An historical dissertation upon the Thebean Legion plainly proving it to be fabulous / by John Dubourdieu ... Dissertation historique et critique sur le martyre de la légion thébéenne. English Dubourdieu, Jean, 1652-1720. 1696 Approx. 363 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 105 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A36721 Wing D2409 ESTC R17246 12011183 ocm 12011183 52416 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A36721) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 52416) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 64:13) An historical dissertation upon the Thebean Legion plainly proving it to be fabulous / by John Dubourdieu ... Dissertation historique et critique sur le martyre de la légion thébéenne. English Dubourdieu, Jean, 1652-1720. [8], 205, [3] p. Printed for R. Bentley ..., London : 1696. Translation of: Dissertation historique et critique sur le martyre de la légion thébéenne. Advertisements: [3] p. at end. Reproduction of original in Yale University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Martyrs -- Legends. Martyrs -- Cult -- Controversial literature. 2006-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-05 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2007-05 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN Historical Dissertation UPON THE THEBEAN LEGION , Plainly proving it to be Fabulous . BY JOHN DVBOVRDIEV , M. A. Chaplain to his Grace the Duke of Schomberg and Leinster , and one of the Ministers of the French Church in the Savoy . LONDON , Printed for R. Bentley , in Russel-street in Covent-Garden , 1696. TO THE Right Honourable My LORD MOUTHERMER , Eldest Son to the Right Honourable The Earl of MOUNTAGUE , Master of the Wardrobe , and one of his Majesties most Honourable Privy Council . My Lord , I Could not deny my self the Pleasure of Dedicating this little Book to your Lordship , having the Honour of seeing you twice or three times a Week , but never without being Charm'd with you Behaviour , and your many ▪ Excellent Qualities . The ill Practices of this Age , have so far infected the Noblemen , and made them so solicitous of their private Interests , that it is to be feared , we may live to see those times return again upon us , when Mens worth was measured by their Riches , and Persons of Quality were proud of their ignorance . Ingenium quondam fuerat pretiosius auro , At nunc barbaria est grandis , habere nihil . One cannot without grief see so many Young Noblemen , the Hopes of the Church ; and Flower of the State , spend the best of their Years in Pleasures and Idleness . And tho' they have no Noble Qualities which can Entitle them to the Worlds respect , yet they still hope to recommend themselves to their esteem by their Noble Birth , their Splendid Living , and the flattery of Sycophants . But you , my Lord , are far from thinking that the advantages of Nature and Fortune can make amends for all other Defects , or ought to incline you to despise the Study of Curious Arts and Polite Learning . The constant Application , by which you improve those rare Talents you brought into the World with you , the great attention you give to the Instructions of your Masters , the pleasure you take in having your Judgment informed , and the Impression which right Notions make upon you , do clearly discover the just Opinion you have of what things are truly worthy of Honour . — Tu sola animos mentemque peruris Gloria , te viridem videt , immunemque Senectae Thamisis in ripa stantem , juvenesque Vocantem . As the Roman Noblemen used to return from Athens and Marseilles , laden with the Spoils of Greece , and perfected in the choicest Studies , that they might be qualified for sitting and speaking in the Senate ; doubtless , My Lord , you are moved by the same Spring , when you consider , that the Parliament ( to which your Birth will one Day call you ) is the most August Assembly in the World , whose greatness was never perhaps so well understood as since this present War , when we see all Europe waiting upon their Consultations , and that their Winter Resolutions Govern the Actions of the Summer . How happy are you , My Lord , in a Wise and a kind Father , who has added to so solid a Judgment , so great Experience of the World , who not thinking it sufficient to give you the ablest Masters in all Sciences , reserves the inspection of your Studies and Education to to his own fondness and care . And how Happy is your Father in such a Son , who makes so good use of his Admonitions and Example ; and by the Blossoms of your Spring , promise him so fruitful an Autumn . But that which strikes me most in you , My Lord , is , the observing , as often as I have the Honour of waiting on you , that the pleasure you take in sound Literature and gentile Studies , which would otherwise be your chief delight , do yield to your stronger Love of Virtue and Honesty . What may we not expect from that regard you have for your Preceptors , that Complaisance to your Equals , and Courtesie to your Inferiours , the acknowledgments you pay unawares to those whose Duty is to serve you , your generous Inclinations , your sweet Nature , your Modesty and Affability , which Charm every Body that comes near you , the perfect Obedience and profound Respect , which you pay to your Father on all occasions , and above all your Religion and Piety , which added to all your other rare Qualities , shew you to be the Care of Heaven , which seldom or never bestows so many Excellencies on the same Person . — sparguntur in Omnes . In te mixta fluunt , & quae divisa beatos Efficiunt , collecta tenes ; I think , My Lord , I may very well be allowed to quote Latin Authors to you , since you already understand their Language ; and its needless to speak of the Progress you have made in the French , after having seen an Answer which Mr. de St. Euremont wrote to a Letter you sent him , whereby it appears how full of admiration he was at your Wit , the Correctness of your Style , and justness of your Thoughts , and when Mr. de St Euremont has decided so much in your Favour , it 's better than if your Lordship had the Approbation of the whole French Academy . I beseech God , to confirm you more and more in his Love and Fear , and fill you with the Blessings of his Holy Spirit . I am , My LORD , Your most Humble and most Obliged Servant , John Dubourdieu . AN Historical Dissertation UPON THE MARTYRDOM OF THE Thebean Legion . CHAP. I. The Occasion of this Essay . THE Duke of Schomberg , whom I had the Honour to serve as Chaplain , arrived at Turin the 18 th of July , 1691. He found the State of Affairs there in a bad Posture , and the People in a great Consternation . The French had lately Fortified Carmagnole . Coni was Besieg'd and given over for lost . Monsieur la Hoguette had forced the Passages of the Valley of Aoste , which gave him entrance into the Country of Verceil and the Frontiers of the Milanese . Our Army instead of making some motion to disturb the Enemy , Incamped upon the Descent of Mountcallier , being Spectators of the waste and burning of the Plains below . Turin dreaded every hour being invested . There was an universal fear ; and the retreat of the Princesses to Verceil added yet more to the terrour of the Inhabitants . The Favourers of France gave out publickly that his Royal Highness would unavoidably be stripp'd , this Campaigne , of all his Territories , and that he had no way left , but to submit to the King's mercy . Certain it is , that without that firmness and greatness of Soul which his Royal Highness shewed on this occasion , all had then been lost ; and though the beginning of his Reign seems to prognosticate a series of Heroick Actions , yet this part of his History will be none of the less Illustrious . Emmanuel Philibert , oppressed during the Wars between Charles the V. and Francis the I. sunk at last under the weight of his Misfortunes . He had the weakness to take upon him the Name of St. Mark 's Son ; and that he might be assisted by the Venetians , he Sacrificed to that Republick the prcedency he had in all the Courts of Europe . The Affairs of his now Royal Highness were almost as desperate : Nevertheless a manly and undaunted Air did always appear on the Face , and in the meen of this young Hero. Neither the Proposals of France , joined with Italian craft , the bad Condition of his Troops , the exhausting of his Treasury , nor the Enemies Army Incamping in the Plain of Millefleurs , a League distant from Turin , could ever raise in him the least degenerate Thought . And it may be said that his Constancy and steddiness bore up against his ill Fortune , and that himself put a stop to the desperate Condition of his Affairs . The Duke of Schomberg came to him in this dangerous juncture ; and did by his Example and Counsels confirm his Royal Highnesses's Resolutions . Two or three days after his Arrival , waiting on the Prince on Horse back to observe the French Army , which had then pass'd the River Pô , and was incamped between Carmagnolle and Mountcallier ; Duke Schomberg speaking High-German to one of the Guards of that Nation , his Royal Highness declared his desire to Learn that Language , adding that he had attempted it two or three times , but was always discouraged by the difficulty he found in it ; which gave occasion to Duke Schomberg to offer his assistance , and to be his Master . The Prince reply'd that others might Instruct him in the German Tongue , but that it was the Art of War that he desired to Learn of him . A visible change was soon perceived in the State of Affairs . Our Infantry which was posted on the rising Ground of Mountcallier , came down to the Foot of the Hill. Our Horse stretched on the Plain where the Enemies were Incamped , and caused the Siege of Coni to be raised , and forced Catinat to retire , which freed the City of Turin from their Allarm . The Wisdom and Valour of his Royal Highness were justly praised . And publick Prayers were made to bless God for having averted the Storm , and removed in a great measure the sad apprehensions they had lain under . And thus far all things went right . But to speak freely , I could not see without grief , a part of that Incense , the Smoak whereof ought wholly to have ascended to the Glory of the Lord of Hosts , burnt to the Honour of the Thebean Souldiers . I was present at my return from the Compaign , at a Sermon Preached by a Jesuite in the Church of the Old Colledge , on the Holy-day kept in Honour of the Thebean Souldiers , Solutor , Adventor and Octavius , to whose Memory this Church is Dedicated ; and to whom the City of Turin pays veneration as to their Patrons : O People of Turin ( said the Preacher above a hundred times ) O people of Turin , bless your deliverers ! Bless these Sacred Martyrs who watch for your safety , and whose Merits and Prayers have preserved your City , your Families , and Estates . I saw afterwards all the Religious Orders , and the Confraternities or Brotherhoods come to the Feet of the Altars , where the Reliques of these Souldiers are deposited , to receive , what the Romish-Church calls , the Blessing . This occasioned the first desire I had to examine the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion , as soon as I could have both time and Books necessary for that purpose . And that which further moved me to do it , was my being afterwards an Eye-witness of the Church-Service which the Magistrates of the Town ordered to be performed on the 20 th of Jan. 1693. for the discharge of a Vow they had made in Honour of the Thebean Souldiers , which , by reason of some difficulties , they had not been able sooner to perform . The Reliques of the Thebean Souldiers were set in the Church of the Jesuits , upon a Throne covered with a Golden Brocado , illuminated with an infinite number of White-wax-tapers . The Archbishop accompany'd with the whole Chapter , came and Officiated in his Pontifical Habit. The Court was present at this Solemn Service , and adored the Urn in which these Sacred Corpses were ( for so they are Styl'd by the Jesuit , who Printed a Relation of the Ceremony ) Indi sopravenne la Corte , e s'espose alla publica Adorazione l' Urna de' Sacri Corpi All the Orders , the Monks and Fryers , all the Confraternities , the White , Blue , Black , Red , and Gray Penitents , came in Procession to adore the Sacred Shrine , which contains the Fate and Hopes of their City . Towards the Evening it was carried about from the Church on Mens shoulders under a rich Canopy of State , supported by four Persons of the first Quality . The Canopy was attended by twelve Knights of St. Mauritius and of St. Lazarus , appointed by their Order for that performance . The most part of the Nobility and Gentry of the Town followed with lighted Wax-Torches , and almost all the People , of what Rank and Condition soever , flocked thither to Worship the pretended Reliques of their Protectors . I withdrew my self , not a little concern'd to see the Devotion of all sorts of People , applied to the Honour of the Saints , when it should have been wholly directed to the Glory of God , the only Author of their Deliverance , and present safety . And my grief was heightned , by a Sense of gratitude to a People that had shewed so much good Nature to me a Stranger , and a Protestant Minister ; which Character , though odious to all the rest of Italy , yet was in nothing prejudicial to me during two Years that I Preached there . Though I confess the Kindnesses I received were owing most to the great esteem they had for the Duke of Schomberg , and especially to the great regard they have there for the English Nation , whose Valour and Power are as rightly understood there at this time , as in the rest of Europe . But I cannot , without , ingratitude forbear here giving to the Inhabitants of Turin their due , which is , that they are extreamly Courteous and Civil to Strangers , and partake of the Politeness of the Court of Savoy , which hath been for a long time lookt upon as one of the most Polished and Civilized , and where Conversation is justly tempered , between the Liberties of Paris , and the Restraint of Florencc . Since then it is neither out of unthankfulness , nor for want of respect for the City of Turin , but out of meer Love to Truth , and as a Duty incumbent on my Function , that I do Attack their Patrons in this Work of mine , no body I hope will take any offence at my design . Morever , as this whole business depends on Proofs ; if they are frivolous , the Thebean Souldiers will still peaceably enjoy the Glory of their Martyrdom ; but if they prove good , it will be some Service to have undeceived the World in this matter . Now I desire this Justice may be done me , that my Thoughts may not be misinterpreted , nor a construction put upon them , which I do not design . For I know some Protestants do make use of the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion to back some other questions , which are not at all to my present Design , nor proper for one in my circumstances to meddle with . Those who are acquainted with my Temper will believe me in this point . And I have always applyed to my self this wise saying , Exul tace . CHAP. II. That both the Court and City of Turin have been Ancient Worshippers of the Thebean Souldiers . GReat Honour and Reverence have been paid for a long time at Turin to the Thebean Souldiers . And the general Opinion is , that they have signaliz'd themselves there by a great number of Miracles . Hyacinto Ferrero , a Jesuit , relates , that by their means , Constantine the Great got that memorable Victory which opened him the way both to Rome and to the Empire . He saith , that when he considers that the Battel was Fought in the Neighbourhood of Turin , he cannot but believe that the Flying Squadron which was then seen in the Air , and cry'd to Constantine , n'andiamo a soccorso di Costantino , were those Thebean Souldiers slain by Maximian , who were Arm'd by Heav'n on this occasion ; to cause the true Christian Religion to Triumph , which that Tyrant had endeavoured to destroy . If after the rise of Constantine to the Empire , Paganism began to fall , and if the Progress of the Gospel in Turin went so successfully on , and with so much rapidity , that in a short time several Churches , and a Bishop with a numerous Clergy , were seen there : All this , adds the same Author , was owing to the Blood , Miracles , and Prayers of the Thebean Souldiers . He relates afterwards two or three Adventures , in which the Thebean Souldiers have visibly shewed their watchful care over Turin , and how intent they were to procure Blessings from Heaven upon this City . He saith , that the Romish Religion was in extream danger at Turin at the time when the Famous Claudius Bishop of that See endeavoured to abolish the Adoration of the Cross , and of the Sacred Images , and the Worshipping of Martyrs : And likewise several Years after , when L'Ediguieres entred into Piedmont with an Army of Calvinists , but that the Thebean Souldiers , by the Merits of their Martyrdom , and the Efficacy of their Prayers , removed the danger , and preserved that Religion there . But here is something yet more wonderful . The same Jesuite relates , that a General of the Emperour Charles the V. besieged Turin in the Year 1537. and had taken it infallibly by the secret Intelligences he had there , had he caused his Souldiers to Scale it at any other place than that which is call'd now the Bastion of St. George . But that , unluckily for him , the Reliques of the Thebean Souldiers rested then near the same Bastion ; and that when his Men went to get up , they were frighted by the Sparkling Arms and threatning looks of these Holy Martyrs , who miraculously appeared for the defence of the City . And perhaps Cardinal de la Rovere spoke of this Miracle in a Sermon which he Preached before Emmanuel Philibert , in a certain Solemnity in Honour of the Thebean Souldiers . These are the Saints , Great Prince , said he , who have preserved to you your Loyal City of Turin , and have averted from it the desolations of War. These are the Saints , O City of Turin ! who are the Towers and Bulwarks which have been and shall be thy Defence , to the end that thou mayst remain still a peaceable and a Triumphant Place to thy Prince . Grant us , O ye glorious Saints , that we may always cry out with joy and Devotion , Jacta est Pax in virtute vestra & abundantia in Turribus vestris . Charles Emmanuel the First , could not possibly have given a greater Testimony of his Devotion to those Saints , than by freely giving up to the Valesians the Town of St. Mauricius , and other places which they had Usurped from him during the Wars between his Grandfather and Francis the First ; upon Condition , that the Valesians should give him leave to Convey to Turin the Corps of St. Mauricius , Chief of the Thebean Legion , one of whose Arms he had already gotten out of Bohemia , whither it was Transported in the Year of 1250. by King Ottocarus the Fifth . And 't was perhaps about that time that St. Mauricius his Lance , spoken of by Chromer , was brought to Cracovia , where it lyes yet exposed to publick Veneration . I question very much , whether France would now give up Pignerol to the House of Savoy , though that House should proffer in Exchange il Santo sudario , or the Holy Shroud , notwithstanding the great Zeal it ptetends to have for the Romish Religion , and though this Holy Shroud is look't upon as the most Precious Relique of that Religion . But Charles Emmanuel , in the Devotion he had for the Thebean Souldiers , did nothing but tread in the steps of Emmanuel Philibert his Father . When the Reliques of these Saints were conveyed from the Church of the Blessed Virgin into that of the Jesuites , where they do rest to this Day , Emmanuel Philibert honoured the Ceremony with his presence , and was at a great expence towards the Magnificence of it . And this wise Prince , knowing well that Saints without Power are ordinarily neglected , and that the giving of Indulgences is a means for them to gain a good Reputation , obtained a considerable share of them from Gregory the Thirteenth , for all those who by Offerings and Prayers should shew their Devotion to the Thebean Souldiers . His Bull was obtained in the Year 1574. And the Pope expresses in it , that he grants these Indulgences upon consideration of the singular Devotion , which both the Duke of Savoy and the People of Turin do pay to the Thebean Souldiers . Charles Emmanuel had so great a Zeal for the glory of the Thebean Souldiers , that he imparted to Spain some of their Reliques , to the intent they might partake of their Merits and Intercession . He charged Charles Broglia , Archbishop of Turin , with his Orders concerning it , as appears by the Copy of the Certificate , which , according to the Custom of the Roman Church , was put up with the Reliques , and was Signed in the Month of September 1603. This Archbishop saith in the same Certificate , that he himself hath taken a Rib of St. Mauricius's Body , one of St. Secundus's great Toes , three Bones of the Fingers of Solutor , Adventor , and Octavius , and a Leg-bone of one of St. Gerion's Companions . Charles Emmanuel caused these Reliques to be put in a Silver-gilt Shrine , all set with precious Stones , and dispatch'd Leonardo Roncassio his first Secretary of State , to present it to Margaret of Austria Queen of Spain . All these things plainly shew the great respect and Devotion , that both the Court and City of Turin have long paid to the Martyrs of the Thebean Legion . CHAP. III. That it is worth ones Labour to examine the Passion of the Thebean Souldiers , though it passes for current amongst all sorts of Christian Societies . WE shall now endeavour to prove , that there were never any such Persons as these Thebean Souldiers , and that the Relation of their Martyrdom , said to have been writ by Eucherius , Bishop of Lions , is altogether false and Counterfeit . Avia Pieridum peragro loca , nullius ante Trita Solo. This matter is quite new , and was never handled , for ought I know , by any Author before . Though after so many Books written , there is , one would think , hardly any thing in Ecclesiastical Antiquity that hath escaped the strict Examination of judicious Criticks ; some Learned Men indeed have suspected the Passion of the Thebean Legion to have been a Fiction , but none of them had the Courage to oppose an Opinion which they saw so Universally established . If general Approbation might be admitted as a Proof , there would be scarce any Opinion more Probable than that of the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion , if we consider the great number of grave and Learned Authors who have all asserted it as an undoubted matter of Fact. Rome , Geneva , the Lutherans , the Church of England , and generally all Christian Societies have given Credit to the History of this Legion ; and that , no doubt , upon account of the Honour which they imagined the Martyrdom of it did to the Christian Religion , by the wonderfulness of the Action , the greatness of Soul , and the Glorious Characters of the Persons that suffered . John Lewis Fabritius relates the Example of the Thebean Legion , in his Learned Dissertation concerning the just Limits of humane obedience , in order to establish this so important a Maxim in Morality ; That we ought always to side with God , whenever there is more certainty and evidence in the Prohibitions of God , than in the Ordinances of Princes . Archbishop Usher , a Man of so vast a knowledge in Ecclesiastical Antiquity , fell into the same common opinion : And the Martyrdom of the Thebean Souldiers , making for him in his Book of Regal Power , he lays as great a stress upon it , as if it were a thing of unquestionable certainty . The famous Grotius speaks twice of it in his Learned Book , de jure Pacis & Belli , and makes use of it , as that which of all things he least doubted the Truth of . And though since the death of these two great Men , the exactness of Criticism upon the Works of the Fathers hath been much improved , yet the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion is still cryed up amongst those other popular Errours the World is fallen in Love with . Edward Fuller , Bishop of Glocester , hath made it one of the Ornaments of a very fine Treatise , composed by him upon the great Design of Christianity , which is the Sanctification of Men. And Doctor Cave , one of the Prebends of Windsor , brings in , with great great Pomp , the History of this Legion in that Work of his , in which he gives us a very fine Representation both of the Religion and Manners of the Primitive Christians . There is scarcely , I confess , any Divine who hath out-done him in the Study of Church History , as may appear by the great Volume he hath given us upon the Writings of the Fathers . Now how great a respect soever we have for the extraordinary merit of these Learned Authors , we ought to reject their Errours , be they never so Ancient . There is no prescription against Truth ; and a long prepossession gives no right at all to Errour . I have seen , saith one of our Old Writers , the Birth of many Miracles in my time , and though they no sooner saw the Light , but they were stifled , we do however foresee the course they would have taken , had they happened to have lived to their full Age. For the main business is to find out out the end of the thread , then you may wind as much as you please ; and there is a greater distance from nothing to the least thing that may be , than there is from that least to the greatest that can be imagined . A private Errour first causeth a publick one ; and then that publick Errour occasions other private ones . Thus the whole work goes on , patch'd up and fashioned by a succession of several hands ; so that the remotest witness knows more of the matter than the nearest , and the last inform'd is better perswaded of it than the first . This was exactly the way the Passion of the Thebean Souldiers first crept into the World , and then insensibly got credit in the Church . And they have been for these Eight or Nine Hundred Years in a quiet Possession of the glory of their Martyrdom , and do enjoy it peacably to this day , under the shadow and Authority of the greatest Names , and the most renowned Doctors of all Christian Communions . Now that we may distinguish the Romance from the History , we must remove all the Mists which the Legendaries and Martyrology-makers have spread over it . For the support of so much of it as is purely Romantick ; there are alledged Manuscripts and Old Writings ; and we must shew that those who do pretend the greatest skill in Antiquities , are lyable to mistakes . CHAP. IV. That the most skilful Men are sometimes mistaken in the Judgments they make upon the Works of the Ancients . IT will Evidently appear from what shall be said hereafter , that Baronius , Peter Francis Chifflet , Archbishop Usher , and Grotius , have been mistaken in their Judgments concerning the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion , and the Relation Fathered upon Eucherius . For Criticks are not always in the right . Though they have contributed much to the reviving of Learning , yet it does not thence follow , that even the most skilful Men in that Science are infallible . It hath very often happened that they have taken false Copies for Originals , and set upon Modern Writings the worth and value due to those of Antiquity . Those who have any skill in Medals , know that the most understanding Men themselves are apt sometimes to be mistaken . If one Examines the first Edition of the Praestantiora Imperatorum Numismata of Mr. Vaillant , Printed at Paris in the Year 1682 , there one will find the Medals of Germanicus , of Nero Drusus his Father , of the Emperour Claudius , of Julia Wife to Severus , and of Gordianus Affricanus the Son , the Price and Rarity whereof this Medalist does mightily Extol . But if you cast your Eye upon the Second Edition of 1692. there you will find the same Medals very much debased . Mr. Vaillant , acknowleging the three first to be suspicious , and the two last absolutely false . He praiseth likewise in the same Work , one of Trajan's Medals with a Pillar and an Owl on the top of it . And in his Remarks upon Scelecta Numismata Seguini , Published at Paris in the Year 1684. he confesseth ingenuously that the same was Counterfeit . 'T is no less usual to be deceived in matter of Statues and Basso-Relievos , then in Medals . We have a great many Examples of this kind ; but it will suffice to give here only one single instance : Vazari tells us , that Michael Angelo , to convince some Vertuosos and Antiquaries , who valued nothing but what was Ancient , of the rashness of their Judgment in such cases , made a Cupid and buried it under the ruines of an Old Building , having first broken off one of its Arms which he kept at home . All the Lovers of the Art came immediately to look upon it , and no Body did so much as question the Antiquity of the piece , till Michael Angelo shewed them the Arm which he had kept by him , to convince them of their Errour , and to shew them how easily they might be imposed upon , in a matter wherein they pretended to so much skill . But mistakes of this kind , have been yet more frequently made by those who have imployed their-Criticks upon those Heathen Authors , which have been left to us either by the Grecian or Latin Antiquity . Every Body knows the witty trick Muret put upon Scaliger ; how he composed some Verses , and told him he had found them in an Old Manuscript : And how Scaliger , who boasted that he was very well ●cqu●inted with the genius and Style of every Age both in Prose and Verse , found immediately an Ancient Author for those Verses of Muret's making : And being afterwards informed they were of his composing , he revenged himself of him by a Distich upon his Cheat. These feigned and Counterfeit Works were not unknown to Ancient Greece , since the Learned of those times made it their Study to find them out . Dionysius Longinus made a Treatise upon the same Subject ; and we should be informed now of a great many Fabulous Relations inserted into Histories , had not the ill Fate of Learning deprived us of the Works of that excellent Critick . But seeing that Men have naturally a respect for things which belong to Religion , one would think that they should not suffer themselves to be mis-led by those who have made it their business to impose upon the World ; by inventing Fables , and Publishing supposititious Ecclesiastical Writings and Transactions . Nevertheless , by what Misfortune I know not ; these frauds have been more frequent in the Church , than any where else , and it is impossible to Summ up the mistakes , they have occasioned amongst the Learned in all Christian Societies . So many spurious Writings , and supposititious Facts were made and Published even in the three first Ages of Christianity , that Amphilochius , Bishop of Iconium , so much esteemed by St. Basil , one of the most worthy Fathers of the Church , composed a whole Book of them , which is cited in the Acts of the Seventh Council . There was scarcely any thing to be seen , ( to make use of Fontanel's Words in his History of Oracles , ) but false Gospels , false Epistles of the Apostles , false Histories of their Lives , &c. The chief Men of the Church have been sometimes deceived , &c. They did not always narrowly examine what seemed to favour Religion . The heat and fervour they felt , when they fought for so good a cause , did not always suffer them to chuse the best Weapons . And the Distemper was so far from lessening in the following Ages , that it still more increased and t●e boldness in inventing Fables , and Forging false Lives of Martyrs and Saints , went so far , and became so common , that the Church thought it necessary to put a stop to it , by the Authority of its Canons . For in the Council of Constantinople , held in the Year 692 , under Justinian the Younger , the Church condemned , in the 63 d ▪ Canon , the false Passions , and Fabulous Lives of Saints and Martyrs . A great number of Learned Men have endeavoured in these latter times , to find out these supposititious Writings , and to ascribe to every Author the Works belonging properly to him . And they would undoubtedly have been more succesful in it , had they not been mis led , as well as the People , by Interest or Partiality . For oftentimes both their Minds and Pens are sway'd by prejudice and Passion : As if a Work were good or bad , Ancient or Modern , as it chanced to be look'd upon by Protestant or Popish Eyes ; false and supposititious , if contrary to their Opinions , but Ancient , and of the true stamp , if it proved fovourable to them . But though they should be allowed to have been free from Prejudice and Passion , yet it is no strange thing to see Men differ in their Judgments . This follows necessarily the different applications , and Natural inclinations of their minds . Some view things only on one side , and some on another . The greatest part fix themselves , before they have well examined all the Reasons that are , and may be produced on both sides . And sometimes it happens that Men concern themselves for some Works , as they do for some Persons , without knowing why they are more for those than for the others . Hence it is that the Writers of the same Church do not always agree in their Opinions . Cardinal Baronius speaks of the Recognitions attributed to St. Clement , as of a sink full of filthiness and lies : Whereas Bellarmine maintains that they are St. Clement's own , or of some other Author as Ancient and as Learned as he . The same difference in Opinions is observed amongst the Protestants concerning St. Ignatius's Letters , though these Letters are generally , and with good reason look'd upon as one of the fairest Monuments of the Apostolick Age. And Mr. Dupin , in his Bibliotheca nova , sets aside in a hundred places the Judgment and Authority of his Friends Possevinus , Sixtus of Siena , Rainaldus , Bellarmine , Labbe , and other Writers of his Religion , who have Criticis'd upon the Works of the Fathers . This shews that the most Learned may sometimes be mistaken in their Judgments upon the Works of the Ancients . Nor is this much to be wondered at , since the intricacy and confusedness wherewith some Transactions are related , and the distance of the time wherein they happened , make it a very hard matter for us now to discern Truth from Falshood . Criticks borrow most part of their Light from the Quality of the Manuscripts ; and sometimes these Manuscripts , the Antiquity whereof sounds so high with some Men , are but Modern Writings . And particularly we shall consider in another place , wh a Judgment one ought to pass upon a Relation of the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion , which Peter Francis Chifflet took out of an Ancient Manuscript of St. Claudius's Monastery . But 't is now time to come to our Proofs . CHAP. V. That St. Eucherius , Bishop of Lions , ●s not the Author who wrote that Passion of the Thebean Souldiers , which both Surius , and Baronius have followed . THE first proof we bring against the Relation of the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion , is , That it is clear and plain that St. Eucherius , Bishop of Lions , is not the Author of it , and that his Name hath been set to it by some Cheat , to gain more Credit thereto , from the esteem which the Church always had for the extraordinary Virtues and Merits of this great Prelate . To be convinced of this , 't will suffice to mention only one passage , wherein 't is said of Sigismond King of Burgundy , That they never cease Night nor Day to sing Psalms and Hymns in the Monastery of Agaunum : And that this Holy Praclice , first appointed there by the blessed King and Martyr St. Sigismond , is observed there to this very day . It visibly appears from this place , that when this Relation was made , King Sigismond was dead . It follows moreover from thence , that it must have been compos'd several Years after the Death of this Prince ; since that Author , after he hath spoken of the Rule which King Sigismond caused to be established there , adds , that this Rule was strictly observed there , usque ●odie , to this very day . So that were it true , that St. Eucherius was the Author of this Work , he must of necessity , not only have been contemporary to King Sigismond , but more than that he must have out-lived him many Years . But now it happens to be quit● contrary , for St. Eucherius was dead , when Sigismond was yet on the Throne . Most Historians do reckon the Death of this King of Burgundy , to have happen'd about the Year 520 , and place that of St. Eucherius in the Year 441. 'T is true , that Mr. Dupin refers it to the Year 454. upon the Authority of Prosper's Chronicle . Some on the contrary carry it as far back as the Year 421. Amongst whom are Gennadius and Ado. But there is much reason to suspect in both these Authors , the disingenuity of some Transcriber , since it could not be unknown to Gennadius and Ado , that St. Eucherius was present at the Council of Orange , where his Name is found amongst the Subscribers ; and that it is agreed on by every Body , that this Council was held about the Year of our Lord 441. Some indeed , to save this Anachronism , pretend that there have been two Eucherius's , like the Jews , who to mend their desperate Cause , have invented two Messia's , to reconcile in both the fulfilling of the Oracles , which they cannot apply to one alone . But , in short 't is not possible that St. Eucherius , Bishop of Lions , should be the Author of the Passion of the Thebean Legion ▪ unless we allow him to have had the gift of Prophecy , and make him speak Prophetically of those Rules which were to be settled in the Monastery of Agaunum , several Ages after his Death . Should some Person now put out any Writings , under the Name of Monsieur de Marca , or of Cardinal Duperron , and mention therein the establishment and Foundation of St. Cyr. To shew that these Writings ought not to be ascribed to these two great Men , it would suffice to make it appear , that they were dead several Years before Lewis the 14 th made this Foundation . Nevertheless , this so plain a demonstration of Forgery , hath not hindered Surius , in his Relation of the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion on the 22. of September , from confidently asserting , that St. Eucherius was the Author of the Acts of their Passion . 'T is very strange that Baronius should make the same blunder , both in his Annals and in his Notes on the Roman Martyrology . And indeed this would seem yet more strange , were it not plain , that this Learned Cardinal undertook in his Annals ▪ not so much to give us the History of the Church , as to defend the prejudices and ambitious pretensions of the Church of Rome Therefore when it s an advantage to him , to overlook some supposititious and Counterfeit Writing , he pretends he sees neither contradiction nor Anchronism in it ; he is no longer that able Critick , whose pierceing knowledge nothing can escape , and who clears and extricates the most obscure and knotty things of Antiquity : In a word , he is no more Baronius . Cardinal Bellarmine , whose Zeal for the glory of the Roman Church did not yield to that of Baronius , hath taken another way to save the ●ruth of the Passion of the Thebean Legion , that it might not be objected to his Church , that it worshipped some for Saints , who never had so much as a being in the World. For since Men would at the very first sight be startled , to see so long an interval of time between St. Eucherius and St. Sigismond , he hath endeavoured to cut it much shorter , and to render it so little , as that it might pass wholly unobserved , or however be but very little minded . He tells us , that this Bishop of Lions lived till the Year 499. and he grounds his conjecture upon a place in the Life of St. Cesarius , Bishop of Arles , compos'd by Cyprian the Priest ; where it is said , that these two Bishops , being in company together , restored a Woman to her former health , who was afflicted with a very sore Distemper . If there were any certainty in this Conjecture of Cardinal Bellarmine , Eucherius would have been almost contemporary with King Sigismond . For Messanius a Priest , and Stephen a Deacon , two other Disciples of St. Cesarius , in the Book they have added to the Life of this Holy Prelate , say that he dyed forty Years after he had been made a Bishop , and since every body knows that he succeeded Ennoius , about the Year 504. his Death should be placed in the Year 544 or 545. For it is certain that he was present at the Council of Arles in 524 and at the second Council of Orange in 529 ▪ And to prove that he was alive in 528. we have a Letter that Pope Vigil wrote to him under the Consulship of John and Volusian . But though we should grant Cardinal Bellarmine's Conjecture not to be groundless , yet he would be but little the better for it . 'T is not enough to prolong St. Eucherius's Life to the Year 499. 'T is to no purpose , likewise to prove that St. Eucherius might have seen St. Cesarius Bishop of Arles . King Sigismond dyed about the Year 520. and they must make it appear that St. Eucherius out-lived him a great many Years , to make good the usque hodie of the place we have before quoted . Now it is so far from being true , that St. Eucherius did out-live St. Sigismond , that on the contrary , there is no likely-hood that he liv'd till the Year 499. according to Cardinal Bellarmine's Conjecture . It appears by the Subscriptions of the first Council of Orange , that he was Bishop of Lions in 4●1 ; and consequently he must have been then at least thirty , or forty Years Old ; for at that time it was not usual to raise any person under that age to the Dignity of a Bishop ; Bishopricks being not yet bestowed as rewards upon Families , and the Holiness of Canons holding yet out against the Vanity of the Clergy , and the Usurpations of Kings . Now since we are certain of this , can we think it probable that St. Eucherius should live to see St. Cesarius Bishop of Arles , who was not raised to that Dignity , till after the Death of Ennoius , about the Year 504 Indeed , I think a Man must needs be very bold in his Conjectures , who can allow St Eucherius to have lived above a Hundred Years , if he have no other Warrant for it , but that place of the Life of St. Cesarius : Those who shall carefully examine this Life of St. Cesarius , will agree , that it ought not to be rely'd upon too much . 'T is true , it is polite and judicious enough for that Age , and seems not unworthy of him who had been one of the Disciples of St. Cesarius , and who for his great Piety and Merits was raised to the Dignity of a Bishop , as appears by his Name found in the Subscriptions of the second Council of Orange ▪ But what if some Impostour here disguised himself under the Name of a Famous Disciple of St. Cesarius ? At least this pretended Disciple seems not to be much inform'd of his Masters Affairs . He saith in one place , that St. Cesarius sent some Grave and Learned Men to a Council Assembled at Valence to Condemn the Opinions of Pelagius . Which having given me occasion to examine the Acts of the Councils held at Valence , I ●ind nothing in them concerning the Heresie of Pelagius , wherein St. Cesarius could have any hand . So that being mistaken in a matter of Fact of this Importance , he might as well have been over-seen in joyning Eucherius and Cesarius in the Cure of that Diseased Woman . It appears that the Learned Doctor Cave relyed a little too much upon this Life of St. Cesarius . He saith in his History of Ecclesiastical Writers , that this Holy Bishop , understanding that he was suspected of Pelagianism , caused a Council to be Assembled at Valence , to clear himself of this accusation ; and being hindred by reason of the illness of his Health from going to it , he maintained there publickly by his Legates , that Man in the state of Sin , cannot work out his Salvation without a preventing Grace . But if , instead of following this Cyprian , Disciple of St. Cesarius , and who was afterwards Bishop of Thoulon , Doctor Cave had given himself the trouble to look over the Councils of Valence , he would have observed that in the first , which was held in the Year 734. their whole business was about Bigamy ; that in the Second , which met in 599. ( some place it in the Year 684 , and some in 589. ) they were wholly taken up with the great Donatives which Guntran King of Burgundy had bestowed upon the Church : And that the Third , in which Pelagius , Hinmark , and John Scot were Condemned , and the Acts whereof are cited by Forbesius in his Instructions , was not called till the Year 855. as appears by the Acts of it being presented to the Emperour Lothary , and to Charles the Bald. Now St. Cesarius was unborn at the time of the First Council , since Doctor Cave brings him into the World , only in the Year 469. And he was Dead when the Second met , according to the same Doctor , who places his Death in the Year 542. And 't is , I think needless to add that he was not concern'd in the Third , which was held in 855. and in which the Pelagian Opinions were Condemned . This short digression , which we have thought necessary , to remove St. Cesarius from St. Eucherius's times , will not seem , I hope , unseasonable . It appears then that Bellarmine , for all his Conjecture , cannot bring St. Eucherius near enough to St Sigismond King of Burgundy . The distance is too great to admit of any means of reconciling the Dispute . We shall observe by the way , that Usuard and Aimonius have commited the like mistake : But because it is but a matter of three or four Years difference , they may perhaps find Friends to help them out . These two Writers say , that Clovis was delivered from a dangerous Sickness , by the Vows and Prayers of St. Severine , Abbot of Agaunum . And it is certain that Clovis was Dead three or four Years before Sigismond had founded that Monastery . Gregory of Tours saith , that he caused the same to be Built , and richly Endowed it , after the Death of his Father Gombaldus . But Marius Bishop of Avanches marks precisely the Year in his Chronicle , and saith that Sigismond founded the Agaunian Monastery , under the Consulship of Florentius and Anthemius , viz. Four Years after the Death of Clovis . This Remark is owing to Monsieur de Valois , in his Notice of the Gauls ; where he saith , that he cannot understand how Severine could have been Abbot of that Monastery in Clovis's time . Nevertheless the Miraculous recovery of a great King , being of great Credit to the Prayers and Suffrages of Monasteries , Usuard and Aimonius , who were both Monks , caused Prayers to be made for Clovis in Agaunum , even before King Sigismond had it in his thoughts to build a Monastery there . 'T is true , that Bollandus would fain perswade us , that this Prince did only repair and beautifie it . But this he asserts without any ground , since both the Ancient and Modern Writers who speak of the first Foundation of the Agaunian Monastery , do all generally agree that 't was St. Sigismond King of Burgundy , who caused it to be Built to the Honour of the Thebean Legion , which suffered Martyrdom in that place . CHAP. VI. That the Acts of the Council of Agaunum , concerning the Thebean Legion , are as false as the Acts of their Passion ▪ BUT whether King Sigismond only beautified the Monastery of Agaunum , or whether he laid the first Foundations thereof , 't is all one to us . 'T is enough that we can prove that the Passion , which we assert to be false , is posteriour to all this . And that it is so cannot be deny'd , since mention is made there of the Basilick , which was Dedicated at Agaunum to the Memory of the Thebean Souldiers . If you are not pleased to rely upon the History of their Passion as it is related in Surius and Baronius , and wherein notice is taken of the Rules made by St. Sigismond in the Agaunian Monastery ; we shall willingly pitch upon , and refer our selves to the latter Acts that are mended , since in these as well as in the others , mention is made of a Miracle that happen'd when the Church of Agaunum was a building to the Honour of the Thebean Legion . For if King Sigismond did only repair and Adorn that Church , the time of these Works must necessarily be plac'd in the Year 500. and consequently St Eucherius could not have made mention of them , seeing all do agree that he dyed about the Year 440. We may strengthen this Argument with another taken from the Acts of a Council , supposed to have been assembled by order of King Sigismond at Agaunum , and in which Sixty Bishops put it into his Head to gather the Bones of the Thebean Souldiers , and to Dedicate a Basilick , or stately Church to them . Though this Council is visibly false and supposititious , yet it will be of good help to discover the falsity of the Passion of the Souldiers of Agaunum , Fathered upon St. Eucherius . The Acts of this pretended Council are set down in the Fourth Tome of the Councils by Labbe and Cossart . These two Learned Jesuites were very sensible of the Forgery of these Acts , but it would have been too much against the grain to have confessed it ▪ They were therefore content to say , they wondered they did not see amongst the Subscriptions the Name of Avitus Archbishop of Vienna , who both by reason of his Eminent Qualities , and for the Dignity of his See , ought of course to have been present at that Council . The Oratory-Priests being fairer dealers than the Jesuites , Le Cointe , one of them , freely declares in his Annals , that the Acts of this Council were altogether false . However , as false as they are , they have brought great incomes to the Monastery of Agaunum . They make St. Sigismond to give to it a great number of Villages , and very considerable Lands in the Dioceses of Vienna , Lions , Grenoble , and of the Cities of A●●te , Avanches , Lausanne , and Besanson , &c. The Cheat indeed was worth the making . But we must confess that the makers thereof were not very skilful in their contrivance of it . The truth is , that in those times People were so credulous , that they gave Credit to the grossest tales . They were contriv'd and conceiv'd under the shadow of Monkish Holiness , and were brought forth into the World without contradiction , or any Body to oppose them . The Monk who Forged this Council , makes both King Sigismond and the Bishops to say very ridiculous things . The Country Peasants of Valesia would now speak better Sense . Le Cointe observeth , that the Acts of this Council are Dated in the beginning of the last of April , and towards the end of the Ides of May : That it is said at first , that the Council was held at Agaunum , and again , that it was Assembled near that place . Which shews the poor Monk hardly knew what he did . He adds that Sixty Bishops met together at Agaunum , and in Sigismond's time there were not above Seven and Twenty Bishops in all , throughout the whole Kingdom of Burgundy . He saith , that Theodorus , Bishop of Sion in Valesia , asked what should be done with the Bodies of the Thebean Souldiers that laid yet unburied upon the Ground . And in St. Sigismond's time , there was no Bishops-See at Sion . The Bishops-See was transferred thither , not till many Years after , it having always been before at a place which is called Martignac , or Martigni , which is the Ancient Octodurum . So that this Theodorus being contemporary with King Sigismond , ought to have been call'd Octodurensis Episcopus , and not Sedunensis , as the Council-Forger hath done . But the thing we ought chiefly to observe , is , that both Labbe and Cossart , place this Council in the Year 516. The Acts do expresly mention , that when it was held , the Buildings which King Sigismond ordered to be made at Agaunum , were finished , and wanted only to be Dedicated , and appointed to their use . This Prince saith , in the beginning of his Deed of Gift , that he makes Hinnemond ▪ Abbot of the Monastery of Agaunum , which , by the help of God , he hath Built in his Kingdom of Burgundy . And a little before he says , that all the Bishops do represent to him , that the Reliques of Mauricius ; Exuperius , Candidus , and Victor , ought to be deposited in the New Church , which he hath caused to be Built . The Bishops of this pretended Council , are there chiefly taken up with regulating the singing of Psalms , the Offices , Observances , and whatever was to be Practised in that Monastery . Now the business is to know , whether the Passion of the Thebean Legion , which we assert to be false , is anteriour to that Council , or happen'd after its sitting . If they say it is anteriour , we ask , how could the Author of it speak of a Monastery which was not yet Built , and of Rules not yet establish'd ? If it be answered , that this Passion was Written after the sitting of the Council , which according to Labbe and Cossart met in the Year 516. it follows , that St. Eucherius is not the Author of this Passion , since he died in the Year 440. If the Acts of this Council be compared with the Passion , one cannot but suspect that the Impostour , who composed it , had before his Eyes the Acts of this Council . 'T is said in these Acts , that the Bishops consulted with King Sigismond , what Discipline was to be set up in the Monastery of Agaunum , and that the Rules which should be prescrib'd to the Monks , might be so framed as to last for ever . And the Author of the Martyrdom of the Thebean Souldiers , as it is related both by Baronius and Surius , saith , that they never cease , Day nor Night , to sing Psalms and Hymns in the Agaunian Monastery ; this practice having been established by the Blessed King and Martyr St. Sigismond , and being still in force there to this very day . But that the Acts of this Council , are forged , Father Le Cointe hath given infallible proofs . And whereas Labbe and Cossart place this Council in the Year 516. we should not fear being much mistaken , if we charged the Forgery upon some Impostor of the Seventh or Eighth Century . For these and the like Writings are the Titles and Foundations both of the Worship , vast Power , and Immense Revenues of the Church of Rome . 'T is true , we are told that the Manuscripts of these things are kept in the Vatican Library , or in that of Florence ; and that they have all the Characters of an uncontroulable Antiquity . But Marsham , a man very well skilled in distinguishing between Old and Modern Manuscripts adviseth us to trust to them so much the less , by how much the Older they are said to be ▪ And he is favoured in his Opinion by Papebrook a Jesuite , who observes , that you 'l scarcely find any Acts or Manuscripts true and sincere from the Reign of Dagobert the First , upwards ; that is beyond the Year of our Lord 640. Which is much about the time , in which the Fables which we are now Examining were invented 'T is strange indeed , that Father Mabillon , one of the most Eminent Men in Europe in that kind of Learning , should Condemn the Opinion both of Marsham and Papebrook . He thinks that these two Learned Men were mistaken , and to prove it ▪ he reports some Acts of the 6 th or 7 th Age ; but this is nothing to the purpose ; for Marsham and Papebrook did never deny but there were true Acts ancienter than ▪ the Reign of Dagobert the First ; but they only affirmed , that these Writings are very scarce , and can hardly be found ; so that Father Mabillon , to have an occasion to contradict these two great Men , makes them say absolutely , what they only meant with a restriction . And besides ▪ 't is one thing to go about to prove from the Words of some Authors , that there have been Kings before Dagobert the First , who made Gifts in Writing to several Churches , and another to prove that these Writings do yet continue , and have been handed down to us , and that they have not been worn out by time , lost or destroyed by the Accidents and Revolutions which have happened in the course of so many Ages , nor falsify'd and corrupted by the covetousness , ignorance , and infidelity of Men. The first of these two things , which is not in question , Father Mabillon takes upon him to prove , but saith not one word of the second which he ought to have proved . But here is the business . Papebrook is plain and downright , because he , being a Jesuite , is of an Order of a very new Date , and which therefore needs not go up and search very high for Titles : Whereas Father Mabillon is a Benedictine Monk , of the Congregation of St. Maur. And St. Benet's Order hath a great concern to maintain the Antiquity of their rich Foundations . Papebrook confesses ingenuously , that most of the Acts in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries have been falsify'd by Monks , because this reproach could not fall on the Jesuites , who were not then in the World. But by reason there were at that time almost no other Monks in the West but the Benedictines , 't is worth the while to see , with what Zeal Father Mabillon stickles in their defence . But while he endeavours to make their Cause too good , he betrays his own . He proves that the falsification of Acts , ought not to be laid only at the Church ▪ mens Doors ; that every Body had then a hand in the corrupting of them ; that Cheats and Impostours were as common at that time amongst the Laity , as in the Church ; and that both the watchfulness and Authority of the Emperours were taken up in preventing and chastising these knavish tricks . This is just what Marsham and Papebrook do both mean and say . We have thought fit to make this Observation . For having a very great Veneration for true Antiquity , we should be unwilling to have any Body allarm'd at our impugning the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion , which hath obtained the Belief of so many Ages in the Church . CHAP. VII . That the Passion of the Agaunian Martyrs , Published by Francis Chifflet in his Edition of Paulinus , is as false as that which Surius and Baronius have followed . THE Relation of the Passion of the Thebean Souldiers , which both Surius and Baronius have followed , is a piece so notoriously supposititious , that it is now quite laid aside even in the Roman Church . This does evidently appear , in the Judgment which Anthony Pagi makes of it in his Criticks upon Baronius . The Acts of the Martyrs of Agaunum , saith he , which Baronius hath taken out of Surius , and which he thought were written by St. Eucherius , Bishop of Lions , are false and supposititious . There 't is said , that this Martyrdom happened under the Pontificate of Marcelline , when Maximian went into Gaul , to put a stop to the Bagaudian Rebellion ; and it is certain that it was in the beginning of Diocle●ian s Reign , that Maximian made this Expedition during the Pontificate of ●ajus Therefore the Doctors who had the direction of the Impression of Bibliotheca Patrum , which was Printed by the Anissons at Lions in the Year 1677 were wiser than to give out amongst the Works of St. Eucherius the Passion of the Thebean Souldiers , as it was reported both by Surius and Baronius . We give ( say they ) the Acts of the Martyrs of Agaunum written by St. Eucherius Bishop of Lions and extracted out of a very Ancient Manuscript ; those that are put out by Surius having been spoiled and corrupted by some Anonymous Writer of the last Ages . Peter Francis Chifflet is the Man who Printed these new Acts of the Agaunian Martyrs in his Paulinus Illustratus , and which , he saith , he Copied out of a very Ancient Manuscript of St. Claude's Monastery . As for Theodorus Ruinart , he hath followed Chifflet s Copy , in that ●ollection of the Acts of Martyrs which he caused to be Printed at Paris in the Year 1689. There he confesses , that the former Acts Published by Surius were Counterfeit , and those likewise that were Printed by Mombritius , then he adds , that in the very time it was given over by the Learned , to find out the true Acts of the Agaunian Martyrs , Chifflet had happily discovered them in an Ancient Manuscript . ●t seems then that the Thebean Souldiers case is not yet quite desperate , there being another door for the true Acts of their Martyrdom to come in at . The Jesuites are very Crafty Men , I must confess . They find immediately a way to remove every difficulty . The World was ready to forsake the Thebean Souldiers and their Passion , when just in the nick of time , Father Chifflet , hath found a Manuscript in the Monastery of Mount Jura , which gives a faithful account of the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion , and is free from those falsities which are so palpable both in Surius and Baronius . Not a word there of Marcelline's Pontificate , of King Sigismond , nor of the Revolt of Aelius and Amandus , Authors of the Bagaudian Insurrection in Gaul . You have all in it but this . Both the Passions are in every thing alike . Only two or three Events are wanting in that of Chifflet , which might serve as a sure Epoche , whereby to discover exactly the time wherein it hapned . A person more mistrustful than I , might easily believe , that it is not without some good reason , that these places are not to be found in Chifflet's Manuscript . There would be less cause to suspect it , had other circumstances been left out of smaller consequence , and such as do not serve to mark out exactly the time and age of the Piece . But 't is in vain for Father Chifflet to boast the antiquity of his Manuscript . We have not forgot the Advice which Marsham and Papebrook have given us , not to trust too much to Manuscripts , which have on them the most ancient dress . Were we admitted to compare Chifflet's Manuscript with that of Surius , we should soon see whether of them has got the best looks of Truth and Antiquity . The Acts of the Martyrdom of the Thebean Souldiers were Printed at Ingolstadt , under the Jesuites inspection , in the Year 1617. by the care of Stewartius , who was sure he had Examined the best Manuscripts he could find Peter Natalis and William Baldesan , who in Italy , writ the History they have left us of the Thebean Legion , were not wanting to consult the Manuscripts , extant in the best Libraries of that Country . Though Father le Cointe does disown the Acts of Surius , nevertheless he acknowledgeth 'em to be conform to the greatest number of the Manuscripts that are kept in the Archives of the Church . Notwithstanding , Father Chifflet will needs have his Manuscript to be the only one that is true and sincere , and those of all the other Writers to be spurious and corrupted . I would fain know who told him , that his own was not mended by some Monk , who understood History so well , as to perceive the Anachronisms and contradictions in the Acts of the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion . This is not without Example , and we might mention several ; for the Monks formerly did what they pleased with the Writings of their Predecessors . Faustus composed the Life of St. Severine , Abbot of Agaunum , of whom mention hath been already made . An Anonymous Author , some Ages after , added to it some things , cut off others , and dressed it up after his own Fancy ; as Father le Cointe complains in his Annals . He tells us further , that another Faustus having Written the Life of St. Maurus , it was not lik'd by Odo , an Abbot in the Diocese of Anger 's , in the Year 863. and that he changed it in such manner , that it were to be wished he had never meddled with it at all . And now can Father Chifflet warrant that no such hand hath ever made bold with his Manuscript ? The Acts of the Agaunian Souldiers , having no such thing in them as Gifts to Monks and Monasteries ; 't was no hard matter to find them corrected in some Old Manuscripts But I question much whether any such Manuscript can be produced , as will serve to rectifie the Acts of the Council of Agaunum , wherein so many considerable Revenues are bestowed on the Monks of that place . Let any Body read Mr. Dodwel's Dissertation upon the small number of Martyrs , and he will see there what stress one ought to lay upon the Acts and the Manuscripts from whence they were taken . 'T is true , that * Theodore Ruinart , in the Edition he hath lately put out at Paris , of the Acts of some Martyrs , prefixes a long Preface , wherein he opposes Mr. Dodwels Opinion concerning the small number of Martyrs ; but at the same time , he confesses , that they who gathered their Acts have often added to , or cut off from them what they listed . One may see in the same Preface , that the Acts of most of the Martyrs having perished , either by the ravage and burnings made by the Barbarians , or by the Orders of Heathen Magistrates ; others were substituted in their place , but such as have not the Authority of the former , and much less can they pretend to the same sincerity and exactness . These Acts have been , by the Monks of the last Ages , so disfigur'd and stuffed with so many Fables , that the honester and more ingenuous of the Church of Rome have been ashamed of it , and have publickly expressed their Sorrow for it . Lewis Vives , and Melchior Canus , have grievously complained that Diogenes Laertius has Written the Lives of the Pagan Philosophers with more integrity and Wisdom , than the Christians have done those of their Martyrs ▪ Confessors , and Virgins . When it was first given out that Lippomanus , Bishop of Verona , was upon correcting the Acts and Old Legends of Saints , all good Men of the Romish Church were very glad at the News , hoping that he would have purged them from all the gross lies which Metaphrastes , Comestor , and Jacobus de Voragine had left behind them . But Lippomanus , and Surius made all things worse , instead of mending them . For before this , the Acts and Lives of Saints were look'd upon as pious Romances , and a production of the ill-regulated zeal of the Legend-Writers . But then they were esteemed quite another thing , after they had been Revised by Surius , Lippomanus , and Junius Mombritius , who contented themselves with taking away only the most palpable and obvious falsities , retaining those which they thought were not so offensive , and then protesting that they had gone up to the head , and had consulted the best Manuscripts Rosweidus , Bollandus , Godfrey Henschenius , and Papebrochius , who are come after , thinking to do some Service to the Learned , by gathering all whether good or bad ▪ have not given us a truer account of the Acts of Martyrs and Saints , but only have incumbred Mens Studies with their huge and bulky Volumes . 'T is not that we believe , that the Doctors of the Romish Communion are willing to countenance lyes and Forgeries . We do them more justice than so They would undoubtedly have all this silly stuff taken out of their Church Service , Breviaries , and Martyrologies , but they know not how it can be done . They fear to give some advantage to the Protestants , and to furnish them with Weapons against the infallibility of their Church . And the Learned amongst them are afraid to bring upon themselves the hatred and persecution of Monks and Fryers , who make a Trade of these Impostures amongst silly Women , and the more ignorant sort of People . 'T is known all over France , what troubles they brought upon the Bishop of St. Pons , one of the most worthy Prelates of that Kingdom , for taking out of the Calendar of his Diocese several Saints , whose Saintship might be called in question , and whose Suffrages he did not so much esteem . This is the reason why most of those who are sufficiently convinced of these abuses , are contented to bewail them in secret , not having the Courage to undertake the redressing of them . There are some others , who , thinking it unsufferable that their Religious Worship should seem to have no other ground than the false Legends of Saints and Martyrs , have indeed taken away from the Story what was most fictitious , but yet have kept still the Essential part of it . Father Chifflet was perhaps one of these , and therefore he found just in time a Manuscript of the Passion of the Agaunian Martyrs , more accurate , and truer than the Manuscripts of Surius and Baronius . Finally , we might add ; that Manuscripts , as well as other Books , are subject to the rigour of the Index Expurgatorius . And how should they stick at maiming them when they fear they will give any advantage to the Protestants , since they make no scruple sometimes of suppressing them wholly . We are not willing to set down here the Story of the Edition of Anastase , Published by the Jesuits of Mayence in 1602. in which they cut off what we read in the Manuscript of Heydelberg about Pope John , and of the trick they put us upon Marquardus Freherus , who had discovered it to them . Fabrotus , in his new Edition of that Author , Printed at Paris in the Year 1649. hath been so sincere as to own the expunging that passage ; but at the same time , was not so ingenuous as to restore it . Every Body knows the Story of St. Chrysostom's Letter to Cesarius the Monk , and of Theodoret's Commentary upon the difference that arose between St. Paul and St. Peter , the which as not favouring Transubstantiation , and the Authority and Infallibility of the Pope , they have endeavoured to stifle and to suppress . Mr. Alix having discovered this Mystery of iniquity , acquainted the Publick with it , in his excellent Letter to Mr. Hambden . But after all , Peter Francis Chifflet is not the first Writer , who to extricate himself out of a difficulty , or to purchase the glory of some curious discovery , hath taken an occasion to find a Manuscript . 'T is not of late Years that there have been Annius's of Viterbo and Varilla's , especially amongst the pretenders to Antiquity , and Compilers of Anecdota , or Secret Histories . But though these Remarks may not perhaps seem unseasonable , yet we have no need of them for clearing the matter of Fact now in question . Father Chifflet's Manuscript hath not brought us to such straits , as to reduce us to meer guesses and conjectures . For admitting his Manuscript to be both as Ancient and Correct as he pleases ; the Thebean Souldiers would not be a jot the better for it . We shall , in the conclusion , examine their cause without any regard to the Manuscripts and Acts of their Passion , and shall deduce , from the very circumstances of their Martyrdom , such Arguments as will demonstrate the falsity of it . And we must own our obligation to Father Chifflet , that we shall now Fight no longer in the Dark , without either seeing or knowing our Adversary . We know now whom we are to deal with , and who 't is we are to encounter . Before this , while we attack'd the Acts which Surius and Baronius have left us , and were proving that St. Eucherius , Bishop of Lions , could not be the Author of them , it might have been answered we took pains to no purpose ; that we ought to have known that there have been two St. Eucherius's , and that the Acts of the Agaunian Passion were of the latters composing , who was present at the Council of Orange in the Year 529. This very thing Theophilus Raynaldus hath endeavoured to prove in his Catalogue of the Saints of Lions . So that after all our endeavours , we might chance to be in the same plunge with the Sofia's in Plautus , concerning the two Amphytrions , and with the Parliament of Toulouse in the case of the two Martins Guerra . But now we must return our thanks to Father Chifflet , for having help'd us out of these doubts and uncertainties . He agrees with Baronius , that there was but one St. Eucherius ; and his Reasons are so weighty and strong , that it seems strange , that the Learned Dr. Cave , who must needs have seen them in the Paulinus Illustratus of that Author , should yet be of the Opinion of Theophilus Raynaldus , about the two Sts. Eucherius's , and should attribute to the Junior the Acts of the Martyrdom of the Thebean Souldiers . We shall now go on with our proofs against the Agaunian Martyrs , and shall draw them from that Ancient and accurate Manuscript , upon the Credit of which Father Chifflet hath reformed those Acts , which both Surius and Baronius have followed . CHAP. VIII . That the Style of the true St. Eucherius is different from that of the Passion of the Agaunian Souldiers , Published by Chifflet . IF we compare Chifflet's Copy with that of Surius , we shall observe in it the same Style , the same Expressions , Thoughts , and Opinions ; so that one would conclude it to be the very same Piece ; that place only excepted , where mention is made of King Sigismond , who in that Copy is not contemporary with the true St. Eucherius by many Years . But one cannot find in these Acts of Chifflet , the Style , Genius , and Air of St. Eucherius . Erasmus , who had not the Reputation of being too Liberal of his praises , thinks he can never Extol too much the true St. Eucherius's Letter to Valerian , de Contemptu mundi . He saith , that the Christian Religion never had any Writers , no not amongst the greatest Professors of Eloquence , who could match him in his Style and way of Writing . Andreas Schottus calls his Letter , in his Preface to St. Eucherius ▪ s Works , a Golden Letter . But these so high Praises , and given too by Men of so refined a knowledge , are in no wise suitable to the Author of the Passion of our Martyrs . And it is certain , that if Eucherius , Bishop of Lions , composed that Letter to Valerian , he never could be the Author of the History of the Agaunian Souldiers . 'T is true , an Author cannot always be the same in all his Works . The most happy Genius , does not like a fertil soil always bear alike , nor yield so plentifully at one time at it does another . The Treasures of Invention and Eloqence do not lye open at all hours even to the greatest Wits . There are some lucky Moments for composition that are not at our command ; besides , the difference of Age causeth some difference in the productions of the brain , as may be observed in the Iliads , and Odysses , of Homer ; some Subjects being delightful , we are fond of them , and fall greedily to work ; whereas others , because dry and insipid , do naturally cause in us some neglect . Nay sometimes a Subject does even require a Man to descend from his usual greatness , and to lay aside all the pomps and loftiness of Style . In a word , there are few Writers , how able soever , that can bear up with a constant and continued evenness . Therefore the Learned Vossius was in the right to condemn Massius , for denying Xenophon to be the Author of the Expedition of Cyrus , because the Critick , forsooth , did not observe in it all the strokes of that unimitable Eloquence , which is the Character of that excellent Writer . For although , for the Reasons we have hinted at , an Author may sometimes deviate from his Character , yet notwithstanding there will still be discovered in his Style a tincture , as it were of himself , and a particular Air that is proper to no other but him . Fannius pronounced publickly in Rome an Oration , and there being some who envied the applause he had got , they gave out , that he was obliged for it to his Friends , who had help'd him in the making it . But * Tully , on the contrary , maintained that it could not be so , because in the discourse of Fannius , both the Style , the turn , and Harmony all over the same . According to this supposition , we ought not to Father upon the true St. Eucherius , the Passion of the Agaunian Martyrs . For instance , let us but compare it with that excellent Epistle of his , upon the contempt of the World , and Worldly Philosophy . Wherein his way both of Thought and Expression ; and indeed every thing is quite different from the former . One would take this Letter to be the product of Augustus's Age , when the Latin Tongue was in its greatest purity , whereas the Style of the Passion of the Martyrs of Agaunum , tastes like that of the Empire in its declension , and of the Age of Cassiodorus . Mr. Du Pin , a Doctor of Paris , so much to be commended both for his diligence and sincerity , hath without doubt , perus'd the Acts which Father Chifflet hath taken out of his Old Manuscript . And see how he speaks of 'em in his Bibliotheca Nova . The History , saith he , of the Passion of St. Mauritius , and of the other Thebean Souldiers , is not the Style of our St. Eucherius . But perhaps we have been too favourable to this Relation of the Martyrs of Agaunum , in attributing it to the Age of Cassiodorus . For in the Old Editions of St. Eucherius , Printed at Rome , and at Basil , they have inserted amongst the Works of this Father , some Commentaries on Genesis , and upon the Book of Kings , which seem to have been made not in Cassiodorus's time , but even since Gregory the Great , that is above an Hundred Years after , as appears by the Books of Morals of this Pope , being cited in these Commentaries . This Remark hath been made long ago , by Possevinus , and Sixtus Senensis . And there is much more resemblance between the Style and Character ▪ of these Commentaries , and the Style and Character of the Passion of the Agaunian Martyrs , than there is between the Letter of the contempt of the World , and the Relation of the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion . This Conjecture is strengthened by the Epistle Dedicatory , prefixed to these Commentaries on Genesis . It will be of some use to set it here . Eucherius , to the Holy and most Blessed Bishop Salvlus . I have sent to your Beatitude , the History which I have written of the Passion of our Martyrs . I feared least the Memorable Events of their glorious Martyrdom , should have been buried in Oblivion , both by long tract of time , and the negligence of Men. I have endeavoured to know the truth from those who are able to inform me of it , who have assured me , that they had the thing from Isaac , Bishop of Geneva , much after the same manner as I have related it . And I believe these things came to the knowledge of Isaac , by the means of the most Blessed Bishop Theodorus ▪ who lived in the former Ages . Viro anterioris temporis . And now whereas others from divers places , and even from the remotest Provinces , offer Gold , Silver , and several other things to the Honour of our Saints , we present them with our writings , if so be you vouchsafe to approve of them ; and I beg for their sakes the remission of all my sins , and for the future , the continual assistance of my perpetual Patrons . Remember us likewise in your Prayers , when you come before God , and do attend the Services of the Saints . There are several things very observable in this Letter . First , that he who wrote it saith , that he is the Author of the Passion of the Agaunian Souldiers . Secondly , that the Monastery of Agaunum was Built a long time before , and was in great repute in the World , since Offerings were sent thither from all parts . Thirdly , that this Theodorus , who is called there a Man of the former Ages , is in all probability the same Theodorus Bishop of Sion , whereof we have spoken on the occasion of the Council of Agaunum ; which shews this Letter was written at least in the Seventh Century , since that otherwise , this Theodorus could not be called Vir anterioris Temporis . Fourthly , that it mentions one Isaac , Bishop of Geneva , who is not to be found in the Catalogue , which Leti , and Mr. Spon , have made of the Bishops of that place ▪ and which they have taken out of an Ancient Bible of that City . Fifthly , that whereas in the Bibliotheca Patrum , Printed at Lions , this Letter is placed immediately after the Passion of the Martyrs of Agaunum , the Editors who have taken care to advertise the Readers , that the Passion written by Surius , was not altogether Authentick , do not give the least caution about this Letter , which is visibly later by some Ages than St. Eucherius . Sixthly , that this Letter is inserted at full length by Baronius in his Annals , as an irrefragable proof that St. Eucherius is the Author of the Acts of the Agaunian Martyrs , seeing it is brought there to serve as a Preface to it . Seventhly , that after you have read this Letter , when you come to the Acts of the Thebean Martyrs , you cannot perceive any difference . You find there much the same Matters , Style , and way of Expression in both of them . Eighthly , that this Letter , in all the Editions of the St. Eucherius's Works , is prefixed as a Dedication to the Commentaries on Genesis , which have been composed by the Monks two Hundred Years after St. Eucherius , as appears by some places of the Morals of Gregory the Great being inserted in them . Ninthly , that the Author of the Commentaries upon Genesis , and the Book of Kings , is very probably the Author of this Letter . And that he who wrote the Letter , composed likewise the Passion of the Agaunian Martyrs . Which leads us to this Observation , that perhaps we seek abroad for what we may find at home . I mean , that perhaps , the Acts of the Thebean Legion may be the growth of this Land , and the Work of some English Writer . See how the pretended St. Eucherius speaks in his Commentary upon the Book of Kings . The Blessed Pope Gregory , Armed with an Evangelical Eloquence ▪ governed then in our days the Romish Church , when the most Reverend Fathers , Austin and Paulinus , and their Companions , came into England , and Preached the word of God to a People , who had been Infidels for so many Ages . These words have given occasion to the Learned Jesuite , Andreas Schottus to think that the Author of these Commentaries , I mean the pretended St. Eucherius , was not a French but an Englishman . I do not know but one might strengthen yet this Conjecture , by an Expression which we have observed in the Acts of the Agaunian Martyrs , 'T is said there , that Mauricius , who commanded the Thebean Legion , exhorted the Senators of the Souldiers to suffer Martyrdom , Senatores militum . For though this Office is not altogether unknown , and strange in the Roman Militia , and that St. Jerom speaks of it in his Letter to Pammachius , nevertheless you will hardly find it in those Authors , who write about military employments . Whereas this Expression was common then amongst the English , who used to give it to those persons who held the first rank , not so much in consideration of their Age , as for their Wisdom and merit . One may see in Mr. du Cange , the Examples he alledges of it , taken from the Laws both of King Edward the Confessor , and of Kenulphus King of the Mercians . CHAP. IX . That in Father Chifflet's Copy , as well as in that of Surius , the Commander of a Legion , is called by a Name not then in use , and that there is a fault in the number of the Legionary Souldiers . BUT it matters not much , to know whether the Author of the Passion of the Thebean Souldiers , was English of French. These two Warlike Nations will scarcely fall out with one another , for the Honour of having given him to the World. We must pass now to other Remarks . 'T is not only the difference in the Style , which shews that the Acts of the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion are not of the true St. Eucherius , but there are yet other manifest proofs of it . It appears from the Instructions which St. Eucherius gave to his Son Salonius , that this Father knew the use and propriety of Hebrew ; but if he was the Author of the aforesaid Passion , he must needs have been very ignorant even of Latin terms , though his Letter upon the contempt of the World , shews that he was a great Master of it . In the Edition of Surius , and of Chifflet , St. Mauricius , who Commanded the Thebean Legion , is called Primicerius Legionis . Can one imagine , that the true St. Eucherius did not know that the Commander of a Legion , was called Praefectus Legionis ? Let any Body examine carefully all the Old Tombs and Monuments , which can give us any light into the Names and Titles of Military Offices , from Augustus's time , to that of Justinian ; let any Body read the Notitia Imperii , with Pancirole's Notes ; let any Body turn over the Codes of Theodosius , and of Justinian , in which there are so many Laws concerning the Civil , as well as the Military Offices of the Empire ; let any Body look over all the Inscriptions of those times which are commonly so full of Titles , and you will no where find that the Commander of a Legion was ever called Primicerius Legionis . The Reason of the Name is , that whereas formerly they made use of a Paper prepared with Wax , therefore they called Primicerii those of their respective Orders who were set down first in the Publick Registers . Hence it is that so many of that Name are to be found amongst the divers Orders of Dignities and Magistrates of the Empire . There was the Primicerius of the Imperial Chamber , of the Wardrobe , of the Liberalities , of Notaries , of the Court of Accounts , of the Golden Mace , of the Singing-School , of the Servants , of the Judges , of the Readers , and of many others , whose Names are seen in the Notitia , or State of the Empire . This term was also received into the Church in the following Ages . The dignity of Primicerius is very considerable in the Clergy of Venice . And in the Collection of the Councils by Mr. Baluze , this Name is given to one Peter a Priest of Alexandria . The Church writers have sometimes made use of it Metaphorically , * calling St. Stephen Primicer of Martyrs , and St. Peter † the Primicer of the Apostles , and at last this term hath been appropriated to these Priests who carry Wax Tapers before Princes and Prelates . But as for the Military Officers , I confess I cannot well understand what rank and command the Primicerii had there . Lipsius , and Salmasius , don't give us much light thereupon in their Books of the Roman-Militia . 'T is true , that Goltzius , in his Catalogue of Military Dignities , makes mention of Primicerius Castrensis . But all the Learned do agree , that what Goltzius does relate , ought not always to be rely'd upon , for he writ this , as well as the rest of his Books , upon other Peoples word , and without having seen himself the Medals and Inscriptions which he goes upon . If Goltzius hath been mistaken , we have found out methinks the cause of his Errour . In the Notice or State of the Empire , in the Chapter of the Civil and Military Dignities in the West , we see one Primicerius Sacri Cubiculi , Primicerius Notariorum , Castrensis , Sacri Palatii , &c. And perhaps he thought that before Castrensis ought to be understood Primicerius ▪ which might give occasion to the Dignity of Primicerius Castrensis , set down in his Catalogue . But had he minded another Chapter , wherein an account is given of the Offices which were sub dispositione viri spectabilis Castrensis , he would have observed that this Dignity , Castrensis , related chiefly to the Sacred-House which was the Emperour's Palace . 'T is true indeed , that Vegetius speaks of one Primicerius , who after he had been a Prefect , and in the Praetorship , was raised to an Honourable and gainful Military Dignity . His Commentators are silent upon this place , which yet seems difficult enough . But Mr. de Valois does not leave us quite in the dark about this matter , in his Notes upon Ammian Marcelline . For this Historian having spoken of one Valentinus , who was made a Tribune after he had been Primicerius of that Body which was called Protectores , Mr. de Valois observeth that from Primicer of Protectors it was usual to be made a Tribune . And 't is true , that Ammianus Marcellinus speaks in his thirteenth Book of one Gratian , who after he had been made Primicer of the Protectors , and Tribune , was made superintendant to the Military Affairs in Africa . Which place does explain that other in a Collection of the Acts of Constantine , where 't is said , that Constantius , Nephew to Claudius the Emperour , after he had been first a Protector , then a Tribune , was at least created President of Dalmatia . But we don't find in all this , that in St. Eucherius time the Commander of a Legion , was called Primicerius Legionis . For it is only in the last Ages , that it was given to all those who had any Command . Mathew Paris in the Year 1240. speaks of an Army where it was demanded , who was the Primicerius of it , that is , who commanded it . So that as the term Commander in English is very general , and may be applyed to those , who either do command a Company , or a Regiment , or are Governours of Towns and Provinces ; so likewise in the last Ages , in the which 't is likely the Passion of the Thebean Souldiers hath been Forged , the quality of a Primicer had a very large signification ; I am tempted to say , specially amongst the English , and from thence to make another conjecture , viz. That the Author of the Acts of Agaunum was an Englishman . We did just now cite Mathew Paris , who was a great Ornament to this Nation in the twelfth Century . There is an Act in the History of the English Monasteries , in the which the Kings , Edmond , and Edgar , qualifie themselves Kings and Primicers of all England , Primicerii totius Albionis . Therefore this Primicerian Quality being so general at that time , 't is no wonder that William of Tyre , who lived about Fifty Years before Matthew Paris , does mention some Legionary Primicers . Honourable Men , saith he , bearing Ensigns , went before the Army , as if they had been the Primicers of Legions . If it can be inferred from these words , that the Legionary Primicers were the Signiferi , or Ensign-bearers of those times , one ought to confess that in William of Tyre his time , things were very much altered , and that nothing can be concluded from this expression that may authorize that in the Relation of the Agaunian Martyrs , unless one would confess that they suffered Martyrdom about the time of William of Tyre , to wit , many Ages after the true St. Eucherius . But let us examine what Surius Copy , and that of Father Chifflet tells us of the number of the Thebean Souldiers . That of Surius saith , that in the Emperour Maximian's Army , there was a Legion of Souldiers called Thebeans , and that a Legion was made up of Six Thousand , Six Hundred , and Sixty six Souldiers , according to the custom of the Ancient Romans . In Father Chifflet's Manuscript , the number of Sixty and six , and what is said of the custom of the Ancient Romans is cut off , being said only there , that a Legion was then made up of Six Thousand and Six Hundred Men. If by the custom of the Ancient Romans , spoken of both in Surius and Baronius's Copy , was meant the Military Discipline anciently established by Romulus , 't is certain that in his time the Legions were composed only of three Thousand Foot , and some Horse . And let one look over all the times in which that Common-wealth flourished , from the expulsion of Kings to Julius Caesar , one shall observe many changes in the number of the Souldiers which composed the Legions , and that it was sometimes lesser , and sometimes greater , according to the Exigencies ▪ and Revolutions of the Empire : But it will be a hard matter to prove , that there hath been a time , in which the Legions had precisely the number of Souldiers specify'd in those two Copies . Livy , saith indeed , that it was a priviledge of the Legions , which were in Macedonia , to be composed of Six Thousand Foot , and Three Hundred Horse , the others Ex veteri Instituto , according to the Ancient custom , being formed only of Five Thousand Foot , and two Hundred Horse . This great Author in all probability was better informed in the Roman Customs , than the Author of the Passion of the Thebean Souldiers . For the Legions having been raised to Five Thousand Men in the Roman Wars against Carthage . Polybius observes that to his time , they still retained the same number of Five Thousand Foot , and Three Hundred Horse . It cannot be deny'd , but the number of the Legionary Souldiers increased under the Emperours , since at the time of the Emperour Tacitus , the Legions were of Six Thousand , One Hundred , and Twenty Foot , and of Seven Hundred , and Sixteen Horse , which is a Remark of Modestus , in the Treatise he addresses to him of the Terms used in the Military Art. Vegetius , who Dedicated his Book to the Emperour Valentinian , tells us likewise , that in his time the Legions were of the same number . So that it would be an obligation to the Publick , to prove , by good Authors , that at the time of Dioclesian , and Maximian , in which it is supposed that the Thebean Legion suffered Martyrdom , the Legions were of 6666 , or 6600 Men , as 't is said in the Copies both of Surius , and Chifflet . CHAP. X. That in the Editions both of Surius and Chifflet , a Miracle is related which hath all the appearance of a feigned Story . IN the Acts of the Agaunian Martyrs , there is a Miracle set down that deserves our consideration . This Miracle hapned on the occasion of a man , who in Surius's Original was a Gold-smith by Trade , and in that of Chifflet a Black-smith or a Carpenter . 'T is said in these Acts that all the Christians of Agaunum being Assembled at Church upon a Sunday , this Man , who was a Pagan , stayed alone in the new Church which was then a Building to the Honour of the Thebean Souldiers . Whereupon the Saints appearing to him in a bright and glorious Apparel , dragg'd him from the place where he was , stretched him as it were upon a rack , and having banged him soundly , reproached him with his absenting himself from the Church on the Lords-day , and that he being a Pagan , had been so bold as to work upon a Church which was Erecting to them . It is incredible that a grave Author , as St. Eucherius was , should have made the Blessed Martyrs to speak such Nonsense . For it is an easie thing to infer from their discourse , that the Pagans themselves were obliged , even as Pagans , to observe the keeping of the Lords-day , and this is a Tenet which one can't by any means admit . For if the Fourth Commandment had obliged the Heathens , as well as the Jews , as the other Commandments of the Decalogue did , 't would be a certain proof that the Duty enjoyned by the fourth Precept concerning the Sabbath-day , is a Duty Essentially Moral , of a Natural and inviolable Rectitude ; and it would be a very intricate difficulty to justifie the Apostolick Church about the translation of the Sabbath to the Day of the Resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ . When we dispute against the Sabbatarians , one of the strong Reasons we bring against them , is , that the distinctive Character of the Laws Essentially Moral , is their extension and universality , that is , that they bind all sorts of Persons at all times , in all places , and under both Covenants . So that we conclude , that the observance of the Seventh Day is not a Moral Duty , since the fourth Commandment did not oblige the Gentiles ; and I do not know , if the same thing may not be said of our Sunday , which hath suceeded to the Rights of the Sabbath ▪ 'T is true , that after Nature hath taught Men the existence of a God , it may teach them further the reasonableness of Consecrating a setled time to his Service : But it can lead them no further , and will leave the choice of that time to their Liberty . Let it be the Fourth , the Sixth , or the Seventh Day , 't is all one in the main . And to render the Pagans guilty in not keeping the Sabbath , either according to the Jewish , or Christian Institution , the Sabbath ought to be one of those Duties that are as well known to us , as the first Principles inbred in our very Nature , at our coming into the World , and ingraved by the Hand of God in the Hearts of all Men. The Agaunian Saints were much in the wrong to use a Pagan so scurvily , under pretence of his not observing the Sunday . They ought first to have instructed him , to have set before him the excellency and Holiness of the Christian Religion , and shewed him how just and reasonable it is to Consecrate the Sunday , to the glory of Jesus Christ , the Mediator and High-Priest of this new Law : And after this , had he been stubborn and Rebellious to their Charitable instructions and admonitions , then in Gods Name let him fall under the Censure . But to knock him down out of hand , this is a way of Conversion only known and practised in our Days in France , and which cannot be attributed to Saints , without a great offence to their Charity . It was an ordinary thing indeed , at that time , to see the Pagans drag the Christians by force to their profane Sacrifices , but not one Example of those times can be produced of any Christians , in places where they had the power to do to it , tormenting the Pagans , and compelling them to come and joyn with them in their Worship . Nay , it seems that in those former times , they made some scruple of admitting Infidels into the places where their Holy Mysteries were Celebrated . For otherwise , to what purpose should the fourth Council of Carthage have Ordered the Bishops to suffer the Pagans , the Jews , and other Hereticks to enter their Churches , and hear the Word of God ? 'T is true , that it is added in that Canon , that they shall not be suffered to stay but to the Mass for the Catechumens , so that after the Sermon and Prayer for the Catechumens , the Infidels were obliged to withdraw , before the Celebration of the Holy Sacraments . Another circumstance against the credibility of it , is , that , the Agaunian Saints do reproach this Pagan , for his boldness in working upon the Church which was a Building for them . Is it possible than an Author , so wise and knowing , as Sr. Eucherius was , should have put in the Mouth of his Saints such unbecoming reproaches ! Saints are not certainly so nice as this comes to , I am sure God himself is not . For when Solomon was Building him a Temple , it does not appear that he found fault with him for sending for Wood and Stones from Heathenish Countries . And according to St. Austin , he would not have taken it ill , though all the Timber of his Temple had been cut down in the Groves Consecrated to Idols , ex lucis alienorum Deorum . When we reflect on the the prodigious number of Workmen , who were employed in the Building of the Temple , we cannot but conclude , that many of the Infidel Neighbour Nations were also employed in it , and so much the rather , because the Jews apply'd themselves more to Husbandry , than to other Mechanick Arts. It was by God's Order , that the Gold and Silver of the Idolatrous Jericho were put into the Sacred Treasury . Those Tables and Precious Vessels , and the other rich Presents which Ptolomy Philadelphus , and Queen Helena , sent to the Temple at Jerusalem , were no doubt of the Gentiles making , nevertheless , they were accepted of by the High-Priests , and Consecrated to the Service of the God of Israel . In what School then did the Thebean Souldiers Learn that piece of Morality , that it was not allowable in a Pagan to help in the Building of Christian Churches ? Certainly the Romish Church must think that Saints have now-a-days much abated of the severity of their Morals , and are grown much more humane and tractable , since in the Cathedral in Rome , a Brazen St. Peter is seen which , formerly was a Statue of Jupiter , and in whose Hands the Keys were put , instead of the Thunder-Bolt and fiery Arrows that they held before ; and since the Pantheon , which was the Temple Dedicated to all the Heathen Gods , is now a Church Consecrated to the Blessed Mother of our Lord. CHAP. XI . In which the thoughts and dispositions for Martyrdom , which are attributed to those Saints in the Acts of Agaunum , are Examined . VVE must not forget , that the Historian of the Thebean Souldiers represents them all possessed with a burning Zeal for Martyrdom . He saith , that they were all inflamed with a Noble desire to die for Jesus Christ , and that the Ministers of the Emperour being arrived to put his barbarous Orders in Execution , the Thebean Souldiers made not the least resistance or endeavour to escape , but ●endered their Necks of their own accord to the Executioners . This was not set down without some design ; the Author had a mind to answer before ▪ hand , a difficulty which might be objected by the Readers . He fore ▪ saw that it would not well go down with some considering Men , that a whole Legion well Armed , had suffered their Throats to be cut without making the least opposition , and that these brave Souldiers who fought like Lions in so many Battels , should have permitted themselves to be led as Lambs to the Slaughter . But now he thinks he hath removed the difficulty , by saying that they were possessed with a fiery heat , and a kind of fury for the glory of Martyrdom ; as appears especially , in that Victor , whose Death is related towards the end of the Acts of the Martyrs of Agaunum , who sought for Death , and brought it upon himself by his own indiscretion . For being invited by some Pagan Souldiers to come and make merry with them , with the spoils of the Thebean Souldiers , he returned their kindness with a Thousand Imprecations and Curses , and declared , without necessity , that he himself was a Christian . But these things are not perhaps so certain , as to leave no manner of suspicion behind them . 'T is true , that we find in Eusebius , Sulpitius Severus , and Lactantius , many fine things said upon the Noble Ardour of Christians ( in the primitive Ages ) for Martyrdom . It cannot be denyed neither , but in the Church History there are particular Examples of some who had more zeal than knowledge , and who in the time of Persecution , when they might have made their escape , or hidden themselves , chose rather to run into the hands of their unmerciful Judges and Tormenters . But here the case is otherwise , for we are not speaking of some simple ignorant People , whom a blind zeal might carry too far in the first heats of Christianity , but of a whole Legion , which they suppose had been well instructed by a Bishop of Jerusalem , and confirmed in the Faith by Pope Marcelline . Amongst these were a great number of Officers , who no doubt had a competent share of Learning , and were sufficiently instructed in Christian Morality , as not being Christians by their Birth and Education , but by choice . In the Archives of the Metropolitan Church of Turin is kept a Manuscript-life of St. Second , one of the Thebean Souldiers , wherein it is said that he was of one of the best Families of the Province of Thebaide , brought up in all the best accomplishments , and by his extraordinary Merit , raised to a considerable Office in the Imperial Palace . Now if notwithstanding all these fine qualifications , this St. Secundus was left out in the Acts of Agaunum , we may well think that Mauricius , Candidus , Exuper , Ursus , and Victor , who are mentioned there , ought to have been Men of transcendent Parts and Ability . Nevertheless , the Acts of their Passion do attribute to them , such Thoughts as are quite contrary to the Principles and Morals of Christianity . If the Author of these Acts was of opinion , that they should have offended God by endeavouring to flye from the Orders and Cruelty of the Emperour , we need no other premises to conclude , that the true St. Eucherius is not the Author of this Relation . This Holy Bishop well knew that Christ did suffer his Disciples , when they were persecuted in one place to flee to another . He knew undoubtedly very well , that true Religion strengthned the Saints against dangers , but that it forbad 'em to stay for them , or to go meet them . A man that is throughly convinced of the truth of Gods promises , and hath experienced the Comforts of 'em , will certainly without any change , or being in the least daunted , look upon a fiery Furnace ▪ but yet he will not run himself head-long into it . As we ought not to be afraid of Death , so neither are we to grow weary and prodigal of Life . Ignatius and Albina may serve as Patterns to Christians of both Sexes , but not Cato and Lucretia . The Crown of Martyrdom comes from the hand of God ; we ought to wait for it without anticipating the time , ( said St. Cyprian the great Panegyrist of Martyrdom ) the Thebean Souldiers had an excellent Model in St. Paul to frame themselves upon ; who being chosen by God to ●reach the Gospel to the Gentiles , feared neither Tribulation , nor Anguish , nor Persecution , nor Hunger , nor Nakedness , nor Peril , nor Sword ; he challenged Life and Death , Angels , Principalities , Powers , things present , and things to come , the heighth , the depth , and all the Creatures together , to shake his unmoveable steadiness and fidelity . But withal he never faced the dangers , whenever it was in his Power to decline them , and made no scruple to turn aside when he foresaw some great mischief in the way . An instance of which was his going out of Damascus , as you see in the 9. Ch. of the Acts. This was also a known Practice in the time in which 't is supposed that the Thebean Legion suffered Martyrdom . Let one but look over the Collection of Penitential Canons by Peter of Alexandria , who was in great esteem about the time of the Persecutions of Dioclesian . This Bishop does there Censure those obstinate Martyrs , who having opportunity to make their escape , sought notwithstanding for Death . Christ , saith , he , withdrew himself to shun the malice of the Jews who laid in wait for him ; and though he knew that the time appointed in the Counsel of his Father was not far off , he went not in search after his Cross , but waited for it from the fury of the Jews in a solitary place , whither he did retire . And when he foretold his Apostles of all the Persecutions they were to suffer for his Names sake , he told them that they should be delivered to the Councils and Synagogues . Whereupon this Bishop observes that Christ said , they shall deliver you , and not , Ye shall deliver your selves . For this reason Mr. de Tillemont , in his History of the Emperours , makes this wise observation , speaking of the Acts of St. Maximus , That these Acts do appear very well deserving the esteem which Baronius had for them , though they do express that this Saint delivered himself to Death , which is more usually seen in spurious , than in true Acts. In short , one may see what were the Morals of the Ancient Church about this thing , from a Canon of the Council of Eliberis , and from a special place in St. Austin ; and the same Morals may be seen practised in the Lives of St. Cyprian and Athanasius , who fled from Persecution whenever God gave them opportunity to do it . All the business is then to examine whether the Thebean Souldiers , being informed of the Emperour's resolution , might have prevented it by their flight ; and for the clearing of this point , we need only read the Acts of their Martyrdom . The Army of Maximian having passed the defiles of Valesia , the Thebean Legion which was in the Rear , understood at Agaunum , that this Army was designed to cut off the Christians in Gaul . They stopped at this News , and refused to March any further . First every Body will agree that they might have disbanded and betook themselves to flight ; for in such cases as this , Military Laws ought to yield to that of self-preservation , and then desertion is not , it seems , a greater infraction of Military Discipline , than to refuse to March at the Orders of the General . 'T is further said in the Acts , that Maximian being informed of the refusal of the Thebean Souldiers , commanded them to be Decimated , hoping by the Death of some to terrifie the others into their duty . The Legion with an undaunted Courage suffered the Decimation , and the Ministers who Executed the Emperours Orders , made their report to him , that the Rebellious Legion was nothing frighted by this Exemplary punishment , but persisted in their obstinate resolution not to March. During all this while , the Army is not seen to come back in Order to observe the Motions of this Legion ; neither was it observed , that the Emperour did command any Troops to watch them , for preventing the ill effects of their mutinous disposition . 'T is very natural to think that if the whole Legion was not able to save all their Lives , part of them at least might have got away , and yet 't is said in the Acts , that not so much as one of them did escape the Emperours Cruelty . Whatever care is now taken to hinder the Desertions in an Army , all the diligence and watchfulness of the Officers cannot hinder a great many Souldiers to run away from their Colours every Campaign ; and what is yet worth our observation is , that the Situation of Agaunum afforded great facility to the Thebean Souldiers to flee away for their safety . I have passed my self that way , when I went with the Corps of Duke Schomberg from Turin to Lauzane , where he had ordered me to Bury him . And having then some Thoughts of this Dissertation , I staid a good while to consider the ●venues and Situation of Agaunum . It is seated at the bottom , and further end of a very narrow Valley , and there is no access to it but by continual Defiles , having on both sides Woods and high Mountains . So that , had the Thebean Souldiers taken advantage from the place , the whole Army of the Emperour had not been able to have hindred the greatest part of them from making their escape . From this we may conclude , that the Author of their Acts hath not much observed the rules of Probability in the Romance he hath left us , since he saith , that all the Thebean Souldiers were Massacred , not one of them caring to make his escape , but all with one accord chearfully holding up their Necks , and wishing for nothing so much as the glory of Martyrdom . CHAP. XII . That there is no likelyhood that a Legion should be sent for from the East to suppress a Tumult of the Gauls . WE have hitherto considered the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion , with Relation both to the Acts wherein it is contain'd , and to the Author to whom these Acts are attributed . 'T is time now to come to the Fact it self , and to treat it without any regard either to the Acts or their Author . Father le Cointe thought in his Annals to salve both the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion , and the Relation of their Passion , by betaking himself to the Acts and to the Copy of Father Chifflet . We do not deny , saith he , that the Acts of the Martyrs of Agaunum , were written by St. Eucherius , Bishop of Lions ; but we say that those published by Surius , and which are found in the Manuscripts of most Churches , are spurious , and falsly attributed to St. Eucherius . We acknowledge none to be true besides those published by Francis Chifflet in his Paulinus Illustratus , and the which he hath Extracted out of a very Ancient Manuscript of St. Claud's Monastery . And we believe St. Eucherius to be the true Father of that Work. But whether St. Eucherius be the Author of that work , or whether he be not ▪ whether the Acts be falsified in the Copy of Surius , and whether they be true in Father Chifflet's Manuscript , this is now no more the matter in question . We have hitherto in a manner Attack'd only the Out-works , but we come now close to the Fact , and will shew in it palpable Characters of falsity . The first of which is this supposition , namely , that the Emperour Maximian , caused a Legion to be put Death , which he had sent for from the East to go with him into Gaul . We don't deny but there were in the East some Legions call'd Thebeans . In the Book we have already cited of the Dignities of the Empire , mention is made of four Thebean Legions . Sub dispositione Viri illustris Magistri militum per Orientem Legiones Comitatenses 9. Secunda Flavia Constantia Thebaeorum , secunda Felix Valentis Thebaeorum . And in another Chapter . Sub dispositione Viri illustris Magistri militum per Thracias Legiones Comitatenses . Prima Maximiana Thebaeorum Tertia Diocletiana Thebaeorum . We will not deny neither , but that the Exigencies of the Empire , calling Maximian into Gaul , the Emperour might have been attended by some of those Legions . They are all four numbred amogst those Legions which the Romans called Comitatenses . But our business is to Examine which was that Thebean Legion , whereof it is spoken in the Acts of the Agaunians Martyrs The Copies both of Surius and Chifflet , do agree that Maximian caused this Legion to come from the East . So that according to the pretended St. Eucherius , it cannot be either Prima Maximiana Thebaeorum , or Tertia Dioclesiana Thebaeorum , these two Legions remaining in Thracia , appointed to Guard those Frontiers of the Empire . This Legion , then must have been one of those which were under the Command of the General of the Foot in the East . But it is not very likely , that the Emperour should have sent for a Legion , so far to persecute the Christians in Gaul , or to quell a Sedition raised there . The Legions on the Rhine , on the Danube , in Moesia , and in Illyria , were much nearer at hand . No Example can be shewed in History , that to make War against the Gauls , Garrisons were drawn out of the Frontier places of Egypt , or Mesopotamia . Should it be replyed , that the Romans were at peace with the Persians and that all things were quiet upon the Confines of Africa and Asia , that the danger was pressing in Gaul , that Rome did tremble at the first news of a Mutiny in those parts , and at the bare naming of Tumultus Gallicus , and therefore , that it ought not to appear so strange that Legions were called from the utmost parts of the East . And should it be added in confirmation of this Conjecture , that the danger ought to have been very great , since the Historians do observe that this was one of the reasons which induced Dioclesian to divide the Empire with Maximian , to the end that being invested in the Imperial Dignity , and having a greater Authority , he might sooner make an end of this business : All these replies make for us , by lessening the probability of the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion . For the War which Maximian was to undertake being of so great importance , it is not likely he would wilfully have deprived himself of a Legion , which he had sent for from the extremities of the Empire . But suppose Maximian had been as Zealous as ever Emperour was , for the Service of his Gods , and as implacable an Enemy and persecutor of Jesus Christ and his Disciples , yet after all , we ought not , without good reasons , to make a mad Man of him , and so bad a Politician , as to imagine he would have commanded one of his best Legions to be Massacred in the very face ▪ as I may say , of the Enemy , and at the beginning of a War , the success whereof ought to have commended to the World the choice which Dioclesian had made of him : And by so much the rather , for what * Aurelius Victor saith of him , viz. That though he was but half a Courtier , yet he was a brave and skilful Warriour . Besides this , if with Father Labbe , we refer the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion to the Year 286. 't is like that at that time the State of Affairs did not permit that the Frontiers of Egypt , and of the Eastern Provinces , should be unguarded ; since it was not long after , that Achilleus took the Purple upon him , and that the Quingentians , or Inhabitants of the Five Towns , joyned their Forces against the Empire . And if this Martyrdom be placed in the Year 297. with Cardinal Baronius , I question very much whether the War was not then raging upon the Frontiers of Persia , and whether the Emperour Galerius had by that time repaired the Loss of that unfortunate day , in which all his Army was defeated , and he himself had much ado to escape . But now I come to something more positive . The very Names which in the Book of the Dignities of the Empire , are given to those Thebean Legions which were in the East , may suffice to shew that the Martyrdom here mentioned , cannot be applied to any of them . For one of these Legions is called Secunda Flavia Constantia Thebaeorum . Where we are to take Notice , that the Romans gave different Names to their Legions for distinction sake , as Princes do now to their Regiments . These Names are sometimes taken from the Order or time of their Creation , as the First , Second , Third , and Fourth Legion . And sometimes they were given upon the Account of some remarkable Action , whereby they had signalized themselves , accordingly one was called the Victorious , another the Conquering , the Iron Legion , &c. Now and then they took their Names from the Countries and Frontiers that were committed to their charge , as the Germanick , and the Pannonick Legions , appointed to Guard the Empire in Hungary and Germany . Some of them had also their Names from the Countries where they had been raised , as the Nervian , and Isaurian Legions . Mezeray , in his History of France , before Clovis's time , gives this very same reason for the Name of the Thebean Legion Maximian , saith he , having also taken upon himself the defence of Gaul , departed from Nicomedia , and took with him some Legions , and amongst them that of the Thebeans , so called from its having been raised in Thebais of Egypt . But most commonly the Legions bore the Names of the Emperours who had raised them ; such were the Ulpian , Trajan , Claudian , Dioclesian , and Maximian Legions . And it is most likely the two Thebean Legions , which were in the East , were of this last Order . For one of them was called Flavia Constantia Thebaeorum , from the Name of the Emperour , Constantius . Pancirollus observes judiciously , that this ought to be understood of Canstantius , Son to the Emperour Constantine , and not of Constantius his Father : only the Reason he gives for it is false . He supposes then , that Constantine the Great was the First Emperour who added to his Titles , that of Flavius ; and that most of his Successors after him took the same likewise , as a mark of the esteem they had for his Virtues , and of their desire to bear some resemblance with him . Mr. du Cange , in his Byzantine Families , speaks of some Medals of Constantius , Father to Constantine , with the Name Flavius , upon them . And Mr. Baluze , in his Notes on Lactantius's Book of the Deaths of the Persecutors , produces an Inscription which he had from Mr. Vaillant , where this Emperour is inscribed FLAVIUS VALERIUS CONSTANTINUS , so that we should rather think that at the time when Maximian was raised to the Empire ▪ and when he undertook his Expedition into Gaul , Constantius , Father to Constantine , had not sufficient Authority to raise Legions in the East , and to give them his own Name . And since the other Legion was called Secunda Felix Valentis Thebaeorum , from the Emperour Valens his Name , it follows that neither the one nor the other could possibly suffer Martyrdom by the Order of Maximian , who was taken into a Partner-ship of the Government several Years before Constantius and Valens came to the Throne . Pancirollus seems to have been sensible of this difficulty , but finding no way to evade it , he falls with all his knowledge into pitiful contradictions . Instead of one Thebean Legion , which is suppos'd to have suffered Martyrdom , he relates the Passions of two Thebean Legions . He saith that the Legio Secunda Flavia Constantia Thebaeorum was raised by Constantius , and put in the room of the Second Thebean , who were Christians , and had been Massacred at Treves , by Rictiovarus , a Prefect of the Emperour Maximian ; And as for the Legio Secunda Felix Valentis Thebaeorum , Pancirollus will have it , that the Emperour Valens raised it to make up the loss of the Legion which perished at Agaunum , on this side of the Alpes , for refusing to take the Military Oaths with the Pagan Ceremonies . That which led him into this Errour , was his having read in other Legends , that Maximian having passed the Alpes , made a Detachement of some Cohorts of the Thebean Legion , with some other Troops , to reinforce the Army wherewith he designed to oppose Carausius . Thus this famous Antiquary of these few Cohorts , hath made an entire Legion . Which is so far from being true , that in the following Chapters the same Thebean Souldiers , who are now supposed to have been sent against Carausius , will furnish us with new proofs against the Martyrdom of the whole Thebean Legion . CHAP. XIII . That if the History of this Legion were true , there would not be so much uncertainty of the time wherein it happened . ANother Character of falshood , in the History of the Thebean Legion , which deserves our observation , is the uncertainty and contrariety of the Writers of the Church of Rome , concerning the time in which they suppose the Thebean Legion suffered . The Martyrdom of a whole Legion is so Memorable an Event , that if it were true , it would certainly have been written and described in all its circumstances in the Annals of the Church . And though the Ecclesastical writers had been so negligent as to be silent therein , yet , Aurelius Victor , Eutropius , Jordanes , or some other Author , would undoubtedly have made amends for this Omission Titus Livius , failed not to relate the Tragical end of that Legion , whereof all the Souldiers were Condemned to Death for Mutining and possessing themselves of Rhegium , during the War of the Romans with Pyrrhus . And yet some would have it , that Six Thousand , Six Hundred , Sixty and six Officers and Souldiers , were Massacred by the Emperour's Order , upon their refusal to swear by his false Gods , and to joyn with the other Troops that were Heathens , in shedding of Christians Blood ; though not one word is to be found either in Profane or Ecclesiastical Writers , whereby to discover the exact time of an Event , which so many circumstances render so extraordinary and wonderful . Neither do the ablest writers of the Romish Church agree upon the Year , the Pope , or the Consul , under whom it happened . Cardinal Baronius puts their Martyrdom under the Pontificate of Marcelline , in which Errour he was followed by two Learned Fathers of the Oratory , Namely * le Cointe , and Morin . Anthonius Pagi refers this Martyrdom to the first Years of Emperour . The Jesuite * Labbe forsakes here the Opinion of his Baronius , and 't is he perhaps , whom Anthonius Pagi followed . His words are these . 'T is said that about the Year 286 Sebastianus Tiburtinus , Tranquillus , Marcellinus , Zeus , Mauricius , and several others with the Thebean Legion suffered Death for the Faith of Jesus Christ at Agaunum , at the entrance of the Pennine Alpes This agrees very well with the Pontificate of Cajus , and the beginning of the Empire of Dioclesian . And whereas Cardinal Baronius refers the Martyrdom of the Thebean Souldiers to the Year 297. it happened according to Father Labbe's computation in the Year 286 , viz. immediately after that Carinus was killed , and that Dioclesian had taken Maximian into the Government ▪ Which if true , what will become of Mr. Duchesne's Argument in his History of Popes , who to prove that Pope Marcelline did not Sacrifice to Idols in the time of Persecution , as is most commonly believed , saith , that this Pope adminstred the Sacrament of Confirmation to the Thebean Legion , when they passed by Rome , and earnestly exhorted them to Piety and to perseverance in Religion ? Here Labbe and Pagi , put the Martyrdom of this Legion several Years before the Pontificate of Marcelline In the mean while we may take notice of the extraordinary fair dealing of this Jesuite , who does not give us the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion , as a thing whereof he himself is very well assured , and of which he hath found any Authentick Records and Proofs , but only with an , It is said , or given out ; and this no doubt he does , as being unwilling to vouch for a Relation which he found to be somewhat fabulous . Now if it be reply'd , that it is not fairly done to deny a matter of Fact , meerly because its Epoche is uncertain ; it may be answered , that there is a great deal of difference between one Transaction and another ; that there are in Ecclesiastical History , several Relations of matters of Fact , concerning which this Argument would prove of no great force . But the Martyrdom of a whole Legion is a thing so extraordinary , so singular , and so remarkable in it self , that the uncertainty of the time in which they say it happen'd , makes it very suspitious . And for the same Reason several Person doubt of the Dispute of St. Peter with Simon Magus , and of the surprizing Death of this wicked Man , whom the Devils let fall to the ground , after they had born him up for some considerable time in the Air. 'T is true that Eusebius , Sulpitius Severus , and St. Austin , take Notice of this Memorable Event . But those who believe it to be false , do reply that one ought not always to trust to the Relations of the Ancient Ecclesiastical Authors , because the Zeal they had for Religion , made 'em not always very Nice in the choice of Proofs and Examples ; and sometimes they had a mind to oppose one Miracle to another , seeing that the whole Pagan Religion was Built upon the Belief of Miracles , and the Apparitions of their false Gods. They add farther , that had this Event happened , as it is reported , it would have occasioned so much Noise in Rome , and through the whole Empire , that some Footsteps thereof would have been preserved in the Writings of Pagan Authors . And that after all , though it was believed by Eusebius , Sulpitius Severus , and St. Austin , this does not make it less dubious , since those three Writers do not agree about the time wherein it happn'd . Eusebius puts it under the Empire of Claudius , St. Austin , and several others , under that of Nero , about the Year of our Lord 67. and Sulpitius Severus refers it to the time when St. Paul came to Rome , towards the Year 57. And this is the very argument we urge against the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion . CHAP. XIV . That the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion cannot be referred either to a General , or to a Local and particular Persecution . ANother Character of falshood , yet more palpable , and in the very Fact , is this , that if the Thebean Legion suffered Death for being Christians , this must have happened in the time of the General Persecution , or of a Local and particular one . Now if we examine exactly all the afflictions and calamities that befel the Church uuder the Reign of Dioclesian , we find neither time nor room where to place the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion . For place it if you please with Cardinal Baronius in the Year 297. or put it in the Year 286. with Labbe and Pagi , what side soever you take , you shall never make it fall in with the General Persecution , which happened in the Year 303. according to the Opinions of the Learned * * Henry Noris , Mr. de Valois , and Mr. Baluze . Riccioli a Jesuite , in his reformed Chronology finds , fault with Baronius and Petau , for placing the beginning of it in the Year 302. and Remarks that Onuphrius hath been more exact in his Computation , who makes the General Persecution to begin in the Month of March , and in the Year 303. Samuel Petit hath thought fit to put it off to the Year 304. in his Summary Collections of Chronology , where he saith , that the difference about the Celebration of Easter , caused this Persecution to begin sooner in one Country than in another ; and that the Emperour ▪ Dioclesian ( the better to surprize the Christians , and to make the Effects of his rage both the more certain and dreadful ) commanded they should be Massacred on Easter-day . But though the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion , could be made to agree in point of time with the General Persecution , yet this would not remove all difficulties , since 't is possible this Persecution might not reach so far as the Country where it is supposed that the Thebean Souldiers suffered . However , notwithstanding the Diversity of Opinions about the circumstances of their Martyrdom , all the Writers who have handled this Matter , do agree , that the Country of Valesia , and the Neighbourhood of Agaunum had their Soil Honoured with the effusion of their Blood. Now the business is , to know whether that Canton was not of Gaul , and in the Division of Constantius . Aurelius Victor does clearly decide the Question , saying , that in the partition of the Empire , Constantius had for his share all the Gallick Provinces beyond the Alpes ; and one need only cast his Eye upon the Map , and he will find that Agaunum is beyond the Alpes in respect to Rome . In the Book which we have already cited of Dignities of the Empire , Notice is taken of the Seventeen Provinces of Gaul , and amongst them the Alpes called Grajae and Penninae are comprehended . Now it is certain , that the Ancient Agaunum was situated in these Alpes , which were Inhabited by a People called Veragri . And therefore , Briet the Jesuite , a Man so very well seen in Ancient and Modern Geography , puts in the Fifth Viennese Octodurum , which is now the chief City of Valesia . This Fifth Viennese included most part of the Alpes called Grecian , and Pennine , and belonged to Gaul , by the Division which the Romans made of the Provinces of the Empire . Morever , Father Pagi proves that these Grecian Alpes were none of the Five Provinces , which composed the Ancient Province of Narbonne , and that they were in Gaul at the time when the Province of Narbonne was separated and joined to Italy . Seeing then that the Country of Valesia , where Agaunum stood belonged to the Gauls at that time , and was then under the Government of Constantius , this will suffice to shew that the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion , cannot be placed in the time of the General Persecution Mr. Bosquet , Bishop of Montpellier , and Mr Dodwel in his Dissertations upon St Cyprian , have made it out , that Constantius Chlorus was the only Prince of all those that had then a share in the Empire , who never Persecuted the Christians . And of this great moderation of his , the Donatists were not wanting to take Notice , in their Humble Address to Constantine , hoping thereby to incline him to mildness , and a Toleration of their Sect. Likewise Eusebius , in the Life of the Emperour Constantine , relates one of his Edicts , in which he gives this Commendation to his Father , that of all his Colleagues in the Empire , he only left the Christians in Peace and unmolested . 'T is true indeed , that yielding to the necessity of the times , he comply d so far with the two other Emperours , as to permit the Christian * Temples in his Division to be demolished ; But Lactantius observes , that he took care that no harm should be done to their Persons . For this Reason , the defenders of the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion , will be forced to have recourse to some Local and particular Persecution , which must have been raised against the Church some Years before the time of the General One. But then they ought to mark out to us , out of some good Authors both the places and times of these Local and particular Persecutions . For we are a little too hard of Belief for the Legend-writers ; nor can we swallow the Relations of things said to have been done in the Second and Third Centurys when there is nothing produced in confirmation thereof but Lives and Passions composed by Monks , who lived some Eight or Nine Hundred Years after . And yet it would be no easie matter to find any one of that Order , who refers the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion to a particular Persecution , which only raged in some single Countrey . They have all-spoken of it , after the same manner as Matthew of Westminster hath done , who places this Martyrdom in the Year 303. and saith , that it was at that time that the Thebean Legion , made up of Six Thousand , Six Hundred , Sixty and six S uld●ers , suffered Death couragiously for the Faith of Christ . According to the ●hronology of this Benectine Monk , the Thebean Legion suffered in the time of the General Persecution ; and he joins this Event with the Martyrdom of St. Alban and other English Saints ; though it is not true neither , that Constantius permitted these violences to be done in England ; and besides , Gildas , and Polydor Vergil , place their Martyrdom in the Year 305. In the mean while it is worth our Observation , that the Manuscript so much commended by Father Chifflet , is different from that which Matthew of Westminster made use of , for it is said in that as well as in the Copies which Surius and Baronius followed , that the Legion was composed of Six Thousand , Six Hundred , Sixty six Souldiers . We don't pretend however , to deny that there have been some Local Persecutions before that Fatal interview of Dioclesian and Valerius , at Nicomedia , where these two Emperours resolved the General Persecution . For we do agree with the Learned Theodorus Ruinart , that sometimes the Governours , the Judges , and the Pagan Priests in their turns , raised some Persecutions , here and there , in some or place or other of the Empire . But we say , that it cannot be referred to any of the Local Persecutions , which are found in Church History . If it could be applied to any particular one , it must be to that which was raised at Rome ( and in which Baronius relates that St Sebastian suffered Martyrdom ) rather than to any other . But of this the Cardinal observes , that it extended not much further than Rome , and consequently not so far as the Alpes , and to Agaunum . In short , before the time of the General Persecution , we find some Christians Condemned to Death in some parts of the Empire ; but before the unhappy Congress at Nicomedia , 'ts not possible to shew any-where , during the whole Reign of Dioclesian , any such Massacre as that of a whole Legion . CHAP. XV. That the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion cannot be reconciled with the History , and Years of the Emperour Maximian . THE Character of Forgery which we have dispatched in the Precedent Chapter , will appear yet more Evident , by considering further , that 't is supposed that the Thebean Legion suffered Death by Order of Maximian ; whereas there is no room for this Martyrdom , either in the Life or Years of this Emperour . The Copies of Surius and Chifflet , and all the Legend-Writers who have followed them , agree in this , that this Emperour caused the Thebean Souldiers to be put to Death in an Expedition which he made into Gaul . Accordingly then a place must be found for their Martyrdom in some of Maximian's Voyages , on the other side of the Alpes . Lactantius , in his History of the Deaths of the Persecutors , makes mention of three of them . The First , was occasioned by the Marriage of his Daughter Fausta with Constantine , to whom he gave the Title of Augustus , he having had only that of Caesar before . He was forc'd to undertake the Second to shun the fury of his Souldiers , who were extreamly incensed against him , for designing to deprive his Son Maxentius of the Empire , by whom he had been restored to the Purple , which he had freely Abdicated before . And he came the third time into Gaul , at his return from his Journey into Hungary , whither he went , but unsuccessfully , to Sollicite Dioclesian to resume the Government ; and it was then that Constantine , perceiving the ill Design he had formed to destory him , thought it necessary to prevent him , and caused him to be strangled . But the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion , does not answer to any of these Expeditions , since they are all posterior to the Year 306. and all Historians agree , that the General Persecution at that time began to abate in the West . Besides , it is certain that Maximian in none of these Progresses passed the Alpes with an Army , and that his Fortune and the posture of his Affairs at that time , did not put him into a condition to deprive himself of a whole Legion . Where shall we then find a fourth Expedition of Maximian into Gaul , in which this Emperour might be supposed to have Murthered the whole Thebean Legion ? There is none left but that which is mentioned by Eutropius , and Aurelius Victor . These two Historians agree that some Troops of Banditi or Rapperees , who were called Bagauds , having raised a Tumult in Gaul , and put themselves under the Conduct of Amandus and Aelianus , Dioclesian made Maximian his Partner in the Government , and sent him in all haste with an Army to punish those Rebels . But the time of this Expedition is not agreed upon . Father Petau relates at large the different Opinions of the Learned concerning it , in his Book of the Doctrine of times . He thinks that Maximian's Reign began in the Year of our Lord 285. Dioclesian being then Emperour , and vested the second time with the Tribunitian Power ; and he confutes Baronius who was led into a mistake by a passage of Mamertine . Mr. Baluze affirms , that Dioclesian having been raised to the Empire on the 20 of November in the Year 284. took Maximian into the Government on the First of April , in the Year 285. and sets it down as a point universally agreed in History , that the I wentieth Year of Maximian ought to answer his Eighth Consulship . From whence he concludes , that Dioclesian Reigned Twenty Years , Five Months , and twelve Days ; and Maximian , Twenty Years , and a full Month. So that if this Calculation be just , the beginning of Maximian's Reign ought to be reckoned from the First of April , in the Year 285. Father * Pagi followeth the Author of the Alexandrian Chronicle , and having placed the beginning of Dioclesian's Reign on the 17 th of September in the Year 284 he adds that Maximian was Created ▪ Caesar on the 20 of Novemb. the same Year . Eutropius , and Aurelius Victor , are different in their Expression concerning the Character which Dioclesian gave to Maximian , when he sent him into Gaul against the Bagands . Eutropius saith , Herculeum Caesarem misit , and Aurelius Victor saith , Imperatore● jubet . Which difference occasioneth another Dispute amongst the Criticks , viz. Whether Maximian was made first Caesar , and then Augustus , according to the usual Custom ; or whether both the Dignities were conferred on him at one and the same time . Anthony Pagi , and Henry Noris , differ onely in the time , in which they suppose Maximian was raised to the Dignity of Augustus ; and they are of Opinion that before this he was made Caesar . But though both of them are great Masters , and seem able to pronounce upon this Matter , yet Mr. Baluze , in his Notes on Lactantius , is for the contrary , and alledges several Laws from whence he gathers , that Maximian was first Created Augustus . Against which Opinion of his , a Medal of Francis Angeloin's inscribed NOBILIS CAESAR , and on the Reverse PRINCIPI IVVENTVTIS , was thought to make very much . But this difficulty the famous Mr. Cuper , in his Notes on Lactantius hath removed . Where he observes , that this Medal ought to be referred to Galerius Maximianus , by reason that several of his are found with the same Inscriptions , which are not upon any of the Medals of Herculeus Maximianus , Collected by Counte Mezabarba . But the Subject we have before us does not require that we should trouble our selves about these Chronological questions . We are in search of the time when Maximian took another Journey into Gaul , not mentioned by Lactantius . Now the difficulty is not to find out that time , seeing it is circumstanced both in Eutropius , and Aurelius Victor , by two Memorable Events ; one of which is his Exaltation to the Empire , and the other the Bagaudian Revolt under their Leaders Amandus and Aelianus . Both which do shew , that he undertook the Gallican Expedition in the Year of our Lord ▪ 285. to Wit , at the beginning of his Reign , and above Eighteen Years before he took his other Journies spoken of by Loctantius . But our business is to examine , whether we can fix the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion to that time . And the Dispute is at an end , if we give Credit to those Acts of the Agaunian Martyrs , which both Surius and Baronius have followed . For there mention is made of the Bagauds , of Amandus and Aelianus , of Maximian s Assumption to the Empire , and of his Expedition into Gaul with the Thebean Legion . All which does agree well enough with the time we have assigned for the same Expedition . And it is strange , that Cardinal Baronius , who hath followed the Acts of Surius , and ought consequently to have joined the time of the Bagaudian Revolt , with that of the Death of the Thebean Souldiers , hath , notwithstanding this , placed their Martyrdom in the Year 297 , viz. Twelve Years after Dioclesian had taken Maximian into the Government , and sent him into Gaul to suppress the Rebellion of Amandus and Aelianus . And since these two Events fell out so well to the purpose , one would wonder Father Chifflet should be so transported , upon his finding a Manuscript in which there is not a word spoken of the Begauds , no● of Amandus nor Aelianus , if it were not that King Sigismond unluckily appeared there also amongst the rest . For as these two concuring Events very much favoured the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion , so what is there related of St. Sigismond made it evident , that St. Eucherius could not be the Author of the Acts of that Martyrdom , since he Dyed several Years before this Prince came into the World. Bollandus thought he might save the Credit of this piece , prove it to be the work of this Holy Bishop of Lions , and remove the Anachronism , by saying , that there was formerly a Monastery at Agaunum , and that King Sigismond only repaired and beautified it . But because it is but a poor shift , destroyed both by the Acts of Surius , and the Accounts which all the Historjans give of that Martyrdom , Father Chifflet was overjoyed upon his finding a Manuscript , wherein not the least mention is made of King Sigismond , or of the Bagaudian Insurrection . We have already declared how good an Opinion we have of Father Chifflet's integrity , which we don't pretend to retract . Nevertheless , if he be not the Man who hath helped this place out of the Acts of the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion , no Body ought to find fault with us , if we suspect that some others might have conjured it away . Whatsoever may be the Antiquity of Father Chifflet's Manuscrpit , sure it is that Impopostors are yet much ancienter than it . Now I hope Father Ruinart will not except against us , for making some advantage of the Advice he himself gives in his Answer to Mr. Dodwel , viz. That the Collectors of the Acts of Murtyrs have frequently added too , and lop't off such things as they did not like . But let us come now to the Matter it self , and examine whether the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion , can be made to fall in with Maximian's fourth Expedition into Gaul , mentioned by Eutropius , and Aurelius Victor . The Emperour Dioclesian , fearing lest the Gallican Revolt should be of dangerour consequence , assumes him into the Government , to the end , that by his assistance he might with more ease to himself undergo the weight of it ; He raises an Army with all speed to suppress this threatning Insurrection in its Birth ; then it is supposed that he sent for the Thebean Legion from the East , to serve in the Expedition . And yet they needs will have it , that having passed the Mountains with them , and in a manner facing the Enemy , such a Frenzy of superstition on a sudden seized him , as made him weaken his Army by the Martyrdom of this whole Legion . We took Notice before , that the Author of this Romance was not very cautious in observing the Rules of probability , But because some things may be true , though they do not seem very probable , we shall therefore add something of more weight than meer Conjeures , for the proof of our Assertion . First then , let a Man be never so little versed in Roman History , he will find no ground there to believe , that Maximian , being but lately admitted to a share in the Empire , should by his own single authority cut off a whole Legion . For though Dioclesian had made him Augustus , yet were they Masters in Common , and joint sharers of the Provinces , Arms , and Legions of the Empire . Galesius and Constantius were the First that shared the Empire . This the City of Rome took very ill , looking upon it as a diminution of its Power and glory . But this sharing of the Empire ending in the Victories which Constantine got over all his Competitors , Rome became again the Mistress of the Universe . Whereupon the Poet Porphyrius , in a Poem which he composed in the 15 th Year of this Prince , has these words . — lacera cruentis Imperii pars fessa Poli , diversa gemehat S●eptra , & Ausoniae moerebat perdita jura . During the Division of the Empire , each Emperour acted as he pleased in his own District , and was under no obligation to Communicate his Affairs and Conduct to the other Emperours ; whereas when the Empire was possessed jointly by two or three Emperours , they Consulted one another in all Affairs of Importance , because each had an equal right to the whole , Aequo Jure , as Eutropius saith , speaking of Marcus Aurelius , and of Lucius Verus . Whence we may judge , if it be possible in reason to suppose , that Maximian would of his own head have Commanded a whole Legion to be put to Death , and without so much as Consulting Dioclesian , have allarm'd all the Christians throughout the Empire by so violent a Persecution . 'T is true indeed , if the loss of a whole Legion , cut off by the Command of a Cholerick and Enraged Prince , were to be look'd upon as a trifling matter , and of no consquence to the State , there would have been no great need for Maximian upon this occasion , to have ask'd the Advice of his Colleague ; but I question much , whether any considering Person will think it so . Secondly , Let us reflect upon what the Historians tell us of the Reign of Dioclesian and Maximian till the time they begun to persecute the Christians , and we shall find that they represent those times to us , as times of Ease and Plenty , and they speak of their Government as managed with Clemency and Moderation . Matermin tells Maximian , that no sooner had the Light of his Government shined upon the Empire , but it overspread all places with peace and security . Eusebius , in the 12 th and 13 th Chapter of the 8 th Book of his Church-History , cannot forbear making frequent mention of the Happiness , which both the Church and Empire enjoyed before Dioclesian and Maximian had resolved to Exterminate the Christians . Who can express ( saith he ) the Prosperity and Plenty which the Empire enjoyed , so long as those who Governed were well and kindly affected towards us . He had said before , we want Words to express the great value and esteem which the Doctrine of our Blessed Saviour met with amongst the Greeks and Barbarians , and the perfect Liberty and Tranquility which the Professours of it enjoyed before the Persecution which was raised against the Church in our Days . The particular affection the Emperours shewed towards those of our Religion , and the Honour they did them , in conferring upon them the Government of Provinces , without obliging them to Sacrifice to their Idols . And a little after he adds . Who can recount the great numbers of those who came over every Day to make profession of our Faith ; how many Churches were Erected in every City , and in what Crowds came People to pay their Homage to God ; insomuch , that the Ancient Buildings proving too narrow to receive them , it was necessary to have others built more large and capacious . Neither could the Envy of Devils , or Malice of Men , put a stop to this Progress of Christianity , so long as the People of God were not unworthy of his Almighty Protection and Favour . But when the excessive Liberty we enjoyed , had slackned the strictness of our Discipline ; so that we begun to make War amongst our selves with abusive and bitter Words ; and Bishops Incensed against Bishops , raised dissentions and disorders ; in a Word , when Malice and Couzenage were come to their height , then Divine Justice lift up his Hand to punish us , First gently , as it useth to do , and permitted those amongst the Faithful , who made profession of Arms , to be Persecuted first . Now , who can believe that the Thebean Legion was Massacred at the time here described by Mamertine and Eusebius ? Can any one Style that a Reign of Peace , Meekness , and Felicity , in which above Six Thousand Six Hundred Persons were at one time inhumanly Murthered ? 'T is supposed that Maximian Commanded them to be put to Death , upon their refusal to Sacrifice to Idols , and yet Eusebius told us just now , that both Dioclesian and Maximian conferred the Government of Provinces on Christians , without any obligation to Offer Sacrifice . It was then the Custom amongst the Romans , that the Proconsuls , the Govenours , and other Magistrates should Sacrifice to the Gods , to the safety and Genius of the Emperours , and should be present at all the publick Sacrifices Offered to them ; which is the Reason , that the first Christians shunned those Employments as very dangerous baits , and occasions of Sin. But their Exemplary integrity being without doubt a motive to the Emperours , to desire they might be employed in places of publick Trust , Eusebius observes , that they acquitted them from the obligation of doing Sacrifice , ( as Mr. de Valois Reads that passage out of the Manuscripts of the Medicean , and the Mazarine Libraries ) 'T is true , that Eusebius saith , that the Faithful who made profession of Arms were Persecuted first . But this cannot be apply'd to the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion . For it is supposed that this Legion was Barbarously Massacred ; and Eusebius speaks of a Persecution , whereby God did only Gently and Modarately chastise the Church . But certainly the Martyrdom of a whole Legion cannot be called a light and gentle Chastisement . But Thirdly , these last Words of Eusebius shew clearly , that it is not possible to make the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion , f●ll in with Maximian's Expedition into Gaul against the Begauds . Eusebius having said expresly , that the faithful who made profession of Arms were Persecuted first , we need only find out the time when that Persecution against the Souldiers begun . For if it was in the Year 285. we may suppose , indeed , that the Thebean Legion was then Condemned to Death , since it was about that time that Maximian was taken into the Government , and caused the Legions to March into Gaul , to suppress the Rebelion of Amandus and Aelianus , as Eutropius , and Aurelius Victor relate . But what will they say , if the Persecution of the Souldiers did not begin till above Twelve Years after that time . Father Pagi places it in the Year 298. and Mr. Dodwel in 301. whose Reasons may be seen in his Dissertations upon St. Cyprian . But without entring upon these Disputes of Chronology it will be sufficient to prove that the Persecution of the Souldiers happened several Years after Maximian's Expedition into Gaul . Now the Account which Lactantius hath given , both of the time and occasion of the Persecution of the Thebean Souldiers , leaves no place to doubt of it . He saith , that Dioclesian being anxious about the Success of the War against the Persians , which he had left to the Conduct of Galerius , Consulted the Aruspices concerning the Event thereof , and adds , that the Inspector having told him , that the presence of the Christians hindred him from making any Discovery in the Entrals of the Victims ▪ the Emperour thereupon Commanded that the Souldiers should Sacrifice to the Idols , and upon refusal should be drawn out of their respective Ranks , and Disbanded . Mr. Baluze , on this place of Lactantius , saith , that Eusebius hath very well observed , that the Persecution begun with the Souldiers ; and that really none but those who served in the Army were at first Persecuted . We ought especially to observe that Lactantius saith expresly , that the Emperours Anger and Fury against the Souldiers proceeded no further at that time than to Cashier them . Which Act of his , Eusebius calls a punishment ; for amongst the Romans to be Cashiered and turned out of the Army , was accounted a great shame and disgrace , as Hirtius tells us , speaking of the African Wars . However , Eusebius is in the right , to call this Ignominy a light and gentle Punishment , in comparison of the other Evils which the Christians suffered some Years after . Therefore * Sulpitius Severus , after having said that Licinius contending for the Empire with Constantine , Commanded the Christian Souldiers either to Sacrifice to the Idols , or to lay down their Arms , adds , but we don t reckon this amongst the Persecutions , as being too inconsiderable a thing to deserve a place amongst the Wounds which the Church received . Had the Thebean Legion suffered Martyrdom at that time , they would certainly have been reckoned among the Souldiers who suffered Persecution ; and because so great and remarkable an Event as this could not have escaped the knowledge both of Eusebius and Laciantius , 't is not likely the latter would have said , that the Emperours did only at first Cashier the Souldiers , and the former would not have called this Persecution a light and gentle Punishment . And since 't is agreed on all hands , that those who made profession of Arms were Persecuted first , 't is manifest that the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion cannot be referred to the Expedition which Maximian made into Gaul , to suppress the Revolt of Amandus and Aelianus . For Maximian undertook this Expedition some Months after his Admission to the Government , about the Year 285. and the Persecution of the Souldiers , according to Lactantius , did not begin till a long time after . The same Author saith , that the Persian Wars did then take up all the thoughts of the Court ; whence it follows , that this Expedition did not happen till after he had settled his Affairs in Egypt , and severely punished those who had followed the party of Achillaeus , and at the time when he was putting himself into a Condition to be revenged upon Narses King of Persia , who taking advantage of the Revolt of Egypt ▪ made irruptions into Armenia and Mesopotamia . Which hapned several Years after Maximian's Advancement to the Empire , and his Bagaudian Expedition . CHAP. XVI . That it is not true , that the Bagauds were Christians , and that the Thebean Legion suffered death for refusing to persecute them . IT will not be amiss to take notice here of an Objection , which may perhaps be made a gainst us , Viz. That it is true that the Persecution mentioned in the precedent Chapter did not begin till near the year 298 , or 301 ; But that Maximian was oblig'd to cut off the Theb. Legion upon another account , which was , that those People who had revolted , and went under the nick-name of Bagauds , being Christians , the Emperour was afraid least the Theb. Souldiers who were of the same Religion , should joyn with the Rebels , and therefore he thought it the best course he could take to get himself thus rid of them , and that This was the chief , and indeed , the true cause of their Martyrdom . Here we are to consider what Mezeray saith in his second Book of the Origin of the French concerning this matter . These are his words . After Carinus at his departure from Gaule had drawn thence all his Legions to go and encounter Dioclesian ; the Provinces , being freed from the Troops that kept them in awe attempted likewise to shake off the heavy Yoke of settled Taxes , and the arbitrary extorsions of their Governours : Which lying heaviest upon the Countrey people , they took up arms first & Aelianus and Amandus , two Officers in the Roman Army , were so unwise as to put themselves at the head of them . Such slaves as were hardly used by their Masters , joyned with them ; some came into this Party of their own accord , and others were surprised into it , several were sollioited , but most of them scorned the invitation . This Rising was call'd Bagaud , and the followers of it Bagauds or Bagaudians . Which word ( as some say ) signifies Revolt , and perhaps a Revolt of such as lived in the Woods , according to the Etymology of the word from the Ancient Celtick Language . For it is likely that those People having no other Fortresses and Places to retire to but Woods , they there intrenched themselves after the manner of the Germans and Ancient Gauls . There were many Woods without doubt in several places of that Countrey , but the chiefest and biggest of them was two Leagues from Paris on the River Marne , in a place where now stands the Abbey of St. Maur , called des Fossez , or of the Ditches , because they had digged up a very spacious Trench to incamp there . Most of them were Christians . And who knows , but that after so many horrid Persecutions which they had suffered , their patience did turn at last into a just fury in arming them both against the Torments , and their Tormentors . Maximian taking a review of his Troops near the Town of Aoste on this side of the Alpês , the Theb. Legion refused to take the Oaths with the Ceremonies used amongst the Pagans , and being encouraged by the Speeches of their Tribune Mauritius , chose rather to undergo two or three Decimations , and at last to be all cut to pieces , then to desite themselves by those abominable Rites . The whole Legion was not there , some Cohorts having been detached , who , as we shall see hereafter in another place , signaliz'd themselves by a like Victory . So many brave Men who despised Death would have sold their lives to the Romans at a very dear rate , if it had not been more glorious to die for the Faith , which they professed , than to fight for it . I say further that they would have strengthened very much the Bagaudian Party , had their Religion permitted them to dissemble till they had joined them . However Maximian having defeated some of these Bagauds and received others into his favour , and by this means having divided them , he besieged their great Intrenchment both by Land and by Water , with so great Vigour and Resolution , that at last he took it . All those who were found in it were put to the Sword without exception ; and their strong works were so entirely ruin'd and demolish'd , that nothing of them but some few Ditches remained We are to believe , saith the Author of the Life of St. Baboulene , that these Men being Christians , and despising their lives for the sake of their Religion , pass'd through Martyrdom to the Kingdom of Heaven ; and though we have not their Acts in writing , nevertheless their Memory and Names shall never be blotted out of the Book of Life . These are the new Weapons wherewith M. de Mezeray furnishes the Asserters of the Martyrdom of the Theb. Legion . Now all these difficulties we are very desirous to remove , the better to clear this piece of Ecclesiastical History . First then it is suppos'd in the Objection , that most part of the Bagauds Army were Christians , and that the Emperour Maximian caused the Theb. Legion to be cut off , for fear so many brave Men should joyn with and strengthen the Rebels . Then it is said , that this Objection is taken out of an Ancient Anonymous Writer , who hath given us the Life of St. Baboulene , and who ought therefore to be credited , by reason that these Transactions happened in an Age nearer to his , than to our times . Our Answer to this will not a little contribute , I hope , to discover the Falshood of the Martyrdom of the Theb. Legion . And First in this Account of Mezeray , supported by the Authority of that Anonymous Writer , we find the Christians divided in their Practice upon a very considerable point of Morality . For some of them leaving the Plow take up Arms against their Sovereign , and others on the contrary being up in Arms lay them down , and patiently submit to the Execution of the barbarous Orders of their Prince . Now to what shall we ascribe this difference in their Judgment and practices ? Was it that the Morality on the other side of the Alps differ'd from that of the Gauls ? Or must we attribute the cause of this difference to the diversity of their Climates , Educations , Tempers and Manners ? But we should spend too much time should we go about to untye this knot , therefore the shortest way is to 〈◊〉 it , and to 〈◊〉 positively , that both 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 that is Christianity would rather loose than get by it . The Martyrdom of the Theb. Legion is asserted , because it is thought very honourable to Christianity ; but then to support the Assertion , and Insurrection of the first Christians in Gaule is brought in , and a rebellious Conspiracy to shake off the Yoak of their Masters . So that if those who set up for the defence of an Obedience so intirely passive , have , in the Example of the Theb. Souldiers a Legion of Martyrs to boast of : Those , who on the contrary believe , that there are some Cases and Times , in which Patience ought to give place to other Vertues , shall find in the Bagauds a whole Army of Christians , in Rebellion against the Empire , to oppose to that Legion : And shall the Example of one single Legion , be of more Weight and Consideration , then that of a whole Army ? Secondly , Sulpitius Severus , speaking of the persecution which * Marcus Aurelius rais'd , against the Christians , saith , That that was the first time that Martyrs were known to have suffered in Gaule , Christianity having been received somewhat late beyond the Alpes . From which words we may very reasonably infer , That it is not likely that when Dioclesian admitted Maximian to a Partnership in the Government , the Christians were so numerous as to form an Army . But if to destroy this consequence , and the Authority of Sulpitius Severus , it be reply'd , that there is no likelyhood that the Gospel was preached so late in France , a Country so near adjoining to Italy , since in the time of Marcus Aurelius , the Apostles and their Disciples had published it in the most distant parts of the World ; we will oppose nothing to this Answer , that may any way detract from the Antiquity of the French Churches . For besides , that this would carry us too far beyond our purpose , the Persecution , which their unworthy Posterity have raised against us , shall never lessen that high and just respect and veneration , we have always had for the first Churches of the Gauls . But suppose it were True , that St. Luke , St. Philip , St. Paul , Crescent , and some other Disciples of Christ did Preach the Gospel in Gaule , and let it be suppos'd likewise , That it is not without ground that Vienna , Lions , Aix , Narbonne , Sens , Paris , Reims , Limoges , and Toulouse , do boast of having received the Christian Religion from the Apostles , and Apostolical Men , yet all this would not suffice , unless we should also further suppose , that these first Preachers left there both Successors and very great numbers of Converts . Nay , indeed it ought to be made out , That their Preaching proved very effectual , and made considerable progress every where . But if none but well approved Acts must be trusted , this matter will prove of greater difficulty than may at first be imagined . The Assembly of the French Clergy having ordered all the Bishops to send Memoirs to the Messicurs of St. Marthe , concerning the Foundations and Antiquity of the Churches of their Dioceses ; these learned Men made to these Memoirs several Additions and Discoveries of their own , and at last caused those large Volumes of theirs , of Christian France , to be Printed : 'T is true we find in them , that the Christian Religion was Preached in Gaule very early by the Apostles and their Disciples ; and we believe , That in that respect , the Titles of the Gallican Churches are as good as those of many other Churches that flatter themselves with the like belief of their having been honoured with the Presence , and the Preaching of some or other of the Apostles , who came there in Person . But if you strictly and impartially consider the Works of Messicurs de St. Marthe , after the Apostolick Age , you fall into a kind of Wilderness , a large waste of almost 250 years , fill'd up with nothing but fabulous Legends and uncertain Traditions , except the Relations of some few Martyrs , as those of Lions , who shine as Stars , in so profound and long a Darkness , all the rest being made up of nothing but groundless Suppositions , or Acts that may easily be proved to be spurious . I have by me the Original Copy of the Memoirs , which Artus de Lion Bishop of Gap sent to Mrs. de St. Marthe , written by himself , and signed with his own hand . Where he proves , that St. Demetrius , Disciple of the Apostles , was Bishop of Gap ; and gives two Reasons for it ; the First is , That before the Protestants had pull'd down the Episcopal Palace in the year 1577 , there were seen upon the Walls of the great Hall , the Images of the Bishops of Gap , and that St. Demetrius was at the head of them with these Words , Saint Demetrius the First Bishop of the Church of Gap , and Disciple of the Apostles : And that by the Grace of God they had yet an Eye Witness of it in their Chapter , namely Mr. Paul of Bauvais , who when he wrote these things , was in the hundredth year of his Age. The other Authority he produces is taken out of a Berviary , which Bertrand of Champeaux Bishop of Gap , caused to be Printed in the year 1499 , where St. Demetrius is placed in the Calender on the 26th of October , with the Character of Bishop and Martyr , and the Word totum Duplex , which according to the use of the Church of Gap signifies the same as ( according to the use of the Council of Trent ) Duplex primae Classis , which is proper to the Festivals of Patrons and Titulars of Churches . After these so special and convincing proofs , who would venture now to deny that St. Demetrius , Disciple of the Apostles , did plant the Faith in the Diocess of Gap ? That Breviary of Gap , Printed in the Year 1499. is a curious Piece indeed . We read there in the. 8th Lesson of St. Demetrius's Office , speaking of the Etymology of that Saint's Name , that Demetrius ex eo dictus , quia de Medio , id est , de Mundo triumphavit : And in the fourth Lesson , that the City of Gap , having been taken by the Sarazens , Count William beat them out of it , and gave the half thereof for the Redemption of his Soul , to God and to the Blessed Virgin Mary , in the Year of our Lord 86 , on the Kalends of January , in the fifth Indiction . Though it is well known to every body that the use of the Indictions did not begin till three Hundred Years after Christ , and that the Sarazens did not make Inruptions into Gaule till several years after . Should we come to Examine narrowly the traditional Origins of most Gallican Churches , we should not , I think , find much more solidity in any of them . And especially we may observe that after the First Age , there happened to that kind of Traditions such an Eclipse , or Discontinuation , that they do'nt appear again till after the time of the General Persecution . And yet notwithstanding , if we believe Mezeray and take his Anonimous Writer's bare word for it , the Christians made a figure great enough at that time in Gaule , to raise whole Armies against the Emperours . However , there is no need of straining very much for to preserve to the Churches of France their Antiquity , and to Sulpitius Serverus the Authority he deserves in a matter of this nature . For though the Apostles and their Disciples had preached the Christian Religion in Gaule very early , yet this blessed Seed , as well as that in the Parable , was soon after choak'd by thorns , and sprung not up again till a long time after , so that it was very late before it came to any considerable Maturity there . Gregory of Tours gives us this way of saving both the Authority of Sulpitius Severus , and the Antiquity of the Gallick Church , who saith , that about the Year 250 , under the Reign of Decius , the City of Toulouse had Saturnine for its Bishop , and that he came from Rome with six others to preach the Gospel in Gaule , Viz. Gatian at Tours , Trophimus at Arles , Paul at Narbonne , Dionysius at Paris , Astremonicus at lermont , and Martial at Limoges These are then the new Evangelists sent in the time of Decius , to re-kindle the Light of the Gospel in Gaule , which had been so long extinguished there . From whence it may be gathered that the Christian Religion had not then made any great progress amongst the Gauls , since in the Year of our Lord two hundred and fifty there was need to preach it a fresh there , and even at Narbonne and Arles , Citys rather belonging to Italy then to Gaule , and which Sulpitius meant not to speak of , if we may believe Father Pagi . How is it possible then to imagin that four Years after the Reign of Decius , the Christians should be so multiply'd in Gaule , as to be in a condition to make up vast Armys , and those so formidable as to strike a terrour into Rome it self , and to perplex its Emperours . This they would fain perswade us , by Asserting peremptorily , that the Bagauds were Christians , and that Maximian destroy'd the Theb. Legion for no other reason , but because he was afraid They should joyn with them . But Thirdly , They are at a very great loss for Arguments to prove the Martyrdom of their Theb. Legion , when they are forced to this shift of supposing those Bagauds to have been Christians . For they cast no small blemish upon the Ancient Gallican Church , who fix such a Character upon her Sons ▪ & besides they are very much unacquainted with the Morals of the Christians of those Primitive Ages , who think they were capable of such injustice and violences , as the Bagauds stand charg'd with in History . Therefore Mezeray receiving the Bagauds into the Church , thought fit to clear them from these odious Aspersions and to justify their proceedings . Who knows , saith he , but that having suffer'd so many horrible Persecutions , their Patience turn'd at last into a just Fury , in arming themselves both against the Torments and the Tormentors . Bucherius endeavours likewise to excuse them saying , That the Bagauds were moved to a Rebellion which was in a manner just , by reason of the Crueltys and Tyranical Impositions of their Governours . Salvianus did the same before them , whom perhaps they have both followed . He saith , That the Bagauds oppressed by their unjust Judges , lost all respect for the Majesty of the Empire , because they had been Stript of the Rights and Priviledges of Roman Liberty . In short , the Emperor Augustus , the better to procure himself the good Affection of the Gauls , had granted to some of them the Roman , to others the Latine , and to others again the Italic Laws and Liberties . Whence Salvian took occasion to say : We call the Bagauds Rebels and Profligate Villains , when 't is we that have hurried them into these Outrages . For how came they to be Bagauds , but by our own injustice , by our proscriptions of their Persons , and violent Vsurpations of their Estates ; and this is the effect of their being condemned to death and hang'd for the Robberies of their Judges , That they are now become like Barbarians , because they were not suffered before to live like Romans . That Priest of Marseilles , who wrote about the year of Our Lord 495 , adds several other things , whereby the Crimes and Violences which were imputed to the Bagauds are laid to the Charge of the Governours of the Gauls , of their Judges and of the Collectors of the Taxes . But he never speaks the least Word , from whence we may conclude , that the Bagauds were Christians , but on the contrary , his way of speaking on their behalf shews plaingly enough , that they did not profess the Christian Religion , we need only compare his Apology with those of Athenagoras , of ▪ St. Austin , of Tertullian , and especially of Arnobius , who lived at the time of the Bagaudian Revolt . These Fathers speak of nothing so much as of the Piety , Meekness , Charity and Innocence of those happy Ages of the Church . Whereas Salvian Apologizes for the Bagauds by excusing their Crimes of Injustice , Violence and Rebellion . Were that true which Mezeray saith of them , perhaps Eutropius and Aurelius Victor , would have told us something concerning their Religion . Prosper might also have taken some notice of it , since he makes mention of them in his Chronology ; so likewise Eumenius in his Panegyrick , wherein he informs us , that the Bagauds having besieged Autun , that City implored the Emperour's Assistance . But it is most incredible that Marmertine would have been silent in this Matter in the Panegyrick , which he made at Treves in praise of the Emperour Maximian . Mr. Cuper saith , that he made it in the year 288. The Learned Henry Norris puts it a year later , in his curious Dissertations upon the Medal of Dioclesian and Maximian . Howsoever it be , Mamertine made this publick Speech but few years after the defeat of the Bagauds ; wherein he endeavours to quicken his discourse by drolling upon their Army ; and makes a meer jest of it : That a Crew of ignorant Rusticks should pretend to the Exercise of Arms , and Military Discipline ; that the Plowman should change his Goad for a Pike ; the Shepherd leave his Flock to turn Trouper ; and that the Husband man should plunder and waste his own Estate , and destroy the Fruits of his own Labour with as little concern as the most Barbarous Enemy would have done . From which sharp and pungent Expressions , One may give a shrewd Guess at what he would have added , had the Bagauds professed the Christian Religion . President Fauchet is One of the French Writers , who hath made the greatest discoveries in the Gallick Antiquities . But it does not appear , that he was of Opinion , that the Bagauds were Christians ; for he saith of them . The Gauls being overburdened with publick Subsidies and Taxes rose up in Arms in the year of our Lord 290 or thereabouts , under the conduct of Amandus and Aelianus , and took the Name of Bagauds , which some say , signifies in the old Gallick Language , Forced Rebels or Traitors , and some are of Opinion , that they were all Peasants , and will have it , That the VVord Bagaud signifies Tribute ; the heavy Taxes being in some parts of France not many years ago , called Bagoges . These troubles were appeased by Maximian , Dioclesians Partner in the Empire . Joseph Scaliger , saith , That Bagaud is not a French VVord , but the Name of a Faction or People , and that ever since the time of Dioclesian , the Highway-men and Robbers were call'd Bagauds . Which agrees with what Aurelius Victor saith , That Amandus and Aelianus gathered together great numbers of Peasants and Robbers . And that which shews it to be the Name of a Faction or Party according to Joseph Scaliger's Observation , is , that Idacius in his Chronology speaks of the Bagauds , who mutined in Spain in the Province of Tarragonia , under the Kings Rechila and Theodoricus . 'T is also very likely , that they wandred from one Countrey to another as the Hordes of the Tartars do . This Conjecture is seconded by what Prosper tells us of a Physician nam'd Eudoxius , who took shelter in the Bagaud , which then had changed Station . And because perhaps they lived in Tents , their Name might well be derived from thence ; since Amerbachius remarks that formerly the Tents were call'd Baugas . Menage in his Origines of the French Tongue saith , That Ciron fetched the term Bagaud from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies in Suidas to live a Vagabond , or rambling Life , and that Mr. Bochart derived it from the Hebrew Bagad , which signifies , saith he , to revolt , though it is properly used for Perfidious . He relates besides one of the Memoirs , which Mr. Dupuy communicated to him upon the Names which divers Nations and People have given to the Gangs of Robbers , or Highway-men , where the Bagauds seem to Answer to the Vscoks of Dalmatia , the Cosaks of Poland , the Heydukes of Hungary , the Arabs of Africa , and the Pyrenean Mikelets . So that it makes doubtless very much to the honour of the Ancient Gallican Church to maintain , that those Bagauds professed the Christian Religion . Thus we see what poor shifts they are forc'd to make use of in defending the Martyrdom of the Theb. Legion , when they find themselves oblig'd to assert that the best and most Ancient Christians were Banditi , Rebels , and Rapperies . And besides let the say what they will , they shall never perswade us that in the Church of the Third Century , there were sufficient numbers of these goodly Christians to make up an Army . So that upon the whole it seems much better to reject as we do , the Martyrdom of the Theb. Legion as a groundless Romance , then to cast such a scandal upon the primitive and golden Ages of the Church ? But had Mazeray and the other Writers read with attention the fifth Book of Salvian , in which he deplores the sad misfortune and miseries of Gaule , they would never have imagin'd , that the Bagauds had been Christians . The Christians being there very numerous in his time and involved in publick calamities , Salvian represents them as Persons of a Spirit and Principles quite different from those which Mezeray attributes to the Bagauds . VVhat place is there ( saith he ) where the Magistrates and Governours of Towns do not devour the entrails of the Widows and Orphans , nay and even of the Saints too , with whom they deal in like manner , because either the love they have for their Religion hinders them from making any resistance , or their innocence and humility does not leave them the power to do it . This was the true Spirit of the Ancient Galican Church , and we ought rather to follow Salvian , who lived nearer to those first times of Christianity , then Mazeray and the Legend-Writers , who say that the Christians in Gaule rose up in Arms , and that Maximian caused the Theb. Legion to be put to the sword , for fear they should joyn with and strengthen that Party . Nevertheless it is Universally believed as a certain Truth , not only at Turin , but throughout all Italy . All the Modern Writers speak of it after the same manner ; and all the Preachers on the Festival of the Theb. Soulders do from their Pulpits deliver it so to the People . After the very same manner Emmanuel Tesauro , famous for several of his other Works , and especially his History of the Kings of Lombardy , relates the matter in the account he gives of the Martyrdom of the Theb. Legion in his History of the City of Turin Printed in ●olio ; where he saith that at the Place where St. Mauritius's Town now stands , there was an Altar upon which the Emperour Maximian commanded all the Souldiers of his Army to sacrifice to Jupiter , and swear hostilety against the Christians . But Mezeray , Tesauro , and all the others have been led into this mistake by the Acts of the Martyrs of Agaunum . For those Acts in Surius's Copy and in that of Chisslet do attribute the cause of their Death to their refusal to go and persecute the Christians in Gaule . * There it is said , that they , together with the rest of the Army , were Commanded to persecute the Christians , and that they alone refused to Execute that Bloody Order . And a little after it follows , that the Emperour having commanded the whole Theb. Legion to be decimated , sent new Orders , to force all those who were left to promise that they would persecute the Christians . But this chiefly appears in the Speech the Theb. Souldiers are made to speak to Maximian , wherein the Author of these Acts hath displayed all his Wit and Rhetorick . We offer you , say they , the best Service our hands can perform , against all your enemies whatsoever ; but we look upon it as the blackest of crimes , to imbrue them in innocent blood . These hands know how to fight against VVicked men and Rebels to the Empire , but they have never yet learned to destroy good Men and loyal Subjects &c. — You command us to go and seck for the Christians , that they may be brought to punishment , but there is no need for you to make these enquiries any further , for here we our selves are Christians , and do confess God the Father the Author of a● things , Jesus Christ his Son , and the Holy Ghost . This one particular related in all the Acts of the Agaunian Martyrs , to wit , that Maximian's Army was ordered to persecute the Christians , and to punish their Rebellion , shews evidently the Martyrdom of the Theb. Legion to be but a counterfeit Story . Such a studied and pathetick Speech as this , which they are made to deliver to the Emperour , is another proof of the Forgery of their Acts. These little School Declamations would have been very unbecoming the mouths of dying Christians and Martyrs , whose minds were wholely taken up with the thoughts of another Life . Whensoever such Speeches as these are found in the Acts of Martyrs we may well conclude , that either those Acts are counterfeit , or that those Speeches were added to them by some Christians of the following Ages . The true Acts of Martyrs , are those that have been taken out of the publick Registers , Church-Offices , and Proconsular Acts. Now after the Stentence of Death pronounced against the Christians , it was not usual amongst the Romans to insert or add to them any thing more in the publick Registers . The Opinion of Mezeray upon this matter is so just and so rational , That it is well worth reciting . In all the Authentick Acts of Martyrs ( saith he ) you will find an ardent Charity for God and their Brethren , a modesty and humility so much the greater by how much they were more constant and worthy of Glory , an entire confidence in the Grace of God , an extream diffidence of their own Weakness , much Meekness and Compassion for those who were fallen , great Wisdom and Strength , and above all , continual Prayers to God : All which godly dispositions render those other Acts , which make Martyrs utter long Speeches and elaborate Discourses , Invectives and Threatnings , justly suspected . Fourthly , since Mezeray was induced to believe , that the greatest part of Maximian's Army were Christians , only upon the Authority of the Authors of St. Baboulene's Life , it will not be amiss to examine what can be built upon this Writer's Authority ; And i● we cast but half an eye upon this Work of his , we shall plainly discern that the whole from the beginning to the end of it is made up of nothing but fabulous Legends and Fictions . The Manucript is kept at Paris in the Library of St. Germain Des-Prez , and James Dubrcuil , a Monk of that Abbey , made an abrigdment of it , and published it in the Year 1614. Mr. Du Chesne inserted it some Years after in his History of France ; Father Le-Cointe takes notice of it also in his Annals , and rejecteth it as altogether unworthy of credit ; for he observeth , that this Writer exactly follows in every thing that Anonymous Impostor , who wrote the Acts of the Kings of France ; of which he gives these following particulars . First , That he makes Erchenald Major of the Palace in the first Year of Clovis , whereas Fredegair calls him , who was then in that Office Aeganes . Secondly , that he confounds Aubert , Bishop of Paris under King Clovis , with Agilbert , who was Bishop of that ●●e under Clotary . Son to Clovis . Thirdly , that of two Baboulenes , one of whom was Abbas Bob●ensis , and the other Abbas Fosatensis , he makes but one . Fourthly , That he reckons but 85. Years from the Death of Clovis the first to the Death of Clovis the second ; Fifthly , That he makes Clovis the second to succeed his Father Dagobert in the Year of our Lord 643 , in the first Indiction . And several other faults he finds in the same Author all contrary to the known truth of History . But a most notable one is his Saying , that the Abbey of St. Maur des Fossez is situate in the place where formerly the Camp of the Bagauds was , and that they incamped there because there was then standing an old Castle , built by Julius Caesar , inclosed with Walls , and secured on all sides with large Ditches . The truth is , that that Abbey of St. Maur is call'd by several Writers of the Later Ages Castrum Bagaudarum . Mr. Menage in his Origines upon the Word Bagauds saith , that in a Charter of the Abbey of St. Maur , granted in the Year 868. St. Maur des Fossez is call'd Castrum Bagaudarum , and adds because Anciently it was a Fort of the Bagauds . But who told that Anonymus Author , that Julius Caesar had built there a noble Castle , Nobiliter Constructum . He is the only Writer who speaks of that Castle , there is not the least mention of it in the Commentaries of Julius Caesar , though all his Actions in Gaule are therein Writen with the greatest exactness . Moreover , this Impostor makes Orosius to say things , which he never thought of . For Orosius saith , that Amandus and Aelianus having got a considerable number of Peasants together , raised great disturbances in Gaule , which Oblig'd Dioclesian to create Maximianus Herculeus , Caesar , and to send him thither , who being a Man of considerable experience in War , easily dispersed that Army of Peasants which was altogether without Order and Discipline . But this Anonymous Scribler makes Orosius to say , That Amandus and Aelianus were Christians , and that they revolted only , because they thought that their Religion did not allow them to obey Pagan Princes . It is a strange impudence this , first to invent Fables , and then for the confirmation of them , to quote a Famous Historian . If we take this Authors quotation out of him for truth , Orosius attributes very Noble and Evangelical Morals to the Christians of the Third Century , in making them shake off the Authority of their lawful superiours , only because they were not of their own Religion . Monsieur de Tirlemont makes a Remark very su●iable to the purpose . It is upon the Acts of St. Maximus , related by Baronius in the year 254. There arises , saith he , yet greater difficulties from what Optimus saith , That the Edict of Decius , commanded all Christians to forsake their Superstition , and to acknowledge their lawful Prince , on whom all things depended , and to Worship his Gods. Against which Mr. Tirlemont with great reason does except thus . What does all this mean ? Should then the Christians have made any difficulty to acknowledg Decius for their Emperour ? By no means . But the truth is , that though they were the most Submissive and Truest Subjects to their Princes , Nevertheless , because they did not prefer them to God himself , they were deemed to fall from the duty of their Allegiance . In fine , this Anonymous Writer of Mezeray's relates the Martyrdom of the Theb. Legion very differently , both from the counterseit St. Eucherius , Surius , and Father Chifflet . For he saith , that Maximian having ordered , that all the Souldiers of his Army should swear upon the Altars of his Gods , Sacrifice to them , and oblige themselves by an Oath , that they would persecute the Christians where-ever they should meet with any of them : Mauritius answered for the whole Theb. Legion under his Command . We know , O Emperour , how to fight against Rebels and Wicked Persons ; but we know not how to make War upon Good Men , and our own Fellow Subjects : Though we are all well Arm'd , yet we do'nt make any resistance , as being more willing to have our own blood shed , than to shed that of others . So without any more ado they stretched out their necks to the Executioners , and were raised by their Torments to the glory of Paradise . And thus this Anonymous Author leads us immediatly to the end of his Romance , whereas the supposed St. Eucherius , after Maximian hath given his barbarous Orders , makes the Theb. Legion to withdraw ; supposes , that it refuses to march ; saith , that it was only decimated at first ; makes the Emperour to reiterate his Orders , relates their Speech to this Prince ; and so entertaining his Reader with a great number of intervening particulars , he at last brings him to the Catastrophe of his Tragedy . Whence it follows , that the Martyrdom of the Theb. Legion is not originally found but in false and supposititious Writings , and was only related at first by Impostours . One invented and publish'd the Story of this Martyrdom , Another vouch'd for the Truth of that Narrative , by another of his own : And upon the credit of these two Relators , hundreds of others believed it , and at last it became a common Opinion in the World. For a Tale never misses to be credited , when it begins to grow ancient ; and we see every day , that when any Relation hath passed for current for fifty or threescore years , it is then almost too late to Contradict , or call it in Question . CHAP. XVII . That it is not True , That some Cohorts of the Theb. Legion were detached out of Maximian's Army to March against Carausius . TOWARDS the end of the counterfeit Agaunian Acts there is a passage which affords us another proof , that this Story of the Theb. Legion is a Forgery . It was , saith the Author , a common report , That Vrsus and Victor , two Souldiers of that Legion , suffered death for Christ at Soleurre . If we ask the Legend Writers , how it came to pass , that these two Theb. Souldiers left their Legion , and were martyred so far off in Suisserland , they answer , that Maximian upon his March into Gaule , to compose the Bagaudian troubles , was inform'd that Carausius had revolted , and seized on both the Port of Bologne and the Navy which the Romans kept there . Which news oblig'd him to make a great detachment of his Army , and to send it in haste down the Rhine against this Rebel . They add , that there were amongst this detachment some Cohorts of the Theb Legion , all the Souldiers whereof were massacred upon the roads , upon the news of what had happened at Agaunum to the body of the Legion ; so that Vrsus and Victor were put to death at Soleurre : Three Hundred and Eighteen were thrown into a Well at Colen , and the rest in several places suffered Martyrdom . If you ask them further , who told them all these Transactions and Particulars , they cite you one Helinaud a Monk of the Cistertian Order , and Author of the Acts of Florentius , Cassius , Victor , Gerion and several other Souldiers of the Theb. Legion . These Acts are found in Surius on the 10th of October , where he puts the death of these pretended Saints ; and it is strange , that Cardinal Baronius should not scruple to follow these Acts , and to make use of them , when they are full of such visible and Palpable Untruths ; unless he did it for the reason we have formerly given , viz. That in examining the Martyrdom of the Theb. Legion so many Apocryphal Authors and supposititious Writings do occur by the way , that it is very troublesom to get rid of them . Which thing however , far from being favourable to that Martyrdom , ought the rather to render it more su●picious , seeing that nothing can be produced in its defence but spurious and counterfeited Acts. But let us hear what Helinaud himself saith , he tells us ; That the Emperour Maximian marching against the Bagauds had notice given him , that Carausius was forming some enterprise against the Empire ; That this Carausius was a Man of quality , and made by the Romans Governour of a Province near the Ocean and upon those Confines of Gaule and Saxony , which the Franks , driven a second time out of their own Countrey , were come to inhabit . That the Emperour upon this News gave Orders that part of his Army should go down the Rhine ; amongst which were some Cohorts of Christian Souldiers commanded by Gerion , Victor , Cassius and Florentius . Then he relates the Martyrdom of the Theb. Legion , upon their refusing to adore an Idol , that Maximian set up at a place called afterwards St. Maurice , and to which he Order'd all his Army to do Sacrifice . Then he saith , that the Emperours Life-Guards followed the Detachment sent against Carausius , and that having understood , that Cassius and Florentius with seven others were of the Theb. Legion , they cut off their heads near Verona on the Rhine ; That Gerion marching before with three hundred and eighteen Theb. Souldiers , the Imperial Ministers came up to them before they had heard any thing of this massacre of their Fellow Soldiers ; That all of them received with constancy the Crown of Martyrdom in a Field near Colen , and that the Executioners having cut their Bodies to pieces threw them into a deep Well . Then headds , That the other Cohort com mnded by Victor was marching in great haste to their Rendevouz , and was come to the Town of the Gauls , call'd by the Inhabitants Troy , or Xanthus , in rememberance of the Old Troja , from whence their Ancestors came . But that while they were encamping in the pleasant Meadows , near that place , the Commissioners of the Emperor arrived , who having massacred Victor , that Illustrious Soldier of Jesus Christ , with three hundred and thirty other Theb. Souldiers , sunk their dead Bodies into marshy Grounds and Ditches . Mezeray has also suffer'd himself to be imposed upon by this account of Helinaud , as well as by that other of the Anonymous Author of St. Baboulene 's Life . Since therefore he has collected the materials of his History of France , before the times of Clovis , out of such uncertain and adulterate writings , this may serve as a caution to his Readers not to believe every thing he saith . This Helinaud , saith he , wrote about the year 1212 , but he must have taken this Narrative from other Authors more ancient than himself . But for those which he makes use of , we know nothing of them , I wish they had told us where that new Troy was , which was then inhabited by the Gauls . Some are of Opinion that he meant by it , the Trajan Colony , and that through Ignorance and Affectation they imagined it to have been a Trojan Colony . But if there ever really was a City in that Countrey call'd Troy , we must believe , that it was built by the Gauls , and that they were ever afterwards persuaded of their Trojan Original ; being either flattered into that Opinion by the Romans , the better to tame them by a pretended affinity ; or else attributing to themselves that Honor , as not willing to yeild in point of Antiquity to those to whom they were not inferior in Valour . But the following Remarks will suffice to shew what little certainty there is both in the Text of Helinaud and in Mezeray 's Commentary . First , This Cistercian Monk makes Carausius to have been a Man of quality , whereas Eutropius , who in all likelyhood was better informed than Helinaud , about the birth of Carausius , saith expresly , that he was a Man sprung from the very dregs of the People . Which account of him is confirmed by Orosius , who calls him also a Man of the meanest extraction . Secondly , Helinaud saith , That Cassius and Florentius , with seven other Theb. Souldiers suffered at Verona on the River Rhine . This Surius also relates upon the Credit of those Acts ; and Baronius hath inserted them in his Annals . 'T is true , that this Cardinal being afterwards sensible of this gross blunder , hath corrected it in his Notes on the Roman Martyrology , where he saith , that instead of Verona , we ought to read Bon , which is a Town of Germany situate on the Rhine near Colen . But does he establish this his correction by the authority of any more authentick Manuscript ? Does he say , that he hath taken it out of a more exact Copy ? Not at all . He only saith , that it is his Conjecture , because he hath been told that it is at Bon , where the Reliques of these two Theb. Souldiers are kept . So that if he had been told , that their Reliques were at Basil , Worms , or Spire , he would in all likelyhood have made no difficulty in setting down any of these instead of Verona . And for the same reason another may conjecture , that it was at Verona in Italy , because in that Town of the Milanese , they think they have the Reliques of Cassius , as Garnier a Canon relates it in his History of St. Alexander . Thirdly , Eutropius saith , that Carausius was by the Romans commissionated at Bologne , to free those Seas from the Piracies of the Franks and Saxons . And Helinaud makes Carausius Procurator for the Romans , in a Province bordering upon the Franks , contrary to the Geography of those times , which places the Franks in Germany and very far from the Belgick Frontiers . Besides , if Eutropius represents the Belgicks , infested by the Franks , he observes at the same time , that they were Pirates who kept the Seas , and consequently whose places of abode might have been at a great distance . ut if any body will undertake to defend Helinaud's Relation , he will do us a kindness to mark us out the Province , where , he saith , that the Franks , when driven a second time out of their own Country , came to settle near the Confines of the Gauls and Saxons , and whereby it is supposed , that the Gauls and Saxons were Neighbours . This particular we shall examine no further , but leave it to the consideration of those that are better versed in ancient Geography . But Fourthly , what does Helinaud mean by that Town of the Franks , to which the Inhabitants gave the Name of Troy , or Xanthus , in remembrance of the Ancient Troy , from whence their Ancestors came ? Unless one should imagin it to have been the same with Troy in Champaine , as some ignorant Writers have done ; who were led into that mistake by that French Name : For anciently that Town was not call'd Troja , but Trecae , as appears by Ammianus Marcellinus . But Mezeray is not to be excused , when he pretends to find any tolerable Sense in this Discourse of Helinaud ; especially , when he himself discover'd so great a blunder in it ; and which made him in his Translation of this place of Helinaud , at large , to leave out the Word Xanthus , which is the Name of the River , that ran near the Walls of Troy , and which the Franks , as Helinaud saith , gave to their Town in remembrance of the Ancient Troy. Mezeray , who in his History of France before Glovis , does affect to appear well versed in the old Gallick Geography , would have been hard put to it to have produced any good Geographer or exact Historian , that makes any mention of that Troy , built by the Franks , after they were driven the second time out of their own Country . This is exactly the Fable , that was revived by the Abbot Trithemius , and is by all the Learned rejected as a Dream , though he would fain have perswaded the World , that he collected it out of the two Famous Authors Vastaldus and Hunibaldus , whom he makes to say , That after the destruction of Troy , some Trojans , under the conduct of Francion , fixed their abode near the Palus Moeotis , from whence being expelled by the neighbouring Nations , they retired into Hungary , where they built the Town , Sicambria , which they forsook afterwards to make an Irruption into Germany , where they conquered the Country of the old Sicambrians , which they possessed till the year 420 , when following the Example of the Vandals , Visigoths and Burgundians they spread first into Gaule , and came to settle into Gueldria ; but that after having got several Victories and driven the Burgundians and Visigoths from their Conquests , they made themselves Masters of the greatest part of Gaule . All which agrees with the Romance which the Cistercian Monk hath given us , and wherewith he hath also set off another Romance , to wit , the Martyrdom of Gerion and some other Theb Soldiers . Now shall we after all this depend upon Cardinal Baronius , who cites Helinaud with such high Commendations , calling him a Famous Writer , who took every thing he wrote out of very Ancient Monuments , and drew them up into a Compendious History ? Fifthly , We have formerly observed , that it is very ordinary for Impostours to thwart and contradict one another ; and we must here again make the same Remark , because in the Agaunian Tragedy , we see none but Liars and Cheats appear upon the Stage . The counterfeit St. Eucherius saith not one Word there of those Cohorts of the Theb. Legion , detached from Maximians Army , and sent down the Rhine to joyn the Body which was assembling against Carausius . But according to his Acts , the whole Theb. Legion was at Agaunum , and suffered there . For he saith , that Maximian by one sentence condemned all the Theb. Souldiers , and the more effectually to put his sentence in execution , he caused them to be surrounded by several Bodies of his other * Souldiers , and thus , saith he , that truly Angelical Legion was slain . But if we believe Helinaud , the whole Legion was not at Agaunum ; for a great Detachment had been made out of it against Carausius , and Gerion was Martyr'd near Colen with three hundred and eighteen Souldiers , while Victor had in another place the same destiny , with the three hundred & thirty , who accompany'd him . Add to these , the nine who suffered Martyrdom near Bonne , and you shall find , that after Helinaud's , own reckoning six hundred fifty nine suffered in other places then at Agaunum , where the supposititious St. Eucherius affrms the whole Legion to have been barbarously slain . But Sixthly , because these two Cities , Colen , and Bonne , desirous to maintain the reputation of their Martyrs , and the worship which is paid to them , may replay , that St. Eucherius in his Relation hath followed the ordinary use of giving the name of the whole to the most considerable part of it , and therefore that what he saith does not destroy the account given by Helinaud , Viz. That Maximian , upon his march into Gaule to suppress the Bagaudian Insurection , understood , that Carausius had revolted and threatned the Confines of the Empire ; which was the reason why he divided his Army and sent part of it with all speed against this Rebel : We object , that this Answer , and the account of Helinaud suppose , that the Revolts of the Bagauds and of Carausius happened both at one and the same time , which suppositions cannot be proved . For Eutropius and Orosius , who without doubt were better informed than Helinaud concerning these two Events , do exactly distinguish them ; both of them saying , that Carausius did not begin to move till after the Bagaudian Insurrection was over And Eutropius having spoken of Amandus and Aelianus , and of the disorders caused by the Bagauds , adds , that after that time , Carausius a Man of a very low and vile Extraction , &c. took the Purple and possessed himself of Britain . Orosius places these two Events in the same order as Eutropius , saying , that Maximian defeated the Bagauds , and easily dispersed their ill disciplined Army , and that after this Expedition Carausius begun to stir . Therefore Father Pagi having put the Bagaudian Insurrection in the year of our Lord 285 , refers the Revolt of Carausius to the following year ; which the Famous Henry Noris places yet a whole year later , viz. in 287 , and though these two learned Men do not agree about the time that Maximianus Herculeus was made Augustus , nevertheless they both say that the Troubles in Gaule were ended , before Carausius formed any Enterprise against the Empire . This Aurelius Victor is peremptory in ; and no Man that reads him can doubt of it . For after he hath spoken of the War , he adds , That in the same War Carausius a Citizen of Menapia , distinguish'd himself with so much Gallantry and Valour , that the Esteem and great Reputation he acquired , and the Opinion they had conceived of his being a good Officer , as having bore Arms from his Youth , were Motives to the Romans to make choice of him to fit out their Navy , and to clear the Seat of the German Pyrats then swarming in those Parts . From which Words of Aurelius Victor , it will appear , that Carausius made War with Maximian against the Bagauds , and so signaliz'd himself by his illustrious Actions , as moved the Romans to entrust him with their Naval Forces ; and that it was not till afterward , that being informed they suspected him , and had resolved his Ruin , he declar'd openly against the Empire , put on the Purple , and invaded Britain . So that it is certain , that the Bagaudian Revolt was not at the same time with that of Carausius . Now since this Carausius was personally in conjunction with the Imperial Troops , employed in the War against the Bagauds , it makes it evident , that the Monk Helinaud was grossly mistaken , in going about to perswade us , that Maximian in his march against the Bagauds , detached some Cohorts of the Thebean Legion against Carausius , who at that time threatned to invade the Fron●iers of the Empire . CHAP. XVIII . That no Writer for two Hundred Years after Maximian hath made any mention of the Martyrdom of the Theb. Legion . CArdinal Baronius in his Notes on the Roman Martyrology , observes that the Greek Church hath amongst its Martyrs , one Mauritius and his Companions , who at the time of Dioclesian and Maximian's Persecution , suffered Death at Apamea , a City of Syria . He further saith , that he was the same Mauritius who was chief of the Thebean Legion ; that the Martyrs of Apamea were the Agaunian Martyrs , and that formerly he himself was of that Opinion , condemning Metaphrastes for having confounded the Eastern with the Western Martyrs . And adds , that he was perswaded to the contrary by reading a Place of Theodoretus , Bishop of Cyr , where he speaks of the most eminent Martyrs that were come to his Knowledge . It would here be superfluous either to examine this Passage of Theodoret , or the Reasons which induced Baronius to change his Opinion . It is enough that by this Learned Cardinal 's own Confession , we know that there was a time when he thought that Mauritius and his Companions were martyred at Apamea ; which is as much as to say , that he look'd upon Eucherius's Relation to be Fabulous ; and that the Latin Writers designing to do Service to the Western Churches , had remov'd the Scene of this Tragedy from Syria into the Alps. We cannot pretend to know certainly the motives which Baronius had then to call in question the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion . Nevertheless , there is some reason to believe , that one of those which made the strongest impression upon him , was the universal silence of the Ecclesiastical Writers for above Two Hundred Years after the time in which it is suppos'd that this Legion was cut to pieces at Agaunum . For indeed the Martyrdom of a whole Legion is so considerable an Event , that had such a thing ever been , it must needs have been taken notice of , in above a Hundred Places of Church History . And can any pertinent Reason of this general Silence be assigned ? Those who believe that a Woman possessed the Roman See , between the time of Leo the IV , and Bennet the III , have something to answer to those , who , as an Argument against it , press the Churches silence for above Two Hundred Years , viz. to the time of Marianus Scotus , who was one of the first who spoke of Pope Joan. To which they reply , that those were very ignorant and barbarous Ages , wherein Writers were very scarce ; and that though some few of them may be found , yet the matters they handled had no relation to the succession of Popes : That perhaps those who treated of it were by the care and industry of the Church of Rome wholly suppressed , or else have perished by the same misfortune , that hath ravished from us so many other Works ; That Hincmarus , Photius and the Defenders of the cause of the Emperours , against the Usurpations of the Popes Hildebrand and Nicholas , have always spared the Chair of St. Peter and the successours of the Apostles . What other reasons they give for this silence , may be seen in that excellent Treatise concerning Pope Joan , lately publish'd by Mr. Spanheim . But now there is no substantial reason , can be given for the silence of the Ecclesiastical Writers concerning the Martyrdom of the Theb. Legion , till about the time of Gregory of Tours , viz. almost three hundred Years after Maximian's Expedition into Gaule . For had there been any ground for the belief of the Martyrdom of the Theb. Legion , two sort of Writers would have undoubtedly spoken of it . Viz. Either those Preachers who have made Homilies , or Sermons upon the Martyrs , or else the Compilers of Chronologies , and Ecclesiastical Historys . We have still a great number remaining of the Sermons of those Fathers , who lived two hundred years after Maximian's Empire , and which are either upon all Martyrs in general , or some Martyrs in particular . 'T is true indeed we have lost Methodius's Discourse upon the Martyrs , except only a fragment of it transmitted to us by Theodoret , the Panegyrick of Martyrs , by Phileas an Egyptian Bishop , mentioned by St. Jerom , in his Book of Church-writers , the Treatise of the Persecution of Christians , by James surnamed the Wise , whereof Gennadius speaks with great Commendation , a Letter of St. Jerom upon the sufferings of Martyrs addressed to Chromatius and Heliodorus , as we are told by Cassiodorus , a Treatise of Vigilius in praise of Martyrs , and a Letter of the Acts of Martyrs amongst the Barbarians cited by Gennadius . And though these and several like writings are now lost , yet if the Authors of them had spoke of the Martyrdom of the Theb. Legion , doubtless some footsteps of it would be seen in the remaining Writers of those times , who had occasion to make use of their Works . Methodius wrote about the year 290 , Phileas Bishop of Thinus in Egypt was beheaded in the year 311 , under the Persecution of Maximian , and had they spoken of the Martyrdom of the Theb. Legion , Lactantius who flourish'd at the beginning of the fourth Century , must in all probability have known something of it . But besides Lactantius , being an Italian born , and call'd into Gaule by Constantine for the Education of his Son Crispu● , it is very unlikely that he should have been wholly unacquainted with so remarkable an Event , as that of the Agaunian Martyrdom , which might have happened but thirty years before : And had he known any thing thereof , it would have fall'n in so pat to his Treatise of the death of the Persecutors , That it cannot be imagin'd he would have left it out , specially when he was describing the Cruelties of the Emperor Maximian , and the dreadful Punishments which God inflicted upon him . Whosoever therefore shall weigh with an unprejudiced Mind this silence of Lactantius , will doubtless be perswaded , that the Martydom of the Thebean Legion is nothing but a Fiction . Though the Sufferings of Confessors in general do afford a rich Field of Eloquence to Preachers , yet it must be granted , that there is no Martyrdom more capable of receiving Ornament from the Pulpit , and of elevating the genius and thoughts of a Christian Orator , than the Martyrdom of this Legion . How comes it then to pass , that of so many Fathers , who have writ Homilies in the praise of Martyrs , none of them have ever made use of so pathetick and powerful an Example as this would have been . Ephrem , a Monk of Syria , wrote Encomiums on all the Martyrs of Christ , about the Year 360. Gregory of Nazianzen hath handled the same Subject much about the same time . We have the Sermons of St. Chrysostom , upon Martyrs in general . Asterius Bishop of Amasia in Pontus , who lived at the beginning of the Fifth Age , hath made likewise a Panegyrick on all Martyrs , but none of these Fathers , nor any other who treated of the same Matter , have made the least mention of the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion . If any had mentioned it , it must have been Maximus , Bishop of Turin , who died under the Reign of Honorius , and Theodosius , Junior : For he wrote in the Country , where it is supposed that this Martyrdom happened , and the Memory of it would therefore have been fresh in his Days ; but in all his Works there is not one Word relating to it . We read , amongst his Writings that are yet extant , a Sermon , De Sanctis Martyribus , which Gennadius hath taken notice of , and call'd , Generalem omnium Sanctorum Homiliam . But in this Sermon , there is not the least stroak in reference to the Thebean Legion . 'T is true , that amongst his Works , there is another Sermon with this Title , In Natali Sanctorum Taurinorum Octavii , Aventitii & Solutoris . These are the same Saints , whose Names are seen in Capital Letters , on the Frontispiece of the Jesuites Church at Turin . In which Church ; there is a Chappel where the Reliques of these Saints are kept in an Urn , which Madam Chrestiene of France caused to be made on purpose , with this Inscription ingraved on it , Augustae Taurinorum Patronis Christiana à Francia . These Saints have done many Miracles , if we may believe the Vows and Offerings hung up in their Chappel ; but we may observe , that this Sermon which we speak of , is to be found amongst those of St. Ambrose , of the impression of Basil , in the Year 1555 , with this Note in the Margent , A Sermon of St. Maximus . The Benedictines of Paris in their new Edition of St. Ambrose , do likewise restore it to that Bishop of Turin , and say , that St. Maximus had been so conversant in the Works of St. Ambrose , that he sometimes uttered long Passages out of them in his own Sermons ; the doing whereof , occasioned great Confusion in the Homilies of these Two Fathers ; and they likewise judge St. Maximus to have been the Author of the Book of Sacraments attributed to St. Ambrose . However , Gennadius does not mention that Sermon in his Catalogue of Maximus's Works . And Father Mabillon publishing some new Pieces of this Father , in his Musaeum Italicum , says , that we ought to consult Gennadius , to distinguish the genuine Works of this Father , from those which are spurious . I should be very sorry , that this Sermon should be disowned to belong to Maximus , for it is so principal a support to the Cause we defend , that if there was any ground for what we are told of the Thebean Legion , this is the very work where we should find it . But if we look for it in the Body of that Sermon , we shall loose our labour . I have read it several times over , but never could find one word in it relating in the least to the Martyrdom in question . Should any pretend to make his best of the Inscription , In Natali Sanctorum Taurinorum Octavii , Aventitii & Solutoris ; this Title does not import these Three Saints to have been Thebean Souldiers : For those People whom the ancient Geographers called Taurini , were extended far into the Cottian Alps , and into Liguria ; so that we ought not therefore to conclude that Octavius , Aventitius and Solutor , were Three Saints particular to the City of Turin , because they are called Sancti Taurinorum . In St. Ambrose's Works , printed at Basil in the Year 1555 , there is Sanctorum Tauricorum . In the Geographical Manuscript of Selden , there is likewise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and who can tell but St. Maximus might mean some Saints whose Zeal and constancy had been remarkable amongst those People called Taurisci , who are placed by some Geographers in the Fifth Rhetia . If we had that Manuscript of St. Maximus , mentioned by the Benedictine Monks , in their new Edition of St. Ambrose , we might perhaps make some other Remarks on the Title of that Sermon : But without examining whether the Titles of St. Maximus's Sermons be ancient , and writ by himself , here is a Proof , that Octavius , Aventitius , and Solutor , were not Thebean Souldiers , and such a Proof that nothing can be replied against it . The Counterfeit St. Eucherius , does not mention any of those in his Relation ; but saith , that in his time none of them were known by Name , except them following , viz. Mauritius , Exuperius , Candidus , Victor , and another Victor who suffered Death at Soleur , with Vrsus ; adding that the Names of the others were unknown to him , but were written in the Book of Life . As we believe the Author of the Acts of the Thebean Souldiers more modern than St. Maximus , this sufficeth to convince us , that the Three Saints whose Piety this Bishop of Turin did formerly celebrate , were not Thebean Souldiers . But to prevent all cavilling about the time in which St. Eucherius might have written , we shall produce other Writers , who lived some Ages after St. Maximus . Ado , died about the Year of our Lord , 875. This Ado who was Arch-bishop of Vienna , hath collected all the Names of the Thebean Souldiers that were heard of in his Time , thirteen whereof he reckons in his Martyrology , to wit , Mauritius , Exuperius , Candidus , Molossus , Victor , Innocentius , Vetalis Gerion , Victor , Orsus , Alexander , Secundus and Antoninus . Amongst which we find not either Octavius , Aventitius , or Solutor . Now Vienna being but fifty Leagues distant from Turin , had these Saints , whose Memory was celebrated in Piedmont , been generally thought to have been Theb. Souldiers , there is no Likelihood , that Ado would have left them out of his Catalogue . This reason is yet more confirmed by Vsuard's silence upon it , who was a Monk of St. Germains , and contemporary with Ado He formed the design of making a Martyrology both more exact and copious than any that had appear'd before : For he thought , that St. Jerom and Beda had handled this matter too carelesly ; and it is even reported , That the Emperor Charles the Bald , to whom he dedicated his Book , had set him at work . And therefore it is more likely , that he did every thing answerable to the Zeal of his Age for Martyrs and Reliques . Which notwithstanding , his diligence and all the care he took , could effect no more than the Discovery which he made of two other Theb. Souldiers , namely Cassius and Florentius , who are also recorded by Helinand , But further , had it passed for current , at that time , that the three Saints in St. Maximus's Sermon were Theb. Souldiers , 't is very improbable , that they could have escaped the diligent Search of Vsuard . If after this , any one should alledge to us the Lives of Saints , as the Legends of Octavius , Aventitius and Soluter , we have no other Answer for them , but that there are none so blind , as they that will not see . But since it hath so fallen out , that Maximus his Sermon hath given us an occasion to speak of St. Ambrose , we ought not to pass by , without some Reflection , the Silence of this Father in this particular , viz. concerning the Theb. Legion and their Martyrdom , though in an hundred places of his Works , he speaks of Saints and famous Martyrs in general . The time he lived was not long after that , wherein it is supposed , that the Theb. Legion was cut off . He was Bishop at Milan , not very far distant from Agaunum , where this Martyrdom is said to have happened , and he had conversed sometimes with Theodorus Bishop of Octodurum or Martigni , where Agaunum is situated Both these Bishops were present at the Council of Aquileia , assembled to give a decision in the cause of Palladius and Secundianus , Arrian Bishops in Illyria . They met again at Milan , where Theodorus signed the Letter , which St. Ambrose and the other Bishops wrote to Pope Siricius , concerning the condemnation of Jovinian , who had uttered blasphemous Expressions against the Virginity of the Blessed Mother of God. And though the false St. Eucherius , in the Letter already related , does write to the Bishop Salvius , That Theodorus , whom he calls vir anterioris Temporis had informed Isaac Bishop of Geneva of all the circumstances of the Martyrdom of the Thebean Legion , it does not appear , that he ever spoke of it to St. Ambrose , seeing there is not the least notice tak'n of it in all the Works of this Father . But let us come now to another sort of Writers , and ask the Fathers , who have composed Chronologies or Church-Histories . These perhaps will tell us something of the Martyrdom of the Theb. Legion ; for this is not so inconsiderable a Transaction as can be suppos'd to have been overlook'd , or lost amongst the Croud of those great Events , which they had to relate . It is a memorable matter of Fact , worthy of their Pens , and to be recommended to Posterity ; for it is the Martyrdom of a whole Legion , and the most Famous Historians of the Church , either liv'd at the time of this suppos'd Martyrdom , or wrote about a hundred Years after ; I mean Eusebius , Socrates , Sozomen , Theodoret , Evagrius , Jerom , Orosius , Sulpitius Severus : If this Martyrdom were true , it is impossible , that they should have been ignorant of it , and had they known it , 't is not to be imagin'd , they would all have conspired together to leave us in the dark about it . To begin with Eusebius , of whom those who favour him least , as Joseph Scaliger , do yet agree , that with great care he hath search'd into the Original Pieces concerning the Foundation of the First Sees , the succession of their Bishops , the Persecutions moved by enraged Pagans against the Primitive Christian Religion , the many Conflicts of the Blessed Martyrs , for its Defense and the Victories which their Faith and constancy have obtained over Infidelity and Errour . St. Jerom , or whosoever is the Author of the Letter to Chromatius and Heliodorus , agrees with the Remarks of President Cousin upon the care and diligence of Eusebius in collecting the Acts of the Martyrs . It is said in that Letter , that the Emperour Constantine at his arrival at Cesarea permitted Eusebius to ask him whatever he had most a mind to , and that Eusebius desired him to command , that they should send him from all the Courts and Tribunals of Judicature throughout the Empire , all the Processes , Tryals and Sentences concerning Martyrs , that so he might be particularly inform'd of their right Names , Qualities and Numbers , and also of the different kinds of their Torments and Death , and of the Provinces , Towns , and Days of their Excecutions , and lastly with what Patience and Courage they had suffered their Torments . Therefore Antipater Bishop of Bostra in Arabia , thinking to obscure the Glory and Reputation of Eusebius , said in his confutation of Origen's Apology . I allow Eusebius to be excellently vers'd in History , and that there is nothing in the Monuments of Antiquity which he is unacquainted with ; but the Emperours Authority favouring his design , it was an easy thing for him to gather up whatever Writings were scattered all over the World. So that Eusebius having so many ways of being imformed of the Truth , of the Agaunian Martyrdom , no body can deny but he is a well qualify'd Witness , to be call'd and heard upon this Matter of Fact. And so much the rather , because he not only was alive at the time of this Martyrdom , but of age to know what was then transacted . In the first Book of Constantine's Life he saith , that in his youth he first saw this Prince in Palestina , in the Retinue of the Emperour Dioclesian ; And in the Third Book of his Church History , speaking of Dionysius of Alexandria , he saith , that it was in his time that he was raised to the Honour of the Episcopal Chair ; seeing therefore that it is agreed on all hands , that Dionysius of Alexandria dyed in the twelfth Year of the Empire of Gallienus's Reign ; Eusebius his Birth must necessarily precede the Death of this Prince . The Learned Doctor Cave conjectures , that he was born about the Year 270. As to the time of Gallienus's Death we are under great uncertainties . Cardinal Baronius placeing it in the Year 269 , upon the Testimony of Eusebius , who will have him to have Reigned but fifteen years , but Antonio Pagi is of a different opinion and thinks he lived some few Years longer and this upon the Authority of a Medal of Gallienus ; spoken of by Mezabarba , with this Inscription P. M. TR. PO. XVI . CON. VII . So that it appears to be a difficult thing to assign precisely the time of Eusebius his birth . But it is not our business here to cast the Horoscope of this Father , or to make an exact Calculation of the time of his Nativity , it is sufficient to our purpose that the circumstances here specify'd will make it appear that Eusebius was at least fifteen or sixteen Years old , when Maximian went into Gaule , in the Year 285 , the very time wherein the Theb. Legion was suppos'd to have been Massacred . We are then much in the right to produce Eusebius , in this cause as a Witness very fit to inform us about the Truth of Falsehood of the Martyrdom of the Theb. Legion . But in all his Works there is not one Word spok'n either of this Legion , or of this Martyrdom . However he had often a fair opportunity to speak of it , seeing that his whole Ecclesiastical History is chiefly filled up with long accounts of the Persecutions and Conflicts of Martyrs . His Eighth Book is nothing but an ample Narrative , both of Dioclesian and Maximians Cruelties , and of all the great Examples of Zeal and Constancy , which the Christians of all Orders and Conditions soever gave in those times . If any ancient Writer had occasion to speak of the Theb. Legion , without doubt it was Eusebius , but since he hath said nothing of it , his silence is an Historical Demonstration , that it is only a meer Fable . To this we might add , that the same silence is observed by Socrates , Sozomen , Theodoret and Evagrius , who have now and then pick'd up some Facts that are wanting in Eusebius ; That St. Jerom who hath followed Eusebius in his Chronology , and carefully collected those things that have escaped his knowledge , saith nothing of the Theb. Legion ; That Sulpitius Severus , whose Ecclesiastical History goes beyond the Aera of Martyrs , and who is so much noted for his great credulity , and fondness of opinion about Saints and Miracles , had not heard of it at the beginning of the fifth Age ; That we find it not in Paulus Orosius , who speaks of the Bagauds , of Amandus and Aelianus , of Maximian's Expedition into Gaule , and greedily swallows any thing that does but serve his turn , whether well grounded or no ( as Monsieur Dupin observes ) and sometimes even debaseth the Dignity of History so much as to insert into it meer popular Reports ( according to Vossius's Judgment . ) However the Fable of the Theb. Legion , being not yet brought into the World in the Reign of the Emperours Arcadius and Honorius , wherein he lived , we do not see , he hath adorned the Seven Books of his History with the recital of it . It remains then only for us to examin , whether according to the Principles of the Doctors of the Romish Church , we may not infer a good Conclusion from this Negative Argument . John Launoy a Doctor of Paris in his Dissertation upon the Authority of Negative Arguments , lays down this Rule , that we may reasonably conclude the untruth of a Fact from it 's not being attested either by contemporary Writers , or by any Author within two hundred Years after . He confesses , That this Space of two hundred Years is indeed too long ; but that he feared , if he had chalked out a shorter , he should thereby have drawn upon himself the reproaches and calumnies of most People , who are not willing , that too strict a Search should be made after Truth . But what if Mr. de Launoy had been so very complaisant to the Monks , and the Admirers of Fables and Legends , as to throw 'em in t'other fifty Years , yet this would not in the least have weakened the strength of our Argument , since that 't is almost Three hundred Years after Maximian's Expedition into Gaule , that not one Writer hath spoken of the Martyrdom of the Theb. Legion . 'T is true , that upon the Superstitious Party of the Popish Church's being alarm'd by Mr. de Launoy's Book , because they saw , that the Method in it was like to pull down a great number of their Saints , and would bring into contempt their Miracles and Reliques , John Baptist Thiers , a Divine of Paris , endeavour'd to re assure them by a Dissertation in answer to that of Mr de Launoy , which indeed he did not think worth his while to answer , or to shew the vanity of his Arguments and Evasions . Now this is the Tenet of John Baptist of Thiers : We grant that a negative Argument ought to be of some force in Historical Accounts , when in matter of very ancient Facts , the Argument is taken from the general silence of Grave , Learned and Diligent Writers , who were not lightly wrought upon , but prudent in their Judgment and Choice , and who have succeeded one another during many Ages . Where notwithstanding that all his Words be exactly measured and fitted to his design , viz. to render negative Arguments of no use , by putting them under impossible conditions , &c. yet nevertheless we desire no other concessions , than what he himself grants : For the Fact here in question is very Ancient , and no body can deny but the Writers here spoken of , are some of the most Grave , Learned and Diligent that ever appeared in the Church ; and that for a continued succession of two or three Ages , and yet not one of them but is wholly silent upon the Martyrdom of the Theb. Legion . Now after this long silence , on the one side , let us see who those were who first open'd their Mouths on the other , and who should these be but two Authors who lived towards the end of the sixth Century ; namely Gregory of Tours and Venantius Honorius Fortunatus ; the latter of which was a Poet , and consequently more likely to make use of their old Privilege in the Verse , Pictoribus atque Poetis , He hath Translated into Verse an Abridgment of St. George's Legend , which Baronius confesses to have been originally writ by the Arrians . Seeing then that this Poet was so grosly mistaken in attributing the Character of a Saint to one who was an Arrian and a wicked Man , may we not think but his credulity might have been likewise imposed upon concerning another matter of Fact , of an older date than this was ? And as for Gregory of Tours , Mr. Dupin observes , that he was very credulous and easy in the matter of Miracles , and made no scruple of recounting uncertain and fabulous Histories . Which agrees with what Abbot Hilduinus wrote concerning him to the Emperor Lewis : We ought to Pardon the Simplicity of this Pious Man , for having written several things contrary to the Truth of History , not indeed out of any crafty design of imposing upon the World , but meerly through his credulity . And seeing , that Fortunatus took a journey to Tours , where he hoped to have been cured of his sore eyes , by the intercession of St. Martin , and that he had a great esteem and affection for Gregory , it is very likely , that he received all that he knew concerning the Theb. Legion from this good Bishop . Now to let you see the very Foundation on which Gregories own belief of this matter was establish'd , I shall only transcribe the Place where he speaks of it in the Tenth Book of his History of France . I found , saith he , a little Chest in St. Martin's Treasury in which our Fathers had deposited the Reliques of the Agaunian Martyrs , as I was informed by some very aged Priests . The very Seal which their Piety had put to it , was by old Age and Rottenness quite worn away ; and it happened , that during the solemn Office that was celebrated to their Honour in the Eve of their Festival , it came into my thoughts to take a Torch , and view them more carefully . Now while I was a searching with great attention , one of the Porters told me , Here is a Stone with a Cover upon it , what may be in it , I cannot tell , neither did my Predecessors , to whose Custody these things were committed , know any more of it than my self ; if you please , I will bring it hither , that we may see what it contains ; and when he had brought it , I opened it , and found a little Silver Trunk , wherein were not only some Reliques of the Martyrs of the Blessed Legion , but also of several Holy Martyrs and Confessors . We found likewise in the same Trunk , several other hallowed Stones , with some Reliques of the Apostles and other Martyrs . From which Words , we may judge not only of the Character of this Gregory of Tours , but also of the genius of his Age. However , both he and Venantius were without doubt great Men , considering the time they lived in ; nor do we suspect either of them of Fraud or Imposture , but only say , that they were too credulous , and the Christians were then strangely affected and hankering after Reliques and Miracles . Do but read the 30th Epistle of the Third Book of Gregory , the 28th Chapter of St. Austin , de Opere Monachorum , the 62d Canon of the Council of Lions , and the 7th Act of the Second Council of Nicea , and you may see what a scandalous Trade was then droven with the Limbs and Bones of Martyrs , which were broke in Peices , and transported from Town to Town , and from one Province into another , under pretence of Devotion . St. Austin even then lamenting , said , That the Bodies of several Persons were had in veneration upon the Earth , whose Souls were tormented in Hell-fire . And it was not without reason that he thus complain'd , for do but read St. Martin's Life , in Sulpitius Severus , who saith there , That the People of Tours ran in great Grouds to a Place where they thought some Martyrs had been buried . That the common Tradition was , that the Altar there had been erected by the ancient Bishops of Tours . But that St. Martin having not been able to learn any thing for certain from the eldest Priests of his Clergy , concerning the Names of those Martyrs , and the time of their Death , was in great perplexity and doubt about this matter , fearing on the one side to cause some prejudice to Religion , if he should forbear his usual coming to that Place , and on the other to increase Superstition , if he had authorized it by his presence . But one day being gone thither with some of his Brethren , and having pray'd to God to discover to him who it was who was there buried ; he saw on his Left-hand a frightful and deformed Spectre , which he commanded to tell what it was . Whereunto the Shade answered , I am a Robber condemned formerly for Crimes to an ignominious Death . The Error of the People makes me here to be honoured , but I have no part with the Martyrs , they being in Glory , and I in Torments . After which , St. Martin caused the Altar to be thrown down , and freed the People of Tours from that gross Superstition . This Example alone may suffice to shew , that in matter of Reliques , Impostures are no new Device . Moreover , it serves to discover the false Zeal of the Christians , of the Sixth Age , and the ignorance and base connivance of the Bishops and Priests , in not repressing the indiscretion of it . Sulpitius Severus hath told us just now , that it was the common Opinion that the Altar upon the Grave of that Robber had been erected by the ancient Bishops of Tours . Now after this , is it so much to be wondred at , for the Good-Man Gregory , who a Hundred Years after was made Bishop of Tours , to be deceived himself by some uncertain Tradition , or that he should give so much Credit to an Inscription upon the little Truck , in which were supposed to be shut up the Reliques of the Agaunian Martyrs ? Now from St. Martin's time , the evil was so far from diminishing , that it increased more and more . Religion and Piety did then it seems chiefly consist in searching the Graves , looking for the Bodies of Saints , erecting Altars , and contriving all sorts of ways to honour them . The Sixth Age having brought into the Church , St. Bennet and his Rule , his Children departed very soon from the Institution of their Holy Founder , applying themselves wholly to get plentiful Possessions , and large Revenues . The Martyrs , their Reliques and Miracles , were the properest means in the World for that purpose , and God knows how they improv'd the knack they had already got of making use of them ; for it is certain , that they owe most of their vast Incomes and Estates to meer Dreams and Chimaeras like that of the Agaunian Martyrs . Then the Old Saints grew out of date , and new ones came in Fashion , being reputed to exceed the others in multiplicity of Miracles . Therefore they found the way to dig every Day a new one out of the Ground , as if the Priests of those times had made use of a Divining Rod , to find out Bodies of Saints . No wonder therefore if some Martyrs of the Second and Third Age , unknown to Eusebius , Orosius , and Sulpitius Severus , were discovered since by some Monks of the Eighth and Ninth Century . It is very probable , if I may give my Opinion , that the Acts of the Agaunian Martyrs were forged towards the end of the Sixth Age , or at the beginning of the Seventh , the Author of them saith , That the Names of the Thebean Souldiers are written in Heaven , and that only these following were come to his knowledge , viz. Mauritius , Exuper , Candidus , Orsus , and the Two Victors . But it seems not long after , some others began to peep out ; Ado , Archbishop of Vienna , who wrote towards the middle of the Ninth Century , adds to these Malosius , Victor , Innocent , Vitalis , Gerion , Alexander , Secundus and Antoninus . Vsuard a Benedictine Monk of St. Germans , had the good luck to find out Two more , namely Cassius and Florentius . In the Archives of Treves is kept the History of St. Thirsus , wherein is mentioned another Thebean Souldier , call'd Bonifacius . In Burgundy some Churches are consecrated to Viator , and St. Amour , who , by the Authors who have written their Lives , are said to have been Agaunian Martyrs . So that we see already Fourteen or Fifteen of them , who were not come to the knowledge of the pretended St. Eucherius . But further Discoveries have been made yet , for one Day telleth another . St. Paul exhorted the Christians , to seek the things that are above , but the Monks of the Tenth Century , pressed them to nothing so much , as to look into the things that are below , and to search into the Graves . And though Christ had said , speaking of himself , that where the Body was , there the Eagles should gather also ; yet the Christians did now , no longer with Joseph of Arimathea , frequent the Sepulchre of our Lord. The Death of Christ was to them an old Story , and grown out of date , and new Objects were then required to excite the Zeal and Devotions of Christians . Hence it was , that from time to time , some Thebean Souldier or other , was digged out of the Ground , and proposed to their Veneration . The Citizens of Pignerol make their boast of having there in the Abbey of our Lady , the Corps of St. Tiberius . In the Diocess of Saluces , are shewed the Tombs of Constantius and Theophredus or Jafredus , and a new Inscription clapt thereon , causeth them to be worshipped as Souldiers of the Thebean Legion . Some Years ago passing by Fossano , I had the curiosity to go and view the Place , where according to the Tradition of that Town , Alverius and Sebastianus , Thebean Souldiers , are said to be Buried . Garnier in his History of St. Alexander , saith , that the Bodies of Cassius , Severinus , Licinius and Secundus , lye deposited at Como in the Milanese . Crantzius tells us , that at Brunswick , they believe , that they have some Martyrs of Agaunum . The City of Colen vaunteth to have a great number of them . But above all , the Town of Turin brags of having been enrich'd with their Spoils . In the Abbey of St. Solutor are kept some Reliques with this Title , Reliquiae Sancti Benigni Thebensis . They shew in the same Abbey , a Manuscript , wherein are recorded the Lives of Solutor , Adventor and Octavius , set off with all those incidents and flourishes , which generally adorn the common Legends . The Jesuites of Turin have made a sudden discovery all at once , of Ciro , John , Cacusat , Chrysogon , Cyriacus , Felix , Fortunatus and Achilles , as they inform us in the History which they have published of the Holy Martyrs , Abondius and Abondantius . When you have passed the Bridge of Turin , and taken your way towards the Mountain that leads to Chiers , you find on the side of the River Pô , a little Chappel , where there is an Inscription which I had amongst my Papers , but by mischance it hath been almost blotted out ; however here is the remainder of it . D. O. M. Beatae Virgini Mariae Thebaeorum Martyrum .... Ex vetustate labentem Aediculam , ampliorem .... Divinoque Ministerio eptiorem Comes Gregorius Johaninus ..... a Solo excitavit .... an 1654. I remember that the Names of two Theb. Souldiers are to be seen there . And it is certain , that if in travelling through Italy , One would be at the trouble to take information of the Saints of every particular Place , and to read both the printed and manuscript Lives of Saints that are kept in the Archives of the Cathedral Churches , there would great numbers of Theb. Souldiers start up from behind the bushes , who had no other being but what they received from the Monks of the last Ages , in order to serve their turns and promote the Trade they made of the poor People's superstition . However it be , as the case stands , I have in this Dissertation struck of from the Romish Church 6666 Saints , as the learned Father Sirmond with one dash of his Pen had taken lately from them eleven thousand . For having met with these Words in an Old Martyrology , S S Vrsula & Vnde ci milla V. M. i. e. Vndecimilla , Virgin and Martyr , he shew'd the shameful blunder of those who imagin'd that Vnde ci milla with the V and M had been an abbreviation to express eleven thousand Virgins . Mr. de Launoy had both the honesty and courage to publish what he thought of St. Bruno , and several other Saints ; and might he have enjoy'd the protection , either of the Court or Clergy , he would have been a great instrument of Reformation in the Roman Worship . I was told , That this Mr. de Launoy , being once at dinner with the Curate of a Country Parish , in the Diocess of Mans , on the Festival of the Chief Saint of that Village , desired the Curate to tell him the Name of that Saint . You must excuse me for that , answered the Curate , for should you once go about to pull down my Saint , as you have done so many others , I should be undone , and my Boors would find themselves without a Patron . Mr. de Valois saith , that the Life of St. Catharine , Virgin and Martyr is but a Fabulous Legend , from the beginning to the end ; and likewise , that of St. Eustachius Patron of the biggest Parish in Paris ; and as for what is related of St. Lazarus , of St. Martha , of Mary Magdalen , and of the St. Baume he added , credant qui volent , as for me I shall never believe a Word of it , and I hold their arrival into France to be one of the most Fabulous things in the World. Mr. Menage , in his Book of Learned Women , having enumerated amongst them St. Catharine , takes Notice , That Baronius suspected it to be but a Fable . And it is material to observe by the by , that Baronius's suspition was grounded upon the silence of Eusebius which we have also alledged against the Agaunian Martyrs . Moreover , Mr. Menage tells us , that Francis de Harlay , Arch-Bishop of Paris , having chosen some of the most understanding Men of his Clergy in 1680 , to revise and reform the Breviary for the use of the Church of Paris , these Doctors thought fit to expunge the Life of St. Catharine , looking upon the Acts of her Martyrdom , as a meer Fiction . The Bishops of St. Pons , in the year 1684 , took from the Calendar of his Diocess about sixty Holy-days , amongst which were St. Amarante , the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary , the Chair of St. Peter , St. Ignatius Loyola , &c. He is a Prelate , who has very much distinguished himself both by his Learning and Piety , but who had the misfortune to incur the hatred of the Jesuits as being a Disciple of the famous Bishop of Alet ; and also to displease the Court for refusing to persecute the Protestants of his Diocess , and not following Cardinal Bonzi , and the Bishops of his Cabal , in Voting in the States of Lauguedoc the Subsidies that were demanded by the French King. Therefore the Jesuites looking for an occasion to bring him into Trouble , the Abbot of Aulergues , his Archdeacon , devoted himself to serve their Revenge . So that if an Archdeacon is call'd in the Canons of the Church Oculus Episcopi , it may be well said , that here the Light of the Body became darkness . This Abbot appealed from his Bishop against the Reformation of his Calendar to the Parliament of Toulouse . The Jesuites who cared but little for the other Saints , but resented very much the disgrace put upon their St. Ignatius , procured an Order from the Court to that Parliament , that they should favour the Abbot's Cause without further delay . I was then at Toulouse , where I was oblig'd to stay during the Months of July , August and September , at which time the Cause was Pleaded . I was present at the hearing , and the Kings Attorney broke into a furious passion against the Bishop of St. Pons , and taking occasion from the Feast of the Immaculate Conception , to speak of the Honours due to the Blessed Virgin , he carry'd them as far as Bonaventure , Bernardine and Crasse● . But at last the Archdeacon's Appeal was declared frivolous and faulty . The Bishop of St. Pons , was maintained in the power which the Councils of the Gallican Church gave to their Bishops of making a Calendar , and regulating the Church Service of their Diocess . And this Sentence was the effect of the Virtue and Honesty of the first President , who without contradiction was a Great Magistrate and worthy of a better Age. I have related these Facts upon this Account only , that they of the Romish Religion , who may read this Work of mine , may see , that I had reason to question the Truth of the Acts of some of their Saints , since some of the greatest Men of their Communion have done the same , and do agree that many false ones are found amongst them . And if some Preachers should not like our Endeavours in exposing the Falshood of the Martyrdom of the Theb. Legion ; because hereby they find themselves at a loss for want of so many fine Passages , elevated thoughts , and an Example so moving , and ready at hand , whenever they had a mind to exhort their Hearers to patience and perseverance in the Faith , we need only to recommend them the reading their Eusebius , wherein they shall find great numbers of true Martyrs , whose Examples are much more instructive , and fit to move the affections , then the Martyrdom of the Theb. Legion , is pretended to be . It is neither Arthur of Britain , nor the Roland of Ariosto , nor the Renaldo of Tasso , which those who are intrusted with the first Education and Instruction of young Princes do propose to them for a Pattern of Imitation , but those Heroes , who had a real being in the world , such as Scipio , Hanibal and Augustus . In like manner Church History being full of the glorious Conflicts and great Examples of the Piety of true Martyrs , Christian Princes would betray the Holiness of their Ministry , did they propose to their People false Martyrs and Counterband Saints as Mr. de Valois us'd to call them . CHAP. XIX . That the Fabulous Relations of the pretended Agaunian Martyrs , and other fictitious Saints , are sufficient to destroy all the Reasons brought by the Roman Church to justify the VVorship they pay to Saints . THE first shift of the Romish Church in this matter , is , to distinguish Worship into Absolute and Relative , Mediate and Immediate . They say , that God alone ought to be the Object of absolute and immediate Worship , but that the Relative and Mediate Worship , may be paid to Saints and Angels , since it passeth only through them , and terminates in God. That this is but a mere Evasion , our Writers have shewed a thousand times . And more than that , they have proved , that upon Examination of the Matter of Fact , it is not true neither , that the Romish Church renders to the deceased Saints , only mediate and relative Honours . For this distinction hath place only in their Schools , being no way discernible in their Practice . They make no distinction as to Place , since they worship both God and the Saints in the same Churches ; nor in respect of time , for as God hath his , so the Saints have likewise their Holy-days ; nor yet in the Church-Service , since the Saints are mentioned four or five times in the Service of the Mass , which they offer most immediately to God ; nay , not so much as in the bodily Postures of the Worshippers , since they fall down on their Knees , and make the same bodily Prostrations before God and his Saints . Neither can it be distinguish'd in the quality of their Petitions , since they who pray to Saints , ask pardon of them for their Sins , and the Grace of the Holy Ghost ; No more is it in the multitude of their Prayers ; for they will say ten Ave Maria's to one Pater noster . So that the Saints do , if I may so say , reap all the Worship of the Roman Religion , and God , who should gather the whole , hath only the Tithe of it . This distinction therefore hath place no where but in Disputes , no real difference being perceivable between the Honours paid to God , and the Saints . Our Writers have likewise discussed the Question , de Jure , viz. whether it be lawful to bestow upon the Creatures a Worship which terminates in God. Their Writings are full of good Reasons shewing that religious Worship is the Glory of God's Excellency , and that not so much as the least portion of this Glory can be bestow'd upon the Saints , without provoking the anger of that Jealous God. 'T is true , that in coming near to God to know him , we may make use of the Creatures as steps to the knowledge of Him : But when we approach God in the duty of Worship , all our Thoughts , Attention and Affections ought wholly to be fix'd upon him alone . We ought then to banish the thoughts of all created beings out of our Minds , and so to Bless , Pray to and Worship him , as if there were none but He and We in the World. But when all is done , what use soever they may make in their Disputes of the distinction of Worship into Absolute and Relative , 't is certain the Doctors of the Roman Church can make none of it , when we charge them with calling upon such Saints , as never had any being in the World , such for instance , as St. Longinus , St. Christopher , St. Catharine , the eleven thousand Virgins , and the Souldiers of the Thebean Legion . They cannot ▪ surely have the face to say , That the Worship paid to these pretended Saints , hath any relation to God , or terminates in him . And therefore they ought to confess , that their Church hath erred , and is yet in errour . Secondly , The Romish Doctors , to justifie the Worship they pay to the Saints , say , that all their Prayers to them do amount to no more , according to the intention of their Church , than barely to desire them that they would please to pray to God for them . To which it hath been replyed and abundantly proved , that the Use and Form of the Terms , do determine the quality of Prayers , and not the Intention of the Church ; that if the Matter , or the Form of Prayers be faulty , it is not the Intention of the Church that can rectify them ; and that the Common People mind only the literal signification of Prayers , and never think while they are pronouncing them , of giving a Catholick sense to Idolatrous Expressions . Why then do they put so many ignorant People in danger of making unlawful Prayers ? Why do they give Protestants so great an occasion of Scandal ? Why do they not take out of their Prayer-Books and Breviaries all those Forms of Prayer in which they ask the Saints to have mercy on them , to cleanse them from their Sins by their Merits , to illuminate their hearts , and to excite in them a true Repentance ? If this Principle of the Roman Church had any good foundation , I don't see why she might not as well have put an Arrian Creed into her Liturgy , with a warning to her Children to follow her Intentions , and give an Orthodox sense to that Heretical-Creed . It would prove a hard matter to reduce to an Orate pro nobis that Prayer used at the Consecration of their Altars ; Sanctify O Lord this Stone to thine Honour , to the Honour of the Virgin Mary , and to the Honour of all Saints . You see here the Saints and the Blessed Virgin joyn'd equally with God. Mons . de le Habespine Bishop of Orleans hath laboured in vain to justify this Prayer . And from hence we must necessarily conclude , that the Romish Church pays to the Saints a Religious . Worship of the same nature with that which she gives to God ; For otherwise Bellarmine does not argue well when he proves from the Form of Baptism , that the Holy Ghost , being joined therein with the Father and the Son , ought therefore to be esteemed , God , as well as the Father and the Son. Go and Baptise all Nations in the Name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost . But what can the Romish Church reply , when it is objected that she prays to Saints who never had any being , as St. Christopher , St. Catharine , the eleven thousand Virgins , and the Souldiers of the Theb. Legion ? Let these Prayers be reduced as much as they please to the general Spirit of the Church , yet she cannot justify them , and therefore she must confess that she hath erred , and is yet in error . Thirdly , They of the Church of Rome , to excuse the Worship they pay to the Saints , say , That they pray to them in the same manner as we pray our living Brethren to intercede for us . But had they not thus explain'd their meaning by the Bishop of Meaux's Pen , we would hardly believe that they were in good earnest . What! Is there then no difference between the Prayers which the Sick Protestants desire to be made for them in their Churches , that God would comfort and relieve them in their several necessities , and those which the Papists direct to their Saints ? When the Protestants desire these Offices of Charity of their Brethren , do they ask them after the same manner , and in the same order as the Romish Church implores the Intercession and Assistance of her Saints ? Do they consecrate Holy-days and Altars to them ? Build them Churches ? Make Vows and Pilgrimages to their Honour ? Do they light Wax-candles before their Images ? Approach them with Censers ? Present them with Offering ? And make Processions and Confraternities in honour of their Memories ? Quite contrary . Our Brethren are there present with us , where they see our necessities with their own Eyes , and we desire them to joyn with us in Prayer . We don't look upon them as if they were of a superior Order to us , but as Fellow Labourers , subject to the same weaknesses and infirmities as we are , and thereby ingaged to compassionate our sufferings . Our practice is authorized by the Example of the Faithful of all Ages , and by the express command of the Apostle St. James , who exhorteth us to Pray one for another . But the Romish practice is very far from having a Title to any of these advantages . Under the Old Testament no Prayers were ever made to the deceased Saints , though the Faithful prayed one for another , as we do . Notwithstanding they had at that time Saints whose Holiness could not be call'd in question , since God himself had , if I may so speak , canonized Elias and Enoch . All these Answers are solid and good . But how can they apply this ? Or what other Answer can they make , when we charge them with praying to such Saints as never were in the World , such as St. Christopher , St. Catharine , the eleven thousand Virgins , and the Souldiers of the Theb. Legion , seeing these Saints were only meer fictions and the invention of Legend-Writers ? They cannot sure answer that they Pray to these after the same Manner , as we do to our living Brethren ; and therefore they ought to confess that they have erred , and do remain still in error . The Fourth Evasion of the Romish Church is to have recourse to the equivocal Sense of the Terms Worship and Adoration . They say , that there is a Supream Worship and Adoration of Latria , and that God alone deserves this Worship and Adoration ; but that there is an inferiour Worship and a Service of Dulia , which we ought to pay to Angels and Saints . But this Distinction is not in , nor is it grounded upon , Scripture . For St. Paul makes use of the Term Dulia , when he speaks of the Supream Worship , telling the Thessalonians , That they turn'd to God from Idols to serve the Living and True God. And the Septuagint have used it in the same Sense , 1. Sam. c. 7. v. 3. and Ps . 11. v. 11. and on the contrary , they have expressed by that of Latria , the Services which Men do one to another in that Threatning , which God makes to his People , That they should servetheir Enemies , which God would send against them in hunger and in thirst and in nakedness . But besides , this Distinction is very insignificant ; for let the Terms be never so Equivocal , yet the things expressed by them are not so . For Churches , Festivals , Altars , Vows , Offerings , Lights , and Processions are not Equivocal things , but determined to the highest sort of Religious Worship . To prove this , let an Indian or a Chinese go into a Popish Church , tell him , That this Temple is consecrated to Francis of Assise ; that this is his Holy-day , and that they are going to make a Procession to his Honour ; That the Image which he seeth adorned with so many flowers , and illuminated with so many Torches is his Representation . And let him see afterwards all the People prostrating themselves before it , in order to the Addressing their Prayers to it : And then ask him , what this People is a doing ? He will answer , that they adore St. Francis , or his Image , the simple Notions of Nature leading him to that Answer , because all the Actions of this People are determined to Religion , which being taken altogether are the formal and distinct Signs of the Supreme Worship . And therefore it is in vain for them to endeavour to palliate the Matter by a pretended equivocal use of Words . Had the Romish Doctors been pleased to express themselves more clearly , there would have been no wrangling about the Terms . We acknowledg , that the Acts of Religion are not all of the same Weight and Importance . The first are those that are call'd Elicite and Immediate , which are referred only to God. The second are grounded upon the reference or relation which certain Things and Persons have to Religion . In this Rank we place the reverence due to Pastors , to Churches , Holy Vessels , to the Elements of the Sacraments , to Saints , to Angels , to the blessed Mother of God ; That is , That there are some Degrees of respect due to each of these , in proportion to the Rank which they hold in Religion , and to the Account which God makes of them . The last Sorts of Religious Acts are those that are commanded by Religion it self , as for Example , the Submission and Honour we owe to Parents and Magistrates . But if these Controversies were fairly manag'd , all the Dispute would be about the first Sort of these Acts of Religion , which are call'd in the Language of the Schools , Elicite and Immediate , and such as God reserves peculiarly to himself , with exclusion of the noblest and most exalted Rank of Created Beings , such , for instance , as Invocation , Psal . 50. v. 15 Trust and Affiance Jer. 17. v. 17. Vows , Isa . 19. v. 21. Worship , Sacrifice and Adoration , Exod. 20. v. 50. Act. 10. v. 26. Apocal. 19. vers . 10. These are the Acts of Religion which we accuse the Roman Church of giving to the Saints . Those amongst them who pretended to devotion , make Vows to the Saints upon every occasion , though St. Thomas hath said , that a Vow is an Act of Latria . But however this be , the Equivocal Sense of the term Adoration , can do them no service , where they are accused of paying a Religious Worship to Supposititious Saints , such as St. Christopher , St. Longine , St. Catharine , the eleven thousand Virgins , and the Souldiers of the Theb. Legion . They cannot pretend that they pay these Saints only a Worship of Dulia , & Honours much inferior to the Supream . They ought therefore to confess that they have erred , and do still persist in their error . Fifthly , the Roman Church speaking by the Mouth of the Bishop of Meaux , saith , that she instructeth her Children to make a great deal of difference between the affections that accompany the Prayers they make to Saints , and the Zeal , Piety , and profound Humility they ought to be possessed with , when they direct their Devotions immediately to God himself . But to this have not we just reason to reply , that God alone knows the Affections of the Heart , and that we cannot judge of them but by Mens Words and Actions ? We don't pretend to usurp the Prerogative of God , and should be very unwilling to pass a rash Judgment upon Men. Moses hath taught us , that secret things belong to the Lord our God ; and Christ hath told us , that we shall know Men by their Fruits ; that is , by their Words and Actions . This way of passing Judgment upon Mens Hearts , is so common a notion , and so universal a Principle , that all Men in the World do follow it in the judgments they make of others . So that it is very unjustly done by those of the French Clergy , who accuse us of calumny in finding fault with their Church for its paying to Saints a prohibited Worship , since our Accusation is founded upon their Words and Actions . For let them say what they please , that they do not form the same Idea of the Saints , as they do of an Infinite and Supream Being , and that their Prayers to God are accompanied with Affections far more lively , ardent and humble , than those they address to the Saints : This is known to none but God , and discernable only by his all-seeing Eye . And all that we see and hear of their Performance towards the Saints , as Prayers , Temples , Festivals , Illuminations , Burning of Incense , Processions , Prostrations ; all these things , I say , are the proper and formal Characters of the Supream Worship , which God hath in a peculiar manner reserved to himself . Are we then in the wrong , to conclude that they carry the honours they render to the Saints too far ? The Jansenists in that Book of theirs , intituled the imaginary Heresie , charged the Jesuites with making the Pope a God by their Tenet , that the Pope is infallible , because Infallibility is a property belonging only to God. But we have yet more reason to reproach the Roman Church for dealing with Saints as if they were Gods , not only upon account of the external Worship she pays to them , but also because of the good things she asks of them , which suppose that they know the Hearts of Men , are present every where , and have an unlimited power ; all which , are Properties belonging only to the Supream being . But after all , suppose it should be true , that the Romish Church puts a great difference between the Thoughts that accompany the Prayers to God , and those addressed to the Saints , we leave every wise Man to consider , whether this distinction in the Thoughts , does not raise in the Mind troublesome Scruples , and hinder its due application and adherence to God. These Theological Principles leave one always unquiet and uneasie , for fear of going beyond , or stopping short of the Mark. Thus far in their Opinion the Worship is lawful and right , but to go ever so little further , is Idolatry . When those who repeat after the Priest the Confession of Sins at the beginning of the Mass , hear him say , I confess to God Almighty , they must mind to do an Act of Latria , but when he adds , and to the Blessed Virgin , they must take care to descend lower to Hyperdulia , and when he goes on saying , to the Angels , and to the Saints , to the Holy Apostles , Peter and Paul , &c. it would be a Crime , should they offer to them any of the Two former kinds of Worship ; and therefore they must pass to that of Dulia . If an Image be presented to them , they are to offer but a relative honour to it ; but let it be a little piece of the true Cross , they may go as far as the indirect Latria . And because these different Worships are often mix'd in the same Service and Litanies , we leave it again to Wise Men to consider , whether all those who are present at these Church-Services , have in that instant of time all these distinctions present in their Minds ; whether they be all capable of these nice and refined subtilties of the Schools ; and whether all this be proper to raise the heart , and to inflame true piety . At least , our Religion hath this advantage above theirs , that God alone being proposed to us as the Object of our Worship and Prayers , we need not busie our Minds about any of these Distinctions ; no scruple arises to disturb our Zeal , we embrace the Divine Object with all our Heart , and with all our Soul , free from fears and danger of running beyond the Mark. But after all , this difference of Thoughts in their Prayers , will do them no Service , as to the worship which they render to Saints that never existed , such as St. Christopher , St. Catharine , the Eleven Thousand Virgins , and the Souldiers of the Thebean Legion . These being mere Chimeras and groundless fancies , which deserve not any the least respect ; they who pay any sort of Religious Worship to them , ought to confess , that they have been , and are , yet in Error . The Sixth Subterfuge of the Roman Church is , that they make great difference between Christ's Mediation , and that of the Saints . For , say they , Christ is a Mediator of Redemption , and the Saints are only Mediators of Intercession . But in answer to this , all the Functions of the Mediator of Redemption , may be reduced to these Three principal ones . First , Christ hath taught Men the true and only way that leadeth to Heaven , having brought Life and Immortality to light , through the Gospel . Secondly , Christ by his Death , hath reconciled God to Men , and the Merits of his Cross , are the source of their Peace and Righteousness , God having made him to be sin for us , who knew no sin , that we should be the Righteousness of God in him . In the Third Place , Christ is the Dispenser of all those good things which are the effects and consequences of that eternal and new Covenant which he hath brought into the World , and sealed with his own Blood upon the Cross , all power being give● him , both in Heaven and Earth , that he might save to the uttermost all that come to God by him . Now we think we have great reason to accuse the Roman Church , of attributing to the Saints these Functions of the High Priest of the New Covenant . For as if the Gospel were not a sufficient Rule to direct us the way to Heaven , the Romish Church teaches , that her Dominicks , Francis's , Loyola's , &c. have received from Heaven , Rules more certain and powerful to raise those who follow them to a higher Perfection , than those of the Gospel it self . And for the proof hereof , they produce the Heavenly Visions , Divine Apparitions , and other Miracles wherewith they pretend God hath honoured the calling of these Founders of Orders . Moreover , the Romish Church holds , that by Christ's Death , only our Mortal Sins , and the eternal punishment due to them were expiated ; so that Men must have recourse to other ways of Expiation , both for their Venial Sins , and the temporal Punishments due to their Mortal ones . Therefore was Purgatory invented ; and to that purpose are likewise applied the Fasts , the disciplining Whips , the Obits or Offices for the Dead , the pious Foundations , the Masses , and the Canonical Penances injoyned by the Confessors at the Tribunal of Penitence ( as they call it . ) But the most powerful Machine , is the Treasury of Indulgences , that Treasury which hath drawn so much Money into the Pope's Exchequer , and which , they say , is silled up with the Overplus of the Satisfactions and Merits of Saints ; which superabundance is by Indulgences applied either for the expiation of Venial Sins , or for a compensation for the temporal Penalties due to Mortal Sins . This is the ground of that Prayer which the Priest saith in the Mass , when he asks of God the forgiveness of Sins , by the Merits of those Saints whose Reliques are at rest under the Altar . Finally , the Roman Church makes her Addresses to the Saints , as to the Dispensers of Heavenly Graces ; and we might observe a Hundred Places in their Prayer-Books , Rituals , Breviaries , and other Books of their Religion , where it plainly appears , that they ask of them the forgiveness of Sins , the Grace of Perseverance , and good Dispositions for Dying well . But here perhaps it may be objected , that the Church of Rome makes a great difference in its Practice , between Christ's Mediation , and that of the Saints ; which is so far from being true , that one of her most famous Writers , sadly complains , that it is evident , that most of the People put more trust in the Intercession of the Saints , than in Christ's Intercession ; and that they have recourse with more zeal to their Protection , than to the Patronage of that great Redeemer . And after all , this distinction of Mediator of Redemption , and Mediator of Intercession , is very injurious to Christ , and to the fulness of his Priesthood . The Apostle willing to condemn the partialities of the Corinthians , some saying they were of Paul , and others of Cephas , asked them with indignation , Have Paul , Apollos or Cephas , been Crucified for you ? And may not we then with more reason , ask the Doctors of the Romish Church , have Francis , Dominick , or Ignatius Loyola , been Crucified for you ? For Christ's Priesthood comprehends two parts , namely Sacrifice and Intercession , one upon the Earth , and the other in Heaven , one on the Cross , and the other beyond the Vail in the true and incorruptible Sanctuary , that 's to say , that his Intercession is nothing but a continuation of his Priesthood ; and that the reason why he is our Advocate , is , because he was crucifi'd for us . But in what order of Mediators can the Romish Church put St. Christopher , St. Longine , St. Catharine , the eleven thousand Virgins , and the Thebean Souldiers , since it is plain , that at the best they are nothing but meer figments ? They will not sure offer to own them Mediators of Intercession , and therefore they must confess that they have err●d , and are still in error . The Seventh device of the Church of Rome to excuse the Worship they render to Saints , i● , That they would fain perswade us , That the Council of Trent hath not determined this Worship to be necessary , but only simply declared , that it was a good and profitable practice . To which it will suffice to oppose this Argument . That Practice must needs be held necessary to Salvation for the not observing of which People are declared to be damned : Now it is evident , that the Church of Rome damns all those who believe that Saints ought not to be prayed to , from whence it ought to be inferr'd , that the Worship of Saints , is , according to the Principles of the Roman Church a practice necessary to Salvation . The proof for the Minor of this Argument is found in the 25th Session of the Council of Trent , where is a Canon that Anathematizeth all those who deny the lawfulness of calling upon Saints conformably to the use and practice of the Roman Church : Unless they would say , that the Council of Trent did pronounce these Anathemas , notwithstanding , they were of Opinion that the worshiping of Saints is not a practice necessary to Salvation . But while they go about to set off the Wisdom of the Fathers assembled in that Council , they are not aware , that they accuse them both of Levity , and want of Charity in damning Men , for things that may be either done or let alone without prejudice to Salvation . The Doctors of the Church are hardly put to it to know what things the Council of Trent hath judged Ceremonial , and what Dogmatical and Essential to Religion . That which gives occasion to these Disputes is , That in some States that submitted to the Pope's Authority , the Decisions of the Council of Trent , have been recieved as to the Dogmatical part of Religion , though they will not acknowledge them as to Rites and Ecclesiastical Discipline . I shall observe by the by , that the Illustrious Peter de Ma●ca , frequently lays i● down as a certain Truth , That France approved of and received the Council of Trent in the year 79 of the last Age. However , we find in the History of the Cardinal Duke of Joyeuse , compos'd by Haberi , a Barester at the Parliament of Paris , a Brief of Pope Paul the V. sent to the Cardinal of Joyeuse Bishop of Ostia , above five and fourty Years after the time when M●uns . de Marca saith , That France received the Council of Trent , wherein this Pope complains very bitterly of the refusal , which they still made in France to approve this Council , and to submit to its Decisions . Whatsoever it is , most of the Doctors of the Romish Church do agree , that to know the difference which the Council of Trent hath put between things dogmatical , pertaining to Religion , and things meerly ritual and belonging to Discipline , the most certain Rule to judge by , is the Anathemas that are fasten'd on them . And therefore , since that Council hath Anathematiz'd all those who do not approve the Worship of Saints , it follows , that the Fathers of that Council did look upon this Worship as a thing of great moment and necessity in Religion , and not as one of those Practices and Ceremonies , which though they be allowed to be very good and profitable , yet may be left out or changed at the will and pleasure of the Pope and Church . But let them say what they please , certain it is that the Romish Church does not only believe , that it is necessary to Salvation to call upon Saints , but is moreover bound to believe so . And their Doctors pretend , that this piece of service to Saints is commanded in the Scripture , wresting I know not how many Texts to make them apparently comply with their fancy , and utter what they would be at . Now if we believe , that God hath commanded a Worship , there is no doubt but we ought also to believe that we cannot omit the peformance thereof , without puting our Salvation to stake . But what can they say for those Services that are established in so many places to the honour of such Saints , as owe all their being to the forgeries of a parcel of Monks , and the credulity of a deluded People ? Whereas instead of declaring these Practices to be necessary , the Church of Rome ought to acknowlege that they fall short of being even good and profitable . And therefore that Church must confess that it hath erred , and is yet involved in error . The Eight Shift is that of some Doctors of the Romish Church , who do deplore the excess that the Worshiping of Saints is grown to , and protest altogether , that if in some places some Saints that never were are Worshiped , they are but local practices tolerated , though not approved by the Church . This is the Rock on which do split every day the Learning , Piety , Knowledge and Conscience of many Ecclesiasticks in the Church of Rome , who being desirous of Salvation and having made a considerable study in Religion , yet comparing the mischief of that false Worship , with the consequences of a Separation , think it much safer for their Souls to live in a corrupted Church , and to groan under its Errors , than to make a breach of Charity by separating from its Communion . In which they are like those cowardly and unworthy Citizens , who while a generous Deliverer hazards his Fortune and his Life , to preserve to them both their Laws and Country , are content with folded Arms to wish him good success and prosperity ; and if he chances to fail in the attempt , will also bewail and pity him . Of which sort of People a great Man used to say , that they were the most useless of all Friends , for that having the Vertue of wishing us well , and shedding some tears for us , they had not yet courage enough to afford us their Assistance . For indeed all these good Wishes and Lamentations are no remedy to the misfortunes of a Church or Country . Works they are and honest endeavours which God requires at our hands , and not timorous Wishes and unprofitable Vows . If some of the Romish Party do sigh at the sight of a Worship , which they think dishonourable to their Church , why do they not likewise joyn with those who apply themselves to reform it ? I believe there are but few very amongst them who have not heard of the wholsom Advices of the Blessed Virgin Mary to her Indiscreet Votaries , and of the Pastoral Letter which a Bishop of France adjoyn'd thereto , recommending them to the perusal and practice of all the good Christians of his Diocess . This was just the time , and a fair occasion for those Doctors , who bewail so much in private the Abuses of their Church , to appear and to speak , had not some unworthy considerations stop'd them in the way , and made them Speechless . The Prelates , the Universities , Rome it self condemned those wholesom Advices , no body having Piety and Courage enough to defend them , while Error and Falshood found a World of Zealous Protectors . Crasset a Jesuite stood in the defence of all the Excesses of the Bonaventures and Bernardines : And the Sorbonne by giving their Approbation to his Works , condemned likewise both the wholesom Advices , and the pastoral Letter of the Bishop of Tournay . How can they say then , that most of those things , which we find fault with in the Church of Rome , are but local Practices , or Excesses only tolerated , and not approved by the Church ? Those very things which we disallow , are of such a nature , that a bare toleration of them , hath the force of an Approbation . For they are not Dogmatical Errours , nor empty Speculations , but Errours in the Practice , and False ▪ worship , in the publick Service of Religion : Which , whenever a Christian Society does tolerate , it gives thereby a sufficient ground to believe , that it approves them likewise . Yet had not all our just Complaints upon this matter , power enough to induce the Commissioners of the Index Expurgatorius , to expunge the scandalous Excesses of their Bonaventure , Bernardine of Siena , and Gabriel Biel. The Congregation of the Holy Office , and that de Ritibus , are very well informed of the Honours paid in divers Places to the Souldiers of the Thebean Legion . But let the Protestants prove as clear as the Day , the Forgery of their Martyrdom , these imaginary Beings , consecrated by a blind Superstition , are permitted notwithstanding still to retain all the Deferences of Honour and Worship formerly paid to them . A Ninth evasion of the Romish Party is , that we cannot , they say , condemn their worshipping of Saints , without involving both the Fathers , the Church of the first Ages , and the most ancient Christians in the same Condemnation . But this Accusation which they enter against us with so much confidence , is wholly groundless The truth is , that in the times of St. Basil , St. Chrysostom and Gregory Nazianzen in the East , of St. Ambrose , St. Jerom , St. Austin and St. Paulinus in the West , some Practices may be observed which have been in the After-Ages the Origine of the false Worship paid to the Saints . The People beginning then to esteem a little too much of their Reliques , they flock'd from all parts to their Sepulchers , and with an extraordinary zeal , they celebrated the memorial of them ; the Preachers in the mean time , by Rhetorical Figures , directing their Speech to them in such manner , as if they had been actually alive . But however the Veneration they had then for them , came nothing near to the Worship which the Romish Church pays to them now adays . Gregory the First , who died in the Seventh Century , began in his time to innovate in the publick Worship of the Church , by inserting in the Litanies , the Name of the Blessed Virgin Mary , those of the Saints having not been introduced till a long time after . And we defy the Doctors of the Church of Rome to shew us , that the Worship which they render to Saints , is mentioned in any of the Ecclesiastical Writers , who lived before the Year of our Lord 350. Martin Perez Hiala , Bishop of Cadiz , confesses , that they cannot justify by ancient authority , the Invocation and Intercession of Saints , before the time of Cornelius , who lived towards the end of the Third Century . And this good Prelate would have descended yet a Hundred Years lower , had he seen the Reasons which Blondel alledges , to prove that that which is cited of Cornelius is meerly spurious . Had the Invocation of Saints been in use in the times of St. Athanasius , and St. Hilary , we must confess that the Arrians had but very little wit , when it being objected , as it was by these Fathers to them , that they were down-right Idolaters , in praying as they did to Christ , whom they thought to be but a Creature ; they did not reply that this Accusation ought to rebound on their Adversaries also , since notwithstanding they did not believe their Saints to be Gods , yet they made Prayers and Supplications to them But how is it possible to believe , that in those first Ages of Christianity , the Christians made their Addresses to the deceased Saints , seeing they were of Opinion , that the Souls of the Faithful did not enjoy the Beatifick Vision before the general Resurrection of the Dead . If we ask Cardinal Bellarmine why the Saints were not invoked under the Old Testament , he answers , Because the Souls of the Just were then in Limbo , and did not yet behold the Face of God. For which very Reason , we may likewise conclude , that the Christians of the first Ages did not pray to Saints , since they believed that their Souls were not to be admitted into the presence of God till the General Resurrection . Which Opinion of theirs , hath forced Cardinal Richlieu to make this Confession , That several Fathers in the First Ages , held for certain , that the Souls of the Faithful deceased in the Grace of God ( those of Martyrs only excepted ) should not enjoy the Beatifick Vision , till after the Resurrection of the Dead ; and therefore ' its no wonder , that they spoke in those times , of the Veneration and Invocation of Saints , with more caution and wariness , than it hath been done since it hath been commonly believed , that the Souls of the Faithful who have departed this Life in the fear of God , did not wait till the Resurrection for the enjoyment of the Beatifick Vision . In the Church of the first Ages , they observed another Practice inconsistent with that Worship , which the present Church of Rome renders to the Saints . For now a days , the Living Pray to the Dead , whereas , formerly the Living pray'd for them . Cardinal Richelieu ( as you have seen in the place above quoted ) hath excepted the Martyrs from the general Rule ; but in this case there was no exception made of any ; for according to the Liturgy ascrib'd to St. Mark , the Christians us'd to say . Remember O Lord Our Ancestors the Patriarcks , the Prophets , the Martyrs , and all the Spirits who are perfect in the Faith of Jesus Christ , and grant that their Souls may rest in the Sanctuary of thy Saints . This practice of praying for all the Saints , was yet in use in Hinkmar's time . And in the Rubrick upon the Decretals at the Title of the Celebration of Masses , ch . 6. sect . Oratio quae dicitur , &c. we find this curious Remark in the Gloss on the Margent . It was formerly said , Grant O Lord that this Prayer may be profitable to the Soul of thy Servant Leo : But now it is said , Grant that this Prayer may be profitable to us by the Intercession of thy Servant Leo. So little distinction was made in those times between the Martyrs and the Saints of the first Order , That they used to pray even for the Blessed Mother of God. For in the Liturgy attributed to St. Chrysostom , we find these Words : Let us pray to the Lord , for all those who have heretofore administred and fulfilled the Duties of Priesthood , for the eternal remission of their Sins , and for the memory of all those who are deceased , in hope of the Resurrection . Forgive them O Merciful Lord. And we offer also this reasonable Service unto thee for our Ancestors who rest in the Faith , the Fathers , the Patriar●s , the Prophets , the Apostles , the Martyrs , and especially for the most Blessed and Immaculate Mary . After this do ye think it well done of the Romanists to accuse us of condemning the Primitive Church , and all the Ancient Fathers , because we condemn the Worship which they pay in our days to the Saints ? Certain it is that in this we don 't condemn Origen , who wrote thus against Celsus We ought not to pray to Creatures , who have as much need to make Prayers and Supplications for themselves , and do therefore rather by their calling upon him , admonish us to make our addresses to God only , and not to debase our selves before them by dividing between God and them the honour of Prayer , God forbid that we should follow Celsus's advice , who would have us to pray to Angels . We ought to pray to none but God , who is the Paramount Lord of a●l things . We do not condemn St. Austin , who saith , That were St. Paul and the other Apostles our Mediators , we should have many of them , but then this Apostle had not been in the right who saith , that there is but one God and one Mediator between God and Man who is Jesus Christ. And he declares in another place : That in offering the Sacrifice , mention was made of the Martyrs , as of Men of God , who by the Confession of his Name , had triumphed over the World , but that they were not invocated . We don't condemn Ignatius , a Disciple of the Apostles , who recommended this to the Christians , to have none before their Eyes when they pray but Christ Jesus and his Father . We do not condemn St. Irenaeus , that Holy Bishop of Lions , who had framed himself both upon the Lessons and Examples of Polycarp , and who saith , That the Church does not mix in her Service either the Invocation of Angels , or any other criminal Curiosity , but does direct her Prayers meerly , purely and openly to God , the maker of all things , by calling upon the Name of our Lord Jesus Christ . We do not condemn Tertullian , who giving an Account of the Faith and Hope of the Christians , before the Roman Emperors , saith . That they do Invocate none but the true God and do pray for the prosperity of the Emperor , but that they ask it of him whom they know alone to be able to grant it . Nor do we condemn Lactantius who declares , That those who pray to deceased Saints , do Sin both against Reason and Piety , revolt against God , break all sorts of Laws , and in Worshiping dead Men , do commit an unpardonable Fault . But if the Romish Church , does side with those Ancient Hereticks , who , as Theodore● informs us , held , That whosoever will have a free Access to God , ought first to endeavour to secure to himself the Favour of Angels ; and if we find fault with that Church for doing the same , we leave it to our Readers to examin , whether we do condemn also that Ancient Doctor , who answered these Hereticks , That it is but a pitiful subterfuge to say , that we make our addresses to the Creatures , only upon the account of making by their means our Approaches to God , as they are us'd to do , who desire to be introduced to the King , by making first their Application to his Officers . True it is , that to be admitted to the audience of a King , and to be promoted by him , it is necessary first to speak to and court those who do attend him , because a King being but a Man cannot of himself know whom to trust with the administration of his Affairs , but as he receives information from those that are about him . But that we may approach God , who is Omniscient , there is no need of imploring the Patronage of Men. It is enough , if we have a sincere and upright heart , and a religious mind ; for God will answer in any place of the Vniverse whosoever speaks to him in that holy disposition . How unjustly then are we condemned by the Romanists , for holding Opinions contrary to those of the Ancient Church concerning the Saints , since in conformity to that Church of the first Ages , we do not address our Prayers to any but God through Jesus Christ . We do , as she did , honour the Saints , and reverence their memory , we propose their Examples to our Imitation , we applaud their Triumph , and do Crown them with praise . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Imitation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Praise , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Love , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Commemoration , were all the duties which the Piety of the Primitive Christians pay'd to the Saints . And if we do restrain our selves within the same bounds , we have for us the most Authentick Acts of Antiquity as the 34. and 57. Epistles of St. Cyprian , wherein this blessed Martyr speaks of the Commemoration which the Church made of Martyrs ; and the 3. ch . of the Book Corona militis by Tertullian , in which are mentioned the Oblations which in those times were offered for the dead , especially for Relations and Friends : But chiefly we have on our side the Declaration of the Ancient Church of Smyrna concerning St. Polycarp's Body , related by Eusebius , and in the Acts of this Blessed Martyr Printed byVsserius , and which are quoted by Mr. de Valois in his Notes . It is a very memorable Fact , and which happened about the year of Our Lord 167 , and is as follows : The Jews being unwilling that the Christians should have the comfort of burying their Polycarp , represented to the Pagan Magistrates , that if the Christians were permitted to keep the Body of that Holy Martyr , they would soon forsake their Master to serve his Disciple , not knowing , said the whole Church of Smyrna , That it is impossible we should leave Christ who hath suffered for the Redemption of all those who are saved through the whole World , and that we should pay a religious Worship , or address our Prayers to any other but him . For as to Christ , we adore him as being the Son of God , whereas we love the Martyrs as the Disciples and Imitators of the Lord. And certainly this is nothing but what is very just , considering the Zeal and fervent Love they had for their own King and Master . God grant that we may so imitate their Piety , that we may be partakers of their Glory . Which discourse of the Church of Smyrna , as it is our Apology , so it is a condemnation of the Worship which the Romish Church renders now a days to Saints . And if the Ancient Church speaks thus of true Martyrs , we may easily judge how it would have behaved it self towards false and supposititious ones , such as are the Souldiers of the Theb. Legion . Tenthly , Father Malbranche is without contradiction , one of the greatest Wits of our Age , did he not too much affect to be an Original . His System concerning the Worship of Saints , and the way he takes to defend the Practice of his Church is as follows . First , he lays down for a Foundation , that all our good things come from God , and that he is the only cause and dispenser of them . Secondly , He saith , That when we receive from him any thing that is good , Christ is the occasional Cause thereof , God by an Eternal Law having decreed not to communicate any Good to Mankind , but at Christ's Desire and Request . Which Tenet of his is set forth more largely both in his Christian Meditations , and his Treatise of Nature and Grace . Thirdly , He declares , That it is not in the Power of the Saints to impart any of these Goods unto us , and that we ought not so much as to say , That they are the occasional Causes of them , it being a Privilege , that belongs to none but Christ , as he is the Mediator of the New Covenant , and the High Priest of Things Eternal . It is at the Desire of Christ , and not at those of the Saints , that God by an Eternal Law hath bound himself to communicate his Graces . Fourthly , Nevertheless he adds , that the Saints do excite and incline the Desires of Christ toward us , in which chiefly he makes the force of their Intercession to consist . Fifthly , and lastly , He believes , that they have the Power to heal Sicknesses , and to bless with fertility our Fields , because the Order of the Universe seems to require , that inferior things be made Subject to the Power of the Superior Beings . I know not how Father Malbranche , with all the Sagacity and Sharpness of his Wit , can reconcile these Principles of his both with the Doctrine and Practice of his Church . For having Established in the First , That God is the only Dispenser of all good things , hence it follows , that the asking the Saints for Graces , which come only from the hand of God , is down-right Idolatry . And when he saith , secondly , That God does not dispense his Graces but at the Desire of Christ , who is established by him the Mediatour of the New Covenant , and the High-Priest of Things Eternal , and that he alone can make Intercession for us to his Father in determining and contracting by his desires the general Laws of God's Mercy to some particular Sinners , whom he hath more kindness for , we may easily conclude , that the imploring the Mediation of Saints , and asking them to pray directly and immediately to God for us , is a high Injury offered to the Priesthood of Jesus Christ . Now as to his third Tenet , viz. That the Saints have not the Power to convey to us those Graces which we want , and that we ought not so much asto look upon them as the occasional Causes of them , if this opinion of his be true , what will become of so many Litanies and Prayers set down in the Popish Breviaries , and in their Prayer and Mass-Books , in which they ask the Saints to cleanse them from all their Sins , to preserve them from the Sicknesses of the Spirit , to inflame their hearts with the Fire of Charity , to deliver them from Hell-fire , to open the Gates of Heaven to them , and to make them sit on Thorns with the glorious Company of the Blessed above , &c. Lastly , if according to Malbranche's fourth and fifth Principles all the good Services , which the Saints are able to do , are only to move and excite Christ's desires towards us , and to give us ease in our Afflictions , or afford us a good Crop , he Asserts these last Tenets in so dubious a manner and so faintly ( though upon any other matter , he uses to be very Vigorous and Positive ) that it is an easy thing to discern that he himself is not very well convinced of it . 'T is , saith he , The Opinion of the Church that the Saints do know all our wants . We may pray to the Saints , that they be pleased to stir up the desires and the Charity of Jesus Christ . One Saint perhaps is more in Favour , and hath more Access to Christ upon his own Holy-day than at another time , or than another Saint . It may be also that they have the power of healing our Sicknesses , or of procuring us a plentiful Year . We see by these shy and uncertain expressions , how hard he is put to it to reconcile his Opinions with the Doctrine and Practice of his Church . For indeed there is a palpable incompatibility of his Principles , with that Religious Worship which the Romish Church pays to the Saints . And we need only to examin the Principles , which he had already laid before , viz. That the Church by praying to the Father through the Son , does acknowledge the Son to be equal and of one substance with the Father : For if he were not so , saith he , we could not call upon him . And likewise he had already said , that the Father hath tyed his Blessings and Treasures to Christ's Desires , and that this is the Reason why we ought to adore the Father , and to call upon Christ . But what he after adds deserves especially our consideration , namely , that these Desires of Christ are the desires of his human Will , that his Flesh is the Principle of these Desires , which make all the riches of the Church and the Sanctification of the Elect : And that this is the reason why Religion teaches us to Address sometimes our Prayers to the Father , because if we never did invocate any but Christ , by reason of those Priviledges which God hath by an eternal Decree adapted to his Desire , to those human desires , he saith , which do proceed from the Child of the Blessed Mary , we should be in danger of adhering to Christ as he is a Man , and of trusting in his Flesh with the same kind of Love and Trust , which we owe only to the Infinite and Soveraign Being . We may easily perceive that this way of reasoning is quite contrary to the Doctrine of the Roman Church , and to that Worship it renders to Saints . The Esteem indeed , which I have for Great Men is such , that I cannot forbear having also a kind of respect even for their odd fancies , and by-ways of Writing , which made me take notice by the by of Father Malbranch● his System concerning the worshipping of Saints , though I know in the bottom of it there is no more reality than in a shadow or dream . But after all , should we suppose his Opinion to be not altogether groundless , who would venture to say , that supposititious Saints , such as we have proved those of the Theb. Legion to be , can move and excite Christs desires ? Therefore the Roman Church ought to confess , that she hath erred in permitting and approving the Worship which is paid to them . FINIS . Some BOOKS Printed for R. Bently . Books in Folio . 1. BEaumont's and Fletcher's Plays in one Volume , containing 51. Plays . 2. Mr. William Shakespear's Plays in one Volume . 3. Towerson's Works compleat in one Volume . 4. Dr. Allestry's Sermons in one Volume . 5. 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Flac ▪ Arg. L. 1. Phasidos . Cla●dian . Notes for div A36721-e590 Ferrero . p. 205. Notes for div A36721-e1390 Carolo Hyacinto Ferrero vita de' primi Protettori , &c. pag. 72. Ferrero pag. 76. Tuttosi deve al Sangue a' Miracoli , alle preghie re de' nostri Benignissimi Protettori . Ferrero pag 76. Ferrero . pag. 131. Difesero in un pericol● estremo il Principe e la Città dall ' Arme et dall ' Eresia de' Calvinisti . Il Card. de Rovere Questi sono quei santi liquali , Serenssimo Principe vi hanno restituita intie●a questa fidelissima Citta vestra , &c. Cromerus de Reb. Pol. l. 3. Bull Greg. 13. ob eximiam devotionem quam erga eosdem sanctos dilectus Filius Emmanuel Phil. Dux sabaudiae , & universus Civitatis Taurinensis Populus gerunt , &c. Notes for div A36721-e2400 Crot. lib 1. c. 2. & Cap. 11. 11 , 12. Edward Fuller , the Des . of Christian . Sect. 3. c. 16. pag. 187. Dr. Cave , Primitive Christ . part 3. c. 4. pag. 331. Notes for div A36721-e2870 Vaillant Praest . Imp. Numism . pag. 12. 14 , 16. 13. Vaill . pag. 49. Pag. 71. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Council . 7. act . 5. Tom. 3. pag. 552. Ann. Baron . Tom. 1. An. 51. Bellarm. de lib. arb . lib. 5. c. 25. Notes for div A36721-e3710 D●u noctuque hymn●rum , Psalmorumque decantatio non desini● , quod jubente praeclaro Sanctoque Martyre Beato Sigismu●do Rege institutum , usqu● bo●ie co●servatum est . Dupin Nov. Bibl. Tom. 4. pag ▪ 175. Surius Tom. 5 ▪ 22. S●p ▪ Martyr . Rom 10. Kal●n● . Oct. pag. 3●5 . Bellarm. in Catal. Script . Eccl. in Euch. Cave Hist . Li● . Script . Eccles . p. 333. in C●sario . Hadr. Vale●i●s Notit . Gall in Heaunum . Notes for div A36721-e5510 Tom. 4. Council Labbe and Cossart . pag. 1557. Le Cointe Ann. Eccles . an . ch . 536. num . 224. pag. 534. Tom. 4. Concil Labbe . Coss . pag. 1557. De jam dicto Monasterio quod vocatur Agaunum , quod nunc Domino adjuvante infra Reg●um nostrum Burgu●dionum construximus . Infra ambitum Basilicae quam clementia Regis ad hoc opus ornare jussit . Marsh . in Propyl . ad Mon ▪ ●ug . Cantè intuendae sunt hujus●nodi Chartae , quae fidem ha●ent e● minorem quo majorem prae se ferunt Antiquitatem . Papebrookin Propylnum . 125. Cha●tas sinceras & genuinas vix reperi●i . Notes for div A36721-e6840 〈…〉 5790. ch . 297. Diocl. 14. Maxini . 12. p. 124. Bibl. Patrum apud Aniss . Lug ▪ dunt , an . 1677. Tom. 6. pag. 866. Theod. Ruin. Act. prim . Martyr . pag. 285. Le Cointe , An. 609. * Theod. Ruin. Praef. in Act. Martyr . alii resecuerunt noilnulla , quae sibi in illis Actis displicebant . Ex iis etiam Actis pleraque perierunt quibus alia postmodùm substituta fuere , sed quae ad istorum Auctoritatem non pert ingunt nedùm ad priorum sinceritatem . Lud. Vives de Trad. Disc . lib. 5. Melchior Canus , Loc. 11. c. 6. Dolenter hoc dico multò Severius a Laertio Vitas Philosoph●rum scriptas , quam a Christianis Vitas Sanctorum ; long●que incorruptius & integrius Suetonius , &c. Alix Expostul ▪ de St. J. Chrys . pag. 9. Theoph. Raynal . in Ind. Sanct. Lugd. p. 227. Cave Ann. ch , 434. p. 335. quamplurimi Eucherio Juniori ascribunt , & rectè quidem . Notes for div A36721-e8840 Erasm . Bibl. Patr. Tom. 6. p. 886. Nihil video profectum a nostrae Religionis hominibus , qui Eloquentiae quoque gloria floruerunt , quod cum hujus phrasi sit conferendum . Andreas Schottus in Epistola aurea ad Valerianum . * Cicero in Bruto . unus enim sonus est totius Orationis , & idem Stylus . Du Pin Nova Bibl. 〈◊〉 tom . pag. 175. At Basil in . 15●● . At Rome in 1564. Baron . an . ch . 297. pag. 734. In 30. Comm. in Lib. Reg. c●p 22. Bibl Pat● . tom . 6. p. 823. non Gallus ho●o sed Britannus . Hieron . Epi●t . ad Pammach . Deinde Senator , Ducenarius , Biarchus , Cirmicitor , Eques , deinde Tyre . Glossar . du Cang . tom . 3. p. 796. Notes for div A36721-e10370 Lazius Comin . Rp R●m . lib. 3. c. 17. pag. ●58 . Primicie●u primi erant & antesignani omnium . Digni●atum quod in tabula cerata prime notarentur . Suid●s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hera●lii . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Balusius nov . Coll. Concil . pag. 480. * St. August . Serm. 2. † Bodicus delonsis . Arch. in Hist . Hieros . Goltzius Thes . rei antiquariae pag. 149. Veget. lib. 2. cap. 21. Sicut Primicerius in Officio Praefectorum praetorioque ad honestum quaestuosumque Militiae pervenit gradum . Ammian . Marcel . lib. 18. c. 3. Inter quos Valentinus ex Primicerio Protectorum Tribunus . Valesius pag. 190. Caeterùm ex Primicerio Protectorum ad Tribunatum prevenire mos erat . In Excerptis de Gestis Constantini . Constantius D. Claudii opt . Principis Nepos ex fratre , Protector primum , exin Tribunus , postea Praeses Dalmatiarum fuit . Matth. Paris an . 1240. Sciscitabantur in Exercitu quis foret Primicerius . Monasticon Angl. Tom. 1. pag. 838. Gulielm . Tyrius lib. 4. cap. 8. Pracedebant autem ejus Exercitum quasi Legion●m Primicerii , vexilla bajulantes ●iri Nobiles & inclyti . Tit. Livius lib. 13. Polyb. lib. 6. Notes for div A36721-e12300 Aurifex . Faber . See Lock of Hum. Underst . Con. Carth. 4. can . 84. Aug. Ep. 154. ad Publ. Josue Ch ▪ 6. 24 ▪ Lightfoot . De●cript . Temp. Hier. sect . 4. pag. 649. Notes for div A36721-e13140 Cypr. de 〈◊〉 Nam cum 〈◊〉 de 〈…〉 ●c . Tillemont Hist . des Emp. 2. p. 3 . ●om . pag. 864. Council Elib . can . 60. August . in Breviar . colla● . Di. 3. c. 13. Notes for div A36721-e14030 Le Cointe Ann. Franc. tom . 3. An. Ch. 636. Acta Martyr . Agaun . Hi in auxiliu● Maximiano ab Orientis partibus acciti . * Laziu● Rcip . Rom. lib. 3. comitabantur Augustum in procinctum abcuntem . Sex● . Aurel . Victor . Eutr●p . lib. 9. * Aurel. Victor . quanquam semiagrestem , Militiae tamen atque ingenio b●●um . Mezeray Hist . before Clovis , &c. pag. 218. Guido Pa●cirol . Notit . Imper. cap. 48. fol. 34. Notes for div A36721-e16090 * Le Cointe An● . Ch. 638. ●o●i●us part . 2. cap. 3. de rebus a Const . gestis . * Labbe Chr. Hist . part 1. an . ch . 2●6 . pag. 216. Duchesne Hist . of the Popes pag 45. Notes for div A36721-e16870 * Henr. Noris Epochae syron . Diss . 3. p. 143. Valesius in Notis ad cap. 2. lib. 8. Balusius in Notis Lactantii Riccioli Chr. Ref. lib. 4. cap. 10. * Petitus 3. Eccl. Chron. 5 ▪ Aurel. Victor quae irans Alpes Galliae sunt Constantio sunt co●●m●ssae . Brietus parall . Veter Ge●gr . & Novae pag. 374. Ant. Pagi Crit. Hist . Chr. p. 218. Bosquet Hist . Eccl. lib. 4 c. 11. Dodwel Diss . Cypr. 11. * Ver●m autem Dei Templu●● quod est in h●miri●●● i●colume serv●v●● . Lactant de Mort. p●rsec . lib. 15. Matth. Westm . pag. 67. Theod. Ruinart , in Praef. contra Dodwelum . Baronius an . Ch. 286. Notes for div A36721-e18290 Petau de D●ctr . Temp. lib. xi . cap. 31. Balus . in Notis ad Lactant. * Pagi an . 284. num ; 3. p. 112. Pagi Dissert . by● . cap. 2. num . 8. Theod ▪ Ruin. Praf . in Act. Man. alii r●se●uerunt non nulla qua in illis Act is displicebant . Eutrop lib. 10. Divisusque inter eos Romanus Orbis . Oros. lib. primi Imp. Rom. in du●s partes determinaverant . Eutrop. lib. 7. Mamert . in gene●hli● su● finein . Vt vero lucem ●en●ibus extu●istis , exi● de soluta res 〈◊〉 j●g●●er mar●nt . Eus●b . lib. 8. cap. 12. and 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . An●h . Pagi ad an . Ch. 298. Lactant. de Mort. Perse● . cap. 10. Lactant. de Morte Persecut . cap. 10. E●●am milites cogi ad n●fanda Sacrificia prae●ipit , ut qui non paruissent mili●ia solverentur . Hactenus furor ejus & ir a processi● . Hirtius lib. 5 . ●e Bello Africano . * Sulpitius Sever. lib. 2. pag. 387. Sed id inter Persecu●i●nes um computatu● . Ade● res 〈◊〉 nego●●● f●it quam ut ad Ecclesiarum v●lnera perveniret . Notes for div A36721-e21490 Mezeray Hist . do France avant Clovis liv . 2. pag. 219. Gaud in the old Gallick language , in low British goúer , & in High dutch wald signifie Wood. Sulpitius Severus , lib. 2. pag. 283. * ac tum primum inter Gallias Martyria visa , seriùs trans Alpés Religione suscepta . Pagl . 214. Galliarum nomine antiquam Narbonensem Provinci●m minimè comprebendit . Mez. Hist . of France before Clovis lib. 2. pag. 219. Aegidius Bucherius Belg. Rom. num . 6. pag. 220. Bagaudas ad Rebellionem tum ferè justam Praepositorum suorum acerbitatibus & tyrannicis incitates . Savl . lib. 5. De provinciâ inceperunt esse Barbari quia non permittebantur esse Romani . Eumenius in Paneg. de schol Just . Cuper Notae in La. p. 145. H. Noris Diss . de Num. Dio. Mammer . in Paneg. pag. 91. Cum Militares habitus ignari Agricolae app●tiverunt . Cum Arator Peditem , cum Pastor Equitem , cum hostem barbarum suorum Cultorum Rusticus Vastator institutus est . Fauchet lib. 1. Antiq . Gall. Scalig. in Chro. pag. 222. Aur. Vict. Excitamanu Agrestium & Latronum ▪ quos Bagaudas Incolae Vocant . In Bagauda id temporis mora delatur . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Em. Tes . ●●isi . de Torino lib. 2. pag. 112. Ch●ogni 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a ●●●ove et giur●sse la guerra ●on●ro a' Christiani . * Passio Mart. Ag. C●●a hi ●●ut c●teri militum ad per●r thendam Christianorum multitudinem destin trentur , &c. Mezer. Etat de la Religion dans les Gaules liv . 4. pag. 486. Le-Conte An Fr. tom . 3. p. 73. Anonymum Fabulatorem qui gesta Regum Francorum scripsit . Oros . lib. 9 cap. 25. Tirlemont 2. p. ●om . 3. pag. 868. Notes for div A36721-e26850 Ex eadem Legione fuisse dicuntur etiam illi Martyres , Ursus & Victor quos soloduro passos fama confirma● , &c. Sur. rom . 5. 10. Octo. Bar. rom . 2. an . ch . 297. num . 18. Mezeray Hist . of France before Clovis Lib. 2. pag. 228. Helin . Carausius quidam Nobilis Eu. Carausius qui vilissims natus , Oros . Carausius quidem genere infimus . Baron . Martyr . Rom. pag. 402. ad 10. Oct. Sed Verona perperam legitur loco Bonae . Baron . ubi horum sanctorum Corpora requiescere accepimus . Eutro . Cum apud Bononiam pertractum Belgicae & Armoricae pacandum mare accepisset , quod Franci & Saxones infestabant . Helin . Procurator constitutus erat Provinciae quae est juxta Oceanum , ubi Franci jam secundo a sedibus expulsi juxta Gallorum & Saxonum consinia consederunt . Baron . tom . 2. an . 297. n. 18. Celebris Temporum suorum Scriptor , qui eadem omnia ex Antiquioribus Monumentis accepta brevi Sermone contexuit . Vn â Sententiâ interfici omnes decrevit , &c. * Sic interfecta est illa plane Angelica Legio . Eutrop. lib. 3. Post haec tempora etiam Carausius qui Vilissimè natus , Purpuram sumpsit & Britannias occupavit . Orosius , loco citato , qui facile agrestium hominum imperit●m & confusam manum militari virtu●e compescuit . Deinde Carausius quidam genere insimus , &c. An. Pagi an . 286. pag. 116. Henri Noris . Diss . 1. de Num. smpp . Dio. & Max. Bagaudian Aurelius Victor . Quo bello Carausius Menapiae Civis , fact is promptioribus enituit eoque eum simul quiae gubernandi ( quo officio adolescentiam m●rcede exercueraet ) gnarus habebatur parandae Classi , & prpulsandis Germanis maria infestantibus praefecere . Notes for div A36721-e30480 Martyr . Rom. Baron . dec . Kal. Oct. pag. 375. Theodoret . de Evang . vers . lib. 8. Theodoret . Dial. 1. p. 37. Hieron . de Script . Ec. c. 33. Genand . de Script . Eccles . cap. 1. Cassiod . Lect. Div. cap. 32. Gennad . cap. 37. Mabillon Mus . Ital. Tom. 1. p. 2. Gennadio duce restitui possunt . Ado Martyr . 7. Kal. 7. bris . Mr. le Prefident Cousin dans son advertissementa . le Histoire de Eusebe . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Dupin . Nov. Bibl. ●om . 3. Voss . de Hist. Lat. lib. 2. cap. 14. Joannis Launoij Diss . de Auth. Arg. neg . p. 190. Joann . Bap. Thiers Exercit. 〈◊〉 53. part . 6. Greg. Turon . lib. 10. Hist . Franc. cap. 3. & Glor. Miracul . cap. 76. Venant . Fortun. lib. 2. carm . 15. Dupin Nov. Bibl. Tom. 5. p. 90. Psal . 19. Col. 3. Crantzius Sax. 7. 16. Valesiana pag. 48 , Menagij animad . in Diog. La. pag. 493. Baron . Ann. ad an . 317. Sect. 23. Cumdoleamus ab Eusebio praetermissa &c. Saints de Contrebande . It alludes to prohibited Wares unlawfully and surreptitiously imported without paying Custom , which are call'd in French Marchandises de Contrebande . Notes for div A36721-e36300 Albasp . p. 250. fol imppar . Bellarm. lib. 1. de Chr. cap. 13. St. James cb . 5. v. 16. 1. Thess . 1. vers . 9. Deut. 29. vers . 48. Acts of the French Clergy of 1685 , A●●i . 6. 2 Tim. 1. 10. 2 Cor. c. 5. v. 21. Heb. 7. 25. Alexand. Al. quaest . 93. num . 1. Artic. 4. 1 Cor. 1. 13. The Duke of Rohan ▪ The Bishop of Tournay . Perez de Trad. part . 3. cons . 7. pag. 197. Blondel in Epist . Pontif . pag. 308. Athan. Epist , ad Adelph . 2. contr . Arr. Hilar. de Trinit . lib. 8. & 12. Bellarm. de Bea● . Sanct. lib. 1. c. 19. Richlieu Tract . Conv●r . lib. 3. c. 4. Bibl. Patr Gr. Lat. 2. Pag. 17. Dicebatur olim annue nobis Domine ut animae famuli tui Leonis haec prosit Oratio . Ho●ie aurem dicitur ut Interc●ssione Beati Leonis hac nobis prosit Oratio . Bibl. pp. ● . 9. rom . 2. p. 62. Origen . contra Cels . Tir● ▪ 8. & 5. August . contra Epis . 1. Parm. lib. 2. cap. 8. Aug. de Civi● . Dei. lib. 22. c. 19. Iren. lib. 2. cap. 57. Tertul. Apol. cap. 17. & 30. Theo ●o 〈◊〉 in Cels . 2. 18. & ● . 7. Euseb . lib. 4. cap. 25. Malbranche Moral . c. 9. pag. 156. Missal p. 353. and 359. Brev. p. 826. die 18. Jan. die 15. Octob. pag 1095 , &c.