , — the sun may be let in upon it , the law may effectually spppress it , and then , — and not till then , we shall be safe , both we , and our king. the undantedly honest mr. johnson , and one or two more , out of dry love to their country , some years ago oppos'd this wretched , mischievous , and misapplied distinction , with learning , wit , and reason ; but the friends of the late king james could endure that opposition , and reply little , while they met with no penal opposition from the government : but when one or two of the conspirators , averse to so horrid a villany , as was in agitation among them , reveal'd the design to the king , and the king laid it before the house of commons ; of a sudden the spirits of that honourable body , the representatives of the people of england , were rouz'd from the confus'd lethargy of a doubtful opinion , into a clear discerning sense of the danger , into which the sacred life of king william , and all the dearest interest of all true englishmen were betray'd by the distinction of a king de ivre , and a king de facto . immediately therefore to repair their errour , with a just warmth , they declar'd the right of their king , that so they might on a stable rock , build their own defence , which had been vilely shaken by the rotten foundation of an usurper , daub'd over with the empty name only of a king. a very great majority of that august assembly , presently cheerfully subscrib'd the association , wherein , after they sincerely , and solemnly profess , testifie , and declare , that his present majesty king william is rightful , and lawful king of these realms ; they mutually promise and engage to stand by , and assist each other to the utmost of their power , in the support and defence of his majesties most sacred person , and government , against the late king james and his adherents . further they oblige themselves , if the king should come to any violent and untimely death , which god forbid , to revenge the same on his enemies , and their adherents , lastly , to support the succession of the crown according to an act made in the first year of king william and queen mary . the house of lords also , moved by the same amazing occasion , as the commons , damn'd the mischievous distinction de facto , and de ivre , declaring that his present majesty king william hath a right by law to the crown , which words one might be afraid of , but that their lordships , ever honourable , and sincere , took care to secure them from exception , by the next plain , righteous and decretory sentence , — and that neither the late king james , nor the pretended prince of wales , nor any other person , hath any right whatsoever to the same . i can't see wherein this declaration comes short of that of the house of commons , for here the lords determine , that king william hath a right by law to the crown , and such a right by law , that neither the late king , nor the pretended prince of wales , nor any other person hath any right whatsoever to the same ; then of consequence , he hath all the right to the crown that can be , all the right that ever prince had , or can have . and is in their lordships judgments , what the commons have declar'd him , viz. our rightful and lawful king. i am glad the houses are so well agreed . but alas ! neither has their happy agreement , nor the following hearty and just votes of the commons carried the association of the commons thro' the kingdom , with that success as might have been expected , and as was due to so well advised a sanction for the publick good . the reason of which disappointment i cannot imagine , for i hope , that commoner's chaplain was not in the right , who openly told an acquaintance , that the penalties inforcing the association were only in terrorem . but as if he had been able to give the refusers security , many stood off , and began to frame exceptions against it . to pass by the little cavils , and impertient sarcasms , started by vain and unquiet men , who are proud to tell the world with what unfair equivocation they swallow'd the oaths of allegiance , and consonant to that scandalous wickedness , will affix a sense of their own devising to the parliament association , or else associate in a cold empty form of their own drawing up ; to pass by every thing of this nature , i shall only reflect on the grand exception , which is so common in the mouths of all the de facto men. and that is this — they have as their bounden duty does require , that awful regard for the divine prohibition of revenge , that they can by no means agree to oblige themselves to revenge the king 's violent death upon his treacherous enemies . to this i have several things to reply . . tho' with some men the blood of a king is so cheap that it may be spilt like water on the ground , and they never trouble their hearts about it : yet i make no question , but were it the blood but of an arch-bishop of st. andrew , they would be very active to hunt the murtherers from their coverts , and bring them to condign punishment . that these words may not be wrested , i do avow , that it was a necessary piece of justice , the punishment of that arch-bishop's murtherers . but i argue a fortiori , how necessary then is it to punish wicked regicides ? ii. when a noble peer is impeach'd in parliament for high-treason , the lords spiritual pretend to a right of siting , and voting among his judges , so that clergy-men are not willing to be wholly sequestred from their share in legal revenges . iii. when the house of commons declar'd , [ upon the occasion of the popish plot , discover'd by doctor oates , ] that if his majesty , king charles , that then was , should come to any violent death , [ which they pray'd god to prevent , tho' [ as 't is thought , ] they were not heard ] they would revenge it to the utmost on the papists . none of this clan of non-associators bawl'd against that vote , as unchristian ; and yet i do not see , but king william's life is as precious , and ought to be as dear to the nation as ever king charles's was ; besides , i perswade my self , that popish assassines deserve not to be more severely treated , than — than any other assassines . iv. when any private person unites with the house of commons , to revenge the violent death of the king , [ which god prevent , ] he unites with the representatives of the body of the people , for the just execution of a legal revenge . v. he that is not willing to do his part towards the bringing the assassines of the king to suffer the law , may be justly suspected as an abettor of the assassination , [ if such a thing should happen , which god prevent ] and if he be treated accordingly , he is not worse treated , than the old lady lisle . vi. in a state of nature , every man has a right to preserve all his honest interests against the injuries of others , and to punish such injuries according as he judges they deserve to be punish'd . in political society every man resigns up this natural right to the community , who intrust some chosen man or men to govern them , by setled laws made with their own consent : now if wicked assassines shall traiterously take off the chief head or heads that govern , and so reduce the people to the unhappy necessity of a new choice , from whence may arise infinite mischiefs , by reason of the differences of ambitious pretenders , the people seem reduc'd to a state of nature , and then every particular individual person has a right to be reveng'd of the assassines . it is true , the english government is hereditary , and by act of parliament setled after the death or demise of king william , on the princess ann and the heirs of her body , but then there is danger that jacobite zeal may wade thro' more blood to make a clear vacancy for a royal abdicator ; and if so , there 's reason for every true englishman , by the parliaments association to denounce vengeance against the assassines ; but the single loss of king william alone by violent , sudden treachery , might chance to throw us into those confusions , that it is just and prudent to associate to be aveng'd of them , that shall tear that dear interest from us . vii . let who will refuse the association , yet it is honestly and wisely done of them who enter into it ; for thereby they not only discharge the duty which they owe to the king ; but also do that which has a powerful influence to deter execrable assassines from attempting the desperate villany ; for it is the hope of impunity that confirms the bold nonjurers in their declar'd enmity to king william ; the hope of impunity that animates the sneaking perjur'd jurors to abide by their mischievous distinction of a king de facto and de jure ; the hope of impunity that hatches conspiracies , and carries on correspondencies with france ; and no doubt king-killers hereafter will be harder to be hired , because that particular villany has the least hope of mercy ; to say no more , 't is the hope of impunity that hardens a perverse conscience , and makes so many non-associators . viii . 't is not indeed unwisely done of the non-associators , that they may put the best colour they can upon their refusal , to pretend that they are christians , and cannot be reveng'd , no not upon their most mischievous enemies ; but then it is easy to see thro' this pretence ; a wet finger will fetch off the false varnish ; for tho' they dare not for the world associate to revenge the violent death of king william ; yet they are well contented to give up three nations to the vengeance of the late king , who if ever he returns , [ which god of his infinite mercy , i beseech him , prevent ] will return like the evil spirit in the gospel , with seven other spirits more wicked than himself , and the last state of our nation shall be worse than the first : for , as it is said by the apostle , it had been better never to have known the way of righteousness , than having known , to depart therefrom : so it had been better for us never to have been deliver'd from the yoke of the late king's tyranny , than to submit our necks to it again ; if he hooks us under his power a second time , it will be a mercy to dispatch us ; he will hamper us so sufficiently , that our next deliverer must be that sure conqueror , who makes the ill figure in churches with his scythe and hour-glass . ix . among the rest of the mischiefs whereof the de jure and de facto distinction is the procuring cause , set it down for one , that it keeps them who falsly and maliciously apply it to king william , from associating with their representatives in parliament . it comes into my mind now , very opportunely , i think , that their tyrant de jure , just upon his departure , [ and the words of departing friends we know sink deep into the minds of good christian people ] advis'd his loyal officers and soldiers expresly , and all his other well-wishers [ not worth naming ] tacitly , not to expose themseves by resisting a foreign enemy , and a poison'd nation [ that was his complement to old england ] but to keep themselves free from associations and such pernicious things . our mischievous distinguishers have observ'd this advice most exactly , they have not yet rashly ventur'd their carcasses in the field against our king and government . their treachery must succeed before they try their valour ; and as for associations , and such pernicious things , they most religiously keep themselves pure and undefil'd . for another particular instance of the mischief caus'd by the wretched distinction , i might mention , that it encourages the attempts of the french king , to re-impose on us the late king james as his deputy , [ for that 's the most the late king in his vainest hopes can expect ; nay , if it should rain crowns and miracles on his head , who may have more faith to believe the latter , than strength to bear the former ; he must govern by the imperious dictates of his protectors arbitrary will , he must be but the prime minister of a superior tyrant , nay , hardly that , for lewis would not trust him but under french school-masters , and having first deliver'd up cautionary towns. ] if king lewis were not well assur'd that the mischievous distinction was suffer'd among us with impunity , he would not be at the expence of a livre to make a descent upon us , but rather be glad to secure his own shoars , which indeed is more than he can do now , rebus sic stantibus . but that i may not on this head chance to touch on some things said before , i am content to dismiss it with this bare mentioning , only let me take my leave of the de facto men with one question upon the whole matter : since they vex their wits to serve the fury of a prince whose tyranny t' other day themselves could not brook , let them tell the world , is tyranny one of those blessings whose value we can never enough esteem till we begin to want it ? i make haste to conclude my discourse , and therefore shall wholly pass by some little inconveniences caus'd by the distinction of a king de facto and de jure , such as that it hinders the late king's devotions ; if it were not for the vain hope of returning to be reveng'd of a certain poison'd nation ; why , he might retire to a religious house , and spend the remnant of his life in prayers , mass it early and late , for the soul of his elder brother , or any of the unlucky assassines that t'other day fell in his cause , and might for ought he knows drop into purgatory notwithstanding their absolution : or if a court is the thing with which his heart is ravish'd , he might e'en betake himself to his holy father , the blessed pope's holy court , where he might be forgiven , submitting to penance , all the improvidences and cowardize in his frustrated pious attempt to massacre a nation or two of hereticks . as a corallary to the foregoing discourse , take this — the impunity of them who own king william only as a king de facto , discourages the friends of the government , who own him , and believe him to be our rightful and lawful king. it is true , a man of steddy vertue will not be put by the practice of those duties which serve the interest of his country , by any neglects from the government , or apprehensions of danger likely to happen : but surely their number , who have wrought themselves up to such consummate excellence , bears no proportion , either with their own friends , who are but [ more or less ] well inclin'd , or with their enemies who are mischievously bent : of the most of them that sincerely believe king william to be rightful and lawful king ; i fear this is the extent of their praise : they are ready to defend the government as far as the government is willing to defend it self and them ; but cautiously do they abstain from an over-active zeal , which is not well accepted , for fear it should be visited upon them and their children in another revolution . for my part , i believe it as impossible for our late king james , to recover his forfeited and abdicated crowns , as for the intreaguing king of france to make himself monarch universal : but the annual succession , and thickning of jacobite plots , and the last refusal of a bill to be brought in , obliging certain persons to abjure king james ; convince me , that men of good and bad principles , have , the one hop'd for , the other suspected and fear'd such a new dismal scene of affairs . and , for ought i know , the establishment and security of the government under king william , may be owing more to what has been done against it , than to what has been done for it . perîssem nisi perîssem : i think it was the saying of the brave themistocles , by which i suppose he design'd to declare that it was his opinion , he had not arriv'd at that heighth of greatness , if he had not been ruffled , oppos'd and banish'd ; and i am very fully satisfied , that if it had not been for this last devillish invasion and assassination-plot , we had not in haste declar'd king william our rightful and lawful king , nor associated for the preservation of his life , by threatning to revenge his violent death . there is a difference between those that were to have had their part in the assassination , and those that were concern'd only in the invasion . the assassines are not able to devise any the least colour to take off from the heinousness of their intended villany . perkins was a little asham'd of this infamous design ; but as for the promoters of the invasion , their treason was but consonant to their old mischievous distinction of a king de facto and de jure : some of the assassines have met their deserv'd fate , but the simple invaders have hardly been scar'd ; yet if they shall not be call'd to an account also [ who bid fair for slaying ten thousands of the people , and so making up in numbers , a sacrifice equal to that of their king ] they will not only be confirm'd that they have distinguish'd well , but prompted more vigorously to pursue the fatal end and purpose of their threatning distinction . and this indeed is enough and enough to cool the zeal , and to discourage the endeavours of them that are otherwise very well dispos'd to serve the interests of king william , their country , and the protestant religion . our king himself is not capable of endangering his own just rights , or the safety of the people of england , unless by his singular mercy and goodness , which like his fearless valour , knows no bounds : as for the representatives of the people , it may be reasonably presum'd , they will at last provide , that the de facto jacobites shall not have the temptation of impunity to attempt to subvert the liberties of the nation , and to destroy the lives of all that love their liberties . they have indeed , according to the trust reposed in them , honestly endeavour'd and advanc'd some paces towards such a necessary provision , by their noble , just , and righteous association : but there remains a great deal more for them to do still , lest what they have already done , be frustrated , and render'd all together ineffectual ; for their association is no sooner drawn up , subscrib'd by a great majority , and the session prorogu'd . but ante-associations are form'd against it by some of the clergy , not indeed in broad words directly contrary , but in cold and empty flourishes of their own devising , and such borrowed expressions as they imagine capable of an interpretation , that will not utterly subvert their distinction of a king de facto , and de ivre , which distinction while it reigns unpunish'd , king william does not reign secure . several of the ante-associations were drawn up so little favouring the title of his present majesty , so little consulting the security of his administration , that it was scandalously manifest , the subscribers associated only in lewd hypocisy , to avoid the envy of non-associating , to sham the authority of the nation with some deceitful complements , but in reality and truth , to preserve their dear distinction . such associations therefore as these , were rejected , as they well deserved , nor could all the academic elegance bestowed upon them , help them through the officious hands of friends , to his majesty's gracious acceptance : but these gentlemen carried it highly , if his majesty would not accept such association as they had drawn up , he should have none at all from them . this being observ'd by other persons of the same order , they wisely consider'd what inconveniences might possibly happen from not associating at all , and therefore determin'd to comply , but resolv'd to come off as cheap as they could . they would venture to associate , but not with their parishoners in the form prescrib'd by the house of commons [ except here and there an honest parson that had no priestcraft in him ] wherefore they carefully abstain from declaring it to be their perswasion , that his present majesty king william , is rightful and lawful king of these realms ; and as for his violent and untimely death , should it happen , which god prevent , they oblige not themselves to revenge it upon his enemies and their adherents . but let us see ! what do they give us in the room of rightful and lawful king , and instead of making it the utmost danger to kill him ? why ? they borrow some words from the association of the house lords , and insert the same among some empty flourishes of their own ; upon which i note , that , altho' the form of the association of the house of lords , be in the literal , plain , and obvious sense , and in the sense by them intended , truly , just , and highly loyal , yet when clergy-men , who are represented by the house of commons , and not by the house of lords , shall associate in the language of the latter , and not of the former , it is a manifest sign , that they dislike the association of the house of commons , and that , tho' the association of the lords tends to the same just , noble and necessary purposes , yet in their opinion it may be interpreted to signifie something less . it cannot be imagin'd , that any of the clergy should decline the association of the house of commons , by whom they are represented , if they were perswaded that the same was a just , and righteous association ; it cannot be imagin'd that they should prefer the phrase of the house of lords , by whom they are not represented , if they were firmly perswaded [ as i declare my self to be ] that , that phrase did come fully up , to the sense of the house of commons , and could not possibly be interpreted to signifie , with a jacobite abatement , something favourable to their mischievously applied distinction of a king de facto , and de jure . now in this their practise they do a great injury to both houses , they audaciously slight the one , and wickedly traduce the other . what reward so high a misdemeanour may deserve , i take not upon me to pronounce ; but i hope i may have leave to say , that these clergy-association-separatists have not that unquestionable fair pretence to his majesties special graces and favours , as the voluntary subscribers of the association of the house of commons ; indeed they may , considering the wonderful generosity of the king , expect as much forgiveness as they shall need , and more grace and favour than they are dispos'd to deserve : but it were a presumption very like impudence in them , to hope that his majesty king william should prefer them before his best affected liege people , who associate , [ as is most just and proper , fair and unexceptionable ] with their representatives in parliament , heartily , sincerely , and solemnly professing , testifying and declaring , that his present majesty king william is rightful and lawful king of these realms , &c. and that they will stand by one another , in revenging his untimely death , [ which god prevent ] upon his enemies and their adherents . it was a very sharp reflection , and , i would very fain perswade my self , an unjust one , that of mr. dryden , for priests of all religions are the same ; but it grieves my soul to think , that so necessary an order of men , protestants , as well as papists , should be so generally given to oppose the proceedings of the state. old and crazy is the body , i cannot say , which i carry about with me , but which is carried about for me ; but yet , i am in hopes , that it will hold out , till all his majesties subjects represented by the commons , be taught the necessity of subscribing the association of the house of commons ; for , i well remember , how before the end of their last sessions , they set their own members a day to subscribe it , or declare their refusal ; also the names of refusers were requir'd to be return'd , from all or most towns of the kingdom ; which was setting and a distinguishing mark upon them ; and it is not reasonable to suppose , that they will suffer their august assembly , and wise councils to be so contemptuously us'd , as they must be , if that form of association , which their wisdom judg'd absolutely necessary to save the honour and life of the king ; the lives , liberties , and religion of the subject , happen to be disappointed by particular forms of association , devis'd by some discontented ecclesiasticks , who refuse to declare , that his present majesty king william is rightful and lawful king of these realms ; and have so very little love for his person , that who as will may assassinate him , for all them , with impunity . o the christianity of these gentlemen ! whose consciences will not serve them to be aiding and assisting any just orders of legal revenge ! if this be christianity , commend me to the manners , and doctrine of heathens . but why should christianity be reproach'd for their sakes ? that holy institution neither injures the civil rights of particular persons , nor alters the grand reason on which political societies , kingdoms , and commonwealths are founded , and preserv'd . salus populi the good of the people is the grand reason on which political societies are founded ; the good of the people requires that enormous wickednesses should not escape unpunished ; he that has it in his power , but will not contribute to the legal punishment of an infamous assassin , is wanting in the duty which he owes to that body politick , whereof he is a member , in short , every member of a body politick is in strict justice oblig'd to endeavour , as far as in him lies , to bring to legal punishment the bloody villain that shall murder the meanest of his fellow subjects ; this is a duty , which by the fundamental reason of society is owning from every single person to the publick ; how much more strongly does it oblige , if a brave prince should fall [ which god forbid ] by the treacherous cruelty of ingrateful miscreants , prompted by a disappointed tyrant , and supported by a faithless , enchroaching foreign enemy ? it is a very odd thing , that any men should pretend conscience for their forbearance of that action , which they are bound in duty to perform , tho' they look no farther , than their being members of a body politick . there is no government upon the face of the earth , that will take them in upon other conditions , than their agreeing to be reveng'd upon those assassines , whose desperate malice shall wound the publick in so noble a part , as her chief officer . and therefore we have good reason to hope , that since the government knows her boldest enemies who [ mindful of the advice from rochester ] will not associate with us at all ; and her no-friends who will not associate in the form of the house of commons , since , i say , the government knows them intus & incute , fully , and throughly , [ as she well may , after seven long years troublesom experience ] that she will now at last take the necessary security , that security which providence hath so loudly , and so oft proclaim'd to be the only necessary ; by which not only the government , but , by the blessing of god , even the enemies thereof may be brought to their right wits , and sav'd from cruel tyranny , and foolish superstition . this looks , some may object , as if i wish'd , that the association of the house of commons might be impos'd on the clergy . i might reply , if that really was my wish , i know no great harm which would follow ; but i rather choose with all softness to clear the purpose of my writing . i remember to have read some author , who vindicating the practice of the church , [ which sometime had been , ] in compelling men to conformity , when he was asham'd to affirm in express terms , that violence might be offer'd to mens consciences , in matters about religious worship ; he gave this turn to the matter — they might lawfully be compell'd to consider . i mean no more , as to our dissenting associators . and i am perswaded , let the government give them but one good argument able to move them to consider the matter , they will never stand with their representatives for the phrase of rightful and lawful king , no , nor the word revenge neither , which when the parliament threatned against the king's enemies , they never dream'd it would scare the clergy . for the ground of this my perswasion , i will tell the reader a story . when pope paul the vth. quarrell'd with the venetians , the imprisonment of a brace of ecclesiastick villians was the least thing that troubled him . but the great offence was from two decrees , the first commanding that no more churches should be erected within the city precincts ; the second that no more lands should be alienated to the ecclesiasticks , without leave had from the senate . it seems the senate were for governing the republick , by such decrees , as they judg'd necessary for the publick good. the pope excommunicates the duke and senate , lays their dominions under his interdict , the jesuits associating on the side of his holiness , obey the interdict , and refuse to say mass ; for this , the senate banishes them , but the people associating with the senate , instead of mutining for the holy fathers now ready to depart each man with the hoast at his neck , intimating that they and jesus christ were both taking their leave together , bid them be gone with a vengeance . the senate pursu'd their steaddy resolutions with an order that all ecclesiasticks , who would not continue the celebration of divine service , should retire out of their dominions ; upon this , many of the holy men , especially the capuchins , had the courage to make a noise of departing , they intended to have gone out in procession with the sacrament , but that the senate forbid it ; they actually did use all arts to make the people apprehend the sadness of their case , and that the being without priests was being without god in the world. one morning therefore they celebrated mass , they eat up all their gods , and concluded the service without blessing the people . but the senate stood firm to their order , and the people were quiet , and content to take care of their own souls , which so troubled these holy fathers , that several alter'd their minds , and were content to stay and do their duties , most of the capuchins in the territories of berscia and bergamo wisely consider'd that they could not live half so well without their flock , as their flock without them ; therefore when they saw they could not help it , they associated with the senate , and celebrated divine service as before , notwithstanding the pope's interdict . i will not say , that every thing in this story , which relates to the senate of venice and their clergy , runs paralel with the circumstances between the government , and our clergy-dissenting-associators ; but if any one shall say , that there is no manner of resemblance between the one and the other , i must beg his pardon . what may or may not be fitly applied , the reader shall freely judge , i will not labour to prepossess him with my notions ; yet i will make bold to affix one note to the story , and that 's this — it was not with the popish religion , nor its ministers , that the senate had a difference ; only this they firmly resolv'd , that none should be ministers of religion for them , that would not own , that the senate had a rightful and lawful authority to govern the republick by what decrees they pleas'd , without asking leave of the pope . the readers trouble shall be over , when i have told him , it is not the church of england , nor ministers of the church of england , as such , that i have here tax'd ; for i heartily and sincerely profess a profound veneration to the right reverend fathers in god , my lords , the archbishops and bishops that are as faithful to his majesty king william , and the interest of their country , as paolo sarpio veneto , better known by the name of father paul , was to the senate of venice ; i highly esteem and regard all the inferior clergy , whose honesty and loyalty keeps even paces with the house of commons , the representatives of the people of england , and equals them to those venetian ecclesiasticks , who prefer'd the decrees of the senate their lawful governors before the interdiction of their holy , medling , spiritual father , the pope . postscript . of the mischiefs which flow from the seditious distinction of a king de facto and de jure , there is no end ; as oft as i think of it , new instances of its mischievousness occur to my mind : for might not a french commissioner at a treaty of peace , from hence take occasion to argue after this manner — as it was said in behalf of the dutch , when they first refus'd the bank of england's bills , why should they take them , when the english among themselves would not ? so it may be said in behalf of the french king , why should he own king william for rightful and lawful king of england , &c. when so many of the clergy , enjoying their tythes and pulpits , and not a few of the laity in publick office and imployment will not ? might not the monsieur pursue the raillery thus — when the government does not think fit to impose the lawfulness of king william's title on the consciences of the clergy , and all other officers and magistrates commissionated by his majesty , why should it be impos'd on the conscience of the french king , who is none of king william's subject , but a crown'd head , as well as himself ? i know not what could be reply'd to this argumentative raillery , which mingles reason and reproach together , unless that english subjects of all orders and degrees should be better taught their duty for the future , and then the french king would stand with us for nothing — when once those wretched inventions of usurpation , conquest and desertion , branches of the de facto doctrine , are penally restrain'd , as by english law they might and ought to be ; there 's not a clergyman of an hundred , but shall justify the choice of the people and speak honourably of the conventional parliament ; there 's not a lay-magistrate but shall know under whom , and for whom he was created , and dare as well be — as betray king william or his country . let clergy-men and lay-men be compell'd to associate in the form of the house of commons , to defend their rightful and lawful king william , and to revenge his untimely death , which god prevent , [ and a very little compulsion will doe , for the most backward of them , are only a little knavish , or so , not obstinate ] and there shall not be a mercenary villain found , that will be hir'd to lift up a hand against him , not a crown'd , nor decrown'd head so foolishly wicked , as to go about to hire them . note , that this should have been inserted among the arguments , which are offer'd against the non-associators , who scruple the word revenge . a parliament-association with the royal assent , is in all its parts , as legal , as any other parliamentary act with the same royal assent ; and if the supream authority of a nation , may decree what sort of punishment , they judge most proper , to be inflicted on thieves and robbers , house-breakers and murderers ; nothing hinders but that they may decree what punishments they please , to be inflicted on those treacherous assassines , that shall kill king william . and if the supream authority of a nation may lawfully authorize all and every person of the nation to kill a mischievous out-law , where e're they find him ; no reason can be giv'n why they may not authorize all and every person of the nation to be reveng'd according to the utmost of their power , of the treacherous assassines that shall kill king william . it is the interest of the nation that such treacherous assassines should not scape vengeance , it is therefore the prudence of the parliament to commission every particular man against them . finis . some books sold by john lawrence , at the angel in the poultery . the life of the reverend mr. richard baxter , published by mr. mathew sylvester , folio . mr. lorrimers apology for the ministers , who subscribed only to the stating of truths and errors in mr. william's book , in answer to mr. trail's letter . o mr. lorrimer's remarks upon mr. goodwin's discourse of the gospel . o dr. burton's discourses of purity , charity , repentance , and seeking first the kingdom of god. published with a preface by dr. john tillotson , late arch-bishop of canterbury . in o bishop wilkin's discourse of prayer , and preaching . mr. adday's stenographia : or the art of short-writing compleated , in a far more compendious way than any yet extant , o mr. addy's short-hand bible . the london dispensatory reduced to the practice of the london physitians ; wherein are contained the medicines both galenical and chymical that are now in use , those out of use omitted ; and those in use , not in the latin copy , here added . by john peachey of the college of physitians london . o atkin's english grammer : or the english tongue reduced to grammatical rules , composed for the use of schools . o cambridge phrases for the use of shools . o the dying man's assistant : or , short instructions for those who are concern'd in the preparing of sick persons for death . being also no less worthy the consideration of all good christians in time of health . as shewing the importance of an early preparation for their latter end ; with regard as well to their temporal , as eternal state. o books sold by r. baldwin , near the oxford-arms in warwick-lane . the history of religion . written by a person of quality . . a twofold vindication of the late archbishop of canterbury , and of the author of the history of religion . the first part defending the said author against the defamations of mr. fr. atterbury's sermon , and both those eminent persons against a traiterous libel , titled , the charge of socinianism against dr. tillotson consider'd . in two letters to the honourable sir r. h. the second containing remarks on the said sermon , and a reply to the same libel : wherein some right is done to that great and good man , dr. tillotson , in the points of the original of sacrifices , the sacrifice of christ , future punishments , &c. and a word in defence of the eminent bishop of salisbury . by another hand . . twelve dissertations out of monfieur le clerk's genesis , concerning i. the hebrew tongue , ii. the manner of interpreting the bible . iii. the author of the pentateuch . iv. the temptation of eve by the serpent . v. the flood . vi. the confusion of languages . vii . the original of circumcision . viii . the divine appearances in the old testament . ix . the subversion of sodom . x. the pillar of salt. xi . the coming of shiloh . xii . the several obscure texts in genesis explain'd and illustrated . done out of latin by mr. brown. to to which is added , a dissertation concerning the israelites passage through the red sea. by another hand . . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * jovian . a letter from sir john suckling to mr. henry german, in the beginning of the late long parliament, anno suckling, john, sir, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing s estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a letter from sir john suckling to mr. henry german, in the beginning of the late long parliament, anno suckling, john, sir, - . p. s.n., [london : ] bm dates this " ?" caption title. refers to the duties of the king. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng kings and rulers -- duties. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from sir john suckling to mr. henry german , in the beginning of the late long parliament , anno . sir , that it is fit for the king to do something extraordinary at this present , is not onely the opinion of the wise , but the expectation . men observe him more now than at other times : for majesty in an eclipse [ like the sun ] draws eyes that would not so much as have look'd towards it , if it had shined out , and appeared like it self . to lie still now , would at the best shew but a calmness of mind , not a magnanimity ; since in matter of government to think well at any time , ( much less in a very active ) is little better than to dream well . nor must he stay to act till his people desire , because 't is thought nothing relishes else ; for therefore hath nothing relish'd with them , because the king hath for the most part staid till they have desired , done nothing but what they have or were petitioning for . but that the king should do , will not be so much the question , as what he should do . and certainly for a king to have right counsel given him at all times , is strange , and at this present impossible . his party for the most part ( i would that were modestly said , and it were not all ) have so much to do for their own preservation , that they cannot ( without breaking a law in nature ) intend anothers . those that have courage have not perchance innocence , and so dare not shew themselves in the king's business ; and if they have innocence , they want parts to make themselves considerable ; so consequently the things they undertake . then in court they give much counsel as they believe the king inclin'd , determime his good by his desires ; which is a kind of setting the sun by the dial ; interest which cannot err , by passions which may . in going about to shew the king a cure , now a man should first plainly shew him the disease . but to kings as to some kind of patients , 't is not always proper to tell how ill they be . and it is like a country clown , not to shew the way , unless he know from whence , and discourse of things before . kings may be mistaken , and counsellors corrupted ; but true interest alone ( saith monsieur de rohan ) cannot err . it were not amiss then to find out the interest ; for setting down right principles before conclusions , is weighing the scales before we deal out the commodity . certainly the great interest of the king is , a union with his people ; and whosoever hath told him otherwise , ( as the scripture saith of the devil ) was a seducer from the first . if there ever had been any one prince in the whole world , that made a felicity in this life , and left fair fame after death , without the love of his subjects , there were some colour to desp●se it . there was not among all our princes a greater courtier of the people than richard the third , not so much out of fear , as out of wisdom . and shall the worst of our kings have striven for that , and shall not the best ? ( it being an angelical thing to gain love. ) there are two things in which the people expect to be satisfied , religion and justice ; nor can this be done by any little acts , but by royal and kingly resolutions . if any shall think , that by dividing the factions ( a good rule at other times ) he shall master the rest now , he will be strangly deceived ; for in the beginning of things that would do much , but not when whole kingdoms are resolv'd . of those now that lead these parties , if you could take off the major number , the lesser would govern , and do the same things still : nay , if you could take off all , they would set up one , and follow him . and of how great consequence it is for the king to resume this right , and be the author himself , let any body judge ; since ( as cumneus said ) those that have the art to please the people , have commonly the power to raise them . to do things so that there shall remain no jealousie is very necessary , and is no more than really reforming , that is , pleasing them . for to do things that shall grieve hereafter , and yet pretend love ( amongst lovers themselves , where there is easiest faith ) will not be accepted . it will not be enough for the king to do what they desire , but he must do something more . i mean by ( doing more ) doing something of his own , as throwing away things they call not for , or giving things they expected not . and when they see the king doing the same things with them , it will take away all thought and apprehension that he thinks the things they have done already ill . now if the king ends the differences , and takes away suspect for the future , the case will fall out to be no worse than when two duellists enter the field , where the worsted party ( the other having no ill opinion of him ) hath his sword given him again , without further hurt after he is in the others power . but otherwise it is not safe to imagine what may follow ; for the people are naturally not valiant , and not much cavalier . now it is the nature of cowards to hurt where they can receive none . they will not be content ( while they fear and have the upper hand ) to fetter onely royalty , but perchance ( as timorous spirits use ) will not think themselves safe while that is at all . and possibly this is the present state of things . in this great work ( at least to make it appear perfect and lasting to the kingdom ) it is necessary the queen really joyn ; for if she stand aloof , there will still be suspicions : it being a received opinion in the world , that she hath a great interest in the king's favour and power . and to invite her , she is to consider with her self , whether such great vertues and eminent excellencies ( though they be highly admir'd and valu'd by those that know her ) ought to rest satisfied with so narrow a payment as the estimation of a few : and whether it be not more proper for a great queen to arrive at universal honour and love , than private esteem and value . then how becoming a work for the sweetness and softness of her sex , is composing of differences and uniting hearts ? and how proper for a queen , reconciling king and people ? there is but one thing remains , which whisper'd abroad busies the king's mind much ( if not disturbs it ) in the midst of these great revolutions , and that is , the preservation of some servants , whom he thinks somewhat hardly torn from him of late ; which is of so tender a nature , i shall rather propound something about it , than resolve it . the first quaere will be , whether as things now stand ( kingdoms in the balance ) the king is not to follow nature , where the conservation of the more general still commands and governs the less . as iron by particular sympathy sticks to the loadstone , but yet if it be joyned with a great body of iron , it quits those particular affections to the loadstone , and moves with the other to the greater , the common countrey . the second will be , whether if he could preserve those ministers , they can be of any use to him hereafter ? since no man is served with a greater prejudice , than he that imploys suspected instruments , or not beloved , though able and deserving in themselves . the third is , whether to preserve them there be any other way , than for the king to be first right with his people ? since the rule in philosophy must ever hold good , nil dat quod non habet . before the king have power to save , he must have power . lastly , whether the way to preserve this power be not to give it away ? for the people of england have ever been like wantons , which pull and tug as long as the princes have pull'd with them , as you may see in henry iii. king iohn , edward ii. and indeed all the troublesom and unfortunate reigns ; but when they have let it go , they come and put it into their hands again , that they may play on , as you may see in q. eliz. i will conelude with a prayer , ( not that i think it needs at this present ; prayers are to keep us from what may be , as well as to preserve us from what is ) that the king be neither too insensible of what is without him , nor too resolved from what is within him . to be sick of a dangerous sickness , and find no pain , cannot but be with loss of understanding , ( 't is an aphorism of hippocrates ; ) and on the other side , opiniastry is a sullen porter , and ( as it was wittily said of constancy ) shuts out oftentimes better things than it lets in . finis . royalty and loyalty or a short survey of the power of kings over their subjects: and the duty of subjects to their kings. abstracted out of ancient and later writers, for the better composeing of these present distempers: and humbly presented to ye consideration of his ma.tie. and both howses of parliament, for the more speedy effecting of a pacification / by ro: grosse dd: grosse, robert, d.d. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing g thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) royalty and loyalty or a short survey of the power of kings over their subjects: and the duty of subjects to their kings. abstracted out of ancient and later writers, for the better composeing of these present distempers: and humbly presented to ye consideration of his ma.tie. and both howses of parliament, for the more speedy effecting of a pacification / by ro: grosse dd: grosse, robert, d.d. [ ], p. s.n., [london : ] t.p. is engraved. place of publication from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "july th ". imperfect: heavy foxing in places, affecting text. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng prerogative, royal -- early works to . divine right of kings -- early works to . executive power -- early works to . kings and rulers -- early works to . great britain -- politics and government -- - -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no royalty and loyalty or a short survey of the power of kings over their subjects: and the duty of subjects to their kings.: abstracted out o grosse, robert, d.d. d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john pas sampled and proofread - john pas text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ד ה ד ח ד royalty per me reges regnant quam bonum est conuenire regem & populum conuenire loyalty subdite estate potestati superem 〈…〉 royalty and loyalty or a short survey of the power of kings over their subjects : and the duty of subjects to their kings . abstracted out of ancient and later writers , for the better composeing of these present distempers : and humbly presented to ye consideration of his ●ma . tie and both howses of parliament , for the more speedy effecting of a pacification . by ro grosse 〈…〉 by gods comand wee rule this land . wee are all yours and what is ours . chap. . the kings royaltie : or the power of kings over their svbiects . at the first , there was no distinction , or difference of men ; one man was as good as another : but afterwards , some excelling others in desert , were preferred before others in place . nature , saith gregorie , did produce all men alike : but the order of their ments varying , occult dispensation did prefer some before others . but this distinction , which happened from sin , is rightly ordered by the just judgement of god , that , because all men doe not goe the same course of life , one man should be governed by another . st. augustine saith , that god would not that man , a rationall creature , made after his owne image , should domineere over any but irrationall creatures ; not man over man , but man over beasts . hence it was that those first just men , were constituted rather pastors of sheepe , than governours of men : that even so , god might insinuate both what the order of the creatures did require , and what the merit of sinne had deserved . if men had continued in their first integrity and state of innocencie , there had beene no use of emperours , or commanders : every man would have seemed a king unto himselfe ; nor would he have had any other law-giver , than god and nature . but when this could not be obtained , and the perversenesse of degenerous man-kind grew such , as that breaking the bonds of all lawes , they left nothing unattempted , which did not tend to the height of impiety , there was a great necessity of magistrates ; without whose prudence , and diligence , a city could not then consist ; and by whose description and putting men into order , the government of each common-wealth is still continued , and preserved . hence came the command of man over men : without which , as cicero saith , neither house , nor city , nor nation , nor mankind , nor the nature of things , nor the world it selfe can subsist . for to governe , and be governed , is not onely ( according to aristotle ) amongst those things that are necessary , but those things that are profitable . and to use st. chrysostoms words , in our dialect : if you take away judiciall tribunals , you take away all order of life : for , as a ship cannot but miscarry without a pilot ; and an army cannot march in due number , or decent order , without a captain : so , without a governour , a city cannot be well ordered ; and without a king , a kingdome must needs come to ruine . if you take a king from his command , or authority from a king , we shall live a more beastly life , than irrationall creatures : some biting and devouring others ; he that is rich , him that is poore ; he that is strong , him that is weaker ; he that is fierce , him that is milder ; so farre , and to this purpose , the golden-mouthed chrysostome . with whom , is agreeable that of the scriptures , in those dayes there was no king in jsraell : and what follows ? every one did that which was right in his own eies , iud. . . so that , as tacitus hath it , it is better to be under an evil prince , than under none . the tragoedian tels us , that there is no greater evill than anarchie : it brings all things to confusion ; it ruines cities ; layes waste houses ; overthrows armies : but the submissive and due obedience of true subjects , doth preserve both life and fortunes . an empire now being constituted amongst men , it must needs be that one , or more , must have the preheminence : the former is called a monarchie , or a kingdome ; the latter an optimacie , or state of the people . a kingdome then , which is most proper to us , is the command , or soverainty of one man , for the good of all . i will not dwell long in describing the causes of it : i would they were as well observed , as they are knowne ; or better knowne , that they might be the better observed . all power over the creature , is originally in god the creator : but out of his goodnesse to mankind , communicated to man above all others . so that god is the onely author , and efficient cause , as of things , so of kings : for however there are divers wayes to attaine to the princely scepter ; as some have mounted the imperiall throne by force and armes ; others by the command of god , have been designed kings , as david , hazael , jehu , and others , of which you may reade in the holy scriptures ; others have been elected princes by the suffrages of the people ; and others borne in purple , by hereditary right , to a kingdome : yet it is most certaine , that whether by these , or any other wayes , men doe ascend the chaire of state , they have their power , whatsoever it is , solely from god ; and ought to use it to the glory of god , and the good of their subjects . seneca tells us , that nature at first did invent a king : which is to be seen both in animals , and in inanimates : for the bees , cranes , and other living creatures , have their kings or commanders : so among foure-footed beasts , the lyon ; and amongst birds , the eagles doe excell . in inanimates likewise the same is evident ; the sun amongst the stars , the fire amongst the elements , sight amongst the senses , gold amongst metals , wine amongst liquids have the precedencie . and to speak truth , under god , the law of nature is a speciall cause for to effect and perfect monarchie . it is certaine , faith that great states-man amongst the romans , that all ancient nations did at first subject themselves to kings : and that was the first name of government upon earth . the jews had a monarchie from saul to zedekiah , as may be seen in sacred histories . the assyrians from nimrod to sardanapalus . the medes from arbaces to astyages . the persians from cyrus to darius the son of arsamus . the macedonians from caranus to perseus . herodotus testifyeth of the egyptians , that they could be at no time without a king , and therefore they did voluntarily carry the rods before them , and submit themselves to be ruled by them . the first king , so far as may be gathered from antiquity , was called menes . the same custome was also prevalent among other nations : the first king of the indians was alexander ; of the trojans , trojus ; of the danes , the first that was king , was graemus ; brito of the britains ; fergusius of the scots ; craco of the polonians ; attilas of hungary ; zechus of bohemia ; pharamundus of france ; and pelagius of spain . the first kings that are celebrated of the grecians , were saturne , jupiter , and cecrops ; of the garamantes , a people of the middle of lybia , cambyses ; of the romanes , romulus , from whom at first to l. tarquinius superbus , and afterwards from c. julius caesar to this day , they have retained a monarchie . bellarmine would divine , that the civill power ought to be immediately , if not by the law of god , yet by the law of nature , in the whole multitude as in its subject ; and from it to be transferred by the same law of nature to one or more : but he much deceives himselfe , and others also , with such his hallucination . for this power of life and death is given by nature unto none . none seemes to be lord of his owne members ; much lesse of anothers . onely god , who gives life to men , hath the power of taking it away from them ; or those , to whom , by a speciall favour , he hath communicated that power . and surely your blood of your lives wil i require ( saith god ) at the hands of every beast will i require it , and at the hand of man , at the hand of every mans brother will i require the life of man . whosoever sheddeth mans bloud , by man shall his bloud be shed : for in the image of god made he man . hence is that precept both of god and nature : thou shalt not kill . but , if this power were given by nature unto men , it should surely have been given to one man , rather than to all : for the command of one man ( even bellarmine himselfe being the judge ) is the best , and most agreeable unto nature ; but the command of a multitude , the worst . now nature in every thing ( as the philosophers will have it ) doth intend that which is best : so that , out of the politique society , and a certaine forme of civill government , there is not any politique or civill power given unto men . but all consent , that all ancient nations ( as formerly was spoken ) did at first obey kings : and , that it was the first name of command upon earth . yea , as bellarmine himselfe confesseth , kingdomes are of greater antiquity than common-wealths . in the beginning of states , ( saith justine ) the command of people and nations was in the kings . it must needs be then , that kings not receive their power and authority from the multitude , or men , but from god onely the king of kings . for it is a maxime and principle among the lawyers , that no man can transfer more power upon another than he hath himselfe . nor is this assertion contradicted , though you should alledge , that princes , as i said before , are sometimes chosen by men ; more often , if not alwayes , inaugurated by them . for hence it is that s. peter calleth a king , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the ordinance of man : which is not so to be understood , causally , as if it were excogitated or invented by men ; but subjectively , because it is exercised by men ; and objectively , because it is versed about the government of humane society ; and then finally , because it is constituted by god for the good of men , and the conservation of humane policie . for the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} doth recall us to god , as to the first author of authority : and although kings are created by men , that is , erected , anointed , and inaugurated by them ; yet the first creator of kings is god , to whom all creation doth appertaine , and from whom all power doth come . for there is no power but of god , if we will beleeve s. paul , who from his master tels us , that the powers that be 〈◊〉 ordained of god . the finall cause of sover aignty is the glory of god , and the happinesse of the subject : that a king , as the keeper of the two tables in the decalogue , with one eye looks up unto god , whose vicegerent he is , in advancing and defending religion and piety ; and with the other upon his subjects , that they may live in peace and prosperity . for this cause , saith epiphanius , are powers ordained , that all things from god may be well disposed and administred to the good order of government of the whole world . this is that goale to which the princely champion runs ; which is no other , as lipsius speaks , than the commodity , security , and prosperity of subjects . and this is the end which s. paul expresseth , when as he saith , that the magistrate is the minister of god to them for good : where , by [ good ] we may understand , good naturall , good moral , good civill , and good spirituall . first , the king is the minister of god to his subjects for their good naturall , whenas he makes provision of corn and victuals , whereby they may live . secondly , he is a minister of god for their good morall , when as he doth prescribe such laws to his subjects , as that they conforming their lives to them may live honestly . thirdly , he is the minister of god to them for good civill , when as by his sword he doth preserve their persons and estates from injury , and mainteine the publique peace . and lastly , he is the minister of god for good unto them , good spirituall , when as hee doth advance and maintain religion and piety , and suppresse prophanenesse and superstition . the materiall cause of soverainty , is the king and people ; with which , as with its integrall parts , it is compleat and absolute ; and without which , it cannot at all subsist . the formal cause of it , consists in that order which is betweene the king and his subjects : by which , he is above them , and they under him ; he commands , and they obey ; he rules , and they submit : of which , as lipsius saith , there is so great a force , or necessity rather , that this alone is the stay or prop of all humane things . this is that same bond , saith seneca , by which the common-wealth coheres ; that vitall spirit , which so many thousands of men doe draw : who , otherwise of themselves , would be nothing but a burthen and a prey , if this soule of command were withdrawn from them . this is that same circaean rod , with the touch of which both beasts and men become tame and ruley ; & which of all , otherwise head-strong and untractable , makes every one obedient and plyable : each man with the feare of it . a common-wealth , saith aristotle , is a certaine description , or order of those men which doe inhabit it . the king , he is above all others , according to that power which god almighty hath communicated unto him ; and the subjects , they are under him , by the same authority . and therefore princes are called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that is , supereminent , seated in a more sublime estate : and subjects , they are called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , subordinate , reduced into order . the metaphor is taken from military discipline , in which the commander placed above all others , over-looks the whole body , whiles every one , besides him standing in their ranks , keepe their stations . whereupon , as souldiers in an army placed in order , are subordinate to their captain , and performe obedience to him , as their supream head : in the same manner , subjects are subordinate to their prince , and bound to performe obedience to him . now what this power of a king is , is not of all sides agreed upon . if we looke into the sacred records , we may see the manner of the israelites king to be described . and samuel told all the words of the lord unto the people , that asked of him a king . and he said , this will be the manner of the king that shall reigne over you : he will take your sons , and appoint them for himselfe , for his chariots ; and to be his horsemen , and some shall run before his chariots . and he wil appoint them captains over thousands , and captains over fifties , and will set them to care his ground , and to reap his harvest , and to make his instruments of war , and instruments of his chariots , and he will take your daughters to be confectionaries , and to be cooks , and to be bakers . and he will take your fields , and your vine-yards , and your olive yards , even the best of them , and give them to his servants . and hee will take the tenth of your seede , and of your vineyards , and give to his officers , and to his servants . and he will take your men servants , and your maid-servants , and your goodliest young men , and your asses , and put them to his work . he will take the tenth of your sheep , and ye shall be his servants . some , from this description of samuel , doe think , that the rights of majestie are set forth : so luthen ( in postil . super evang dom. . post trinit. conc. . those things ( saith he ) which are said to be caesars , mat. . . are those rights of kings which are described , sam. . now those things which christ affirmeth to be caesars , ought of right to be given unto him . so strigelius in sam. . p. . hic dicunt aliqui describi tyrannum , non regem , &c. sed textus nominal jus regis , & loquitur de oneribus stipendiorum causâ mpositis . some say , that here a tyrant is described , not a king ; and that these things are not so spoken , as if the lord did approve of servitude : but the text ( saith he ) doth name the rights of kings , and speaks of burthens imposed by way of stipend . but these , with others of the same opinion , are much mistaken and deceived . for god constituting judges under him , was himselfe in a peculiar manner ( which never hapned unto any other nation ) a king to the israelites , who now did ask a king of him , as the other nations had . hearken ( saith god to samuel ) unto the voice of the people ; in all that they say unto thee : for they have not rejected thee , but they have rejected me , that i should not reigne over them . samuel therefore , as the lord commanded him , that he might reprehend the rashnesse of this people , describes unto them the impune licence , the rage and violence of this man , ( whom , in stead of god , they did desire to be set over them ) and so , in his person , of all kings . as if the prophet had said ; the lust of this kings licence shall break forth so far , that it shall not be in your power to restraine it : who yet shall have this one thing betide you , to receive his commands , and to be obedient to him . insomuch ( sayth he ) that ye shall cry out in that day , because of your king which ye shall have chosen you , and the lord will not heare you . for kings are exempted from the punishments of humane lawes , and have god only to be their judge and their avenger . the vertue of the law ( as modestinus hath it ) is this , to command , forbid , permit , and punish : but no man can command himselfe ; or be compelled by himselfe ; or so make a law that he may not recede from it . lawes are given by superiours to inferiours : but no man is superior , or inferior , to himself . it is impossible therefore for kings to be bound by their owne lawes : much lesse , by the lawes of their predecessors , or the people . for an equal hath not power over an equall : much lesse , an inferiour over a superiour . there are three sorts of civill government , according to aristotle : monarchie , aristocracie , and democracie . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . it is necessary , saith he , that the chiefe be one , or a few , or many : for all nations and cities ( as that great secretary of state to many emperours hath it ) are governed either by the people , or by the peeres , or by the prince . as then , in aristocracie and democracie , it must needs be that the government be in the hands of some few , or many : so in monarchie , it is in one mans hands onely ; whose lawes all men are bound to obey , but himselfe none , save the law of god . for otherwise , it is not a monarchie , but a polyarchie , that is , the state of the peers , or people . a king subject to laws , ( saith the philosopher ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , is not a species of a republike . cicero being to defend king deiotarus , before caesar , begins his oration from the insolencie and novelty of the thing ; telling him that it was so unusuall a thing for a king to be accused , as that , before that time , it was never heard of . c. memmius a popular man , and of great power , although he were a most deadly enemie to nobilitie , yet he subscribes to the same opinion . for , to doe any thing without being questioned , is to be a king , saith he . a prince , saith ulpian , is free from all lawes . dio , his coaetanie , speaks to the same purpose : they are free from lawes ( saith he ) as the latine words doe sound : that is , from all necessity of the laws , or the necessary observation of the laws : nor are they tyed to any written laws . constantinus harmenapolus , a greek interpreter , to the same sense thus delivers himself . a king is not subjected to laws ; that is , he is not punished , if he offends . to which , i might adde the common consent of the interpreters of both laws , unanimously affirming and concluding , that a king is to give an account for his offences to god onely , and onely before him to justifie his innocencie . excellently solomon : where the word of a king is , there is power ; and who may say unto him , what dost thou ? and therefore the wise man , in the wisdome of solomon , thus addresseth his speech unto them : heare therefore o ye kings , learne ye that be judges of the ends of the earth : give care you that rule the people , and glory in the multitude of nations : for power is given you of the lord , and soveraignty from the highest , who shall try your works , and search out your counsels . let us heare some of the fathers about this matter : irenaeus tels us , that the princes of the world having the laws as the garment of justice , shall not be questioned for those things they shall doe according to law and justice , nor yet suffer punishment : but if they shall practice any thing contrary to law , in a tyrannicall manner , to the subversion of justice , in this case they are reserved to the judgement of god , sinning against him onely . of those things which are committed to kings by god , they are only to give an account unto god . so far he . tertullian in his apologie rhetorizes it thus : we , saith he , doe invoke the eternall god , the true god , the living god , for the safety of emperours , whom even the emperours desire above all others to be propitious unto them . they know who hath given power unto them , who men under them , who their owne soules : they acknowledge it is god onely , in whose power alone they are ; from whom they are second ; next him the first , before all gods , and above all men . saint jerome saith of david , that he repenting , after he had accumulated murther upon his adultery , did say to god , against thee onely have i sinned , because he was a king , and feared not man . before s. jerome , s. ambrose thus descants on him : david sinned , as most kings doe ; but david repented , wept , and mourned , which most kings doe not . that which private men are ashamed to doe , the king was not ashamed to confesse : they that are bound by laws , dare deny their sin , and disdaine to aske pardon ; which he implored , who was not bound by humane lawes . he was a king , he was tyed by no laws : because kings are free from the 〈◊〉 of transgressions , for they are not called to punisment by the laws , being free by the power of their command . he did not therefore sin against man , because he was not subject to man . after him let us confort 〈…〉 lar : how far better then is the emperour , 〈◊〉 not tyed to the same laws , and hath power to make other lawes : and in another ●ce , there is a command upon judges , that they 〈◊〉 revoke sentence that is once passed upon an offender , and shall the emperour be under the same law ? for he alone may revoke the sentence , absolve him that is condemned , and give him his life . gregorie arch bishop of tours , thus speaks to chelperick king of france . if any of us , o king , shall transgresse the limits of justice , he may be corrected by you : but if you shall exceed the same limits , who shall question 〈◊〉 for we indeed doe speake unto you ; and if you will , you heare us : if you will not , who shall condemne you , but onely he who hath pronounced him selfe to be justice it selfe ? otto frisingensis writes to frederick o●n●barius in these words : furthermore , whereas there is no person in the world , which is not subject to the laws of the world , by being subject may not be enforced ; onely kings , as being constituted above laws , and reserved to the judgement of god ; are not 〈◊〉 by the laws of men . hence is that testimony of that king and prophet , against thee onely have i sinned it 〈…〉 then a king , not onely nobilitated with magnanimity of spirit , but illuminated 〈◊〉 divine grace , to acknowledge his creator , to have alwayes in his mind the king of kings , and lord of lords , and , as much as in him lyes , to take heed by all means not to fall into his hands . for , when as , according to that of the apostle to every man , it is a fearfull thing to fall into the hands of the living god : it will be so much the more fearfull for kings , who besides him , have none above them , whom they may feare , by how much above others they may sin more freely . which sayings of the fathers and other writers , divine and profane , thus premised , i cannot but wonder at the stupid ignorance , and ignorant wilfulnesse , of such men , who would make the world believe , that it is in the power of the pope , or of the people , or of the peeres , to call kings in question , and reduce them to order , if they be extravagant . and if there be a lawfull cause , ( saith bellarmine ) the multitude may change the kingdome into an aristocracie or democracie ; and on the contrary , as we reade hath beene done at rome . but to speak truly , there can be no cause , without the expresse command of god , either expressed or excogitated , for which it may be lawfull for subjects , either to depose , or put to death , or any other way restrain their king , be he never so wicked , never so flagitious . we doe not deny but this thing hath been done at rome , ( as bellarmine confesseth ) but by what right , let him look to it . we must not look so much what hath been done at rome , ( as the romane laws advise us ) as what ought to be done . but bellarmine doth affirme that the king is above the people and that , he acknowledgeth no other , beside 〈…〉 his 〈…〉 temporall things . but to returne whe● 〈…〉 . the power of a king over his people is expressed by samuel , to which they must of necessity 〈…〉 without resistances . not that the king was to 〈◊〉 so by right , as samuel had told the israelites 〈◊〉 would , ( for the law of god did prescribe 〈◊〉 a far more differing forme of government , then sh●ls in any wise set him 〈…〉 whom the lord thy god shall choose ( saith moses . ) but he shall not 〈…〉 to himselfe , nor cause the people to returne into egypt , to the end that he should multiply horses : forasmuch as the lord hath said unto you , ye shall henceforth returne no more that way . neither shall he multiply 〈◊〉 himselfe that his heart turne 〈…〉 neither shall he greatly multiply to himself silver and gold ) but because it was the common custome of the kings of the nations ( whose example they desired to imitate , in asking of a king , as other nations had ) so to doe . for samuel doth not speak to him that should be their king , but to the people that desired a king : yea , and he wrote this law of a kingdome , which he there describes , in a 〈◊〉 and put it before the lord , that is , into 〈…〉 of the covenant , that it might be for 〈…〉 all for ever , and a testimony to their posterity , of those things which he had foretold . joseph . l. . antiq. judaic . c. . where yet we must distinguish , between the rash and gready desire of kings , and the utility and necessity of common-wealths . if a king , spurred on by a private desire , and ravenous lust of having , doth claime such things as are there described , he deales unjustly and tyrannically : but if , the safety and necessity of the common-wealth so requiring , he demands those things ; then , he doth not unjustly , if he doth use his kingly power . againe , we must distinguish also betweene the thing , and the manner of the thing . if a king in exacting these things doth observe a just and lawfull manner , and without compulsion & violence doth require the help of his subjects , as their labours , tenths , and tributes , for the supporting of the state , and necessity of his kingdome ; he cannot be said 〈◊〉 be a tyrant , or deale injuriously : but if he shall goe beyond the bounds of necessity and ●egality ; and onely shall aime at his owne private ends , to the inconvenience and detriment of the publique good of his kingdome , he doth abuse his kingly power , and degenerates into tyrannie . excellently and satisfactorily to this purpose is that of lyra ( in comment . sam. . ) sciend● quod aliqua sunt de jure regis in necessitate positi , &c. we must ( saith he ) know , that there are some things , which by right are the kings , being placed in necessity for the common good of the kingdome , and so all those things which are here expressed , are by right the kings ; because that , in such a case , all things that are the kings or princes , are to be exposed and expended for the common good : even as we see in the naturall body , that the hand , or any other part of the body , even by instinct of nature , is exposed for the preservation of the life of the who 〈◊〉 but if the ●ight of a king be taken otherwise , out of necessity , then there are more things expressed there , than doe appertain to the right of a king : as all those things which doe make a people to be 〈◊〉 subject , and those which doe not respect the common good , but rather the will of that man that is set above others in 〈◊〉 some . and such things 〈◊〉 the prophet samuel fore-tell them , to with d● their minds from asking after a king , because it was not so expedient for them , and because the power of a king , by reason of its greatnesse doth easily degenerate into tyrannie . gregorio calls the power given unto kings , jus regium turannerum , the kingly right of tyrants . he calls it ●gly , saith arnisaeus , because it is common to all kings : and he calls it the right , or power of tyrants , because it doth easily degenerate into tyranne , i● kings doe not use it in opportune and convenient time and place , with due moderation . the elect king david , ( as 〈…〉 the fore-named place when he was 〈…〉 unto the lord , he would not 〈◊〉 at 〈…〉 power and right of tyrants ; but he did 〈…〉 the threshing floore of araunah the 〈…〉 for his money yea , and ahab , even 〈…〉 king , did usurpno such power unto himselfe , when as he sought to acquire the vineyard of 〈◊〉 for the worth of it in money , or in exchange for a better vineyard : but whiles he did , upon a pretended crime , take both life and vineyard away from na●th , because he refusing the conditions he had propounded to him , he did fulfill the prophecie of samuel , and justly suffered the reward of his impiety . so that , though kings be constituted only by god , & are to give an account of their actions onely to god ; though they be above the people , and for no crime soever may be deposed or coerced by the people ; yet they must not deale with their subjects as they list : they must neither make slaves of their persons , unjustly oppressing them with their power ; nor yet make havock of their estates , tyrannically usurping them at their pleasure . they must know , that as god hath set them over men ; so it is for the good of those men . they are not onely lords and arbiters , saith lipsius , but they are tutors and administers of states . they are lewd and wicked princes , as he speaks , who being constituted in an empire , doe think of nothing but to be imperious : and they are proud and carelesse , ( saith he ) who doe think that they are not given for the good of their people , but their people onely for them . for , as in the superiour world , the stars have their splendour ; yet so , as they may be usefull for men : so , in this inferiour would , princes likewise have their dignity ; yet so , as with it they have their duty . the commonweal● is by god conferred upon them : but it is committed , as it were , into their bosome ; that it may be fostered and preserved , not ruined and devoured by them . happy is that prince , who in the highest pitch of fortune , desires not so much to be held great , as good , in the esteeme of his people ; and he is no lesse fortunate , that can so temper power and modestie , the two most differing things , in his behaviour and carriage , as that his people cannot tell whether they shall salute him as a lord , or as a father . there are prerogatives and royalties , which must by no meanes be denyed to the prince : and there are immunities and priviledges , which must not be kept back from the subject . the prince must so use his royall prerogative , as that he doth not infringe the subjects rights ; and the subjects must so lay claime to their rights , as that they doe not derogate from the regality of the prince : that so , he ruling as a royall prince , and they obeying , as loyall subj● , may be both happy in the enjoyment of each other . now the prerogatives which by right belong unto the prince , are ripaticks , or watertoles , which are commonly called customes , for the importing and transporting of commodities , by sea , ship-money , the profit of fines and amercements , vacant goods , the goods of condemned and proscribed persons , and other emoluments , which the lawyers doe terme royaltyes , which are due unto the prince , not only for the splendor and glory of his court , but for the better maintaining of the publique affaires . princes may al● be use of the propes goods and labours of their subjects , for the 〈◊〉 of the common , good 〈…〉 may exact tributes , and taxes of the 〈…〉 they may impose lawes to them , whe● 〈…〉 will or no , and they may command 〈…〉 which doe not repugne the law of god 〈…〉 of nature , and the law of the land , o● 〈…〉 christ to the pharises asking him whether it were lawfull to pay tribute to caesar or no , looking upon the money which had the impression , and inscription of caesars image , gave this answer , render therefore unto caesar , the things that are caesars ; and unto god , the things that are gods . and saint paul to the romans , render therefore to all their dues : tribute to whom tribute is due , custome to whom custome , feare to whom feare , honour to whom 〈◊〉 : and the same apostle to titus , put them in minde , to be subject to principalities and powers , to obey magistrates , to be ready to every good worke . for as seneca hath it , the power of all things pertaine unto the king , the propriety unto the subject . the king hath all things in his command , every man in their possession . the king hath all things within his dominions , his exchequer onely , those things which properly belong unto him : and all things are within his power , his owne things onely in his patrimony . rightly cicero : we must endeavour that we doe not ( which often times happened amongst our ancestors ) give tribute by reason of the renuitie of the treasurie , and assiduity of wars : which that it may not come to passe , we must make provision long aforehand ; but if any necessity of this duty shall happen unto a common wealth ( for i had rather prophecie of another then our own , nor doe i speake so much of our 〈◊〉 as of every common-wealth ) diligence 〈…〉 that all may come to know and understand if they will bee safe ) that they must obey necessity . for as tacitus hath it , neither the quiet of nations can be had without armes ; nor armes be had without stipends ; nor can stipends be had without tributes . these , these , ( saith cicero ) are the ornaments of peace , and the muniments of warre . in the beginning of things ( saith justine ) the government of countreyes and nations was in the power of kings : whom , no popular ambition , but approved moderation , amongst good men , did advance to this heighth of honour . the people was not tyed by any laws : but the arbitrament , and pleasure of their princes , was instead of laws unto them . pomponius speakes to the same purpose , whenas hee saith : and to speake truth in the beginning of our city , all things were governed by the kings disposall . and ulpian seconds him : that which pleaseth the king ( saith he ) had the force of a law : as when by the royall law , which is given concerning his empire , the people doth confer all their power and authority to him , and on him . whatsoever therefore the emperour hath ordained & subscribed by writing , or by any edict commanded , it is a law without contradiction : these are those which we commonly call constitutions . justinian the emperour to demostenes thus writeth . if the imperiall majesty shall have throughly examined the cause , and given sentence to the parties present , let the judges know , who are within our empire , that this shall be a law , not onely for that cause for which it was given , but for all causes of the like nature . for what is greater , what more inviolable than the imperiall majesty ? or who is so puft up with the conceit of pride , as that hee dare contemne the understanding of the king ? whenas the founders of the old law doe plainely & clearely define , that those constitutions which did proceede from imperiall determination , doe obtaine the force and vigour of a law . and a little after hee addeth these words : for , if , for the present , it be granted to the emperour onely to make laws , it is onely worthie an emperour to interpret laws . whereupon he thus concludes ; therefore , these ridiculous ambiguities exploded , the emperour alone shall be most justly reputed to be both the maker and interpreter of laws : this law nothing derogating from the makers of the old laws : because imperiall majesty gave the same priviledge even unto them . by me ( saith the eternall wisdome of god ) doe kings reigne , and princes decree justice . from whence saint augustine ( whose sentence is reckoned amongst the canons ) doth thus argue : by what right do you defend the church ? by gods law , or by mans ? we have the law of god in the scriptures ; and we have the law of man in the constitutions of kings . and not far after : therefore by the law of man , by the law of kings . why so ? because god hath distributed the laws of men to mankinde by kings and princes . so in another place be thus reasons : for , if it be lawfull for a king in a city , where he hath dominion , to command anything , which neither ever any before him , nor yet he himselfe commanded , and not contrary to the society of that citie , he is obeyed ; yea , contrary to the society he is not obeyed ( for it is a generall pact and covenant amongst humane society to obey their kings ) how much more then ought we to obey god the governour of every creature , and serve him , without any doubt , in those things which he hath commanded ? aristotle teacheth that there are three parts of every common-wealth : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . one which consults for the good of the republique : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} another which is versed in government : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a third which doth exercise it selfe in judicature . but that is the chiefest which consults of warre and peace , of society and leagues ; of laws and death ; of banishment and publicating of goods ; of making and receiving accounts . yet , in another place he seemes to recall these three into two parts , in these words : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . for there are actions of a city : both of those who doe command , and of those who doe obey : but the scope and office of him that governes , consists in commanding and in judgeing . of later wrjters bodinus ( whose sentence yet is approved with the common consent of the learned ) defines this power of the supreame magistrate ( which he calls by the name of majesty ) to be an absolute and perpetuall authority over citizens and subjects , and not tyed to any laws . it is manifest therefore , that all other heads of majesty are included in this absolute power of making and taking away of laws : insomuch , that we may rightly call it , the chiefest power of a common-weale , comprehended in this one thing , which is , to give laws to all and every subject , never to receive any from them , for , by his own right , to make warre with adversaries , and at pleasure to contract peace with them , although they may seeme to be somewhat discrepant from the appellation of law ; yet they are done by law , that is , the command of imperiall authority : so likewise , it is a prerogative of majesty to take notice of appeales fro higher powers , to give and abrogate commands to supreame officers ; to dispose of offices when they are vacant ; to give immunities , and free citizens fró , laws ; to have the power of life & death ; to set a price , name and figure upon moneyes ; and to impose an oath upon subjects : all which things both of commanding & forbidding , come within the supreame power ; that is , to give laws to all & every subject , and to receive from none but the immortall god . these are some of the royall prerogatives , which have been premised in generall and promiscuously : but the politicians are more exact in describing these rights of majesty and royaltie , and they make them of two sorts : greater and lesser . the greater prerogatives belonging unto majesty are those which doe primarily and more principally appertaine to the chiefe authority of the king of emperour . and they are , first , the power of making and abrogating laws at pleasure , as the necessity of the common wealth shall require . for this is , as bodinus hath it , the prime and principall head of majesty , and without this the folitique power cannot long stand . for it is , as the juris-consults have determined , the propriety of law to command . but an emperour , or king without a command , what other thing is he , than as a dreame without sleepe ? but this must be understood of the nomothetique or legislative power , which doth institute laws by its own authority , and not by the command of another . and therefore , it is more than manifest that the decemuiri amongst the romans , who were enforced to seek to the people for the confirmation of those laws which they had made , as livie relates , could not be said to make them by the right of majestie . secondly , a second right of majesty is extreame provocation ; that is , that subjects cannot appeale from the laws that are made by imperiall majesty . for it is a most certain signe of a limited power , if an appeale may be made from the law giver to a superiour . and hereupon bodinus infers , that the dictators did not shine with royall majesty , and that they were not the chiefe magistrates , but curatours onely , or commisaries , as we call them . for the father of fabius did appeale from papirius then dictatour unto the people . ad tribunos appello ( so livie repeates his words ) & ad populum provoco , qui plus quàm dictatura potest , i appeale , saith he , to the tribunes , i protest to the people , who have more power than the dictatorship . now an appeale ( as bedinus hath it ) is a suspension of the jurisdiction of an inferiour judge , by a lawfull invocation of a superior ; made in the same judicial place , and alwayes ascends with the order of magistrates , untill it comes to the highest power , in which it must necessarily acquiesce and rest . as for example : in the romane empire the chiefe tribunall is the imperiall chamber : in france and with us in england , the high court of parliament : and in other inferiour principalities , the princes chiefe court . a third right of majesty , is the creation of dukes , marquesses , earles , barrons , and other noble men . for it is without doubt , that the king or emperour is the fountaine of all nobility and dignity . fourthly , another prerogative of majesty is the founding of academies . for this is referred to the eminence & preheminence of kings & emperours , & which , the pope cannot ( as baldus doth insinuate ) without unjust usurpation ascribe to himselfe . and this , not to speak of our own two famous universities , the most ancient academies , do evidence unto us : of which the university of bononia , the mother of students , which was first erected by theodosius , afterwards repaired by carolus magnus , and endued by them with many immunities and priviledges , is a sufficient witnesse . what shall i say of the vniversities of prague , paris and padua , who acknowledge , not without respective gratitude , the emperours of the same name to be their founders and benefactors ? and therefore the approbation of the pope is not requisite for the founding of an academy : because the civilians tell us , that the jurisdiction , which is exercised beyond the territory of him that commands , is most worthily to be rejected . lastly , other politicians are wont to referre to the regalities of majesty , the calling of councills and synods , legitimation , restitution of fame , the ordering of all judicialls , the indicting of war , and conclusion of peace , and the like , of which you may reade in althus : in pol. c. . and thom. mich : de jurisdict : concil. . . and . the lesser rights belonging to majesty , which the king , or emperour may more easily dispence with then the greater , are the remitting or lessening of penalties and mulcts , customes , tributes , the rights of faires or publiplique mercats , of which you may likewise reade l. un . c. de nund . jus saxon. l. . art . . and l. . art . . mysing . . obser. . n. . . nou. . c. . vult . l. . iurisp . c. . n. . but to returne , where we did digresse , the king , ( who hath the cheife and absolute command in monarchy ) the parent , yea the author of the law , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a living law , is far greater then the law : as one , who by authority given him from god , can , when he sees it fitting , whether his subjects will or no , yea without their consent , either make or abrogate the law . nor hinders it that he makes use of counsellours and ministers , for so he doth lessen his care and sollicitude , which in the government of a kingdom aright is the greatest ; but not diminish the power of his command , or ecclipse his majesty . the emperours were wont to say , that we account it of our princely clemencie ( worthy senatours ) if when hereafter any emergent necessity shall happen , either in the private or publique cause , which doth require a generall forme and not inserted in the ancient laws , that it be treated of by all ; as well the peeres of our court aforehand , as by your most honourable assembly : and that , if it shall seeme good to all the iudges , as well as your selves , it be then dictated as a law ; and so , when you be all met together , that it be read again : and when all shall have consented unto it , then at length that it be repeated in the sacred consistorie of our majesty : that so the common consent of all may be confirmed with the authority of our highnesse , &c. hence is that , of the iurisconsults , that a prince alone can make statutes , although it be his courtesie that he doth admit the counsell of his peeres . the communication of counsels doth not introduce a consortship of the kingdom . for the rights of majesty ( as bodinus hath it ) may be attributed to the chiefe prince ; but not to magistrates , or private men : but if they be ascribed to either , then they cease to be the prerogatives of majesty . and , as a crown , if it be distracted into parts , or communicated , loseth the name of a crown ; so the rights of majesty vanish if they be communicated with the subject . that which is more evident , by the common decrees of the lawyers : those rights can neither be passed away , nor divided , nor any wayes abalienated from the chiefe prince , nor can they be prescribed by any diuturnity of time . for which cause baldus doth call them sacra sacrorum ; and cynus the individualls of majesty : but if the chief prince shal once communicate these unto the subject , instead of a servant , he is like to have a consort of his empire : and in the meane while , he loseth the regality of majesty , in that he cannot be said to be the chief prince : because he is chiefe who neither hath a superiour nor yet co-partner of his empire . but because princes when they are publikely inaugurated , doe religiously promise that they wil maintain the rights of their ancestors , & the former constitutions of the empire , and other things of that nature ; therefore may some thinke they are tyed by their oath to observe them , nor can they with a safe conscience any way relinquish them . to this it is answered , that princes do no wayes prejudice themselves by swearing , but that they may as freely administer to the good of the common-wealth , as if they had not sworn at al : for they sweare nothing , but that , to which if they had not sworne they are obliged . for , that which is just and equal , that by their office they are bound to observe and do ; but , to doe that which is evil and unjust , they cannot be bound by any covenant or promise whatsoever , though they have confirmed it with an oath . now what is more unjust , than that a prince should be bound to maintain and keepe those laws , which it is necessary that they must be either antiquated , or the common-wealth come to ruine ? although all change whatsoever ( as it is in the proverb ) is very dangerous , yet that of laws , is most pernicious : and yet it is as certaine on the other side , that the change of manners doth efflagitate a change of laws , and that there is no law so honest and inviolable , or so deare , even by the shew of antiquity it selfe , but that , necessity so requiring , it may & ought to receive a change . salus populi , suprema lex esto : the peoples safety is the chiefest law . to conclude , if that kings and princes , breaking all bonds of laws ( which yet god forbid they should ) doe falsifie their promises , and disrespect their vowes , making no account of what they have engaged themselves to by their protestations ; yet the people must not rise up in rebellion against them , or shake off the yoake of obedience from them , seeing they are to have no other than god himselfe to be their judge and their avenger . chap. ii. the svbjects loyalty , or , the duty of subjects to their kings . having in the former chapter set forth unto you the royalty of kings over their subjects : where i have declared their originall from god , and their end , next to god , their subjects good ; and that though they should come short of that end for which they were constituted and ordeined , yet they ought not to be cut short by the people under them , but are to be reserved to the judgement of god , next to whom they are second here upon earth , and under whom they have no superiour , being above all laws of men , and themselves a law unto their subjects : i now come to describe unto you the loyaltie of subjects towards their kings , and the peoples duty . for , a king and subjects being relatives ; and the formall cause of a kingdome consisting in that order which is betweene the king and his subjects ; by which he rules , and they submit ; he governe , and they be governed ; he commands ; and they obey ; it is very requisite in these miserably distracted times , where most men would shake off the yoke of obedience from their shoulders , and live as they list without all order : that , having spoken of kings and their power over their subjects , i should now say somwhat of subjects , and their duty to their kings . and here , that we may the better setforth their duty , it will not be amisse to expresse their nature : for , so knowing what they be , we shall the sooner come to know what they must doe . now if wee consult bodinus about them , he will tell us , that subjects are those , who are bound to maintain , and fight for the dignity & safety of their prince as for themselves : and to have the same friends and enemies with their prince . or , as others doe describe them : subjects are a part of the common-wealth , which are obliged to the supreme power , even to all that they have : and for this cause it is , that they doe enjoy all the priviledges of the weale publike . this is the nature of a subject . but then , if any should aske me who are subjects as well as what are subjects ; i must again have recourse to the politicians ; who do give us to understand , that by the name of subjects , we are to take notice of the multitude of men , which are governed ; or rather , who submit themselves to be governed . and in this name , we must comprehend all , and every one , of what state and condition soever they be , that are in that city , provance , & countrey , where a magistrate is the head : for , so many as do belong to a common-wealth , doe appertaine to the one part of it : viz. they are referred to be either magistrates , or subjects : whence it follows , that the name of subject is more general than that of citizen , specifically and properly so called ; although in writers we finde them to bee promiscuously used . for , he that is a partaker with others of publike honour and dignity is properly a citizen : but hee that partakes onely of burthens and taxes , & not as wel of honours and dignity in the common-wealth , where he resides & lives , is not a citizen , but a subject . they are termes contrariant , not reciprocall . every citizen , is a subject : but every subject , is not a citizen . there is also another disagreeing respect , for a citizen is so called , in respect of his native countrey or common-wealth , where he is borne , or to which he is ascribed : but he is a subject in respect of that magistrate which he obeyes , wheresoever he is . now men are said to be subjects two manner of wayes ; either by their nativity and birth ; or by their dwelling and habitation . that a mans nativity and birth doe make him to be a subject , is plainly evidenced ex l. assumptio . § . ad municip . filius civitatem , ex quâ pater ejus originem duxit , non domicilium sequitur . a sonne follows the city from which his father doth derive his originall , not his house . and if a man be born of parents of divers cities , he follows the condition of his father , not of his mother . l. municip . . § . f.eod. the house , or dwelling , in which any doth fixe and settle the seat of his fortunes , doth make him a subject . but what space of time is required to contract a house or dwelling , the interpreters of law doe varie : because , in this thing the laws and manners of every particular common-wealth is to be respected . agreeable to this , is that distinction of the jurisperites , who discriminate subjects by a naturall , and a voluntarie obligation . he is a subject , say they , by a naturall obligation , who is borne under the jurisdiction , and in the dominions of that magistrate , to whom he is subject : and he is a subject by a voluntary obligation , who willingly and spontaneously offers himselfe to any magistrate , and acknowledgeth him for his supreame head , although he be not born within his territories and dominions . to which two sorts of subjects , we may , not without good reason , adde another species , viz. such a one , as being vanquished in warre , is made subject to him that did subdue him . for , when a prince or magistrate overcomes any in a lawfull war , they are then made subject to his jurisdiction and power . but be they subjects these , or any other wayes , they are bound , whosoever they be that are subjects , to yeeld obedience to him who is their prince and governour . if any should doubt of the truth of this assertion , ( because the contrary doctrine is now broached and published by our novel divines ) let him but consult the apostle to the romanes , ( unlesse perchance for the same tenet he be held a malignant ) and he will satisfie him : let every soule ( saith he ) submit himself unto the higher powers . they are his expresse words , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . in which universall precept he includes all , of all orders , and states , all sexes and conditions . as if hee should have said : all , whatsoever they be , that do live in a common-wealth , must submit themselves to the supreme magistrate , that is the head of that common-wealth . so that , in the apostles precept , we have not onely implyed the qualities of their persons that are subjects ; but we have also expressed the nature of their duties : viz. subjection and obedience . we shall not need to goe farre then to search after the duty of subjects to their prince : the apostle he hath done it to our hands : it is obedience . and so the augustane confession in the . article doth acknowledge it . the first commandement of the second table , which ( as the apostle speaks ) is the first commandement with promise , doth set forth this duty by the name of honour . for so we read it in the decalogue , honour thy father and thy mother , that thy dayes may be long in the land which the lord thy god giveth thee . exod. . . where , by father , according to the unanimous consent of all divines , we are to understand , not onely our naturall father , that did beget us ; but our spirituall father also , that doth teach us ; and our civill father likewise , the king , who is pater patriae , the father of our country , that doth protect us . and then , by honour which we are commanded to yeeld to this father , we are to conceive all those duties which are comprehended in it . now the politicians doe tell us , that this name of honour , doth consist of sixe severall members , which doe imply as many severall duties , which every subject is bound to performe to the prince his head , viz. agnition , reverence , love , obedience , gratitude , and equity . the first member , wherein this honour doth consist , and the first duty , which every subject is to performe unto his prince , is agnition : that is , an acknowledgement of gods ordinance in the office of the prince . for god will have his owne ordinance to be acknowledged in the civill magistrate ; and that we doe conceive of him , as constituted by god : seeing that as the apostle speaks , there is no power but of god ; and the powers that be , are ordained of god . after which manner , did the woman of tekoah conceive of king david , when as she being sent by joab to intercede for absolom , that he might returne from his banishment into the kings favour : for as an angel of god , ( saith she ) so is my lord the king , to discern good and bad . and a little after , my lord is wise according to the wisdome of an angel of god . and so did mephibosbeth esteem of him , when as he did compellate him with the same title : but my lord the king , is as an angel of god . which agnition and acknowledgement of gods ordinance in him , is a notable meanes to stir up our obedience to him . the second member wherein this honour doth consist , is reverence : when as , subjects look upon their prince not onely as a man , but as a man of god ; and reverence , not so much his person , as his office . for the king is gods legat , and his vicar , presenting his person . and therefore saint peter , when he exhorts to the feare of god , he doth annex the honour of the king : as if there can be no true feare of god , without due reverence to the king , who presents gods person . for which cause , solomon the wisest of men , & richest of kings , doth joyne the feare of god and the king together : the king , for presenting gods perion is called god , not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as plato styles him , as a god amongst men ; but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , an earthly god , being gods minister . yea , as the prophet david , and before him moses , god himselfe . yea , to goe farther , god himselfe doth so call him , ego dixi , i have said it , ye are gods . which yet we must not understand , as if they were so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , indeed ; but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in name : not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , by nature ; but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , by office . and so much the very heathen did acknowledge . for it is reported of philip of macedonia , that he was wont to say , that a king ought to remember , that he being a man , doth discharge the office of god : and the office which he doth execute , is from thence named {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a power like unto gods . whence it is , that s. augustine saith , the king bearing the image of god , ought therefore to be reverenced , if not for himselfe , at least , yet for his office sake . the third member ; wherein this honour doth consist , is love . and it is another duty of subjects to love their princes : not onely for their office , which they , in the name and place of god , do undergoe ; but for the manifold benefits and commodities which they receive from them , by their happy government : thus was king david accepted in the eyes of all the people , whither soever he was sent . kings , as you heard , are patres patriae , fathers of their country ; and therefore subjects ought to respect them with a filiall love , even as children do love their fathers . a fourth member , wherein this honour doth consist , is obedience : subjects must willingly , and readily yeeld obedience , to all the just and honest commandes of their princes , which do no wayes repugne the lawes of god . they must not onely acknowledge , reverentiam subjectionis , a reverence of subjection ; but they must also give them obedientians jussionis , an obedience to their just commands . for , as saint chrysost 〈◊〉 observeth : a people that obeyeth not their prince ; is like to them that have no prince at all : yea , and in a worse estate : for you cannot call that a kingdome , where the king is neglected , and his laws not observed . he seemeth to mee to have lost his kingdome , saith the philosopher , who hath lost his due obedience from his subjects . and therefore subjects must obey their prince , not onely for feare of wrath , that is , to escape punishment , if they neglect their duty ; but also for conscience sake , as the apostle teacheth , because god commands them . the fift member , wherein this honour doth consist , is gratitude . subjects are bound , by way of thankfulnesse , to honour their princes , if it were for no other reason , but because they do dayly enjoy the benefits of peace , prosperity , and protection by them . which gratitude must expresse it self by two other virtues , as necessary as it self ; and without which , it cannot subsist : and they are these : verity and justice : verity , in acknowledging what great blessings , favours , and emoluments they receive by them ; and justice , in endeavouring to make satisfaction , and compensation for them . and for this cause it is , that they pay them tenths , subsidies , customes , and tributes : without which , not the king onely , but the kingdome also , would be debilitated and go to ruine . in these tributes and contributions , ( saith ulpian ) there is none but may know that the strength of a kingdome doth consist . they are the very nerves of a common-wealth . they are , saith cicero , the ornaments of peace , and the supporters of war . it is impossible , said the emperour , that otherwise a republique could be conserved , if it were not for the religious observation , and due collation of tributes . the necessity of which , menenius agrippa , in livie , would teach the romans , with this not more wittie than apposite apologie : for , as if food and nourishment be denyed to the belly , the whole body must of necessity languish and waste away by a consumption : so , if you with-hold subsidies and tributes from the chiefe magistrate , the common-wealth must of necessity come to ruine . and therefore wel said tacitus , you soone teach the dissolution of an empire , if you diminish the revenue , by which it should be sustained : nay , if , as lipsius hath it , you doe not sometimes augment them . lastly , the sixt member wherein the honour of subjects towards their prince consists , is equity . which is a vertue , whereby every subject is bound with candour , either to cover the imperfections and errors of his prince , and to interpret them in the best sense ; or , by a prudent dissimulation to passe them by , and take no notice of them : or , if the reason of his place doth so require it , by moderate counsels and admonitions to endeavour to reforme them . for , that which is spoken unto children by the son of sirach , every true subject ought to apply it to himselfe : glory not in the dishonour of thy father : for thy fathers dishonour is no glory unto thee : for the glory of a man is from the honour of his father . and we cannot but be knowing of chams curse , for laying open , or not covering his fathers nakednesse . it is the office and duty therefore of every subject , according to their respective places , not to discover , but rather to cover and conceale the naeves , infirmities , and imperfections of their princes ; and , as opportunity shal serve , in an humble way , seek by wholsome admonitions , and moderate counsels , to reclaime them . this was luthers doctrine , that great instrument of reformation , which at this day is so much pretended . the office of subjects , saith he , doth require , that they doe declare unto princes what they know not . for , as princes may sinne by not knowing those things which they doe to , be sins ; so , subjects may sin more in not shewing to princes those things which they doe to be sins . the one sinnes by ignorance , the other by negligence . and to this end he alledgeth that passage of abimelock king of gerar : who having taken to himselfe abrahams wife , because abraham had told him she was his sister ; and being warned by god in a dreame to restore her to him ; did lay all the fault upon abraham , because he had no sooner imparted the villanie and wickednesse of his courtiers unto him . and thus you see wherein the duty of subjects consists : either in one word of obedience , as saint paul expresseth it : or in one word of honour , which comprehends acknowledgment , reverence , love , obedience , gratitude and equity , as the fift commandement doth desire it . so then , to bring all to a head : all , and every subject , are bound to submit themselves unto their princes , in those things which they command , not being contrary to the laws of god , and the laws of nature . it is true , that in the apostles times , there were some , who absurdly interpreting the holy scriptures , as too many now , fanatically given , by an unknown spirit ; and extending their christian liberty further then the simplicity of the gospel would permit them , did maintaine , that it was a most unworthy thing , that they , who were freed by the sonne of god , and governed by the spirit of god , should be under the power of man . of this leaven , was judas of galile , of whom we 〈◊〉 in the acts of the apostles . he , as joseph 〈◊〉 late 's , taught , that by the law of god , none ought fit to be called lord , but god himselfe ; and that there was no obedience due to the politique magistrate , no tribute to caesar . after them , sprung up the donatists , anabaptists , and their disciples , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , all birds of an ill brood , who did likewise reject the command of the civil magistrate . lastly , the pontisicians , though not in the same manner , did oppose the power of princes , cavilling with the civill authority , and maintaining that their clergie can by no means be punished by a civill judge : or compelled to appeare before the tribunall of a secular magistrate ; but that all their goods , as well ecclesiasticall as civill , 〈◊〉 free , and so ought to be from the tributes and taxes of secular princes . all whose erroneous tenents , and opinions , the spirit of god having confuted in his holy word , doth exactly and precisely determine the contrary ; expresly setting forth , and commanding the office of subjects to their princes . s. paul , as you heard , gives this exhortation : let every souls submit himselfe unto the higher powers : rom. . . he excepts no order , nor sex , nor condition , nor any thing that hath the nature of man . and a little after , render wherefore unto all their dues : tribute , to whom tribute is doe ; custome , to whom custome ; fear , to whom feare ; honour to whom honour . and , in his epistle to titus , he layes a charge upon him , then bishop of 〈◊〉 , that he should give it in charge to the cretians , to be subject to principalities and powers , to obey magistrates , and to be ready to every good work . tit. . . so in his first epistle to timothie : i exhort , saith he , that first of all , supplications , prayers , intercessions , and giving of thanks be made for all men : for kings and for all that are in authority , that we may live a quiet and a peaceable life , in all godlinesse and honesty : the same thing , before saint paul , yea , before our saviour himselfe , as he was in the flesh , did the prophet jeremiah exhort the jews unto , that were exiles from their own countrey in assyria : and that not without especiall command from god , that they should pray to god for the safety of the king , and the kingdom of babylon , where they were captives ; and withall , he doth sharply reprove the rashnesse of those false prophets , who by vaine promises , and hopes of immature libertie did incite them to rebellion . thus saith the lord of hosts , the god of israel unto all that are carried away captives , whom i have caused to be carried away from jerusalem to babylon : seeke the peace of the city , where i have caused you to be carried away captives ; and pray unto the lord for it : for in the peace thereof yee shall have peace . nor , is saint peter backward to informe the strangers scattered throughout pontus , galatia , cappadocia , and bithynia , with the same doctrine . submit your selves , saith he , to every ordinance of man , for the lords sake : whether it be to the king , as supreme ; or unto governours , that are sent by him : and presently after , feare god : honour the king . from which wholsome doctrine of saint paul , the prophet jeremiah , and saint peter , you may see , not onely the pernicious tenets and positions of those , and all other schismatically affected reformadoes , alias renegadoes , confuted ; but the truth of obedience , due to the civill magistrate confirmed : and , that in obedience , honour , reverence , tributes , and other duties , formerly mentioned , to be by subjects performed to their princes , comprehended and enjoyned . but , to what kind of princes do the apostles &c prophets in scriptures enjoyne these duties to be performed ? that wil be a question wel worth the time to be resolved , especially at this time , when every one almost doth take the liberty to himself ; peremptorily to affirm that subjects ought not to give obedience to their king , if he doth not , as they they would have him , & wil not be perswaded & ruled by them . for say they , it would not bee grievous or irksom to us to yeeld obedience and that respective observance , w● you have alleadged fro the holy scriptures , unto good & gracious princes ; but it goes against our consciences to performe these duties to one king , seeing hee swerves from the holy scriptures , which are the word of god ; and wil not be ruled by his great counsel , but is seduced by malignant councellors , to wicked and ungodly acts of tyrannie . to this , i answer ; that if our gracious king ( which god forbid ) should degenerate so far from himself , as to comit such outrages as they would suggest ( which blessed be god as hitherto he hath not , nor is there likelyhood that he ever wil , although , if he were not so good and so gracious as he is , he might soone by their rebellious carriage be invited to it ) yet they are bound in duty to performe obedience to him ; and not of as too many abuse 〈…〉 , &c misled , do , hand over headrise up in rebellion against him . for , if we consult the same apostle , and other places of the holy scriptures , we shall finde , that the forementioned duties , are not only to be performed to good and gracious princes ; but even to wicked and tyranicall , even , to those that are most cruel ; as were tiberius , caligula , claudius , nero : for under all these the apostles lived , & their epistles coetanie to them , directed for obedience to them . nor is it without good reason , that such obedience should be given to them : for , they are of god , as well as good kings : there is no power ( saith the apostle ) but of god : that is , all power is from god onely . for that negative apostolicall axiome is equipollent on all sides to an universall affirmative . so daniel telleth nebuchadnezzer , that the most high ruleth in the kingdome of men , and giveth it to whomsoever he will , and setteth up over at the basest of men . so christ himselfe pronounceth of pilate , that wicked president of the jews , that he had no power over him , were it not given him from above . and therefore , seeing their power is alike from god , we must give the like obedience to them , as to god . it was the saying of him , who sometimes was nazianzens worthie , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} subjects must submit themselves to good and gracious princes , as to god : and they must submit to evil and ungodly princes , for god : that is , because god hath so commanded it . let us heare the fathers a little farther in this point , and we shall finde that they doe all unanimously give their votes unto it . tertullian , if we addresse our selves to him , resolves us in these words : for as much therefore as concernes the honour of kings and emperours , we have a sufficient prescript that we should be subject , according to the apostles precept , in all obsequiousnesse to magistrates , princes , and higher powers . but yet within the bounds and limits of religion , so far , as we are separated from idolatrie . for therefore is that example of the three brethren excelling , who otherwise obsequious to king nabuchodonosor , did most constantly refuse to give honour to his image ; proving that it was idolatry , whatsoever was exalted above the measure of humane honour , after the manner of divine majesty . and so daniel relying upon darius forother things , so long continued in his office , as he was free from the danger of his religion : but rather then he would run that hazard , he did no more feare the kings lyons , then the others were afraid of the kings fornace . optatus milevitanus , speaking of davids observance to king saul , hath these words : david had the opportunity of victory in his hands : he might have killed his adversaries , unwitting of him and secure , without much adoe , and he might have changed , without much bloud-shed , or the conflict of many , his tedious warfare into a sudden slaughter : both his servants and opportunity did invite him to it . opportunity did spur him on to victory . now he began to draw his sword : and now his armed hand was ready to seize upon his adversaries throat : but the remembrance of divine institutions did altogether withstand these intentions : he contradicts not onely his servants , but opportunity , egging him on to victory . as if he should have said thus unto them : o victorie , causelesly dost thou provoke me on : o victorie , thou dost in vaine invite me to triumph : i would willingly overcome mine enemie , but i must first observe the commands of god . i will not ( saith he ) lay my hands on the lords anointed . he did represse both his hand and his sword ; and whiles he did revere the oyle , he saved his adversary ; and performing observance to him , though his adversary , he did vindicate him from slaughter . saint augustine speaking of the same person , speaks in this manner : david well knowing that there was a divine constitution in the office of kings , doth therefore still honour king saul , being in the same condition , lest he should seeme to injure god , who decreed honour to this order . for a king hath the image of god , even as a bishop the image of christ . so long therefore as he is in that condition , he is to be honoured ; if not for himself , yet for his order . whereupon the apostle saith , be subject to the higher powers , for there is no power but of god , and the powers that be are ordained of god . hence it is that we doe honour an infidel in authority , although he be unworthy of it ; who performing gods office in that order , doth gratifie the devil : yet the power he hath , doth require that we give honour to him , &c. and in another place : but in that the apostle saith , let every soule submit himselfe to the higher powers : for there is no power but of god : he doth rightly admonish , that no man be puffed up with pride , for that he is called by the lord into liberty , and made a christian ; and that he doth not think there is no order to be kept in the course of this life ; and that he is not to be subject to the higher powers , to whom for a time the government of temporall things is concredited . and a little farther , if any man therefore think , that because he is a christian , he is not to pay custome , tribute , or due honour to those higher powers , to whom those things of right doe appertaine , he is in a great errour : but this rule is to be observed which the lord himself prescribed , that we give unto caesar , the things that are caesars , and unto god , the things that are gods . s. jerome , whose sentence is inscribed among the canons , saith thus : if it be good , which the emperour , or magistrate , commands , obey the will of him that commands : but if it be evill , answer him out of the acts of the apostles , it is better to obey god then men . s. chrysostome , upon the words of the apostle , let every soule submit himselfe to the higher powers , thus descants : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . although thou beest an apostle , although an euangelist , although a prophet , or whatsoever else thou beest , thou must submit . s. ambrose thus expresseth himselfe : i could grieve , i could weep , i could mourne : my teares are weapons against the armies and soldiers of the goths , for such are the weapons of a priest . otherwise , i neither ought , nor will resist . bernard to lodowick king of france , writes in this manner : but whatsoever it shall please your majesties mind to doe , we that are the sonnes of the church , cannot , in the least , dissemble the injuries , contempts and scorn even to the trampling under foot of our mother , &c. and a little after , but we will stand out , and fight even to the death , if necessity shall require , for our mother : but with such weapons as are lawful for us to use : not with swords , but with words ; not with shields , but with prayers and tears to god . and in another place , if the whole world should conspire against me , to make me attempt any thing against royall authority , yet i would feare god , and would not dare to doe any thing rashly against the king , that is ordained by him . for i well know where i have read , whosoever resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god , &c. amongst later writers , cardinall cajetan thus comments upon saint paul : after that the apostle had instructed the romans about the use of the body , affaires of the world , and the gifts of god ; he doth now prosecute his instruction about the use of liberty in respect of princes . for he gives them a caution , lest by reason of the liberty which they had obtained by christ , they should think themselves to be exempted from the power of secular princes . and to this end he doth instruct them , that they should be subject to secular powers . and whereas he ought to have said , every man , he doth more significantly say , every soule ; that so we might understand , not only our estates , not onely our bodies , but even our souls ought to be subject to temporal kings , in those things which they may lawfully command . and in saying all , or every , he excepteth none . see , how the fathers doe , with one consent vote that we must give obedience to kings , although they be wicked , in all things that are not unlawfull ; that honour , tribute , obedience , and the like , must be given to lawfull princes ; and that there is no other remedy against their violence and injustice , but prayers and teares to almighty god . what , doe we think that they were destitute of strength , that they could not oppose one power with another , or repell one injury with another ? were they so stupid and ignorant that they did not understand what power was in the pope or people , to reduce their kings into good government ? they wanted neither power to resist , nor forces to rebell , if we dare give credit to tertullian , ( who yet is of sufficient authority and antiquity to be beleeved , even without our assent ) thus writing in his apologie against the gentiles . but far be it that either the children of god should be exempted from the furie of man ; or that they should grieve to suffer in that thing wherein they are tryed . for if we would take upon us to be open and professed enemies , doe you think that wee could want money or men ? are we not more in in number then the moores , and marcomanns , & the parthians themselves , or the gentiles , how great soever they be , let them be but of one place , and of their neighbours adjoyning unto them , yea , then of the whole world besides . we are but of yesterday , and yet we have filled all places among you : your cities , islands , cittadels , burroughs , assemblies ; your very camps , your tribes of the common people , decuries of the judges , palaces , senats , judicatories ; onely we leave your temples to your selves : for what war have we not been fit , and ready to manage , even with fewer forces , who thus willingly suffer our selves to be put to death ; if that we were not disciplined by our religion , that it is more lawfull for us to be killed then to kill ? thus far tertullian , with whom s. augustine is not discrepant : you may find his sentence to be registred among the canons in these words : julian was an infidel and unbeleeving emperour ; was he not likewise an apostate , an enemie , an idolater ? yet the christian soldiers served under this unbeleeving emperour . when they came to the cause of christ , they did acknowledge none but him that is in heaven ; when he would have them to worship idols , and to sacrifice , then they did prefer god before him : but when he said unto them , lead forth the armie , & go against such a nation , they did presently obey him . they did distinguish the lord eternall from a temporall lord ; and yet they were subject unto their temporall lord , for their eternall lords sake . when jovianus after the death of the fore-named julian was elected by his armie to be their emperour , and he refusing , began to speake in these words unto them : i cannot , seeing i am a christian , command such men , nor take the government upon me , of julians armie , which he hath imbued with such venemous precepts , and pernicious discipline . which , and words of the like nature , when the souldiers had heard , they began to shout with one acclamation , and say : o emperour , let not your minde be troubled with such doubtings , nor yet wave the command of us , as if we were prophane and wicked , for you shall finde both christians of us , and men disciplin'd in piety to doe you service . from which recited places , it may appeare that it was no such difficult matter for the christians in the primitve times to have coërced their emperours , by whom they were miserably afflicted , and most cruelly used , if it had beene lawfull for subjects to rise up against their princes . but if those forementioned fathers , endued with no lesse science then conscience , and furnished with as much knowledge as zeale , had thought it lawfull , either for the pope , or the people , or any other men to regulate their princes , as they thought fit ; without all question , they would never have suffered themselves and the whole church of god , to bee so cruelly oppressed by those wicked emperours . but as they did most freely reprehend their vices , so they would at least have admonished them of their office , if they had beene wanting to it . but when they knew that kings ( as have beene formerly , not onely touched , but oftentimes urged ) have onely god to be their judge and their avenger ; hence it is , that they did only flee to him , and piously and happily implore his aid . these things ( saith nazianzen ) did julian meditate and deliberate , ( as those that were witnesses and co-partners of his secrets have imparted and divulged to the world ) yet hee was restrained by the ordinance of god , and the teares of christians , which were then many , and shed by many , seeing they had no other remedie against their persecutors . the like may be said of divers other wicked princes , who have either beene taken away by the singular providence of god , or at length reduced to a better minde : for god who is the father and judge of all alike , doth oftentimes most justly send ungodly princes unto a people for the punishment of their sins : although , they minding nothing lesse , than the justice or purpose of gods wil doe most unjustly . shall there be any evill in the city ( saith god by the prophet amos ) which the lord hath not done ? but no sooner doe subjects repent them of their sins , and depart from their evil courses , but god ( in whose hands the heart of kings is , and which way soever it pleaseth him , as the rivers of waters , he doth incline it ) according to his great goodnesse and singular mercie , wherewith he is affected towards afflicted penitents , makes those wicked princes either cease to be , or to bee tyrants . vengeance is mine ( saith the lord ) i wil repay it . this is the onely fort and sure defence against all injuries of wicked kings : they are the weapons that are to be taken up against ungodly princes : and , this , lastly is the most expedite way to pessundate all tyranny . but then you will say , if the king should make aprey of his subjects , and impose greater taxes on them , and exact more grievous tributes and customs on them , oppressing all and every one of them with his tyrannicall power , shall we not in this case resist and oppose him ? for answer of this , i must tell you , if we will be as we professe our selves to bee , christs disciples and obey his word , which we desire , at least pretend , above all things to be sincerely preached unto us , wee must not resist him . now what saith christ . but i say unto you that yee resist not evill , &c. our lord and saviour jesus christ , being king of kings , and lord of lords , as he is stiled in holy scripture , yea and the sonne of kings according to the flesh , being of the seede of david , yet lest he should give offence , though he were free , payed tribute to caesar ; for so wee finde him discoursing with peter : the kings of the earth , of whom doe they take custome or tribute , of their owne children or of strangers ? peter saith unto him of strangers . jesus saith unto him , then are the children free ; notwithstanding lest we should offend them , goe thou to the sea and cast an booke and take up the fish that first cometh up , and when thou hast opened his mouth thou shalt finde a peece of money , that take , and give for thee & mee . hereupon bernard to henry then arch-bishop of the senones thus elegantly writeth : let every soule bee subject to the higher powers : if every soule , then yours ; who doth except you from the universality ? if any endeavor to deceive you , hearken not to their councols , who seeming to be christians , hold it yet a disparagement to them to follow the deedes or observe the words of christ their master . and a little after : these things , saith he , doe they ; but christ he did both bid otherwise , and did otherwise : give unto caesar the things that are caesars , and unto god the things that are gods . what he spake with his tongue , hee performed with his hand ; as he taught so hee wrought : the maker of caesar did not deny to pay tribute to caesar , for he gave an example to you , that you should also doe the like . and a little farther he saith to this purpose . doe you contemne the saecular power ? none was more saecular then pilat before whom our lord stood to be adjudged . thou couldst have no power ( saith hee ) over me , if it were not g●ven thee from above ; even then did he speake by himself , and in himselfe shew , what afterwards he did by his apostles in his church . that there is no power but of god , and that hee that resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god . before bernard st. ambrose wrote to the same purpose . if the emperor demands tribute , we doe not deny it : the lands of our church do pay him tribute : if he requires our fields , he hath power to lay claim unto them ; none of us doe interpose or withstand him . the collation of the people may redound to the poore ; let them not conceive displeasure about our fields , let them have them if they like them ; i doe neither give them the emperor nor deny them . and againe , i was commanded by the court officers and tribunes , to make a speedy surrender of the church , they alleaging that the emperor doth but use his right in demanding it , for as much as all things are in his power . i made this answer , that if hee did require of me what was mine owne to give , viz. my ground , or my goods , or any thing of the like nature , this my right i would not deny him ; although even those things of mine are the poores also . very excellently st. ang. but whereas the apostle saith , wherefore yee must needes bee subject ; it is as much as if hee should have said , there is a necessity for this life that we be subject , not resisting ; if they will take any thing away from us , in that they have power given them over our temporall things . now then , if it were not lawfull for subjects , without sin , to resist their kings when they did exact unjust tributes of them , and by violence take away their estates from them ; much lesse may we deny to princes just tributes , & other things of the like nature , which are requisite and necessary for the safety of the common-wealth , and cannot bee denied without its certaine ruine , and the great hazard of the whole christian policie . in the law of moses we reade , that the man that would doe presumptuously , and would not hearken to the priest ( that stood to minister before the lord , or unto the judge , even that man was to be put to death . and since by the lawes of men they have proceeded no lesse severely against rebels . but most strict is that law of god promulged by the mouth of the apostle : therefore whosoever resisteth the power , &c. resisteth the ordinance of god , and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation : that is , as all divines expound it , temporall here ; and , without repentance eternall hereafter . and as for those that doe calumniate and derogate from the power , &c. of princes here , by their seditious words , and scandalous writings , although perhaps they may escape the hands of men ; yet they shall never avoid the judgements of god , from whose all-seeing eye of providence nothing can bee hid , against whose omnipotent power nothing can resist , and by whose most just judgements no wickednesse can goe unpunished . no lesse wittily then pithily st. ang. for whereas the doctrine of the apostle doth make mention of these earthly powers , he doth insinuate into our apprehensions even the parts of the heavenly judgement . for whenas hee doth enjoyne us to obey the lawes of the world , hee doth necessarily admonish us to take heed of the world to come . if thou wilt not , saith he , feare the powers , doe that which is good , which is as much to say . if thou wilt not fear the judgement to come , then eschew evill and doe good whilest thou art here . therfore we ought to take heed , & performe the first forme of this constitution , which wants the lawes of this life , that we may exclude & keep from us that fore-judgement of eternall death in the other life ; because those whom this temporall punishment doth not take hold of here ; there that eternall punishment wil follow with insufferable torment hereafter . amongst other examples of the judgements of god upon rebellious , gainsaying and disobedient persons , we have that dreadfull and horrible example of corah , dathan and abiram , in the holy scriptures , which the spirit of god sets downe as a warning to us , that we fall not into the like contradiction , lest wee fall into the like condemnation . of whom optatus milevitanus writing against the donatists , who did refuse to obey their magistrates ( as too many of the smectymnuan rout , & antipodian state doe now amongst us ) thus delivers himselfe . schisma summum , &c. that schisme is a great evill , you your selves cannot deny ; and yet without the least feare you doe imitate your most desperate ring-leaders , corah , dathan and abiram , nor will you set before your eyes , or once take it into your hearts that this evill is both prohibited by the word of god , and revenged with a most grievous judgement . and a little after : the congregation of ministers , and the sacrilegious multitude that was soon to bee confounded did stand with their inter dicted and forbidden sacrifices ; time for repentance was denied and withheld from them , because their fault was such , as it deserved no pardon . a command of hunger was laid upon the earth , which presently opened her greedy jawes upon them that caused division amongst the people , and with an insatiable mouth did swallow up the contemners of gods word . in a moments space the earth clave asunder to deuoure those fore-named separatists ; it did swallow them up , & then was closed againe upon them . and lest they should seeme to receive a courtesie by their soddain death ; as they were not worthy to live , so they were not vouchsafed to die . upon a suddaine they were cast into the prison of hell , and so buried before they were dead . st. aug. having occasion to speake of the same separates , cap. . of the wonders of the holy scripture speaks to the same purpose , & cap. . of the same book , he doth thus enlarge his meditations : again the next day the whol multitude gathered themselves together against moses and aaron as guilty of blood and would have slain them , in revenge of those that were killed ; but here both moses and aaron come before the tabernacle of the congregation , and again the wrath of the lord went forth and raged amongst the rebellious people : and againe aaron at the command of moses , filling his censer with fire from off the altar , ran into the midst of the congregation , and standing between the living and the dead , the plague was stayed . a just judgement inflicted on both , that they who did inwardly burne with the fire of anger against their lawfull princes , should now outwardly perish with the burning flame of most deserved vengeance ; & he that in his heart had forgiven the offence of his brethren , by his footsteps others being defended , the fire from heaven durst not consume ; but they that died of the plague that day were . whom the wrath of the lord consumed . wherefore to draw to a conclusion , as the apostle admonisheth and comandeth , we must needs be subject not only for wrath but also for conscience ; because as s. peter saith , this is the will of god that with well doing wee may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men , as free & not using our liberty for a cloake of maliciousnesse but as the servants of god . for although , as s. aug. hath it , we are called to that kingdom where there shall be no such powers , yet while wee live here in our journey thither , untill such time as wee shall come to that age , where there shall be an annihilation & ceasing of all principalitie and power , let us cheerefully and willingly undergoe our condition , according to the order of humane things , not dealing feignedly and hypocritically : and so doing , we shall not so much obey man , under whose command we are , as god , who doth command us to be obedient to them . therefore to use s. peters words , he that will love life , and see good daies , let him refraine his tongue from evill , and his lips that they speake no guile : let him eschew evill , and doe good ; let him seeke peace and ensue it ; let him beare in mind that commandement of god , thou shalt not revile the gods , nor curse the ruler of thy people . and not forget the councell of the preacher , curse not the king , no not in thy thought , for a bird of the ayre shall carry the voice , and that which hath wings shall tell the matter . but let him embrace the councell of king solomon , not only the wisest of kings , but of all other men . my son ( saith he ) feare thou the lord and the king , and meddle not with them that are given to change ; for it is our saviours saying , who is truth it selfe and ought to be beleeved before all our pretended reformadoes , whosoever shall take up the sword , especially against gods annoynted , contrary to the word of god , shall perish with the sword . and thus having gathered certaine flowers out of the garden of divinity , philosophy , history and policy , to make a crowne for royalty , and a nosegay for loyalty , there wants nothing now but that same thread of charity ( which the apostle casseth {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the bond of perfection ) to constringe and binde them together ; and indeed to use s. chrysost. similitude , as flowers be they never so choyce and rare , yea the prime darlings in natures garden , and be they never so exactly composed and set in order , yet if they be not as perfectly combined & tyed together , hey fall away from one another and come to nothing . in lik● manner although a man should compose an anthologie of never so excellent precepts , sentences and examples out of the garden of divine and humane writings , and propound them as so many sweet flowers to the use and benefit of the common good , yet if there bee not the hand of charity to receive them , and the eye of candor for to reade them , and the heart of sincerity to apprehend them , and tye them together with the constriction , or rather the construction of love ; like flowers that are not tyed together , they fall to the ground and become uselesse . and s. chrysost. reason that hee gives there will hold here likewise , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . for without love they will soone dissolve , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . it is love alone that knits them fast , and keeps them together , making them usefull for the church of god , which otherwise would doe no good . and therfore having selected and culled out variety of choice sentences , precepts and sayings , both out of ancient and moderne writers as well humane as divine , and they as well protestants as romanists , and such as have been approved and honored by the judgement of the learned even of the adversaries , to set forth to the world the royalty of kings and the loyalty of subjects ; i humbly tender them to the consideration of both , his majesty our royall king & the parliament his loyal subjects ; that so if there be any thing in them , which shewing the power of the one , and the duty of the other , may tend to the repayring of that great breach , by a happy pacification , between the king and his people , which being at first begun with faction , fomented with feares and jealousies , and continued thus long with malignancy of affection , is likely to bring both king and parliament ( without the especiall providence of god preventing ) to utter ruine ; i shall attain the happy end that i first did ayme at : and for that which remaines in me to effect it , i shall turne my pen into a petition , and these occasioned collections , into religious ejaculations ; that god would be pleased to vouchsafe such a happy concurrence of opinions , and unanimity of affections between the king and his parliament ; that ( all feares and jealousies being laid aside on both sides ) the king would be graciously pleased to condiscend , as far as with his honor he may , unto his parliament ; and the parliament would humbly addresse themselves to comply , as far as it may stand with the good of the commonwealth , with the king ; that so royalty and loyalty , like mercy and truth meeting together , and the king and his parliament , like righteousnes and peace , embracing each other , the king may stil enjoy his regalities and prerogatives without farther alteration , and the parliament may still retain their ancient priviledges and immunities without any more interruption : that so the king , the head , may be happy in the parliament , his members , and the parliament , the members , reciprocally happy in the king their head ; and the whole kingdom , by this c●ment of charity , happy in both . which that it may speedily come to passe , is the hearty wish and darling desire , of him who for the accomplishment of it is , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . his gods most humble orator , his kings most loyall subject , his countries most affectionate patriot , ro. grossk . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- greg. lib. . moral . c. . aug. l. . de civ. dei c. . cic. de leg. . cic. ibid. arist. l. . pol. c. . chrysost. ad . pop. antioch . hom ● . tacit. l. . hut . soph. arist . pol. c. . sen. lib. . de clem . c. . casus sph. civi . p. . plat. dial . . arist. . pol. . cic. . de leg . salust . de conjur . caral . herod . l. . zech. l. . pol. c. . diodor. l. . polyd. virg. . de invent . rer. m. arrian . in hist. alex. messal . corvin . in lib. ad aug. herodot. . . bellar. de laic . l. liber homo . d●ad leg. aquil. gen . . exod. . . bellar. de ro. pont. l. . c. . cic. l. . leg. salust . bellar. de ro. pont. l. . c. . just . l. . l ne●o . d. de regul . jur . rom. . . ver. . epiph. cont. archon haer. . lip. . l. pol. c. . rom. . lip. pol. . c. . sen. de clem. . liv. li . . spud lips . arist. l. . pol. c. . sam. . . & se● . luther in post . super eu●ng . dom. . post trin. cor. c. . strigel , in . sam. . p . sam. . . l. legis virtus d. de legibus . ille a quo §. tempestivum . d. ad sc. trebel . l. . d. de . recept. . qui arbit . arist. pol. . c. tacit. . . hist. arist. l. . pol. c. . cic. orat. . deiot. salust . de bel . jugurth . l. prince p● d. de legibus . dio . . const. harm. . . epit. tit. . eccles. . . wisdom . . . . irenaeus . . advers haeres . tettul . in apol. hieron. ep. . ad rustic . psal. . ambros. apol. prim . david . c. . aug. ep. . aug. de fa● . greg. l. . hist. c. . & aimoin . . . c. . otto f●sing in . ep. ad ercd. oenob . praef. . chron. . bellar. d● . laic . c. . l. sed licet d. de offic. praef. bellar. de rom. pon . . . c. . & . 〈…〉 . 〈◊〉 de regim. civ. num . . bodin de . rep. . . . philip . in epit. phil. moral . p. . brent . hom. . in . l. sam. osiander in notis d. h. l. deut. . , , . joseph . . . antiq. jud. c. . lyra in com. sam. . greg. l. . in . reg. c. . arnisaeus l. . de jur . majest. c. . n. . greg. l. . in reg. c. . king : . . sam. . . lips . pol. in praef. lips . ibid. feud . l. . tit. . regalia . mar. . . sen. . . de be nes . c. , . cit. off . , . tacit. . . hist. tacit. . . hist. cic. pro leg. man . just . l. . hist. pompon. l. . d. de orig. jur. ulpian l. . d. de constit . princip. l. si imperialis . c. de legib. & constit . princip. pro. . . aug. tract. . in euang. johan . & habetur dist. . can. quo jure . aug. l. . conf●s●e . & refertur dist. . can. quae contra . arist. l. . polit. c. . arist. l. . pol. c. . joan. bodin . l. . de rep. c. . joan. bo 〈◊〉 . l. . derep . 〈◊〉 bodin . l. . c. . l. . f. de legib. bodin . l. . de rep. c. . bodin l. . c. . & arnisae . pol. c. . keck . in syst . polit. l. . c. . p. . l. . f. de nat. resti . vult . de feud . l. . c. . n. . baldus c. . quae sit. reg. n. . & . mut. in vit. car. m. & car. . althus . in pol. c. . and tho. mich. de . jurisdict. . con. . . and . vult . de . feud . . . c. . n. . l un . c. de nund . jus saxon. l. . art . . and . . art . . l. humanum . c. de legib. & constit . princip. bodin . l. . de . rep. c. . ob. resol. notes for div a e- bodin de repub. pag. . colleg. polit. dithmar . disp. . thes. . l. assumptio . . §. . ad muncip . l. municip . sect. . f.eod. augustan : confess . art . . ephes. . . exod. . . deut. . . ro. . . sam. . . ver. . sam. . . pet. . . pro. . . plato in point . ro. . . 〈◊〉 . . exod. . . philip maced. in plin. paneg. aug. in lib. quest . v. & n. test. q●est . . sam. . . chrysost. arist. polit. rom. . . colleg. polit. dithmar . disp. ulpian . in● . in criminibus §. . f. de quaest. cic. pro manl nov. . c. liv● . . p. . tacit. . annal. lip. pol. . c. ecclus. . , gen. . . luth. com. in gen. c. . p. . gen. . act. . rom. . . titus . . tim , , . jer. . . . pet. . , . ver. . rom. . dan. . . : john . . greg. nazian. tertul. de idololat . optat. milev. . . cont. parmen aug : in quaest. ex vet. test . quaest. . aug. exposit . quar . propos. ep. ad r●m . propos. . hier. in ep. ad tit. & habetur . quaest. . can. si dominus . chrysost. in rom. . hom amb. . . orat . in auxent . bern. ep. . cajet. in ep. ad rom. . tert. in apologet advers. gent. c. . aug. in psal. . & habetur . quaest. can. imperatores . ruffin . hist. eccl. . l. . & theodor . l. . hist. c. . nazian. in orat . in julian . amos . . prov. . . object . resol. mar. . . mar. . . . . bernard ad hen. archiep. senon . ep. . amb. . . conc. de basilicis non tradend . haer●t . p. . ambros. l. . ep. . ad marcel august . exposit . quar. propos. ex epist. ad rom proposit. . deut. . . august . de jmper . see . ro. . . ● ptat . mi levit. cont. parmen. august . de mirac . sact script . c. . & . num. . . ● . . . pet. . ● . . august . exposi● . q●ar pro ●of . epist. ●d rom. proposit. ● . pet. . exod. . ● . ●ccles . . ● . pro. . . mat. . ● . conclusion . colos. . . chrysost. hom in coloss. . chrysost. ut supra . an impartial disquisition, how far conquest gives the conqueror a title ghest, edmund. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an impartial disquisition, how far conquest gives the conqueror a title ghest, edmund. p. s.n., [london? : ?] caption title. attributed by wing to edmund ghest. "reader, this is an abstract of a treatise written by mr. ghest, a learned and pious suffolk divine, when the usurpers over charles the martyr pretended a title by conquest." reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng kings and rulers -- succession. monarchy. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an impartial disquisition , how far conquest gives the conqueror a title . reader , this is an abstract of a treatise written by mr. ghest , a learned and pious suffolk divine , when the usurpers over : charles the martyr pretended a title by conquest . chap. i. conquest is no sufficient title to rule ; for then all conquerors are lawful princes ; but they are not , for . justice only gives right , and the rule of justice is suum cuique , we are commanded . rom. . . to render to all their dues ; but here in the case of conquest right is pretended to that , which is anothers , only by taking it from him , and so justice founded upon injustice . . right continues , as long as the cause remains , and force cannot reach that , for it cannot destroy the gift and donation of god , nor bring to pass , that a father shall be no father , or an heir no heir , or one lawfully chosen not chosen . . if conquest be a sufficient title , then there never was an usurper in the world ; for , till he prevails , he is but an attempter , and as soon as he prevails , he is a lawful prince . . then it would not only be lawful for the usurper to withhold anothers right , but unlawful for the wronged king , or his friends to seek the recovery of his own , which is contrary to what * david did in the case of absolom , and ‖ joash in the case of athaliah . . if conquest gives a title , then a strong thief hath right to all he takes away by violence ; or else god hath left every private man in better condition than his own deputies * , since force can take away the royalty of these , but not the property of those . . if conquest give a sufficient title , then that devilish maxim is true , prosperum scelus virtus est , that wickedness crowned with prosperity commences virtue ; and there is no difference between good and evil , but event . a rebel falls , and is a traytor ; he prospers and is a lawful prince ; which pricks up apace towards atheism . . this proclaims liberty to all ambitious , and covetous persons to embroyl the world , if whatever they can get is their own . certainly god , who loves mankind , and delights in order , peace and righteousness , never made this law. chap. ii. god's word allows not of any title by conquest , for . it forbids all violence , rapine and wrong , nay , so much as coveting that which is anothers , commands all to be content with their own , requires restitution of what is wrongfully taken away . nor must we say with * caesar , si jus violandum est , regnandi causâ violandum est ; if right and equity be to be trampled on at any time , it is , when a crown is to be acquired . . what is said , john . . he that enters not in by the door into the sheepfold , but climbs up some other way , the same is a thief and a robber , is universally true of all governments ; kings are * shepherds too , and the same common rule of justice holds in the shepherd's title to his flock , and so every where both in church and state. . it is said , rom. . . the powers that are &c. the word is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies only lawful , and just power , while 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies the power of an usurper ) so that we must be subject to him , who hath the right and authority to rule , even tho' devested by the force of an usurper . such powers are said vers . . to be the ordinance of god , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies an edict , or a law , so that no usurper is god's ordinance , unless he can show either some particular charter from god , or some general law in favour of usurpers . — again , in the same verse it is said , they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation ; not a right , or title to the supreme power , that would make the law both partial , and useless , restraining none , but those , whom princes might restrain without it . — once more , in verses , , . these powers are said to be god's ministers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now none can enter into god's service , or ministry , but by his leave , unless we think , that usurpers may seize god's commission too . . we are commanded * to render to caesar the things that are caesar's , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here signifies to restore to the right owner , what is unjustly taken away , or detained from him , ( so the word is used by the lxx . in the old testament ) gen. . , , levit. . . num. . . judg. . , . sam. . . & cap. . . sam. . . kings . . nehem. . . isai . . . ezek. . . and so in the new testament also , matth. . . chap. . , , , , , . luk. . . so that it binds not only to the payment of all dues to the owner , that accrue to him , while the possession is undisturb'd , but to restitution also , of what he is unjustly deprived of . . christ's actions are our instructions : now , when one would have put our lord upon the doing an act of power , luk. . . he answers , man , who made me a judge , &c. it seems , a governor must be duly made , or set in the place , he cannot set himself there ; it is above the pitch of a creature to create his own power by his own force , it must be derived from another ; nor can every one's appointment give a title , but his only , who hath right to appoint : 't is not , hath any one ? but , who hath appointed me ? . men of all sorts , and of all sides ( just , and unjust , plaintifs , and defendants ) have taken this for granted , that force , and conquest gives no * title . . god himself hath given sentence in the case . nimrod was the first usurper , he got all by might ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gibbor , as he is called , gen. . . yet a double brand there is upon him , vers . . that he was , . a mighty hunter ; till men turn into beasts , a mighty hunter will not be turn'd into a lawful king. and then , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lipne jehovah , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , against the lord , so it should be translated ; for 't is evident , that 't is spoken to his infamy . — god expresly forbids the israelites to invade the edomites , the moabites , or the ammonites , deut. . , , , . the precepts are particular , but the reason is universal , and holds against all invasions of the rights of others , ( because god gave them their lands for a possession ) and as to the ammonites , who long after invaded , and conquer'd part of the holy land , thus saith the lord , jerem. . . hath israel no sons ? hath he no heir ? why then doth their king inherit gad , and his people dwell in his cities ? as if he should say , tho' the king of ammon hath gotten possession by the sword , yet the right remains still to the heir , though dispossest : 't is therefore that such conquerors are compared ‖ to lyons , that tear in pieces , and fill their holes with prey , and their dens with rapine ; and , behold , saith the lord of hosts , i am against you , my sword shall devour the lyons , and i will cut off the prey from the earth . 't is therefore also , that the * chaldeans , who possess the dwelling places , that are not theirs , that keep not at home , that enlarge their desires as hell , and as death , and cannot be satisfied , that gather to them all nations , and heap to them all people , have heavy judgments denounced against them , woe to him , that increaseth that , which is not his , how long ? &c. see also , jerem. . , . ezek. . , . & chap. . . & amos . . in all which places sore punishments are denounc'd against usurpers ; and it were absurd to say , that the divine justice would punish any for useing that , which is the direct , and immediate way to get a good title . chap. iii. conquest proves not a right by god's donation immediate . some men pretend , that god by the event of the war , giving victory , gives right withal to the conqueror , and for this they have two colours . the first argument is deduc'd from reason ; providence governs all , therefore this victory , and so 't is god's will. to which i answer . it seems the alcoran hath not been english'd for nothing ; with the mahometans indeed all is their own fish that comes into the net : but if every attempt crowned with success , proves , that god gives a right , then he , who destroys the true religion , and sets up a false ; he , who kills , ravishes , robs , hath right on his side ; 't is par casus , unless they shew , that event shewes god's will in one thing more than another , which it does not , since all comes alike to pass by god's providence : should it be objected , that this assertion must be restrain'd to kingdoms , because war between those , who have no superiour on earth to judge them , is an appeal to god to determine the right : i answer , . then this extends not to subjects , who have a king to judge them . . if it be meant of all those , who acknowledge , or pretend to have no superiours , then all wicked men may make use of it ; since 't is but to pretend , and then appeal to god , and , if they prevail , god , it seems , gave them leave . . 't is to throw god's law ( the rule of right , and wrong ) behind us , and to tempt him to give a particular sentence ; against matth. . . thou shalt not tempt the lord thy god. . how knows the objector , that every king , who fights for his own , makes such an ungodly appeal ? . suppose both parties are so presumptuous , how knows he , that god is bound to listen to every presumptuous appellant , and give judgment at his beck ? the truth is , event shews no more ; but that god permits it , because he can work good out of it , and fulfil his own wise , and just , tho' hidden counsel ; but to say , he approves whatever he permits , is blasphemy . . the second colour is from scripture , dan. . , , . the most high ruleth in the kingdom of men , and giveth it to whomsoever he will. to this i answer , . if you mean this of god's gift of right to rule , 't is not said , he giveth it to every one , who is in possession , but to whom he pleaseth . . if you mean it of possession ( and so it is to be understood , as it appears from vers . . and the whole context ) it follows not , god gives possession to whom he will , therefore he gives right , whenever he gives possession ; the scope of all was to cure nebuchadnezzar's pride , and to shew him , that whosoever possesseth a kingdom , doth it by a providence which can dispossess him . indeed no one possesses a kingdom without some gift from god , but 't is often only permissive , it creates no right . thus * saul in the cave was by god delivered into david's hand , and christ was ‖ delivered by the determinate counsel of god ; had david hereby a right to kill saul , or the jews a right to kill christ . nay , tho' nebuchadnezzar was out of possession ( dan. . . they shall drive thee from among men ) yet still 't is his kingdom , and his counsellors , and his lords , ver . . . his right it seems remained . chap. iv. conquest in a just war gives no just title : a just war is that , which is made by a soveraign prince for a just cause : while both conditions are wanting in our case ; but suppose they were not , if such a conquest gives title , 't is . either by extraordinary donation , and that none , i think , can now pretend to . or , . by the law of nations . but . that law , according to those who alledge it , gives only an external shew of justice , true internal justice obliging at the same time to restitution , of which restitution , see * grotius proving it to be the opinion of jews , and mahometans as well as christians , and that the holy scripture , isai . . . averrs , that those mens fasts are not acceptable to god , qui non jure captos detinebant , who do not let the oppressed go free , and who ( jon. . . ) do not turn from the violence , that is in their hands . . shew us this law of nations , where is it , or how is it morally possible , that all nations should meet to give it : if you interpret common practise to be the consent of all , i presume , the dispossessed do not consent , and the rest are either gainers , or unconcerned . . the law of nature gives not this right , for then it must be either by way of reparation of the wrong , or punishment of the fault ; the first allows no more then an equal recompence for the injury , and leaves the rest to the enemy still ; the second supposes authority , for who hath power to punish , must have power to examine , and to judge the merits of the cause ; but a superiour to the supreme implies a contradiction ; par in parem non habet imperium ; equals have no authority one over another ; * who art thou , that judgest another man's servant ? ‖ what have i to do to judge them , that are without ? are most sure maxims of the law of nature . . the law of scripture gives no such right . deut. . , . there is a rule given , how the israelites were to deal with all nations ( except the seven , which were given up to utter ruine ) and the case is double ; if they will treat take tribute of them ; if they will fight it out , and you conquer , take the spoil , but in neither case a title to the government . tribute may be given , and service may be done by one king to another ( as appears from gen. . , , . sam. . . kings . . & ch . . , . ) and yet those who pay the tribute , and do the service be kings still , as appears by the above-cited places ; so then the conqueror may exact tribute sufficient to make amendment for the injury ; but whatever be meant by tribute , or service , the conqueror acquires no title by conquest but by the consent of the conquered to the articles of peace , of which in the next conclusion . chap. v. qu. whether the consent of the people conquered , and their submission to the conqueror gives him a title ? ans . it is a kind of destiny upon people , that their name is used , their benefit pretended , their power to create right to govern magnified , and all to their hurt , isai . . . o my people they which lead thee , cause thee to err ; and so again , ch . . . in the septuagint it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so in the hebrew , and in the margin of our translation , they which call thee blessed , and undertake to make thee so . people are never in greater danger , than when they listen to these same ( beatificantes ) men , who promise to make them blessed , so it hath been here , and after the misery that is come upon us , the peoples consent is pretended . to show what really the people hath to do in the giving title , or right to government , we will consider in general the means of acquiring dominion ; — all power is from god , we take that for granted , therefore whoever hath a title , must show some manifestation of god's will for it ; now this in the case of governors must be either by extraordinary supernatural designation , as in moses , joshua , the judges , saul , david , jehu , &c. or by a general law , that may hold in all ordinary cases ; ( for as to event , that manifests only god's permission , not his gift , as i shew'd before ) as for the first of these , it was good , where it could be shown , which now it cannot : the second cannot be any humane law ; for tho' just laws are in their kind , and degree significations of god's will , who will have us obey his deputies for conscience sake , yet in giving title to supreme power they have no place . for . national laws presuppose it , and are made by it . . the law of nations is either the same with the law of nature , which is god's law , binding all nations , or if it be taken for a humane law , enacting that , which the law of nature hath left at liberty , 't is a meer empty name , for there is no humane supreme power , to which all nations are subject , that should enact such a law . jus gentium indeed , or right of nations there is , but no lex gentium ; one nation may have right against another , either by the law of nature alone , or by mutual pacts , which bind by vertue of the law of nature , which obliges all to perform their covenants . so then none can claim right to government , but by the laws of god , and they are two-fold , of nature , and scripture , but both to be used here promiscuously ; the rule of both is , honour thy father and thy mother , which subjects the children to both parents , but first to the father , as supreme ; no place is left here for popular election , it being impossible , that children should choose their father , who are in subjection as soon as they are , and to govern whom the father hath a natural capacity , even before he hath them . in this paternal right is founded the government of whole nations , as appears from genes . . , , , . where it is often observed , * that by those three sons of noah were the nations divided in the earth after their families , and generations , which confutes the common dream , that nations were constituted by collection of several families into one mass , ( like epicurus's world out of atomes ) for the scripture makes it clear to have been quite contrary , by spreading one root into many branches , ( see acts . . ) and this will be easily believed , when it is considered ‖ , how long they lived in that age ( six hundred , four hundred , all even to nahor , above two hundred years ) and that * in four generations from levi to moses seventy ‖ men were multiplied to six hundred thousand , that were men * , besides children , and you will see , that one of those fathers might live to be by his meer paternal power king of a populous nation . nor did those kingdoms upon the father's death cantonize after the number of his sons , the elder brother was heir of his father's power , and governed the families of his brethren also : so genes . . . god saith to cain , subject to thee shall be his desire ( sc . thy brother's ) and thou shalt rule over him : hence isaac in blessing , as he thought , his first-born , gen. . . saith , be lord over thy brethren , and let thy mother's sons bow down to thee . and so jacob also in blessing judah , ( who inherited the regal power ) gen. . . expresses himself : nay , even our saviour's kingdom over his brethren ( that is , the members of the christian church ) is often put upon this title of primogeniture , as being * the first-born among many brethren ; so then the people have no more to do to make a king , than a child to make his father ; god the sole giver of life disposes of what parents every one shall be born , who shall be heirs of kings , and whom they shall inherit for their subjects ; for the word inheritance is in scripture language ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , a lot , and the whole disposing ( judgment , or right ) of that is from the lord : prov. . . the people have no part in it , so that if they presume to give this inheritance to another , let them take heed of that woe * woe be to him , who striveth with his maker , &c. and woe be to him , who saith to his father , what begettest thou ? &c. namely , while they have one of god's appointment ; for when he hath left them destitute , then they may interpose , and elect , but let them not be fond of wanting one , that they may please themselves in choosing , for they cannot be damn'd to a worse condition in this world , than to be without a king. as it is threatned , hosea . . they shall say , we have no king , because we feared not the lord. numb . . . that the congregation of the lord shall be as sheep , that have no shepherd ‖ : and isai . . , , . the people shall be oppressed every one by his neighbour , and then follows the people's part in choosing a king ; a man shall take hold of his brother , saying , be thou our ruler : now , when people come to choose , if they will put the power into the hands of many , ( too many to keep counsel , or agree upon action ) and so serve many masters at once , if they will choose for a head the beast of many heads , that monstrous form of polity , where the whole body is all head , and every single limb the body , where all are sons of the people , all are father , and every one a son ; be ruled by the many , that can believe any thing , and judge of nothing , that have the wit of a child , and the fury of a giant , the silliness of an innocent , and the rage of a tyrant ; be governed by most voices , who are sure to choose the worst , since there are more fools , and knaves , than wise and virtuous ; or if they will be ruled by a senate , and for fear of one tyrant ( whom death will end ) submit to four hundred , that for one head lopt off will supply two , and make slavery immortal ; or if they do see monarchy the best , and yet will mix it with some trick of their own to spoil it ( as by making it elective , &c. ) tho' these forms of popular contrivance be but degenerations of that paternal power in one , ( which is always chosen , when god chooses for us , as best suiting with his universal monarchy ) yet when the choice is left to the people , 't is valid , as well as that , which a foolish woman makes of a bad husband . thus much of the means of acquiring supreme power ; now , how far the people's submission can operate towards the making the conqueror's title good . . while they have a king of god's providing by paternal right , they have nothing to do either to confer , or transfer that right . . tho' , when the people have chosen a popular government , and are lawfully setled under it , their submission ( perhaps ) to the conqueror may transfer a right ( because then they are in two capacities , being both sovereigns and subjects , so that their submission includes the consent of all that are interessed ) yet in other forms of government , where the people are meer subjects , the supreme power is not theirs to give , they cannot give away what is another man's , much less what is god's , and by his immediate gift confer'd on the lawful king. . when people are destitute of a government , and choose one , the king chosen holds not his power from them , but immediately from god ; their choice , . proves not , that the king derives his power from them ; the wife chooses her husband , and the parish the constable , yet the first hath his power from god , the other from the king ; and therefore the power not being derived from the people , they cannot resume or transpose it , any more than the wife , &c. . the people's choice hinders not the king 's receiving his power immediately from god , tho' their choice be an instrumental act , by means whereof god's power is conveyed to the king's person which is chosen , yet it argues not , that god first invests the people with the supreme power , and seats it inseparably in them , and that then they derive it to the king in subordination to themselves , as the king doth to an inferior magistrate : only when they want a father by inheritance , they choose and make an adoptive one , who derives not his power from them , but immediately from god by that law of nature , which gives the father power over his children . obj. but how is this immediately from the law of nature , when there comes a voluntary act of man between ? ans . that voluntary act of the people is not done by virtue of any supreme power seated in the people , but by allowance of the law of nature , which , as other laws , contains in it concessions , as well as precepts . . it teacheth , that power to rule is necssary for the preserving of mankind , which cannot subsist but in society , nor that without order and government . . it allows us to provide necessaries by any means , that may be used without impiety against god , or injury to man , and therefore to appoint themselves a king , when they are destitute . . it commands them to be subject to the king thus chosen ; so that from first to last this power is founded immediately on the law of nature ; now not only this , but almost all the laws of nature suppose a voluntary act of men to constitute the matter of their precepts and prohibitions , & yet bind meerly by their own force . prayer , oaths , dedications of holy things , all external acts of religion suppose acts of men to give words their signification , to administer and take the oaths , to dedicate the holy things , but yet the precepts commanding the duties , and forbidding the abuse ; bind immediately without any help from humane authority . so theft supposeth propriety of goods , adultery supposeth marriage , &c. but yet the commandments , that prohibit those sins bind expresly by virtue of the divine authority . chap. vi. qu. whither kings , &c. can deprive themselves of supreme power , or give it from the right heirs ? ans . here three questions arise , one touching resignation , whither a king can give up his power ? and two concerning succession , whither a king can invert the natural order , and disinherit his lawful heir , and whither he can give a stranger right to succeed by adopting him . in deciding these three questions , there is great diversity both of precedents , & humane laws , but 't is not material , since only divine laws can regulate such translations . if god hath given kings power to dispose of their kingdoms at pleasure , they have no superior upon earth , that can take it from them ; if not , they can neither create it themselves ( for there is no power , but by the gift of a superior , joh. . . ) much less can their subjects , being inferiors , give it them . therefore for the resolution of this question , distinguish , . between the effect such an act of a king may have upon himself , or upon others , for tho' he may devest himself of his regalities , it follows not that he can deprive his heir of his title , or give it away to another . . as to his devesting himself , distinguish between the lawfulness of the act , and the validity of it ; it may be , fieri non debuit factum valet , what ought not in justice to have been done , is notwithstanding valid , when 't is done . * esau lost his birth-right by selling it , yet sinn'd in doing it , sc . by undervaluing the power which god had given him , and whatever damage did hereby accrue to esau's posterity , was from god's immediate designation , not from any power in esau , . distinguish of kings ; those , whose progeny was in their lifetime multiplied into a nation , could not devest themselvs , because they could not cease to be fathers of their children , who by the law of nature are subject to them ; but an hereditary king may relinquish his title , as well as any other inheritance , psal . . . he abhorred his own inheritance : jer. . . i have forsaken mine house , i have left mine heritage . shepherds of men may break their staves , and cast off their flocks , zech. . , . but notwithstanding all this an hereditary king cannot deprive his heir , if he have one , nor hinder the peoples choice , if he have no heir . . he cannot devest his heir , for god designs him by making him first-born , or next of blood , nor can the father alter his inheritance any more than his primogeniture ; * the king is but god's servant , and so cannot make void his lord's choice ; by god's law the rights of primogeniture are the first-born's , ( deut. . , , . ) nor can they be taken from him while he lives ; even if he deserves to be deprived , it must be a judiciary proceeding that removes him . . if he wants an heir , he cannot transfer the inheritance to whom he will without the peoples consent ; they are sons and not slaves , and therefore cannot be alienated at pleasure , joh. . . the servant abideth not in the house forever , but the son abideth ever . there are three degrees of dominion . . over goods inanimate or irrational ; we may sell these , or destroy them , matt. . . . dominium despoticum , vel herile , the dominion over slaves , whom we may alienate , but not destroy , exo. . , . . dominium regale , the dominion of kings over their subjects , which neither enables to destroy nor alienate , being instead of the paternal ; the king can no more make another king over his subiects , than a father can make another man the father of his children . the summ is ; a king may relinquish his power , but not invest a stranger with it without the consent of the heir , if he have any , or , if he have none , without the peoples accepting the person . possession belongs to the king in being , succession to the heir in being , election to the people , when destitute of both , and none can be deprived of their proper due without their own consent . indeed ( as was said before ) when the people is both soveraign , and subjects , their submission includes all ; as soveraign they may resign , and then as a body without a head they may choose , and no heir hath any injury ; for the body of the people have no heir . chap. vii . qu. whither a long possession can make the conqueror's title good ? ans . 't is absurd to think , that prescription can justifie wrongs ; for the rule of law is , non confirmatur tractu temporis , quod de jure non subsistit ab initio , that no length of time makes that lawful , which was not so from the beginning . 't is true , . in time all obstacles may be removed , and so the usurper acquire a title , the right heirs being all extinguish'd , or relinquishing their right , and then the peoples submission doth it , but time it self gives no title . . long possession may be , tho' not the ground , yet the proof of a title ; but such a proof , as admits of divers exceptions ; for if there be a right heir , that claims , or else would claim , but that he wants either notice of his title , or power to make it good , here prescription proves nothing ; but possession may continue so long without any claim , or attempts to the contrary , that it may be ( tho' no title , yet ) a proof , that either the possessor is the heir , or that the people have chosen him upon the failing or cession of the heir ; and thus only do man's laws approve prescription in private inheritances , not as if they preferred an usurper before the right owner , who continues his claim and proves his title ; and this was the case between isra●● and the moabites , judg. . , , . which case duly weigh'd will easily solve the objection . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * sam. . . ‖ kings . * see deut. . . notes for div a -e * apud sueton . sect. . * cons . psal . . . isai . . . * mat. . . * see king. . . judg. . , , . ‖ nahum . . , . * habak . . . hab. . , . notes for div a -e * sam. . . c. . . ‖ act. . . notes for div a -e * grot. de jure belli , & pacis , l. . c. . sect. . jure naturae quidem bello justo ea nobis acquiruntur , quae aut paria sunt ei , quod cùm nobis sit debitum , aliter consequi non possumue , aut etiam quae nocenti damnum inferunt intra aequum poenae modum . — conf . §. §. , , &c. & cap. . §. . * rom. . . ‖ cor. . . notes for div a -e * vid. joseph . antiq. lib. . cap. . ‖ cons . gen. . * exod. . , , . ‖ gen. . . * exod. . . * rom. . . col. . , . hebr. . . revel . . . ‖ psal . . . colos . . . act. . . * isai . . , . ‖ vid. lam . . notes for div a -e * compare gen. . , . with heb. . . * cons . jos . . . hebr. . . ps . . . jer. . . wisd . . . rom. . , .